An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank
Date: 2010-05-27T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; Great Britain -- Colonies -- America -- Early works to 1800

The Project Gutenberg eBook of An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms

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Title: An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms

Author: Josiah Tucker

Release date: May 27, 2010 [eBook #32557]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/32557

Credits: E-text prepared by the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries (http://www.archive.org/details/americana)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN HUMBLE ADDRESS AND EARNEST APPEAL TO THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND, WHO, BY THEIR GREAT AND PERMANENT INTEREST IN LANDED PROPERTY, THEIR LIBERAL EDUCATION, ELEVATED RANK, AND ENLARGED VIEWS, ARE THE ABLEST TO JUDGE, AND THE FITTEST TO DECIDE, WHETHER A CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM THE CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA, BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS ***

E-text prepared by the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
(http://www.pgdp.net)
from page images generously made available by
Internet Archive/American Libraries
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Note:

Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive/American Libraries. See http://www.archive.org/details/humbleaddressear00tuck

AN

HUMBLE ADDRESS

AND

EARNEST APPEAL

TO

THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES
IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

WHO,

BY THEIR GREAT AND PERMANENT INTEREST
IN LANDED PROPERTY,
THEIR LIBERAL EDUCATION, ELEVATED RANK,
AND ENLARGED VIEWS,
ARE THE ABLEST TO JUDGE, AND THE FITTEST TO DECIDE,

WHETHER A

CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM

THE

CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA,
BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE
LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS.

Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit. Hor.

BY JOSIAH TUCKER, D. D.
DEAN OF GLOCESTER.

GLOCESTER:
PRINTED BY R. RAIKES;
AND SOLD BY
T. CADELL, in the STRAND, LONDON.
M.DCC.LXXV.

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS, &c.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

hough the Author of the ensuing Tract may be below your Notice, as an Individual, yet the Subject he treats upon, highly deserves your most serious Attention. In the present unhappy Disputes between the Parent-State and the Colonies, he undertakes to point out, what Measures the Landed-Interest of Great-Britain and Ireland ought to pursue in future, for the Sake of themselves and their Posterity. And if what he has to offer, should, after a due Examination, be found to be reasonable, solid, and satisfactory, he relies so much on your own good Sense and Judgment, as to believe, that you will not reject his Plan, merely because it originated from an inferior Hand. This is all the Favour he asks, or expects from you.

Upon this Subject, he waves the Consideration of every Thing, which might have a Tendency to keep the present Question out of Sight. Great-Britain and her Colonies are now at open War. This is the Fact. But if it should be asked, How these Things came to pass? From what Causes did they spring? Which are the real, and which are the apparent Motives in this Controversy? Moreover, who were originally and principally to blame? And what Methods ought to have been taken at first, in order to have prevented Matters from coming to their present Height?—The Author having already given his Sentiments on each of these Heads in his 3d, 4th, and 5th preceding Tracts, and also in his Letter to Mr. Burke, will not here repeat the same Things.—The grand Object now before him is simply this; Great Britain and her Colonies are at open War: And the proper and important Question arising from such a Fact is the following, What is to be done at the present Crisis?

Three Schemes have been proposed;—the Parliamentary,—Mr. Burke’s,—and my own.

The Parliamentary Scheme is,—To maintain vi et armis the Supremacy of the Mother-Country over her Colonies, in as full and ample a Manner, as over any Part of the British Dominions.

Mr. Burke’s is, [tho’ not in express Words] To resign or relinquish the Power of the British Parliament over the Colonies, and to erect each Provincial Assembly into an independent American Parliament;—subject nevertheless to the King of Great-Britain, with his usual Prerogatives:—For which Favour of acknowledging the same Sovereign, the Colonists are to be complimented with the most precious Rights, Privileges, and Advantages of British Subjects:—I say, complimented, and complimented even gratuitously:—For as to their contributing any Proportion, either of Men or Money, towards the public Expence, and in Return for those Favours—All this is to be entirely left to their own innate Goodness and Generosity, to do just as they please.

My Scheme [which Mr. Burke, in his last Speech of March 22, 1775, is pleased to term a childish one] is,—To separate totally from the Colonies, and to reject them from being Fellow-Members, and joint Partakers with us in the Privileges and Advantages of the British Empire; because they refuse to submit to the Authority and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature:—Offering at the same Time to enter into Alliances of Friendship, and Treaties of Commerce with them, as with any other sovereign, independent States.

Now, in order to determine, which of these Schemes is the most eligible;—it would be right to consider, which is the easiest and most practicable,—which is least expensive,—which is likeliest to prevent similar Disturbances and Disputes for the future,—and which will least endanger the English Constitution and our domestic Tranquility. For all these Circumstances ought to be taken into the Account, before a due Judgment can be formed.

In regard to the first, I wish for the present to be silent about it;—partly out of Respect to that august Body, which has given a Sanction to it;—partly because it is now upon Trial, whether it can be executed or not;—and partly likewise because this must fall of Course, if either Mr. Burke’s, or mine, should be judged to have the Preference. For these Reasons, I say, I wish to keep a respectful Silence on this Head.

But in respect to Mr. Burke, I need not stand on so much Ceremony. For tho’ he is confessedly a great Rhetorician, and can with his magic Voice raise a mighty Tempest of metaphorical Lightenings and Thunders;—yet, Heaven be praised, there is the Period of all his Powers: And his verba ardentia, his flaming Words, are found to end at last (like many other Explosions) in Noise and Smoke. Nor doth it, I humbly apprehend, at all follow, that the Orator is endowed with a greater Portion of political Discernment than other Men, or with more disinterested Sincerity, and real Love of his Country, in making a just and honest Application of that Discernment;—merely because he has more Words at Command, and can muster up a greater Army of bright Similes, and florid Expressions.

But be that as it may:—I now consider myself as standing at the Bar of the public Tribunal: And therefore before the Jury is struck, and the Trial begins, I humbly beg Leave to claim, and to exercise one of the distinguishing Privileges of Englishmen in such Cases, viz. To except against all such Persons in the Pannel, who appear to be under a wrong Biass, and an undue Influence respecting the Nature of this Dispute.

And 1st. I except against Courtiers and Placemen, considered as such. This is not uttered out of a Spirit of Resentment, Pique, or Disappointment, according to the Mode of modern Times. For, I thank God, I have no Cause to complain of any Disappointment; having since my Advancement to the Deanery of Glocester in the Year 1758, neither directly nor indirectly made the least, or the most distant Application for any other or higher Station. This Renunciation of aspiring Views is a Circumstance, which I am persuaded Mr. Burke knew perfectly well, by various Means, and from different Persons, especially from a noble Lord, formerly high in Office, and a great Favourite at Court, but now his Coadjutor, and a flaming Patriot. And yet the Orator has been pleased to characterize me by Name in his Speech of the 19th of April, 1774, with out any Provocation, as one of those Court-Vermin (such was his polite Phrase) who would do any thing for the Sake of a Bishopric.—Moreover I do not make this Exception against Courtiers from any bad Opinion I have conceived of the present Set of Ministers; for I think it may be fairly allowed, without paying them any Compliment, that they are to the full as able, and as honest as the best of those who are endeavouring to supplant them. But nevertheless, as they are subject to many unhappy Biasses, which may draw their Judgments aside without sinister Intentions, they ought to be excepted against in the present Dispute. In fact, while the great Continent of North America shall continue to be united to this Island under any mode whatever, Persons in Administration will necessarily have a Multitude of Places and Sine-cures to dispose of, many lucrative Contracts to bestow; and, to speak in coarse tho’ very expressive English, many Jobs of various Kinds, wherewith to gratify their Friends, and Dependents. Not to mention, that if ever a total Separation (such as proposed by my Plan) should ensue, the Ministry for the Time being, would run a great Risque of falling a Sacrifice to the blind Zeal of popular Discontents, and the knavish Intrigues of Party-Factions. Therefore for all these Reasons, I must insist, that Courtiers and Placemen ought to be excepted against, as being not sufficiently unbiassed, or disinterested to determine impartially on the present Subject.

2dly. I particularly except against the whole Band of Mock-Patriots. And my Reason is, because this Race of Men will of Course, prefer that Scheme, whatever it be, which can furnish them with the most lasting Fund for Opposition and Complaint. Now it is evident, that our Conjunction with North-America, upon any Terms, and under any, or every Modification, will not fail of becoming an inexhaustible Source of Altercation and Reproach, let whatever Measures be pursued. For Example: Had the Ministry proposed at first that very Scheme, which Mr. Burke has now thought proper to recommend, the Heads of the Faction, and even Mr. Burke himself (if he had not been a Pensioner to North-America) would most probably have proposed just the Reverse; that is, they and he would have insisted on the Necessity of obliging the Colonies to contribute a Share, proportionable to their Interests, and to the growing Benefits they receive, towards the Maintenance, the Grandeur, and the Glory of that Empire, from which their own Preservation and Prosperity are derived. And then the popular Cry would have been, that a wicked and a profligate Administration were going to sacrifice the Honour and Dignity of the British Crown, and the dear-bought Rights and Privileges of the British Nation to American Gold, and American Ingratitude.—Then we should have been told (and every Town and Country News-Paper would have echoed and re-echoed the Tale) that America was the Property of Great-Britain by every possible and legal Claim;—by Right of Discovery,—Right of Occupancy,—Right of Possession,—uninterrupted Prescription,—Communication of Benefits,—Participation of Posts of Honour, and Places of Profit,—general Protection,—never-ceasing Defence, &c. &c. And then we should have been told with peculiar Emphasis, that this new-fangled, ministerial Scheme of erecting so many new Parliaments, all co-ordinate with each other, under one general Monarch, was not only a notorious Breach of the English Constitution, and utterly repugnant to the Law of the Land,—but was also a deep-laid, diabolical Contrivance to subjugate these petty Parliaments, one after another, and all in their Turns, to the irresistible Power of one grand Despot:—In short, then it would have been said (and with great Appearance of Truth) that divide, et impera was the ministerial Maxim;—and that, what was done, or going to be done in America, was only the Omen and Prelude to the like fatal Establishments here in Britain. For the next Step would be (and upon a Pretence full as good, and altogether as constitutional) to break to Pieces the united Force of the British Parliament, by erecting one diminutive Assembly of States at Edinburgh, another at York, a third at London, and a fourth at Bath, or Exeter, or somewhere in the West: And then, partly by flattering and cajoling,—partly by Bribes or Bullying,—by exciting their Hopes, or their Fears at one Time,—and their Jealousies at another,—and by playing off each of these puny Assemblies against its Rival, the Minister would necessarily become omnipotent;—and then farewell to the Liberties of Old England.

3dly. I object also against all those of whatever Denomination, from the roaring Patriot in the Senate, to the miserable Scribbler in the Garret, who are the Pensioners of France, or Spain, or of any other rival Power:—I say, I object against their being Judges in this Dispute, because the very Intent of their receiving Pay is to promote Discord, and to cherish Faction;—and because they cannot earn their Wages with more Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between Great-Britain and her Colonies.

But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. Burke’s very smart Expressions) will be apt to say, “Who are those Persons against whom your Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence.”

To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following Answers.

1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected, that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking, this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, That there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us—surely we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of political Machinations, to unravel the rest.

Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of Charles the Second, and William the Third, that is, just before, and just after the Revolution, there were many venal Englishmen, both in the Senate and out of it, the Pensioners of France; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered, speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure, disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old England!

Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that France and Spain want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot now, as heretofore, find them here in Britain. In regard to the first of these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And most certain it is, that both the former Spanish (or the No-Search) War, and the latter French (or the Acadia and Ohio) War, were begun and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited Ports of the Spanish West-Indies; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun, without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause will the other Powers of Europe have to fear our giving them any Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government, and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual Service to the Courts of France and Spain, than thirty Times these Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and embarking Troops for an Invasion.

If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it credible, that a popular British Senator, a British Pamphleteer, or a British News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself. Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: “Beware of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep’s Cloathing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth good Fruit.—Wherefore by their Fruits ye shall know them.” I say, there was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses. But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry, Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].

4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of Republican Principles for very obvious Reasons; for tho’ they dignify themselves by the Name of Whigs, yet as they are not the genuine, constitutional Whigs of this Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfœtation, and the avowed Enemies of the British Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in a British Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for continuing and cementing the Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous Zeal for America, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of their native Country? The Reason is this:—They think, that by cherishing and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving the Way for introducing a similar Establishment into Great-Britain. Therefore Republicism is the Bond of Union between these unnatural Englishmen and their Fellow-Labourers of America: Republicism, I say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a better] is made the common Cause for uniting Persons of the most discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.

And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the Reigns of Charles II. James II. and William III. joined the Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People, might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one Family should be so much exalted above themselves, in Contradiction to their darling Maxim of a natural Equality. And this Scheme for laying the Foundation of a new and equal Republic is what the Republicans really intend by using the Phrase Revolution Principles at this Day. In short, we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of France first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in England, somewhat after the Example of that of Holland, than any Kind of Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple Democracy. Moreover in some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of Hanover, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House, notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes, like the Prisoners in Polyphemus’s Den, to be devoured the last. A mighty Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of Hanover!

And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and Placemen as such,—against pretended Patriots on every Account,—against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,—and against rank Republicans;—my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. Burke and me may be tried by the Landed Interest only. They are certainly the properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have the most at Stake; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in North America, but what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account, in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich themselves, tho’ at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their native Country.

Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and Regard. In the former Spanish [or no-search] War, you spent above Sixty Millions Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh Debts contracted:—And in the last French, Ohio, or Acadia War, you spent above Ninety Millions Sterling, if computed after the same Manner, viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all, alas! for what!!!![2]

But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to come.

The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. Burke and me, is, which of Our Schemes is the easiest to be executed, and the most practicable? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made by them in Favour of Great Britain. Now this Proposal can never terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the following Suppositions.

First, that the Parliament and People of Great-Britain are now convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to bind the Americans: Because they (the Americans) have their own Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere Repentance, is Restitution. Or, secondly, though we should not give up the Point of Right, of making Laws, and cry peccavimus,—yet we take for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold Concessions, contained in Mr. Burke’s Scheme; because we have to deal with a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every Thing, as being the Quintessence of Honour and Honesty, both in public and private Life, and particularly the fair unsullied Monuments of national Gratitude.

Or if this likewise should prove to be a Pill too large, and too nauseous for Englishmen to swallow;—then, thirdly, we are to suppose, in order to end all Controversy, that the Trade with these North-Americans is so essential to our Interests, as a commercial Nation, that we must keep them in good Humour at any Rate, and at any Expence;—least they should deprive us of their Custom, to the utter Ruin of our Manufactures, Shipping, Navigation, &c. &c. &c.

Or lastly, we must suppose, that old England is in Fact grown so exceedingly weak and impotent, and America so very strong and powerful, that it is in vain to resist any Encroachments, which the Colonies may make on the Mother-Country:—For in such Circumstances, it is more prudent to submit to the present Evils, great as they are, than to provoke our Conquerors to inflict still greater.

I say, one or other of these four Suppositions must necessarily be made, before Mr. Burke’s Plan can terminate in real Peace, and restore that Harmony, of which he makes such continual Boastings. Let him therefore, at his own Leisure, take his Choice of either of the four, or even adopt them all, if he pleases, and make the most of them.

In the mean while, deign, my Lords and Gentlemen, to cast your Eyes on my Plan (childish as it is represented by him to be) of a total Separation. And first of all, is it practicable in itself? And could it be executed with Ease, if heartily set about?—Suppose therefore, that you were to recall your Fleets and Armies, and publish to the Americans the following Manifesto, couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament.

“Whereas many of the British Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations in North-America, after having made, from Time to Time, various Attempts to throw off, or subvert the legislative Authority and Jurisdiction of Great-Britain, have at length proceeded to the greatest and most daring Outrages for accomplishing the same, by entering into illegal Combinations and traiterous Conspiracies, and even by breaking out into open and undisguised Rebellion: And whereas the Inhabitants in general of the said Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations shew not the least Signs of Sorrow and Contrition for their past Offences, nor any Desire to implore the Clemency of the Parent-State, which hath in all Instances cherished, supported, and protected them at an immense Expence both of Blood, and Treasure; but on the contrary, continue to encrease their hostile Preparations for opposing, by Violence and Force of Arms, the Execution of the Laws made by the supreme Legislature of Parliament for the due Governance, and constitutional Dependence of such subordinate States and Provinces;

“Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons of Great-Britain in Parliament assembled;—that every such Province, Colony, and Plantation which either now is, or at the   Day of   next ensuing shall be found to be in Arms and Rebellion against the Laws and Authority of the supreme Legislature of Great-Britain, shall, from and after the Time above mentioned, be totally cut off, severed, and separated from the British Empire; and that all its Inhabitants shall be declared, and are hereby declared to have lost and forfeited all Privileges and Advantages, Benefits and Protection both by Sea and Land, belonging, or supposed to belong to the Subjects of Great-Britain; and that they shall be deemed, taken, and reputed, in all Courts of Law, and in all Respects whatever, to be as much Aliens and Foreigners, and subject to the same Incapacities, as if they had been Aliens born.

“Provided nevertheless, and to the Intent, that as far as the Nature of the Case will admit, the Innocent may not be involved in the Punishment intended only for the Guilty; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, and for his Heirs and Successors, at any Time, to grant a Pardon to a whole State, Province, or Colony, now in Rebellion, under the Great Seal of the Realm; or to one or more Inhabitant or Inhabitants thereof under the Seal Manual, and to restore such Colony, or such Person or Persons to their former Rights and Privileges, as British Subjects, when it shall appear to his Majesty in Council, that such a Province, or Colony, or such a Petitioner or Petitioners is, are, or shall be deserving of his Royal Clemency and Favour.”

Suppose, I say, such a Manifesto, or one to this Effect, and couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament, to be proclaimed to the World concerning the Rebellion now existing in America: And then I ask, what possible Difficulty could attend the Execution of it? Or who would even attempt to prevent it? The only People or Nation, who would wish to obstruct the Execution of such a Law, are the Americans themselves; for they have no Manner of Objection against participating in all Kinds of Benefits to be derived from an Union with us; tho’ they raise such terrible Outcries against sharing in any of our Burthens: And yet their Efforts and Opposition would all be in vain; because, tho’ you should even allow, that they are able to maintain their Independence in America, that Circumstance would not render them the Conquerors of Great-Britain, much less of the rest of the World; who must of Course remain independent of them.

Therefore, so far at least my System must have the Preference to Mr. Burke’s.

2dly. The next Question is, Which System, can be carried into Execution with the least Expence? And surely as we have hitherto been engaged in nothing but Profusion and Extravagance, it is now high Time to adopt, if we can, some useful Scheme of Frugality and Œconomy in regard to America.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, here again permit me to ask, What Expences can possibly attend the Execution of my Scheme?—The Thing itself is no sooner said, than done. And all the Charges attending it are summed up in the triffling Articles of Pen, Ink, Paper, and Printing. Whereas Mr. Burke’s System, even according to his own Account, will entail upon you Expences always encreasing, nay, next to infinite. You must, for Example, win over the Heads and Leaders of the new American Parliaments by means of “Great Honours and great Emoluments,” [A pretty Periphrasis this to describe the Art of Bribing!] in order to cooperate with the Plans of the British Parliament, and to bear a Share of the general Burthens of the British Empire.

You must also guard their Coasts at all Times, and protect them from all Invaders: And when they chuse to amuse themselves by going on smuggling, trucking, huckstering, and buccaneering Parties on the Spanish Main, then you must more particularly stand up in their Defence, and insist on their Vessels not being searched by the Spanish Guarda-costas. And if the Spaniards should think this an hard Measure, and appeal to the Practice and Example of Englishmen themselves, who never fail to search the Ships of all Nations, if found hovering on their Coasts, you must positively and vehemently say, that the Case is widely different:—Then you have a sufficient Plea for declaring War against them;—then, my Lords and Gentlemen, resolve (as your Predecessors did before) never to make Peace ’till the Right of Searching is given up;—then spend another sixty or ninety Millions in this new Quarrel;—and at last make Peace, (as they did) without ever mentioning the Right of not being searched; for which alone they pretended to go to War.

But this is not all:—For when the Back-Settlers in America shall have “topped the Apalachian Mountains in sufficient Numbers to constitute Hords of English Tartars, pouring down an irresistible Cavalry on the unfortified Frontiers;”—who is to resist these Irresistibles?—Not the Colonists or Provincials; for they, poor People, tho’ now 150,000 strong, [see General Lee’s Letter] to fight against their Protectors and Defenders, will nevertheless be so frightened at the Sight of this Apalachian Tartar Cavalry, that they will again cry out for Help to the Mother-Country;—again, I say, as they did before, when only an handful of [3] French and Indians appeared against them. And indeed, if the Mother-Country will act the Part of Don Quixote to that Degree, as to expend her best Blood and Treasure in their Cause, why should they incur any Dangers in their own dear Persons? Why be at the Pains and Charges of defending themselves, when they can so easily get the British Nation to fight, and bleed, and do every Thing for them? Besides Mr. Burke has already declared in express Terms, [Page 98, 2d. Edit.] that America must not be exhausted. Exhaust, therefore, yourselves, my Lords and Gentlemen! as much as you please, or as much as you can; but don’t expect Assistance from America, even in her own Defence, whilst she can get such Knight-Errants as the English to fight her Battles; and whilst she can raise Patriots and Pamphleteers, News-Writers and Republicans, without Number, to yell the American War Hoop, and to denounce BLACK and BITTER Days against those, who should even hesitate to obey her Commands.

But the third Question is, Which Scheme is best calculated to prevent the like Disturbances for the future?

And here I would humbly beg Leave to observe, that if my Scheme had nothing else to recommend it to your Notice, it most infallibly cuts off all the present Causes of Dispute and Contention between the two Countries; so that they never can revive again. Whereas Mr. Burke’s is, at best, but a temporary Cessation from Hostilities; a mere Truce, ’till both Parties can be recruited, and better provided to begin the War again. Nay, his would be found in the Event,—not only to be no Manner of Cure or Palliation of the present Evils, but even greatly to foment them, and also to engender many new ones.

For Example:—Granting, that Peace was made on the very Terms, which Mr. Burke requires:—Granting, that we repealed every Act of Parliament to which the Americans have thought proper to object:—Granting also, that we renounce for ever any Claim of Right to levy Taxes:—And granting, in short, that the American Assemblies became so many distinct Parliaments, supreme within themselves, and independent of all others:—Still, whilst these American Independents are to be protected by the British Flag; whilst they are to enjoy all the Rights and Privileges of natural-born British Subjects, both at Home, and Abroad, and in every Part of the Globe,—Questions will, and must, and ought to arise, on what Terms are these independent Americans to be thus protected? And what Compensation is to be made to the Mother-Country, for communicating to them her most valuable Rights and Privileges? Are they really to enjoy all Posts of Honour and Preferment, and all Places of Trust and Profit, and to be entitled to every Sort of Advantage, [4] Safeguard, and Protection, equally with the Natives of Great-Britain; and yet to make no Recompence or Acknowledgement for all these Favours?—The Answer of every staunch American, and of Mr. Burke their Advocate General, must be as follows, (for on their Principles they can return no other) That each independent American Parliament will be ready to give and to grant to Great Britain, by Way of Recompense or Gratification, the whole Sum of—whatever they shall think proper, and no more[5]. And that in respect to the Regulations of American Commerce, they will consent, that you shall put whatever nominal Restraints you please upon it, provided you will not enforce such Restraints by any Forfeitures or Penalties, which shall imply the most distant Idea of Taxation;—and provided also that, if Offences should be supposed to be committed, they, (the Americans) and no others shall be allowed to be Judges both of the Nature, and of the Degree of each Offence; and that the Cause shall be tried no where else, but in their own American Courts, and by their own American Juries.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, suffer me I beseech you, to appeal to your own good Sense and Understandings on this Head.—Ask yourselves this plain Question, Is such a Plan of Reconciliation as Mr. Burke proposes, a likely Method of terminating the present Disputes between the Mother-Country and her Colonies? Nay ask farther;—Hath it so much as a Tendency to cool and moderate them? Or rather doth it not seem much better contrived to enflame, than to extinguish; to kindle new Fires, than to quench old ones?

Besides, when each of these American Assemblies shall be erected into a distinct Parliament, supreme within itself, and independent of the rest,—Is it possible to suppose, that no new Disputes, or new Differences will arise between such co-ordinate States and rival Powers;—neighbouring, jealous, and contending Powers, I say, whose respective Limits are in many Instances as yet undefined, if really definable! And is it at all consistent with any Degree of common Sense, or daily Experience, to suppose that such Combustibles as these will not speedily catch Fire?—Especially, if we take into the Account, the discordant Tempers of the Inhabitants of these respective Provinces, their inbred Hatreds and Antipathies against each other, their different Modes of Life, the Differences of Climate, Religion, Manners, Habits of Thinking, &c. &c.

Now, when Tumults and Disorders shall arise from any of these various Causes,—What is to be done? And to whom, or to what common Head, or general Umpire is the appellant Province to carry her Complaint?—The Parliament of Great-Britain, it seems, must no longer interfere; for that is no longer the supreme Head of the Empire, to which all the Parts used to be subordinate, and professed to be obedient; therefore, being destitute of any authoritative or constitutional Right to compel Submission, all it can do, is to offer its good Services by Way of Mediation; and that is, generally speaking, just nothing at all.

Is then the King (abstracted from the Parliament) to be appealed to in this arduous Affair? And is he alone (in his mere personal Capacity) to command the Peace to be preserved between State and State, or Province and Province.——[6]Is he, I say (abstracted from being a King of Great-Britain) to summon all the Parties before himself and his Privy Council, in order to hear their respective Allegations, and finally to determine, and settle the Differences between them? Be it so: Then if he only is to decide, as in an Affair relating to his own private Patrimony, in which we have no more Concern than we have with Hanover,—it necessarily follows, that he must be invested with sufficient Power (independent of, and without the Consent of Parliament) to enforce these Decisions; for a Decree without a Power to enforce it, and to compel Obedience, is altogether nugatory and vain.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, this brings us to the last Point of Comparison between Mr. Burke’s, and my System, viz. Which will least endanger, or rather, which is best adapted to preserve our present happy Constitution?

Mr. Burke’s you see (if consistent with itself) must invest the Prince with an amazing Degree of Power!—Even with such a Degree, as shall be sufficient to controul the refractory States of America, from one End of the Continent to the other. Nay, what is still more, this supreme, controuling Power must be the only Center of Union throughout the Empire. Nothing besides is so much as proposed; and indeed nothing besides (when the parliamentary Connection is dissolved) can be sufficient to tie all the Parts together;—Parts so widely distant, so totally disjointed from each other, as the British Isles and the American Continent.

Now here again permit me to ask, Is not this a very alarming Circumstance even in Contemplation? And is all our boasted Zeal for Liberty to end at last only in that Union and Connection which can be procured to the several detached Parts of the Empire by Means of a Court, and of a standing Army?—A large standing Army to be kept up independently of the British Parliament!—And that too for the express Purpose of enforcing the Decrees and Arbitrations of the Court!

But this is not all; for even a standing Army would not be so formidable (because it would soon moulder away) were no Means to be found out for its Support and Maintenance: And this Scheme of many independent Parliaments points to the very Means of obtaining the necessary Supplies; for, as an ingenious Foreigner has very judiciously observed[7], “A Sovereign who depends, with regard to Supplies, on several Assemblies, in Fact depends upon none. An Agent for the American Colonies, [I suppose the Author meant Dr. Franklin] in his Examination before the House of Commons, (Anno 1766, P. 122) has even suggested in three Words the whole Substance of what I have endeavoured to prove on that Subject; when he said, The Granting Aids to the Crown is the only Means the Americans have of recommending themselves to their Sovereign. Nothing therefore could be more fatal to English Liberty (and to American Liberty in the Issue) than the Adoption of the Idea, cherished by the Americans, of having distinct independent Assemblies of their own, who should treat immediately with the King, and grant him Subsidies, to the utter Annihilation of the Power of those antient, and hitherto successful Assertors of general Liberty, the British Parliament.”

To these Reflections in this and in other Parts of his Book, the judicious Author adds many striking Examples, particularly the present State of the Want of Liberty in France and Spain, by way of confirming and corroborating his Argument. But in my humble Opinion there is still a more forcible Example to be drawn from the Case of the hereditary Dominions of the House of Austria. For it is well known, that the Princes of that House rule in as absolute a Manner over every Part of their vast Possessions as the Sovereigns either of France or Spain; and yet there are States (answering to our Parliaments) in almost every Country belonging to the Austrian Dominions; nay, these States are frequently summoned to meet together; which is not the Case with the general national Assemblies of France, or with the Cortes of Spain. How then comes it to pass,—that such Meetings produce little or no Effects in regard to the obtaining of a reasonable Degree of Liberty for the Subject, which every Subject, if in his right Senses, wishes to obtain? The Reason is obvious:—There are a Multitude of little States or Parliaments within the Territories of the House of Austria;—the States of Austria (not to mention the several still lesser States in the Netherlands) the States of Bohemia, States of Hungary, of Transilvania, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, &c. &c. But all these petty States, or Parliaments being totally independent of, and consequently Competitors with, and Rivals to each other, never can act in Concert, or pursue one general Plan, or attend to one common Interest:—So that the Power of the Prince, which would have been too weak to have contended with them all, if all had been UNITED (like the Parliament of Great-Britain) in one compact, and general Body,—becomes an Over-match for any one of them singly and disjointed from the rest:—And this is the true Reason, why the House of Austria governs all her Provinces with so high an Hand at this Day. In short, Divide et impera, explains the whole Mystery of this Affair:—And Great-Britain may here see her own Picture, drawn to the Life, if ever she should consent to the Erection of Parliaments in North-America, to be co-ordinate with her own; and at the same Time should allow these North-Americans to be Co-partners with herself in one common Empire.

But why do I labour to prove this Point? Mr. Burke himself is as conscious, as I can be, of the dreadful Effects, which must necessarily attend the Execution of his Scheme. Hear him therefore in his own Words:—[8]“We know that the Emulations of such Parties [to be created by the independent Parliaments of North-America] their Contradictions, their reciprocal Necessities, their Hopes and their Fears, must send them all in their Turns to him who holds the Balance of the State. The Parties are the Gamesters, but Government keeps the Table, and is sure to be the Winner in the End. When this Game is played, I really think, it is more to be feared, that the [American] People will be exhausted, than that Government will not be supplied.”

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen! be pleased to compare these Fears of Mr. Burke, “that the Americans will be too lavish in their Grants,—with the Hopes entertained by the Agent (just quoted from Monsieur De Lolme) that the Americans by Means of liberal Grants may recommend themselves to the good Graces of their Prince;”—and then you will have full Possession of all Dr. Franklin’s favourite Speculation for removing the Seat of Empire from hence to North-America, and for abandoning the British Isles to the Care of Deputies, Vice Roys, and Lord Lieutenants. Many of you, I make no Doubt, have heard him declare, that the great Continent of British America (which, according to his Computation, will contain nearly One Hundred Millions of Inhabitants in little more than a Century) ought to become the Seat of general Empire. And it might be easily gathered from the whole Turn of his Conversation, that he thought it no very difficult Matter in the Course of Things to bring this important Point to bear;—that is, to induce some future Sovereign of this Country to make the wished for Exchange;—partly by the Obstacles which might be thrown in his Way, were he to persist in remaining here [Obstacles, of which we have an egregious Specimen already] and partly by the alluring Temptations which might be offered him to quit this petty Spot, and reside in America.—I say, many of you must have heard Dr. Franklin haranguing after this Sort; or have seen Letters from him to the same Effect:—For that this was his darling Scheme, even before he came to reside in England, I have been well assured; as well as his favourite Topic ever afterwards. Therefore I will add, that by the Help of this Comment, we can explain many Passages in the Declarations of the grand American Congress, which otherwise must appear to be either nauseous Compliments, or gross Contradictions:—The Passages I refer to, are the Protestations so often and so solemnly repeated, that they [the Americans] have no Intention of separating from this Country; and that they have the purest Loyalty to the King, and the strongest Attachment to the illustrious House of Hanover. This Key therefore unlocks the whole Mystery of their (otherwise unaccountable) Proceedings. And as Pope said on another Occasion:

’Tis in the ruling Passion: There alone,
The Wild are constant, and the Cunning known.
This Clue, once found, unravels all the rest.
The Prospect clears, and Clodio stands confest.

In the mean Time, because his Majesty is graciously disposed to join with Great-Britain against America in this Contest for Empire, (for in Fact that is the real Dispute, whatever may be the Pretence) not only many among the Americans, which is natural enough, but (Shame to tell!) even among Englishmen themselves, vent the bitterest Reproaches against him for being the best Friend and Protector of the Mother-Country. Surely Posterity will stand amazed at such a Procedure! The like Scenes of Infatuation and Ingratitude (not to mention Disloyalty and Rebellion) never yet disgraced the Annals of the World! And it seems to be reserved as a Mark of Infamy peculiar to the present Age, and to our modern Race of Patriots, that while the Prince on the Throne is incessantly endeavouring to keep his People free, and to secure their Freedom more and more by all proper and constitutional Measures, such Numbers should be found amongst his Subjects, who are equally industrious to thwart his truly patriotic Designs, and to rush headlong into Slavery.

But as Providence very often brings the greatest Good out of the worst of Evils, let us not despair, but that these very Attempts, wicked and unnatural as they are, may be the Means of uniting all honest, and well-intentioned Men the firmer together, in order to support, and even to strengthen the present Constitution. For Example, the two great Islands of Britain and Ireland, which are only separated by a narrow Sea, ought not to be separated at all by different Governments, Laws, or Parliaments. No good Reason upon Earth can be given for such a Separation: And it has long been the ardent Wish of every true Patriot in both Nations, to see them united. Indeed, the best that can be said for the Continuance of the present absurd System is, that the City of Dublin would be a Sufferer by the Removal of the Court and Parliament:—I say, this is the very Argument, which can be urged: And yet this has no Foundation at all, but in the Prejudices of the Populace, who are almost perpetually mistaking their own Interests. Even the City of Dublin would be a very great Gainer by such a Removal: For it would acquire Industry in Exchange for Idleness; and then the Hands of its Tradesmen, by being the Hands of the Diligent, would enrich each other by reciprocal Employment;—the Hands, I say, of those very Tradesmen, who in their present State, are almost as poor, as the poorest in the Kingdom.—That this is the natural and necessary Course of Things, and not an idle Theory, or visionary Speculation, I appeal to Fact and daily Experience;—and I appeal, not only to the Case of Edinburgh, which is now three Times, at least, as rich and flourishing, as when it was the Residence of a Court, and of a Parliament; but I appeal also to almost every Town in Ireland: Cork and Belfast for Example, have neither Courts, nor Parliaments; and yet their Merchants, Manufacturers, and Traders are much richer in Proportion to their Numbers, than those of Dublin: And what is still more extraordinary, those little Towns, which once thought themselves happy in procuring Barracks to be erected among them, in order to obtain, as they fondly imagined, the Benefit of a great Flow of Money, are now perfectly convinced, that Towns without Barracks, or Towns from which Barracks have been removed, are in a much more flourishing Condition, then those which have them.—Of so mischievous a Tendency is the Circulation of Money, when it becomes the Means of introducing Idleness, and of preventing Industry. For, reason as long as you will on the Subject, the actual State of Things will ever prove itself to be this, that Idleness is the Parent of Poverty, and Industry the only Source of real Riches.

But, my Lords and Gentlemen, this is not all; and my Scheme of an Union with Ireland is calculated not only to introduce Wealth, and to prevent Idleness in the single City of Dublin; but also to diffuse constitutional Strength and Firmness, and to create a Stability and Compactness throughout the whole Empire: Whereas Mr. Burke’s has as necessary a Tendency to weaken and disjoint every Part of it, and to sow Jealousies and Dissentions both at Home and Abroad, in the Mother-Country, and in the Colonies:—The unavoidable Consequence of which would be at the last, arbitrary and despotic Power. In one Word, the true Motto for my Scheme is, Vis unita fortior; and for his, Divide et impera. Judge therefore, as Men who are more deeply concerned in preserving and improving the present Constitution, than any Class of Men whatever;—judge, I say, whether Mr. Burke’s Scheme or mine, in regard to America, ought to have the Preference. You have every Means of Information now at your Command: Your Birth, your Rank, and Education, lift you up much above the Prejudices of the Vulgar; whilst your patrimonial Estates and ample Fortunes screen you from a Multitude of those Temptations, to which other Men are grievously exposed. And yet, my Lords and Gentlemen, let me tell you, that if you will not exert yourselves on this trying Occasion, in some Degree proportionate to the Importance of the Cause now before you, perhaps it may never be in your Power to exert yourselves hereafter, when you would wish most ardently to do it. Remember, therefore, I beseech you, the Words, the emphatic, and perhaps even the prophetic, Words of a celebrated Partizan, whose Name I need not mention:—“Why, Gentlemen, will not you, who are Men of great Landed Estates, take an active Part in the present Disputes? Your Neutrality, I do assure you, will not protect you. For if you will still remain inactive at such a Crisis, what has happened before will happen again; and the *****’s and the *****’s who have but little to lose, but may have much to get in Times of general Confusion, will certainly become the great Men of this Nation.”

Fas est et ab hoste doceri.

Indeed the Estates of the Church, we all know, will fall the first Sacrifice, should the Republican Party now prevail. But nevertheless, if you, my Lords and Gentlemen, should be so weak as to imagine, that Matters will stop there; and that your own large Possessions, your splendid Titles, your hereditary Honours, and ample Privileges will escape unhurt, amidst that general Wreck of private Property, and Crush of Subordination, which will necessarily ensue; you will be woefully mistaken:—And I must beg Leave to say, that you will have profited but very little, by what has been so well written in the Annals of this very Country, for your Instruction and Admonition. For depend upon it, the Use of Committee-Men, and the Business of Sequestrators are not yet forgot; depend upon it, I say, that Ways and Means are still to be found out, for the lowest of the People to get at the Possession of the greatest of your Estates, as well in these, as in former Times. Their Appetites are equally keen:—And if these hungry Patriots should succeed, after such an Example is set before your Eyes, who are you to blame but yourselves?—In one Word, you know, or ought to know, that even the tender Mercies of a Republic are cruel. Or, if you are not yet convinced of the Truth of this Assertion, look abroad into the World; nay, look into what is now doing by the Republican Congresses in America; and then see how you would approve such Men as these for your Masters.

HERE therefore I willingly close the whole Dispute between Mr. Burke and me: And I most chearfully submit the Decision of this important Question to those (but to those only) who are the best qualified, the most able, and the most concerned to decide impartially. What therefore is to follow in this Treatise, is to be considered rather ex abundanti, than as strictly necessary for the Support of my Argument, and the Confutation of my Opponent. Yet, seeing that the following Points may serve to elucidate some of the former, and seeing that so much has been said, and such confident Boastings have been uttered, concerning the Advantages, and even the Immensity of the Colony-Trade; I will enter the more particularly into these Matters.

And first of all, and previous to any Enquiry into the Fact, I enter a solemn Protest against the disingenuous Artifice, so often practiced by the Partizans of America, viz. That of begging the Question. They beg the Question, when they take for granted, that if America were separated from Great-Britain, all commercial Intercourse would cease between the two Countries. For this is the very Point, which they ought to have proved, instead of taking it for granted. And prove it they never can, ’till they shall have first demonstrated, that the Americans will no longer adhere to their own Interest, when they shall be disunited from us. A difficult Task this! In regard to which, they will find all the World to be Unbelievers. Indeed I have already so effectually silenced this Plea in my Fourth Tract from Page 203 to Page 220, [2d Edit. printed for Rivington, &c.] that I hope I may be excused from repeating the same Things. And as the Arguments there urged have never been attempted to be answered, notwithstanding so much Good-Will to do it, and that my Opponents most certainly would do it, if they could, the natural Conclusion is, that they are UNANSWERABLE.

Therefore I now enter upon the Subject itself; and as the Trade to Holland and Germany (and more particularly to Hanover) hath been frequently represented as being very inconsiderable, and of small Importance; I have for this very Reason, selected this Trade from others, to make it the Subject of our Comparison with the Trade to all the revolted Provinces of North-America.

An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Germany and Holland; and also to those North-American Provinces, which are now under the Dominion of the Congress, for nine Years successively, viz. from Christmas 1763 to Christmas 1772, distinguishing each Country, and each Year.

From Christmas 1763
to Christmas 1764.

1765.

1766.

1767.

1768.

1769.

1770.

1771.

1772.

Totals.

| Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports. | Value of Exports.
| £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d. | £. | s. | d.
Germany | 2,264,315 | 3 | 9 | 1,869,465 | 18 | 8 | 1,811,268 | 2 | 3 | 1,506,293 | 10 | 11 | 1,499,732 | 0 | 4 | 1,338,866 | 9 | 8 | 1,272,569 | 0 | 4 | 1,316,492 | 1 | 4 | 1,354,181 | 6 | 6 | 14,233,183 | 13 | 9
Holland | 2,040,467 | 9 | 9 | 2,026,772 | 16 | 11 | 1,602,924 | 6 | 7 | 1,539,705 | 18 | 0 | 1,744,974 | 5 | 8 | 1,658,551 | 13 | 1 | 1,766,333 | 10 | 2 | 1,685,397 | 16 | 0 | 1,997,815 | 1 | 4 | 16,060,942 | 17 | 6
Total of both Countries | 30,294,126 | 11 | 3
The REVOLTED PROVINCES of North-America.
Carolina | 305,808 | 1 | 6 | 334,709 | 12 | 8 | 296,732 | 1 | 4 | 244,093 | 6 | 0 | 289,868 | 12 | 3 | 306,600 | 5 | 6 | 146,273 | 17 | 0 | 409,169 | 9 | 4 | 449,610 | 2 | 2 | 2,782,865 | 7 | 7
New-England’s four Provinces | 459,765 | 0 | 11 | 451,299 | 14 | 7 | 409,642 | 7 | 6 | 406,081 | 9 | 2 | 419,797 | 9 | 4 | 207,993 | 14 | 3 | 394,451 | 7 | 5 | 1,420,119 | 1 | 1 | 824,830 | 8 | 9 | 4,993,980 | 13 | 0
New-York | 515,416 | 12 | 1 | 382,349 | 11 | 1 | 330,829 | 15 | 8 | 417,957 | 15 | 5 | 482,930 | 14 | 4 | 74,918 | 7 | 10 | 475,991 | 12 | 0 | 653,621 | 7 | 6 | 343,970 | 19 | 9 | 3,677,986 | 15 | 8
Pensilvania | 435,191 | 14 | 0 | 363,368 | 17 | 5 | 327,314 | 5 | 3 | 371,830 | 8 | 10 | 432,107 | 17 | 4 | 199,909 | 17 | 11 | 134,881 | 15 | 5 | 728,744 | 19 | 10 | 507,909 | 14 | 0 | 3,501,259 | 10 | 0
Virginia and Maryland | 515,192 | 10 | 6 | 383,224 | 13 | 0 | 372,548 | 16 | 1 | 437,628 | 2 | 6 | 475,954 | 6 | 2 | 488,362 | 15 | 1 | 717,782 | 17 | 3 | 920,326 | 3 | 8 | 793,910 | 13 | 2 | 5,104,930 | 17 | 5
Totals of the revolted Provinces | 20,061,023 | 3 | 8
Superiority of the Value of the Exports to Holland and Germany over the Exports to the revolted Provinces of America £. | 10,233,103 | 7 | 7

[To face Page 49.]

REMARK I.

According to the above State of the Account, the Sum Total of the Value of the Exports to Holland and Germany alone, during a Period of nine Years, exceeded that to all the [present revolted] Provinces of North America, by no less than 10,234,103l. 7s. 7d. which is more than ONE-THIRD of the Whole. And yet this very Period was more favourable to American Exports than any other: 1st. Because during this Period, there was the greatest Emigration from Europe to America, and particularly from Holland and Germany, that can be remembered; and each Emigrant, if a Customer to England, whilst resident in Europe, not only swells the American Account by his Removal, but also sinks the European: So that he acts in a double Capacity, by adding Weight to one Scale, and by substracting, at least an equal, if not a greater, from the other:—2dly, Because During this Period, the Colonists, and more especially the four New-England Governments, were preparing for a Non-Importation System; and therefore were storing their Magazines with great Quantities of Goods to serve for many Years. This Circumstance appears on the very Face of the Account:—And 3dly, Because the Business of Commercial Puffing, during this Period, was carried, by the Partizans of America, to a greater Height than ever, in order to make the American Trade appear to be of much more Consequence to this Nation, than it really is.—To explain this Artifice of Commercial Puffing, to such Persons, who are not conversant in the Progress of Commercial Laws, I must beg their Attention to the following short Narrative.—Formerly the Kings of England established certain Duties or Taxes (generally five per Cent. ad Valorem) both on the Import and Export of Goods, merely by Virtue of their own Prerogative; and, as it was the universal Practice for every Prince to act in the same Manner, these Duties or customary Payments were therefore called the Customs,—the Place where these Duties were paid the Custom-House, and the Officers who collected them the Custom-House Officers. In Process of Time, the Subjects gained a little more Liberty; so that the Duties, which were originally imposed by Virtue of the mere Prerogative of the Crown, were afterwards collected by the Authority of an Act, or Acts of the whole Legislature.

And yet, notwithstanding this Change of Authority, there was very little Alteration in the System of Taxation: For Exports as well as Imports (in those Days of commercial Blindness) paid a Duty of about five per Cent. [9] ad Valorem, as low down as the Reigns of Charles II. and James II.—King William was the first Prince who had a true Notion of introducing wise and beneficial Regulations into the System of Exportation: For he caused the Duties to be taken off from the Exports of English Woollen Manufactures, and of a few other Articles: Queen Ann followed his good Example, and extended the same politic System a little farther: But it was reserved to the Reign of George I. and to the Administration of that great and able Minister, Sir Robert Walpole (whom the Traders, and the Populace always abused) to enrich this Country by Means of a general System of judicious Taxes, and salutary commercial Regulations. For in one single Act of Parliament in the Year 1722, (8th of G. I. Chap. 15.) there were about 196 Taxes repealed, [see Crouch’s Book of Rates] Taxes which had been injudiciously laid, partly on Raw-Materials coming in, but chiefly on British Manufactures going out. But tho’ this excellent Law was productive of the greatest Advantage to the Nation; yet it must be allowed, that like many other good Things, it was the innocent Cause of introducing some Evil. For from that Time we may date the Origin of our modern Puffing, respecting the Export of Goods, which has spread but too generally ever since. English Manufactures, when entered in the Custom-House for Exportation, now pay no Tax or Duty; therefore this Circumstance becomes a Temptation to many Persons to make larger Entries for Exportation, than in Truth and Reality they ought to do. Vanity, and the Desire of appearing to be Men of large Dealings, and extensive Correspondencies, and perhaps other Motives still less justifiable, will but too well account for such Proceedings in the mercantile World. Consequently in commercial Puffing, the Traders to Holland and Germany, and the Traders to North-America are much upon a Par: So that were they to accuse each other, it might be said of both,

Clodius accusat Mæchos, Catalina Cethegos.

But nevertheless in other Respects there is a wide Difference between them. For the Partizans of America are actuated not only by Self-Interest, or Vanity, but by Principles still more powerful, viz. By such a Spirit of Enthusiasm, and a Zeal bordering on Phrenzy, as will stick at nothing to promote the Good of the Cause. Hence therefore we may reasonably infer, that tho’ the Entries for Exportation to every Country are somewhat exaggerated, yet that those to North-America are doubly so. Other Traders may probably consider these puffing Advertisements [I mean their exaggerated Entries for Exportation] as a Kind of Peccadillos, very allowable for the Promotion of their Interest; but an American Partizan views them in a much higher Light, viz. as meritorious Acts done for the Good of his Country.

REMARK II.

As we have been hitherto comparing the Value of the Exports to the twelve malcontent Provinces of North-America, with the Value of the Exports to Holland and Germany; let us in the next Place consider also the Nature of the North-American Imports, if compared with those of other Countries.

Now all Imports may be divided into two Classes, viz. Raw Materials for the Employment of our own People, and taxable Objects for the Purposes of raising a Revenue.

In regard to the first of these,—if we should cast our Eyes on the Imports from [10] Russia only, will any one be so hardy as to maintain, that the Imports from North-America are at all on a Par with them, in any Respect whatever? Timber, for Example, Iron, Hemp, Flax and Flax-Seed, Linen-Yarn, Skins and Furrs, Ashes, Tallow, Hair, Bristles, &c. &c.;—Can it be pretended, with any Appearance of Truth, that the Imports of these Articles (taking one with another) from North-America, will bear any Comparison with those from Russia? And yet, to the Shame and Disgrace of an enlightened commercial State, several of these raw Materials are taxed, if imported from Russia, in order to create a Monopoly to North-America: And others, when imported from America, are not only allowed to be entered Duty-free, which is just enough; but also have enjoyed for many Years the Benefit of large and munificent Bounties given by the Parliament of Great-Britain.—Given? To whom? To our non-represented Colonies: For it seems they will condescend to receive Bounties from us, tho’ not represented, notwithstanding they make this very Circumstance a Plea or Pretence against bearing any Share in our Burdens. However, all this is not sufficient to create that Monopoly in their Favour, which they, and their Adherents have long had in Contemplation. For the Imports of Raw-Materials from Russia, which are every Day encreasing, exceed those from North-America in Goodness, in Quantity, in Value, and in every Respect, to a very great Degree.

But I forget: “Pitch and Tar, and Indigo are also Raw-Materials of very great Consequence: And they are imported from North-America, but not from Russia.” True: Pitch and Tar, if imported from Russia, would have paid an high Duty; but when brought from America, they receive a very large Bounty. And as to Indigo, had it not been for the many Hundred Thousands of Pounds Sterling, which Great-Britain has granted in Bounties and Premiums to promote the Culture of this Article in the Carolinas and Virginia, [a tenth Part of which Sum would have served for the Cultivation of a better Sort on the Coast of Africa] I say, had it not been for this continual Fostering, and expensive Nursing, probably not an Ounce of it would have been raised in North-America. And even as it is, the Indigo of Carolina, &c. is, generally speaking, of a Quality much inferior to that, which comes from other Countries. So much therefore as to Raw-Materials,—and let this suffice in respect to the grateful Returns of our Colonies towards us, for making so many impolitic restraining Laws against ourselves, and for granting them so many Monopolies, and such extensive Bounties.

The next Head of Enquiry is, what taxable Objects do we receive from North-America, if compared with the Taxables of other Countries? Mr. Burke asserts Page 97, 2d Edit. “That if America gives us taxable Objects, on which we lay our Duties here, and gives us at the same Time, a Surplus by a foreign Sale of her Commodities to pay the Duties on these Objects which we tax at Home, she has performed her Part to the British Revenue.”

Well then, according to this Doctrine, we are first to suppose, that North-America supplies us with great Quantities of taxable Objects;—and secondly that by so doing, she hath performed her Part to the British Revenue; and therefore ought not to be obliged to contribute any further. Now I am so unhappy as to differ from the patriotic Orator in both these respects; that is, I first deny his Premises;—and then 2dly, granting even his Premises, I cannot admit of his Conclusion. First, then I do maintain, that North-America doth not supply Great-Britain with great Quantities of taxable Objects: For perhaps hardly any civilized Country in the World, of equal Extent, and under the same Parallels of Latitude, is so barren in that Respect, as North-America.—At present, I can recollect but two taxable Objects among all her Stores, viz. Rice and Tobacco. In respect to Rice, I do allow that it hath been customary to tax it; but as it is a Raw-Material, and an Article of Food, it ought never to have been taxed. And the Legislature hath done wisely at present in repealing that Tax, which heretofore was laid on the home Consumption of it. The Fact is, that when Corn is dear, Rice becomes a good Succedaneum; but when the former is cheap, the latter will not be used in any Quantities here in England: For English Stomachs will never prefer Rice to Wheat. In respect to that Rice, which is carried to the rest of Europe, it ought to be remembered, that it pays no Duty at all, if exported South of Cape Finisterre. And as to the Duty which is retained on the Re-exportation of Rice to the Northward of Cape Finistere, it is so very trifling and inconsiderable, that it doth not deserve to be mentioned in a general and national View.

In regard to Tobacco; I admit it to be a very proper Object of Taxation. But here again, that which is re-exported pays but little Duty, if any at all. And with respect to that which is used and consumed at Home, when the many Frauds attending it, together with the Expence of collecting are taken into the Account, the clear Balance will not be in any Degree, so great as is vulgarly imagined.

But granting, that this Branch of the Revenue is considerable, nay that it is very considerable; yet there are a few unlucky Questions to be asked on this Head, which it will puzzle Mr. Burke and all his Adherents to answer in such a Manner, as would do any Credit, or Service to their Cause. For Example; has the English Legislature done any Thing towards favouring this American Tobacco-Trade, and raising it up to its present Height? Yes, it has; England has granted a Monopoly to the Americans against herself, by severely prohibiting, in several Acts of Parliament, the Cultivation of Tobacco in England: So that at the worst, we have one Remedy still in reserve, viz. the taking off this Prohibition, should the Americans be so wrathfully-minded as to resolve never to sell us any more Tobacco. On this Ground therefore I still proceed; and as the Friends of Mr. Burke (if not he himself) are so very forward in exclaiming against the Restraints and Hardships, under which they pretend, that America has so long groaned;—I ask, why are they so totally silent concerning the many Restraints and Discouragements, which England also hath long and patiently suffered in order to enrich America? And where is the Candor, or Impartiality of such a Conduct? Again,—if we have granted the Americans this Monopoly, in order to encrease their Trade, and so cause their Provinces to flourish; what Effects hath it produced, in regard to the Sum Total of our own Revenue? And what is the Amount of the whole Duty on Tobacco? Is it equal to the Duties paid on the simple Article of Tea,—or of Wines and Brandies;—or in short of mere Fruit for our Mince-Pies, and Plumb-Puddings, for our Tables and Deserts? No, by no Means, it is not equal to any one of these general Articles: For the Duty paid on the Importation of Fruit alone greatly surpasses it. And yet we have granted no Monopolies, no Premiums, and no Bounties either to China, or to France, to Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. &c. nor are these Countries, to which we have so vast a Trade, and from which we draw so great a Revenue, English Colonies.

But nevertheless, I will now suppose, contrary to all Proof and Matters of Fact, that the Revenue of the taxable Objects imported from North-America, was the greatest of all others;—what Inference is to be drawn from this Concession? And doth it at all follow from such Premises, that the North-Americans must, or ought to enjoy all the Privileges of Englishmen, without contributing any Thing towards the general Support, merely because we carry on an advantageous Trade with them, or have raised a Tax on their Commodities? Surely no: For by the same Rule, we must unite and incorporate with, we must protect and defend, the Chinese, the French, the Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians, &c. &c. for the same Reasons, and on the same Account. A Proposition this, which is too big with Nonsense and Absurdity, to be seriously maintained.

I will therefore dismiss the present Remark, with putting my Reader again in Mind, that let the Trade to North-America be what it may, of little Importance, or otherwise; it is a mere begging the Question, and a most disingenuous Artifice to insinuate (as all the Advocates for America now do) that this Trade will be lost, if a Separation from the Colonies should ensue. On the contrary, it is much more probable, that, when all Parties shall be left at full Liberty to do as they please, our North-American Trade will rather be encreased, than diminished by such a Measure. Because it is Freedom, and not Confinement, or Monopoly, which encreases Trade. And sure I am that, on this Subject, History and past Experience, as well as Reason and Argument, are clearly on my Side.

REMARK III.

The Case of Emigrations from Germany and Holland, hath been in Part considered already: But as the continual Emigrations from Great-Britain and Ireland (which I will always consider as one Country) have something more particularly prejudicial in their Nature, if compared with others, I hope the Reader will not think it lost Time, if I give them in this Place a distinct Consideration.

A Set of Labourers, or Tradesmen resided lately in Great-Britain, or Ireland; and earned their Bread by the Sweat of their Brows. Their natural, or artificial Wants might be summed up under the three great, and comprehensive Articles of Food, Rayment, and Dwelling. In respect to Food, including drinkables, as well as eatables, they paid for it by their Labour and Wages; and consequently were the Means of employing all those different Trades both in Town and Country, which were concerned in, or connected with, the raising of Corn, or the rearing of Sheep and Cattle, the making of Bread, Butter, Cheese, Malt, and Malt-Liquors, Cyder, &c. &c. also in the fattening, killing, dressing, or preparing of Flesh, Fish, Fowl, &c. &c. and in the raising of all Sorts of Garden-Stuff, and other Eatables: The like might be observed in regard to Rayment, traced from the Raw-Material up to the perfect Manufacture, and including every Article of Dress, and all the Trades dependent on, and supported by it, throughout all its Stages: Dwelling is the last Article; in which Estimate ought to be included not only the original Materials for framing the Structure of the House, but also its successive Repairs; together with all Kinds of Household Goods from the highest to the lowest Piece of Furniture, and their continual Wear and Tare.

These Persons, who have been thus useful to their Country, and have contributed to its Trade and Riches, both by paying their own Rents and Taxes, and also by enabling others to pay theirs;—these Persons I say, have been inveigled away to leave this Country, and to settle in North-America.—Here therefore I ask this plain Question, What Recompence can they possibly make in America, for the Loss which hath been occasioned by their leaving England? And what Gains will accrue to the Mother-Country by this flourishing State of her Colonies? Begin therefore wherever you please;—examine, I beseech you this Matter to the Bottom, and mark the Consequences. Food for Example, consisting of its various Kinds, and including eatables as well as drinkables, common Food, I say, must certainly be raised and manufactured on the Spot; for a Man cannot wait for his Dinner ’till it comes from England. Similar Observations will likewise extend to the chief Part of every Article respecting Rayment or Cloathing;—not forgetting also Housing and Furniture. For in all these Respects, the principal Quantity, and the Bulk of the Goods, Manufactures, or Provisions must be procured from adjacent Places, and not from a Country 3000 Miles off. Perhaps indeed a few, a very few Elegancies and Ornaments of Dress or Furniture, or of the Dainties of the Table may still be imported from the Mother-Country. But alas! What are they, if compared with the Whole? Perhaps they would not amount to more than a twentieth Part of the general Consumption.—And most certain it is, that if these Emigrants should not settle near the Sea-Coasts of America, but wander higher up the Country for Hundreds of Miles, in pursuit of fresh unpatented Tracts of Land, (which most New-comers are desirous of doing,) it would then not be a fortieth Part of what they would have either used, consumed, or worn, had they still remained Inhabitants of Great-Britain or Ireland: So little Cause hath the Mother-Country to rejoice at this rapid Progress of the Population of her Colonies, arising from, or caused by, Emigrations.

But here, I know, it will be said, because it hath very often been said already, “That tho’ these Emigrants might not employ as many Persons, or mechanic Trades here at Home, as they did before they left England; yet they will employ more Shipping and Navigation, and consequently more Sailors than heretofore; and Sailors are the Defence, Sailors are the Bulwark of the Nation,” &c. &c. Now in order to detect this Fallacy, as well as the rest, I will here state a Case, which must open People’s Eyes, if any Thing can, respecting even the Articles of Seamen, Shipping, and Navigation.

Suppose 1000 Tradesmen with their Families, Watch-Makers for Instance, settled on one Spot somewhere in the Neighbourhood of London, [I only mention Watch-Makers, because it is computed, that about 1000 Families, or one-third of the City of Geneva are supposed to be of that Profession.] Now the first Thing which would attract our Notice respecting Navigation, is to lay in a Provision of Sea-Coals; and a yearly Supply of this Commodity for 1000 Families would employ a good deal of Shipping: Fish would be the next Article, Sea-Fish especially, whether fresh or Salt, in respect to which a good many Sailors one Time or other must be, or must have been employed: After this, the like Observation will extend to Cyder, and to other Articles brought Coast-wise; also to Wines, Brandies, Rum, Sugars, Fruits, Oils, &c. &c. imported from Abroad: likewise to Timber of various Kinds for building or repairing, also for making a Variety of Houshold Goods; to Iron, Hemp, Linen Cloth, and other Commodities, especially those of the bulky Kind: Now here I ask, Is it possible to conceive, that, were this Group of Manufacturers to take Flight, like a Swarm of Bees, and settle in some of the Towns or Provinces of North-America, they either would, or could employ as many English Seamen in their new Situations, as they do at present in their old ones? And can any Man be so absurd as to maintain such a Paradox? [Remember I limit the Matter to English Seamen only; for as to Americans, let their Number be what it may, Great-Britain never was advantaged by them. Not to mention, that several of the American Provinces have disputed, or rather denied, long before the present Disturbances began, the Right of pressing Sailors for the Navy; though it is well known, that this is the only Method whereby a Navy can be manned; and though that eminent Whig, that upright, learned, and truly-patriotic Lawyer [Judge Foster] hath demonstratively proved in his Law-Tracts this Right to be as legally and constitutionally vested in the Crown, as any Right whatever.]

I will therefore take this Point relating to Sailors for granted; [at least ’till the contrary shall be proved,] and then it will follow, that British or Irish Emigrations are to be considered as being very unfavourable to the Increase of English Sailors, as well as of English Manufacturers; and that the Loss and Detriment to the Mother-Country are very great in both Respects.

But here a Difficulty of another Kind, and from a different Quarter, will probably arise. It is this:—Granting that Emigrations are bad Things in all Respects;—granting that they tend to diminish the Number of your Sailors, as well as of your Manufacturers; yet how can you prevent this Evil? And what Remedy do you propose for curing the People of that Madness which has seized them for Emigrations?—I answer:—Even the Remedy which hath been so often, and all along proposed, A Total Separation from North-America. For most certain it is, that as soon as such a Separation shall take Place, a Residence in the Colonies will be no longer a desirable Situation. Nay, it is much more probable, that many of those who are already settled there, will wish to fly away, than that others should covet to go to them. And indeed we begin to find this Observation not a little verified at present, a considerable Re-emigration (if I may use the Term) having already taken Place. In short, when the English Government, which was the only Center of Union, and the only Bond of Peace, shall be removed, Faction will rise up against Faction, Congress against Congress, and Colony against Colony; and then the Southern Provinces will find to their Cost, that they have been egregiously duped and bubbled by the Northern; then they will perceive, that they have no other Alternative, but either to submit to the tyrannical Usurpations of those canting, hypocritical Republicans, whom they used both to hate and despise; or else to implore that Help, Defence, and Protection of the Parent-State, which they now so wantonly and ungratefully reject and oppose:—In either of these Situations, and under such Circumstances, there is no Reason to fear, that many of our People will flock to North-America.

REMARK IV.

Prejudices and Prepossessions are stubborn Things in all Cases; but in none more peculiarly obstinate, than in relinquishing detached Parts of an unwieldy, extended Empire; there not being, I believe, a single Instance in all History, of any Nation surrendering a distant Province voluntarily, and of free Choice, notwithstanding it was greatly their Interest to have done it. The English in particular have given remarkable Proofs of their Unwillingness. For tho’ it was undeniably their Interest to have abandoned all the Provinces which they held in France, yet they never gave up one of them, ’till they were compelled to it by Force of Arms. Now indeed, and at this Distance of Time, we see clearly, that our Fore-Fathers were wretched Politicians in endeavouring to retain any one of the French Provinces, which, if it was a little one, would be a continual Drain, and perhaps an encreasing Expence; and if it was a great one, might grow up to be a Rival, and become the Seat of Empire. I say, we can see these Things clearly enough at present: Yet alas! what Advantages do we derive from this Discovery? And what Application do we make of such historical Mementos to the Business of the present Day? The remotest of our Provinces in France were hardly 300 Miles distant from our own Coasts; the nearest of those in America are about 3000. The Provinces in France were already fully peopled, and peopled for the most Part by Inhabitants extremely well affected at that Time to the English Government: Whereas the Deserts of America require first to be peopled by Draughts either from ourselves, or from our European Customers; and then when these Emigrants have been settled for a Generation or two, they become native Americans, who naturally forget the Supremacy of that Country, with whose Government they have so little Connections, from whose Seat of Empire they are so far distant, whose ruling Power they so seldom feel (and therefore do not regard) and consequently whose Claims they consider as so many audacious Attempts to rob them of their beloved Independence.

But this is not all: And the Absurdity of our present Conduct in not abandoning the rebellious Provinces of North-America, becomes still more glaring, when we consider farther, (what we now find by Experience to be true) that we can live and flourish, even in our commercial Capacity, without the Assistance of these refractory Colonies. For tho’ it doth by no Means follow, that we should be destitute of their Trade, if each American Province was erected into a separate and independent State; nay, tho’ the contrary hath been made to appear by such a Chain of Evidences, as no Man hitherto hath attempted to break or weaken, yet, granting the worst, granting even that these North-Americans traded with us as little after a Separation as they do at present, still it is possible that we may then live, because it is certain we do now live without them; and do not only live, but also enjoy as many of the Comforts and Elegancies, not to mention the Profusions and Luxuries of Life, as any Nation ever did, and more than we ourselves did heretofore.

Therefore (to be more particular on this Head, for surely it is a most important one) we were gravely told, that as soon as ever the Americans should shut their Ports against us, Famine to our Manufacturers, Bankruptcy to our Merchants, Destruction and Desolation to our Seaport Towns must inevitably ensue. Well, the Americans have now shut their Ports for a considerable Time against the Admission of English Manufactures. And what has ensued? Nothing, that I know of, so very dismal, or so very tragical; and none of those black and bitter Days, with which we were threatened, have yet appeared. Nay, according to the Accounts received from the principal manufacturing Places and Districts throughout the Kingdom, it uniformly appears that Trade was never brisker in most Articles; and that it is not remarkably dead in any:—Moreover it is likewise certain, from the same Accounts, that a much greater Stagnation hath been frequently felt, even at Times when every Port in America was open to us, than is felt at present.

However, if these Partizans of America should cavil at these Accounts, and dispute their Authority, we have others yet to produce, which surely must carry Conviction (almost in Spite of Prejudice) as soon as they are perused; [unless indeed it can be imagined, that the present wicked Ministry have entered into a Plot to charge themselves Debtors to the Public for almost Two Hundred and Fifty-Five Thousand Pounds Sterling more than they received, merely to plague and confound the poor Patriots.]

The Account I am now going to lay before the Reader, is the gross Produce of the Excise for the Year 1775, ending at the 5th of July last, compared with the like gross Produce of the preceding Year 1774, ending at the like Period.

| | £. | | s. | | d.
Gross Produce of the Year 1775, | | 5,479,695 | | 7 | | 10
Gross Produce of the Year 1774, | | 5,224,899 | | 7 | | 10¼
| ——————————
Increased Produce of the Year 1775, | | 254,795 | | 19 | | 11¾

Now it appears by the Particulars of the Account, that what chiefly caused this great Increase, was the greater Quantity made, consumed, or used of Low Wines and Spirits,—of the London Brewery,—of Malt, Hops, Cyder, and Coaches, in the Year 1775, ending at the 5th of July, than in the preceding Year. For as to several other Articles, there was a remarkable Deficiency, especially in the Excise on Tea, and on Liquors imported into the [11] Out-Ports; both which Branches, if put together, amount to no less than 79,380l. 13s. 9½d.—And yet, notwithstanding this great Loss in two such capital Articles, the Produce of the others before mentioned so much exceeded their usual Income, that the whole Balance of the Year was, as I said before, 254,795l. 19s. 11¾d. Now as our common People, our Artificers, and mechanic Tradesmen, our Journeymen, Day-Labourers, &c. &c. are the principal Consumers of, or Customers for, these Articles (Coaches excepted) we may, and ought to pronounce, that these numerous Bodies of Men were not in that starving Condition, (which it was foretold they should be) when they could so much exceed their usual (and for the most Part unnecessary) Gratifications in Spirituous Liquors, and Porter, Ale, strong Beer, and Cyder, as to raise such a Surplus of Revenue. And in respect to the Increase in the Coach-Tax (which was nearly 2000l.) surely this is a plain Proof likewise, that our Merchants, principal Traders, and Manufacturers (who were all to be infallibly ruined) are not in that melancholly Situation, as hath been foreboded of them by the American false Prophets;—I say, the Proof is plain, seeing that so many new Carriages have been set up, instead of the former being put down. And I think, I may take for granted, that it is the Trading, and not the Landed-Interest, which sets up most new Carriages.

Upon the Whole therefore, and in whatever Light things are considered, it evidently appears that we can have but little, or nothing to lose; but must have a great deal to get, or (which is the same thing) much to save, and many Dangers to escape by a total Separation from the rebellious Provinces of North-America. The History of all Nations, and of all Ages,—our own Experience respecting France,—the melancholly Situation at this Day of the once populous and flourishing Kingdom of Spain,—the present Demands of our Manufactures for Exportation,—the State of Parties among us, and the Growth of republican Principles, all, all conspire to prove, that we ought to get rid of such an onerous, dangerous, and expensive Connection as soon as possible. In one Word, the longer the present System is persevered in, the worse Things will necessarily grow, and the riper for Destruction; it being morally impossible that they should mend; for the Fire, if even smothered for the present, will break out again with fresh Violence; and the sound Parts of our Constitution will be in great Danger of being tainted by the Gangrene of American Republicism.

POSTSCRIPT.

In a Note at the Bottom of Page 52, (2d. Edition) of my Letter to Mr. Burke, I expressed myself in the following Manner: “The Instances which Mr. Burke has brought, [at Pages 74 and 75 of his Speech, 2d. Edit. 8vo.] to prove that the Colonies, or rather that a few out of the many Colonies, have been liberal in their Grants to Great-Britain, during the Continuance of a privateering, smuggling, trucking, and huckstering American Sea-War, in which they were sure to be the greatest Gainers, shall be particularly considered in an ensuing Treatise, An Address to the Landed Interest of Great-Britain and Ireland.”

The Minutes which I took at that Time relative to this Affair, and which I intended to have inserted in the Body of this Treatise, were the following, that the leading Men in the Government of the Province of Massachusets, had, some Time before their famous Expedition against Cape Breton, been guilty of certain Mal-Practices in the Administration of public Affairs, for which they were in Danger of being called to an Account. That in order to divert the Storm, and to throw a Barrel to the Whale, they projected the Plan of an Expedition, knowing the Temper of the English, and their Rage for Conquests. Therefore, hearing that the Fortifications of Cape Breton were very ruinous, and the Garrison both weak and mutinous for Want of Pay, Cloathing, and Provisions, they bent their Forces against this Place. The Scheme succeeded, and Cape Breton was yielded up; but the Joy of the English Nation knew no Bounds: For the People, from the highest to the lowest, were so intoxicated with Notions of the Importance of this Port, [tho’ now it is evident, that it is a very useless one if compared with others] that they forgot every other Idea in the general Transport; so that the Planners and Conductors of the Expedition, instead of their being called to an Account for their former Misdemeanors, found themselves caressed and applauded by the whole Nation; and to crown all, the Parliament itself voted a prodigious Sum of Money to reimburse the New-Englanders for their Expences, and their Services in this glorious Work.

This, I say, or to this Effect, was the Account which I received;—and which I believe in my own Mind, will be found to be for the most Part very true, when it can be very thoroughly examined into. But as I have been hurried, by the early Meeting of Parliament, to publish the present Treatise at least three Months sooner than intended, I cannot at present authenticate Facts and Dates in the Manner I wish to do, in an Affair of such Importance. Therefore I give this public Notice, that I build nothing on the present Narration; and I only offer it (because not corroborated by sufficient Evidence) as a probable Case, and as my own Opinion.

Indeed I have a particular Reason for acting in this cautious Manner; seeing that I have suffered already by making a Slip in an Affair of this Nature, which in any other Cause or Controversy, would have been reckoned to be a very venial one. The Case was this: In the First Edition of my Fourth Tract, I had accused Dr. Franklin with having acted a very disingenuous Part, in opposing and denying the Authority of the British Parliament, to lay a Tax [the Stamp-Duty] on America, when he himself had solicited to be employed as an Agent in the Collection of that very Tax. In Letters which passed between us, he denied the Charge, asserting first, that he did not make Interest for a Place in the Stamp-Office, ’till the Bill was passed into a Law;—And 2dly. that the Place, for which he asked, was not for himself, but for a Friend, one Mr. Hughes, who was accordingly appointed by Mr. Grenville. Now in Consequence of this Information, I omitted in the next Edition, the whole Paragraph, and said nothing, either pro, or con, particularly relative to Dr. Franklin. And surely, every Thing considered, and the faux pas of Dr. Franklin concerning the stolen Papers of Mr. Wheatley duly weighed, one would have thought, that I had made Satisfaction fully sufficient to almost any Man in such a Case, whose Pretensions to nice Honour might have been much better founded than those of Dr. Franklin. But it seems, I was mistaken: For before he left England, I was called on in Print, to make Reparation to his much injured Character: And in his Absence, his Agents and Confederates, the Monthly Reviewers, have done the same.

Here therefore, I appeal to the Public, whether I have not advanced as far already in this Affair, as there was need for me to have done, supposing even (which is supposing a great deal) that every Thing which Dr. Franklin said was strictly true: For granting that he did not solicit for that Place in particular, yet it is a most undeniable Fact, that at the very Instant when he was declaiming at the Bar of the House of Commons, against the Authority of Parliament, he himself was an American Revenue Officer, in a very lucrative Post, created by parliamentary Authority: He was a Post-Master General in North-America; and the Tax, which he collected, and for which he was accountable, was an internal, as well as external Tax. So that in short, in every, or in any Light, his Conduct was not of the spotless Kind; nor was my Accusation of Disingenuity against him the less true, whether he had solicited a Place in the Stamp-Office, or not.

While I am writing this,—a Paragraph, cut out of a News-Paper, and dated from Salisbury, October 15, is laid before me, which I am positively told, is reckoned to be UNANSWERABLE. Now I have known so many of these Unanswerables to shrink to nothing, when examined with any due Care and Attention, that I own I am not much frightened at the Appearance of this new American Goliah. However, let us approach this formidable Champion a little nearer.

“The Americans, says the News-Writer, in their Addresses to the Public, urge as a Reason against Parliamentary Taxation, the great Disadvantages they incur by submitting to such numerous Restrictions in Trade, which they deem a Burden equal to, if not greater than Taxation: And they also estimate, that that Mode of contributing to the Support of the English Nation, is, upon the whole, more beneficial than if they were to pay their Share by being equally taxed with the Subjects of the Mother Country: But to be obliged to submit to those numerous Restraints in Trade, and at the same Time to be subject to a parliamentary Taxation, they think is the highest Degree of Oppression.

“The Irish submit to parliamentary Restraints in Trade; but then, in return, they are exempted from Taxation. Why then should the Americans be burdened with both, in similar Circumstances?”

Here the whole Matter of Complaint is reduced to two Heads; First, That the Americans by being restrained in their Trade, are thereby in Effect taxed, and therefore ought not be taxed a second Time:

And 2dly, That this Hardship seems to be the more oppressive, because the Irish under similar Circumstances, are exempted from Taxation.

With respect to the first Head, it is a mere Begging of the Question. For I have proved beyond Contradiction, that the Americans are not, in Fact and Reality, restrained either in their Exports or Imports, except in a very few Articles; and that they now enjoy the very best Market which Europe can afford, see my 4th Tract, Page 202-209. I have proved also, that Great-Britain hath restrained herself in Favour of America in Articles of at least as great Value and Importance, as those in which she hath restrained America in Favour of Great-Britain. See more particularly my 3d Tract, Page 119,-121. Surely therefore these Things ought to have been taken into Consideration, and not to have been passed over, as if they had never been mentioned: And it is exceedingly unfair and disingenuous to remember every Thing which makes on one Side of a Question, and to forget the rest.

2dly, With respect to the other Head of Complaint, viz. That Ireland is exempted from Taxation, while such extraordinary Efforts are made for taxing America, I hope what follows will be as full an Answer to this Complaint, as what has been already given was to the former.

First therefore, I observe, that with Respect to the Claim of the legislative Authority, which the Parent State makes over Ireland as well as America, both Countries are exactly on the same Footing: See the 7th and 8th of Wm. III. C. 22, § 9.:—And also Lord Rockingham’s Act itself, respecting the Claims of the Mother-Country over America:—See likewise the Declaratory Act of 6. Geo. I. C. 5, respecting Ireland.

2dly. The Mother-Country hath not only asserted, but maintained her Claims alike over both Countries, in the Affair of laying a general Post-Tax on all Parts of the British Empire; so that in this Respect likewise both Countries are on a Par.

But here I allow follows a wide Difference, which I will endeavour to account for, viz. The British Parliament never attempted to lay any internal Tax, except the Post-Tax, on Ireland; whereas it is well known, that the British Parliament did attempt to lay an internal Tax on America.

Now to account for this seeming Partiality, I have the following Points to offer; and I intreat my Readers to attend particularly to them.

1. Ireland never plunged us into any Wars since the Revolution; whereas America hath involved us in two, the most bloody and expensive that ever this Nation experienced; the last of which brought on a Debt of 70,000,000l. Sterling, the Interest of which we are now paying.

2. Ireland doth not drain us of any Sums of Money to support and maintain its civil and military Establishments; whereas America drains us for those Purposes of upwards 300,000l. annually.

3. Ireland drains us of no Money, by Way of Bounty on the Importation of her Goods, or natural Produce into this Kingdom; whereas America hath drained us of at least 1,000,000l. Sterling for Bounties on Pitch and Tar, on Lumber, Indigo, &c. &c. within a few Years.

4. Ireland is continually burthened with large Pensions, some to Princes of the Blood, some to other Persons, and some to flaming Patriots: For even Patriots will accept of Pensions if they can get them, and then exclaim most bitterly—O Liberty, O my Country! Whereas America is totally free from this Species of Taxation, as far as I am able to trace the Matter.

Many other Articles might have been enumerated, particularly the Restraint formerly laid upon the Irish fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland, and taken off only the last Session. But surely these are full enough; because these, I hope, will sufficiently shew, that there ought to be a wide Difference put on, every Principle of Equity and Justice, between the Case of Ireland and that of America; and that the two Countries are by no Means in similar Circumstances.

What is now to follow, is added at the Request of a foreign Nobleman, whose good Sense and Penetration led him to discern, that a Crisis was certainly approaching, in which the Fate of this Country will be determined; and therefore wished to know, what was the Strength of each Party, and the Amount of the Forces on either Side.

A

General Muster of the Forces

BOTH FOR AND AGAINST

The Present Government.

Parties for overturning the present Constitution, and for setting up something in its Stead, for which we have not yet a Name.

1st. The Idle and Dissolute among the common People are for throwing the present System into Anarchy and Confusion. They have ardently wished these many Years, for some Kind of levelling Scheme whereby they might enrich themselves at the Cost of their Masters, and rob and plunder with Impunity. If Mr. Wilkes, or any other modern Patriot can lead them into this Path of Glory, they will joyfully follow such a Leader, and become his devoted Fellow-Labourers, in the same good Work; but if not, they will forsake him with as little Ceremony as they have done some others, and look out for a new Leader.

2dly. That Species among the Whigs which is properly Republican, is violently for a Change of Government, suitable to such Principles; and these Men are now become of some Consequence, not so much on the Score of their Numbers, as on Account of their enthusiastic Zeal, and of their breaking through every Tye of Honour, Honesty, and Conscience, for accomplishing such Designs. Moreover, as they put on every Disguise; as they forge, lye, falsify; as they use the Word Liberty merely as a Blind to conceal the Batteries they are erecting against it; and as they pretend to support and uphold the Constitution, at the very Instant they are planning a Scheme to destroy it; their Designs are so much the more dangerous by appearing to fight under the same Banner with ourselves; and the Wounds they give, are the more difficult of Cure, because they stab and assassinate under the Mask of Friendship, and therefore take their Aim the better, and strike the deeper. In the former Plots and Conspiracies of the Jacobites, their Aim and Intent were to dethrone the reigning Family, and to replace another: The present Views of the Republicans, which they are incessantly pursuing by various Means, and almost contradictory Measures, are, to have no Throne at all. Hence, by a Comparison of the two Crimes, the Reader must judge, which is the greatest, and the most repugnant to the English Constitution.

3dly. The Advocates for making North-America independent of the British Parliament must, if consistent with themselves, be for turning the British Constitution into something very different from what it is at present, or ever was; for the very Plea these Men use in regard to North-America is, that Representation and Legislation (a very small Part of which is the Power of raising Taxes) must always go together; therefore as nineteen Parts in twenty of the People of England, and upwards of ninety-nine Parts in an Hundred of the People of Scotland, are not qualified to be Voters, nor ever were, be their Property ever so great, that is (according to this new-fashioned Doctrine) are not represented in Parliament; it must inevitably follow, that a vast Majority of the Inhabitants of Great-Britain, as well as British America, have a right to renounce their Allegiance to the present Government as soon as they please, and to set up for Independence. For in Fact, according to the dangerous Principles now openly avowed, all this Multitude of Non-Electors owe no Subjection to that Legislature, and to those Powers, in the Choice or Continuance of which they were not consulted. They ought not to be compelled to obey any Laws, which were made without their Consent, or Privity; and more especially where they have no Representation, they ought not to be subject to any Taxation.—So that being thus happily set free from all Coercion of Government, all Restraints of Law, and Burden of Taxes; and having learnt at last to assert those inherent and unalienable Rights, which have been so long usurped, they are now restored to a State of the most perfect Freedom, and may either chuse another Form of Government, according to their own Fancy; or else live, as they can, without any Government at all. A blessed Specimen this of patriotic Liberty! A most comprehensive Bill of Rights! sure of overturning, if carried into Execution, every Government, that either ever was, or ever can be, proposed to the World.

4thly. The honourable Society of the Outs will go as great Lengths to throw Things into Confusion as any Set of Men whatever; for as these Persons have no other End in View than to get into Power, and to share the Emoluments of the State among themselves and their Dependents, they will stick at no Measure, however unjust and unconstitutional, to compass this End: Nay, they will unsay the Things which they themselves had said in Administration; they will blame those very Measures which they themselves had planned and recommended; and, in short, they will do any Thing, and every Thing, to raise the evil Spirit of Discord and Dissention, to bring themselves in.

Lastly. The Inconstant and Disappointed, those who love to fish in troubled Waters, and those who, having spent their Fortunes, have nothing to lose, but may have a Chance to share in the Property of other Men by a general Scramble; also the Desperate and Daring of every Denomination; all these wish for some speedy Change in the Constitution.

Parties for preserving the present Constitution, and for keeping every Thing in a quiet and peaceable Condition.

1st. The greatest Part of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom; that is, almost all those who have the greatest Property at Stake, and have the most to lose.

2dly. A vast Majority of the richest Merchants, and principal Traders and Manufacturers throughout the Kingdom, are the warm Friends of Government: The Exceptions on this Head are few, and very inconsiderable.

3dly. The Clergy of the established Church are zealously attached to the present happy Constitution, wishing to preserve, and to promote Peace on Earth, and Good-Will among Men: And in respect to the dissenting Clergy, the most eminent and respectable (tho’ it is to be feared, not the most numerous) act in the same laudable Manner, and endeavour to make their People truly sensible of the many Blessings they enjoy under the Reign of his present Majesty.

4thly. The Proprietors and Stock-Holders in the public Funds will undoubtedly range on the Side of Government; because they can get nothing, but must necessarily lose by the Convulsions of the State, and by the Overthrow of that Constitution, the Preservation of which is their greatest Security.

5thly. The whole Body of the learned Profession in the Law (Men who have acquired their Knowledge of the Constitution from Authors of a Cast very different from bawling, disappointed Patriots, or hungry Pamphleteers;—these Men, I say) in general agree, that each Member of the House of Commons, tho’ elected by one particular County, City, or Borough, doth not represent that particular County, City, or Borough, in any exclusive Sense; for he represents the whole Commons of the Realm, one Part, and one Individual as well as another. A Member chosen by the County of Middlesex is not chosen for Middlesex exclusively, but for all the Subjects of the British Empire; each of whom hath as constitutional a Right to his Services, and may be as much affected by his particular Conduct, and therefore has as much Right to instruct him, as any Freeholder in the County of Middlesex: And he, on his Part, is bound by his Office to omit the smaller Interest of the County of Middlesex, or of the Middlesex Electors, when standing in Competition with the greater Interests of his Fellow Subjects in America, or other Places:—So that in short, tho’ some few only, perhaps not a fortieth Part, of the Inhabitants of the whole Island, have legal Votes for Representatives, all in general, both within the Island, and without it, are virtually represented. That this is Fact and Law, that this ever was the Constitution of the British Empire, from the earliest Times down to the present Day, is such an apparent Truth, that it cannot be denied. Therefore in this Sense it is true, and in no other, that every Member of the common Wealth is supposed to give his previous Consent to the making of those Laws, which he is afterwards bound to obey, and to the imposing of those Taxes which he is obliged to pay. Indeed upon this Footing (viz. of virtual Representation in some Cases, and of actual Election in others) a free and well-poised Government can stand, and be supported; but it can be supported on no other:—Nay, the Government of the Massachusets-Bay itself, whenever this Colony shall become independent of the Mother-Country, must then, as well as now, be supported on this very Principle; that is to say, on the very Principle against which they so loudly clamour. And besides all this, the very same Reasons, which induce the non-represented Subjects in England to submit quietly and peaceably to the Payment of those Taxes, to which they have not given their Consent by actual Representation, ought to induce the Americans to acquiesce also; because, if the American Trade is so valuable, as reported, a British Parliament cannot injure this Trade by any Mode of Taxation, without injuring the Merchants, the Manufacturers, and the Traders in general of Great-Britain; and thereby sinking the Profits of their own Estates, and the Rents of their own Lands and Houses.

6thly. The whole legislative Power of the Kingdom will certainly support their own Authority, and not commit Felo de se to please their Enemies. They will not, they never can admit the Parliaments of North-America to be independent of them, or co-ordinate with themselves in the same State or Empire.

7thly. The whole executive Power of the Kingdom is at present in the Hands of his Majesty, and of those who act in his Name, and by his Authority. There the Constitution has placed it, and in no other Hands; nor is there the least Probability that mobbing, huzzaing, furious Speeches, and inflammatory Libels, without Arms, Artillery, or Ammunition, and without a Treasury, will be able to wrest the executive Power out of the Hands of those who constitutionally enjoy it.

And now upon this General Review and Muster of the Forces on the Malcontent, as well as the Government Side, let every one consider well within himself, what he ought to do at the present Crisis, as a constitutional Patriot, an honest Englishman, a loyal Subject, and a prudent Man.

THE END.

ERRATA.

P. 19. l. 10. | for Cacus read Polyphemus.
P. 62. l. 17. | after Labour add and.
P. 62. l. 19. | dele and.
P. 65. l.   8. | before Sailors add and.
P. 72. l. 21. | after Produce add of the Excise.

Lately published by the same Author,

TRACTS Political and Commercial.

1. A Solution of the important Question, whether a poor Country, where raw Materials and Provisions are cheap, and Wages low, can supplant the Trade of a rich manufacturing Country, where raw Materials and Provisions are dear, and the Price of Labour high.

2. The Case of going to War for the Sake of Trade considered in a new Light.

3. A Letter from a Merchant in London to his Nephew in America, concerning the late and present Disturbances in the Colonies.

4. The true Interest of Great-Britain set forth in regard to the Colonies; and the only Means of living in Peace and Harmony with them.

5. The respective Pleas and Arguments of the Mother Country and of the Colonies distinctly set forth; and the Impossibility of a Compromise of Differences, or a mutual Concession of Rights plainly demonstrated; with a prefatory Epistle to the Plenipotentiaries of the Congress.

Printed for Rivington, Cadel, and Walter.

TRACTS Polemical and Theological.

1. An Apology for the Church of England, as by Law established, occasioned by a Petition to Parliament for abolishing Subscriptions.

2. Two Letters to the Rev. Dr. Kippis: Letter 1st. Concerning the Extent of the Claim of the Church of England to regulate the external Behaviour of her own Members; and also to influence their internal Judgments in Controversies of Faith: Letter 2d. Wherein the Question is discussed, whether the English Reformers in the Reign of Edward VI. intended to establish the Doctrines of Predestination, Redemption, Grace, Justification, and Perseverance, in the Calvinistical Sense, as the Doctrines of the Church of England.

3. Religious Intolerance no Part of the General Plan either of the Mosaic or Christian Dispensation.

4. A brief and dispassionate View of the Difficulties respectively attending the Trinitarian, Arian, and Socinian Systems.

To be published in the Course of the ensuing Winter.

A Volume of select Sermons on interesting and important Subjects.

All by the same Author.

Footnotes:

[1] In the Year of the Rebellion 1745, and for many Years afterwards, the London Evening Post (now a republican) was then a flaming Jacobite Paper: During which Period the Author of these Tracts had frequently the Honour of being abused by him, under the Character of a low-church, fanatical, Oliverian Whig. Once in particular (above 20 Years ago) he was complimented in the high-flown Strain of Josiah ben Tucker ben Judas Iscariot. The Times are now greatly altered; and so is the Tone of the Abuse. But the Author is perfectly resigned to these Vicissitudes of human Affairs: And he has no other Favour to ask of this, and of all his Brother-Scribblers, whether weekly or monthly, in Sheets, or in Pamphlets, than that they would never praise him, because that, and that only, he should look upon to be a real Disgrace. But it is not the London Evening Post alone, who from a violent Jacobite has commenced a fierce Republican. Many like Instances may be recollected. And indeed the Transition is natural enough; for if a Man can be so absurd as to think that there is an indefeasible Right in any one Family, when that Family becomes extinct, he turns a Republican.

[2] The late Dr. Butler, Bishop of Bristol, and afterwards of Durham had a singular Notion respecting large Communities and public Bodies;—a Notion which perhaps is not altogether unapplicable to the present Case. His Custom was, when at Bristol, to walk for Hours in his Garden in the darkest Night, which the Time of the Year could afford; and I had frequently the Honour to attend him. After walking some Time, he would stop suddenly, and ask the Question, “What Security is there against the Insanity of Individuals? The Physicians know of none: And as to Divines, we have no Data either from Scripture, or Reason to go upon relative to this Affair.”—True, my Lord, no Man has a Lease of his Understanding, any more than of his Life. They are both in the Hands of the Sovereign Disposer of all Things. He would then take another Turn, and again stop short. “Why might not whole Communities and public Bodies be seized with Fits of Insanity, as well as Individuals?” My Lord, I have never considered the Case, and can give no Opinion concerning it. “Nothing but this Principle, that they are liable to Insanity, equally at least with private Persons, can account for the major Part of those Transactions, which we read in History.” I thought little of this odd Conceit of the Bishop’s at that Juncture: But I own I could not avoid thinking of it a great deal since, and applying it to many Cases.

[3] See, for a Proof of this Fact, First, A Message from the General Assembly of Massachusetts Bay to Governor Shirley, 4th of January, 1754. Secondly, A Message from the Council and House of Representatives of ditto to ditto. Thirdly, An Address from the Council of Representatives of ditto to ditto. Forthly, An Address of the Assembly of Virginia to the King. Fifthly, A Representation of the Commissioners met at Albany. And Sixthly, Extracts from the Proceedings of the Congress at Albany, all in the Year 1754. And all of them antecedent to the Arrival of the two Regiments under General Braddock. I would here recommend the Perusal of The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies, printed for Almon, to those who wish for a fuller Information on these interesting Points; particularly from Page 107 to 136.

[4] Were it not for the British Fleets, and for the Fortresses of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon,—and in short for the general Terror of the British Name, all the piratical States of Barbary would immediately seize on American Ships, when carrying Fish, or Rice, or any other American Produce South of Cape Finistere, as their lawful Prey. And yet America doth not pay a single Shilling towards the Support of our Fleets, or the Maintenance of our Forts and Garrisons in any Part of the World.

[5] See the Resolutions of the grand Continental Congress, in Opposition to the reconciliatory Proposal of Parliament for permitting each Province to tax itself, according to its own Mode. In these Resolutions they expressly declare, that they will be the sole Judges, not only of the Mode of raising, but also of the Sum or Quantum to be raised, and of the Application of it: And that the Parliament of Great-Britain hath no Right to decide as to either of these Points.

[6] The Princes of the House of Stuart took it into their Heads to believe, that all Colonies were their private Patrimony; in respect of which the Parliament had no Right to intermeddle. This Notion, so long ago justly exploded, is now revived, (strange to tell!) even by modern Patriots, and American Republicans: For they are the People at present, and not the King’s Ministers, who propose to exalt the Prerogatives of the Crown to the Subversion of the Rights, Privileges, and Liberties of the British Parliament, and the British Nation. Indeed so far, it must be owned, is Fact,—that as the Princes of that House had the first modelling of the Colonies, they introduced a Practice, (still most absurdly retained tho’ without any Power to enforce it) of bringing all Appeals before themselves and their Privy Councils, instead of before the Court of King’s-Bench or the House of Lords; which is the only regular and constitutional Mode of appealing, and the only one now observed in Appeals from Ireland. However, notwithstanding this Impropriety, as the King can send no armed Forces to America, without Consent of Parliament first had for their Maintenance, and afterwards for authorizing the Use of military Law, and military Discipline among them, it may be justly averred, that the King doth in no other exclusive Sense govern America, than as the sole executive Power, which is to enforce and put in Motion the Laws and Decrees of the supreme Legislature of Great-Britain. See a very candid and impartial Account of this Matter in a Book entituled, “Remarks on the principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of Great-Britain,” from Page 38 to 45.

[7] See De Lolme’s Constitution of England, the Note of Page 52. The whole is a most excellent Treatise, and worthy the Perusal of all those Englishmen, who wish to understand, and to set a just Value on the distinguishing Excellencies of the English Constitution,—a Constitution, as he justly observes, the only one in its Kind, ponderibus librata suis.

[8] See his Speech, March 22, 1775, second Edition Octavo.

[9] Queen Elizabeth sometimes raised this Duty to 20 and 25 per Cent. by Orders and Warrants issued from her Privy Council; that is, by her own sole and absolute Authority. Yet she was good Queen Bess: And her Days were golden Days. See also the shocking Number of Monopolies granted in her Reign, set forth at large in Townshend’s Collection; or in Sir Simon d’Ewe’s Journal of Parliament. See more particularly the Debates which past in the 43d Year of her Reign, after a Struggle of upwards of 20 Years for abolishing these Monopolies.

[10] A few shallow, half-sighted Politicians have objected to the Trade with Russia, because the Balance, according to their narrow Ideas, is visibly against us. But what Balance do they mean?—Not the Balance of Industry, for that is plainly in our Favour; or, in other Words, we export more manufactured Goods to Russia, than we receive from it. And as to the Balance of Money, they ought to have known, that it is much more beneficial to an industrious, commercial Country to import Raw-Materials (if it wants them) than to import Gold and Silver; because there cannot be so many Hands employed in the manufacturing of these Metals, as in the working up of Timber, Iron, Hemp, Flax, &c. &c. to their respective Uses. It is amazing, how little these self-evident Principles have been understood, or at least attended to by commercial Writers of some Note and Character, and particularly by Josiah Gee; according to whose Doctrine of the Balance of Trade, this Nation hath not been worth a single Shilling for almost these 100 Years.

[11] I am told, that this Deficiency of the Excise this Year, on Liquors imported into the Out-Ports, is owing to a new Species of Smuggling lately put in Practice, whereby the Revenue is grossly defrauded. If so, the Balance would have been still greater, had all the Duties on Rum, and other Liquors imported into the Out-Ports, been justly and fairly paid; or at least paid as fairly and justly as usual.

Transcriber’s Note:

The original text includes two blank spaces in the second paragraph on page 24. These blank spaces have been retained.

Text corrected by the transcriber is underlined in gray. Hover the cursor over the underlined text and the nature of the correction will appear. Other than the corrections so indicated, inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation, and hyphenation have been retained.

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Table of Contents

- E-text prepared by the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries (http://www.archive.org/details/americana)

- HUMBLE ADDRESS

- EARNEST APPEAL

- THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

- CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM

- CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA, BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS.

- GLOCESTER: PRINTED BY R. RAIKES; AND SOLD BY T. CADELL, in the STRAND, LONDON. M.DCC.LXXV.

- AN HUMBLE ADDRESS, &c.

- REMARK I.

- REMARK II.

- REMARK III.

- REMARK IV.

- POSTSCRIPT.

- A
- General Muster of the Forces
- The Present Government.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE