The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 33, 1519-1522 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as relate
Date: 2013-06-05T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Philippines -- History -- Sources; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Demarcation line of Alexander VI

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 33, 1519-1522

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Author: Antonio Pigafetta

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Translator: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: June 5, 2013 [eBook #42884]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898, VOLUME 33, 1519-1522 ***

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIII, 1519–1522

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII

- Preface      11

- Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (to be concluded). Antonio Pigafetta. Italian text with English translation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522      26

- Notes      273

- Bibliographical Data      367

ILLUSTRATIONS

- Magalhães’s ship “Victoria;” photographic reproduction of cut facing p. 102 of Henry Stevens’s Johann Schoner (edited by C. H. Coote, London, 1888): from the copy in Lenox Library.
(Probably the ideal conception of some early artist, and perhaps of the type of the “Victoria.” Its source is not mentioned in the above book.)      Frontispiece

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the Straits of Magellan      86

- Pigafetta’s Charts of the Unfortunate Isles and the Ladrones      92

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Samar, etc.      102

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Bohol, etc.      112

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Cebú, Mactan, and Bohol      136

- Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Panglao and Cagayan Sulu      202

- Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Paragua and Borneo      210

- Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Mindanao and of Jolo, etc.      230

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sarangani, etc.      238

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sanguir, etc.      242

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Paghinzara, etc.      246

- Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Ternate, etc.      250

- Map showing discoveries of Magalhães; photographic facsimile from Mappamundo (Goa, 1571) of Fernão Vas Dourado, a MS. hydrographical atlas preserved in Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon      270, 271

PREFACE

In this and the succeeding volume, we present various documents (notably the Relation of Antonio Pigafetta) which could not be obtained in season for publication in regular chronological order, and which it has seemed advisable to insert as addenda at this point.

With the present volume is begun the publication of Antonio Pigafetta’s relation of the first circumnavigation of the world—the greatest single achievement in all the history of sea exploration and discovery. Written by a participant of the expedition, Pigafetta’s relation has a greater value than any other narrative of the voyage. Its great value and the fact that it has never been adequately presented to the English-speaking public have induced the editors to insert this relation in the present series both in the original Italian (rigidly adhering to and preserving all the peculiarities of the original manuscript) and in English translation. This relation is especially valuable for its descriptions of the various peoples, countries, and products, of Oriental seas, and for its vocabularies, as well as for its account of the first circumnavigation. From its very nature, the relation has called for an unusual amount of annotation, which has been drawn freely from various sources: chiefly Mosto’s annotations in his publication of Pigafetta’s relation in Part V, volume iii, of the Raccolta di documenti e studi, published by the Royal Columbian Commission of the fourth centenary of the discovery of America under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction (Roma, 1894); Navarrete’s Col. de viages, iv (Madrid, 1837); various publications of the Hakluyt Society; and F. H. H. Guillemard’s Life of Ferdinand Magellan (New York, 1891). The publication of the original Italian and the English, page for page, renders it necessary to place the annotations at the end of the volume instead of in footnote as hitherto. The various charts of the Italian manuscript are all presented in facsimile in the course of the work. In order that the various peculiarities of the manuscript might be preserved, it has been necessary to specially design and cast certain characters that appear in Pigafetta’s narrative. None of these characters have been reproduced by Mosto, who also writes out all abbreviations. Throughout we have aimed to present the document as it exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana (even to the spacing of words) with the exception that paragraphs in the manuscript begin with a hanging indention and usually end with a series of dots and dashes. A brief synopsis of the relation follows.

After a brief dedication to the grand master of the Hospitaler knights of Rhodes or Malta, as they were called later, and of which order he is a member, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in 1519 with the papal legate, he first hears of the expedition about to set out under Magalhães. Being desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to accompany the expedition, and soon joins the fleet at Seville, whence it is to depart. Magalhães, as a wise commander, issues his instructions to the various commanders of the vessels ere port is left, so that they may keep together in the unknown seas before them, and that they may act in harmony.

Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 1519, the fleet of five small vessels starts on its long journey amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they anchor until September 20, when setting sail once more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached September 26. There they reprovision and taking their departure on October 3, coast southward along Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms (cheered however by the welcome apparition of St. Elmo’s fire, which promises them safety), until they cross the line. Thereupon taking a general westerly course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian coast is soon sighted. The fresh provisions, so essential to sea voyages, are procured on the coast of Brazil, where occurs the first communication with the natives, with whom wonderful bargains are made. Those Indians, cannibals though they be, and whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to inscribe some of their language) receive the mariners hospitably, and thinking that the latter are come to remain among them, build them a house. But after a stay of eighteen days, the sails are again trimmed toward the south, and descending the coast, Magalhães anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis and his men. Unable here to hold converse with the anthropophagous natives, who flee at their approach, the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands where many sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and thus fresh food obtained. The next anchorage is at the famous Bay of St. Julian along the desolate Patagonian coast, where for five months they winter. For two months not an individual is seen, but one day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians, whose huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who are held as giants. Amicable relations are entered into with various of these wandering Indians, and finally Magalhães, with the taste for the wonderful that characterized his period, as strongly, or more strongly than our own, determines to capture two of them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is successful, but an attempt to induce the wife of one of the Indians to go to the ship fails. Very interesting are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to him is due the earliest description of their manners and customs and the earliest specimens of their language. The two captured giants are placed in separate vessels, but unfortunately both die ere reaching the end of the journey, one in the deserting ship “San Antonio,” and the other in Magalhães’s own ship, the “Trinidad.”

During the five months at that port “many things happened there.” Shortly after entering the port, the most critical moment of all Magalhães’s life comes, and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from the beginning of the expedition. This is the mutiny headed by Juan de Cartagena, captain of one of the vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalhães because he is a Portuguese. The latter, however, proves equal to the emergency, and by his prompt action and the punishments tempered by mercy that he inflicts, quiets the trouble. João Serrão, captain of the “Santiago” is sent to explore the coast, but is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved. Their rescue (not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrilling and arduous matter, and calls into play the endurance of men already tried by misfortune and buffetings with Nature.

With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners leave port St. Julian and proceeding along the coast, anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition. A stay of two months is made, during which the ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of provisions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river, the crews (for Magalhães looks after the spiritual welfare of his men) confess and take communion. Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the first half of the expedition is attained, namely, the discovery of the strait, which occurs October 21, 1520. “That strait is one hundred and ten leguas ... long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.” Its discovery is due to the indomitable energy and endurance of Magalhães, and his certain knowledge (probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its existence. Continuing, Pigafetta briefly narrates the passage through the strait, and the desertion of the “San Antonio,” which returns to Spain, after putting the captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, a relative of Magalhães, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhães, as the latter’s expedition has destroyed ambitious plans of his own. The other three ships, leaving letters and signals in the strait, in case the “San Antonio” tries to regain them, proceeds on its way, debouching from the strait November 28. Then begins a long voyage over the trackless Pacific “in truth ... very pacific;” and the three ships sail on steadily for three and two-thirds months without being able to reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added the sufferings of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta, whose curiosity is always alert and active, and who remains well, diverts himself with talking to the Patagonian, who is finally baptized, but who is one of those to die. In the vast stretch from the strait to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Europeans), only two islands, both desert, are sighted, and those, since they are unable to find anchorage there, are called the “Unfortunate Isles.” Pigafetta mentions the southern constellation Crux and the star clouds since called after Magalhães. His geographical information, as one might expect, is not always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in the open Pacific. Thoughts of relief that come upon sighting various islands (which they called the Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabitants) are quickly dissipated by the hostility there encountered. So bold are these natives (whose appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes briefly), that they even steal the ship’s boat from the stern of the “Trinidad,” thus necessitating a raid into one of the islands, where some of the natives are killed, and some houses burned, but the boat recovered.

On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines (by them called the archipelago of San Lazaro) to be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is cast at a small desert island called Humunu, (but which the mariners call “The watering-place of good signs” because the first traces of gold are found there), near Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the sick, whom Magalhães himself tends with solicitude. March 18, they gain their first acquaintance with the natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second of March, and the Europeans have their first sight of a tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as his men, is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week’s stay, the ships again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming to an untimely end by slipping over the side of the vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of “that fount of mercy,” the Virgin.

March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua (Mazava), where Enrique, the Malaccan slave of Magalhães, serves as interpreter. Amicable relations are speedily entered into and confirmed by the Malayan rite of blood brotherhood. The king of Limasaua, and his brother, the king of certain districts in Mindanao, prove most helpful, and are completely won over by a judicious presentation of gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed by the power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and armor, and their astonishment is increased when Magalhães relates his course to their islands and the discovery of the strait.

On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit the natives ashore, where they spend the night in the king’s palace, a typical Visayan house raised aloft on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the various ceremonies that he witnesses impress Pigafetta, and his companion, cast in coarser mould than he, becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in the language of the new peoples whom he meets, writes down certain of their words, whereat they are greatly astonished. He records that he “ate meat on Holy Friday, for I could not help myself.” On Easter Sunday, the natives are deeply impressed by the mass that is celebrated ashore, and the cross which is planted in the highest part of the island, and which they promise to adore.

The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which is used only as a place of recreation by the two kings, who go there to visit one another and hunt, leads Magalhães to seek a more abundant harbor. Among the places pointed out where food is abundant is the island of Cebú, and there Magalhães determines to go, “for so did his unhappy fate will.” After a seven days’ stay at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebú under the pilotage of the king of Limasaua, who is finally taken aboard the “Trinidad” as his vessel is unable to keep up with the swifter-moving European vessels. Entering the port of Cebú on April 7, amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is thrown into consternation, but the Malaccan being sent ashore reassures them of his master’s good intentions, whom he proclaims to be a “captain of the greatest king and prince in the world,” who “was going to discover Malucho,” but hearing of the great fame of the king of Cebú, wishes trade with him. The king of Cebú is willing to accord friendship to the Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the custom for all visitors to pay it to him. But no tribute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king, at the advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of the deeds of the Portuguese along Malacca and the Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them, until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to be much greater than the Portuguese), expresses his willingness to make friendship with Magalhães. With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua, peace is made according to Malay rites, and gifts exchanged. Magalhães, deeply religious, in common with many of his age, early seeks to lure the natives of Cebú to holy baptism, by presenting to them its most attractive side, and promising the king if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they must become willing converts, and not for the hope of gain or for fear. The peace is more firmly cemented by the visit of Pigafetta and a companion to the king, where they witness ceremonies similar to those of Limasaua, and where gifts are bestowed upon the king and some others. They also visit the house of the prince apparent, where they hear their first concert of Visayan music and see a native dance. On the following Wednesday two of the crew are buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much pomp as possible.

Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of merchandise ashore, the safety of which is assured by the king. Those people are found to have weights and measures for their trading; and besides their gongs, a flute-like instrument. Their houses are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the trading, gold being given for metals and large articles, and food for the smaller wares. The good bargains obtained by the Europeans, would have been materially less and the trade spoiled forever had it not been for Magalhães’s watchfulness, for so eager are the men at the sight of the gold, that they would have given almost anything for it. On the following Sunday, the king and his chief men, and the queen and many women, are baptized and given European names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have become Christians, as well as some from neighboring islands. The queen at her earnest request, is given a small image of the Christ child, the same afterward recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest of reverence at Cebú. The opposition of certain chiefs to the king of Cebú is satisfactorily ended by the inducements and threats of Magalhães. The latter swears to be faithful in his friendship with the natives, who likewise swear allegiance to the king of Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy their idols, according to their promise, and Magalhães finds them still sacrificing to them for the cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance that the new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which he offers his head, the sick man (who is the prince’s brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island) is miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are burned amid great demonstrations. Vivid descriptions are given of the people and their customs and ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourning.

April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of Mactan sends a small present to Magalhães, with the request to aid him with a boat load of men against the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to Spain. Magalhães in his ardor, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of his friends, leads three boat loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where having ordered the king of Cebú to be a witness of the battle only, he engages the natives. Disastrous indeed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of foes, the Europeans are compelled to retreat, and the retreat becomes a rout, the personal bravery of Magalhães and a few of his closest friends only saving the men from almost complete massacre. Recognizing the leader, the natives make their greatest efforts against him, and finally he is killed while knee deep in the water, but after all the others are saved. Pigafetta’s lament is tragic and sorrowful; they “killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide.” Insolent in their victory, the natives refuse to give up the body of the slain leader at the request of the king of Cebú. The Europeans stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw their merchandise and guards to the ship, and make preparations for departure. Duarte Barbosa and João de Serrão are chosen leaders. The second act in the drama follows speedily. The slave Enrique, enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Barbosa, conspires with the king of Cebú; with the result that twenty-six men, including both of the leaders, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which the king invites them. João Carvalho, deaf to the entreaties of João Serrão, his comrade, and anxious to become leader, sails away leaving him to his death. Pigafetta names the products of Cebú, and gives a valuable vocabulary of Visayan words, most of which are still in use by those people.

By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to Bohol, where the “Concepcion” is burned, as there are too few men left to work all three ships; although its supplies and all else possible are transferred to the “Victoria” and “Trinidad.” Then, cruising along, they put in at Mindanao where Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made blood friendship at the ships. There they hear of Luzón, where the Chinese trade annually. Departing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu, a penal settlement for Borneo, where the blowpipe and poisoned arrows are used, and the daggers adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Paragua, although before reaching that island, the men have been tempted to abandon the ships because of hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in bamboos and is better than that cooked in earthen pots. Those people raise fighting cocks and bet on their favorite birds. Ten leagues from Paragua is the great island of Borneo, whither the ships next go, and anchor at the city of Brunei, which is built over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand fires. Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit the ships, they enter into relations with the Borneans. Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king, and bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some of the grandeurs of an oriental court are spread before their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly describes. The strangers are graciously given permission to take on fresh supplies of food, water, and wood, and to trade at pleasure. Later actions of the Borneans cause the men of the ships to fear treachery, and forestalling any action by that people, they attack a number of junks near them, and capture four. Among the captives is the son of the king of Luzón, who is the chief captain in Borneo, and whom Carvalho allows to escape, without consulting the others, for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing reacts on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men who were ashore and Carvalho’s own son (born of a native woman in Brazil) to return to the ships, and they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks are described. They use porcelain dishes which are made from a fine white clay that is buried under ground for fifty years in order to refine it, and inherited from father to son. Camphor is obtained there, and the island is so large that it can be circumnavigated by a prau only in three months’ time.

On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from the captured junks are kept, among them three women whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents for the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself. Happily escaping from the point on which one of the ships has become grounded, and the fear of explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a barrel of powder, the ships anchor at a point of Borneo, where for forty-two days, the men are busied in repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels. The journey is resumed back toward Paragua, the governor of a district of that island being captured on the way; with whom, however, they enter into friendly relations. Thence the ships cruise along between Cagayan, Joló, and Mindanao, capturing a native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island, from the captive occupants of which they learn news of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid stormy weather, they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of Mindanao; and thence proceed in a generally southerly direction amid many islands until the Moluccas are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven months, less two days, since their departure from Spain.

At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the king, who is a powerful astrologer and has been expecting their arrival. He promises them as many cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his island, contrary to the practice of kings, to provide them the sooner; in return for his services hoping for their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas, especially against the king of Ternate. There they learn that Francisco Serrão, the great friend of Magalhães, has perished some eight months previously from poison administered by the king of Tidore, whom he had visited, because he had aided the king of Ternate against Tidore. This Serrão, says Pigafetta, was the cause of Magalhães undertaking his expedition, and he had been in the Moluccas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal discovered those islands. The efforts of the Ternatans to gain the new strangers fail, for they are already pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a house is built ashore and on the thirteenth the merchandise is carried there, among it being that captured with the various junks at and near Borneo. The sailors are somewhat careless of their bargains for they are in haste to return to Spain. The king continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed. This relation will be concluded in Vol. XXXIV.

The Editors

December, 1905.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO

By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]

[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]

Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſto de Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.

Antonio Pigafeta,[1] patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],[2] to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,[3] renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.[4]

Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmo et exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdo monsor. franco chieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL episto di aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mare occeanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comre de sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopa vna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qi de ſoto intendera v exa sa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandola quando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna graca mi donno et recomando.

Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,[5] with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),[6] and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,[7] who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship, I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.[8] Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,[9] a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],[10] [who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,[11] finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,[12] you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.[13]

Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno alto fuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqi ſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eL vento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa    Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi    Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj    Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la pa nel principio de la nocte    La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La ta nel fine    tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli    el po era del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo to del maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capo genneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.

The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.[14] These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they call farol.[15] He always carried that farol set at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and called sparto rope[16] which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together. If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.[17] If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;[18] after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.[19] Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.[20] When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;[21] and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,[22] and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.[23] Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.[24]

Luni a x d̃ agusto go de ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi    Poi venirono ad un alto q̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle    ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqi ꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capi ꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcune coſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capo genneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.

On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,[25] (and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.[26] Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.[27] It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.[28] From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.[29] Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish[30] [providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any[31] woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.

Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose    poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni    Sapera vr̃a IlLma sa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de alta habondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.

We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.[32] On the 26th[33] of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.[34] We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso[35] to get pitch,[36] staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];[37] but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.[38]

Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in 14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqi Jnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão    quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqi noſti q̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqi chiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.

At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,[39] and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus for many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.[40] Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,[41] before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,[42] all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.[43] When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,[44] although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,[45] with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour[46] blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.[47]

Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo.    vn altra quando la femina vol far li oui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li alti vcelli et nõ de alto Si como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad alti vcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello    anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alti congregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.

I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the female wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.[48]

Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Sto auguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne    ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati    ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini    ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate.    qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi    et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta lucia et in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li alti quãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.

After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west[49] until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin[50] which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of the anta,[51] which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.[52] For a king of diamonds [danari],[53] which is a playing card, they gave me 6[54] fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day, and on that day had the sun on the zenith;[55] and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.[56]

Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissa et piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme.    e deL re de portugalo    li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Lalto a legni groſſi    fanno foco infra eſſi in tera    in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore    anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra    queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere    ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte.    vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi    Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro.    fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua morto Suo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deL ſuo figliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala.    qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny    Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono: doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri    portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich    anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gati maimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima    fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta.    hanno porci q̃ ſopa La ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga    ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna    Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito    de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi    le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandisso piacere vederli    Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida    era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quando ajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia    queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.

That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,[57] put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,[58] and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.[59] They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they call boii[60] and sleep in cotton hammocks called amache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of those boii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,[61] and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,[62] hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.[63] Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,[64] who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed her son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,[65] he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,[66] who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are: doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,[67] have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,[68] while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots, and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.[69] They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.[70] They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,[71] and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.[72] The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.[73] The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.[74] But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure[75] to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.[76] It had been about two months since it had rained in that land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.[77] Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.

Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno    Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ alto ſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito    ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supa la camera deL maiſto et victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.

At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.[78] One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.[79]

Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.

AL miglio. | Maiz
Alla farina. | hui
AL hamo. | pinda
AL cortello | tacse
Al petine | chigap
Alla forfice | pirame
AL ſonaglio | Jtanmaracz
Buono piu q̃ bono | tum maragathum

Some words of those people of Verzin[80]

For Millet | maiz
for Flour | hui
for Fishhook | pinda
for Knife | tacse
for Comb | chigap
for Scissors | pirame
for Bell | itanmaraca
Good, better | tum maragathum

Steſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera    ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume de acqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li alti suoi    haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li alti portoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dento nella terra ꝓ paura de noi    Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno    fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi.    in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle.    ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de sta maria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.

We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees[81] toward the Antarctic Pole, where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.[82] He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.[83] A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.[84]

Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue    Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale.    nõ volano et viueno de peſe    eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſi como viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi    nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele.    le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie    Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et sta chiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.

Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.[85] Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf, with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.

Partendone de qi ariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe    quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capo gñalle    Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello    Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqi capili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho.    era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme    el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, le gambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui    ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn alta pietra. Lo capo genneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quato de li noſti homini ꝓ terra    da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſti et mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati    Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſti corſe doue ſtauano li alti    Se miſſeno in fila tuti nudi    ariuando li noſti a eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa    li noſti li feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto.    queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando le vedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati    anno le tete longue mozo brazo.    ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre    menavano quato de qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino    poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze.    li noſti ne canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.

Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.[86] We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,[87] singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,[88] and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.[89] He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of a mule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.[90] His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.[91] In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,[92] and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.[93] The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four[94] of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter are not so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.

Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia    haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſti pima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſti et dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capo gñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li alti et tanto trata bile et gratioſo.    ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouani como nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima.    poi eL capo gñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui    ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capo gñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li alti ma piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.

Six days after the above, a giant painted[95] and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,[96] and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths[97] and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni. He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John^97 as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.

Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quato de queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente    JL capo genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se alta mente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta    ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqi ſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capo gñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li alti duy voleuano ajutarli    ma iL capo nõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciua laſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi    Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capo pur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli alti dui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſti doue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza    ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto    Lalto tanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſti lo ferirono vn pocho ſopa la teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li alti duy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora    ma ne lalba parloro a le donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece.    lalto menaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori    quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via    li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire    quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della.    li noſti ſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata    Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.

A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.[98] Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.[99] The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.[100] He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrapped about them with their hands.[101] The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly for Setebos[102] to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured[103] was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.[104] The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman[105] that night, but determined to sleep there, for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,[106] but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke[107] to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.[108] Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.

Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi    Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione    anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonne di bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo.    Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti    ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno    quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alti cheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo    JL capo gñale nomino queſti populi patagoni    tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto    nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae    ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli.

When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,[109] they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more[110] and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it is left longer;[111] and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.[112] When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.[113] They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,[114] and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.[115] They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani[116] do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.[117] Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.

Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma sa ne ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quato naue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capo genneralle et queſti erano eL vehadore de Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento    de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno alto tradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia.    eL Capo generale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capo    Vna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe    tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna    dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capo gñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqi pienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga.    Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni    haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare    ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri    Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo.

In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.[118] Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.[119] A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,[120] or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.[121] There were very many long shellfish which are called missiglioni[122] in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,[123] foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].

Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono    Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame.    era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capo genneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni.

Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third[124] degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies[125] aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.[126] Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.[127]

Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno alto mare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno.    ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo ad aſpectarle dento ne la baya    La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al alto mezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia    a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua: crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno alto ſtretto et vnalta baya piu grande q̃ le due pime    molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Lalta perche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi.    eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi    poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi.

Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,[128] we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the][129] eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.[130] It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings[131] on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de la Baia [i.e., of the Bay].[132] We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.[133] A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape[134] formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed: crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].[135] Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.[136] And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.[137] Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.[138] And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.[139] Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.

Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico    la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capo gennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capo gennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capo de la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capo gñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita    Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era lalto gigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto: crossed out in original diqua et dela sto. anto a la nocte torno indrieto et ſe MS.] ſtrecto    nuy eramo andati a deſcourire lalta bocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto: crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue    in queſti giorni mãdaſemo vno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de lalto mare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano: doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capo et piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite.    il capo gennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya lalta in vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capo gñale leſpeto cõ lalta naue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aL tempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno.    açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. sa iL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ alto credo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li alti li corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere.

After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.[140] The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,[141] and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin[142] of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] strait.[143] We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.[144] So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore the cape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],[145] for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,[146] but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,[147] who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.[148] Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay[149] where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,[150] and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.[151] The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast[152] and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,[153] water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,[154] a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.[155] In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.[156] Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,[157] which are one palmo and more[158] in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.

Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoni

AL capo | her.
aL ochio. | other.
AL nazo | or
Alle cillie | occhecheL
ALe palpebre | SechechieL
Ali bussi deL nazo | oresche
ALa boca | xiam
Ali Labri | Schiahame
Ali denti | phor.
ALa linga | SchiaL
AL mento | Sechen
A li pelli | archiz
AL volto | cogecheL
Ala golo | ohumez
ALa copa | Schialeschin
ALe ſpalle | pelles.
AL gomedo | CoteL
ALa man | chene
ALa palma de Laman | Caimeghin
AL dito | Cori
Ale orechie | Sane
Soto eL broço | Salischin
Ala mamela | othen
AL peto | ochij
AL corpo | gecheL
AL menbro | ſachet
Ali teſticuli | Sacancas
Ala natura de le donne | Jsse
AL vzar cõ eſſe | Jo hoi
ALe coſſe | chiane
AL genochio | tepin
AL chulo | Schiaguen
Ale culate | hoij
AL brazo | maz
AL polso | holion
A le gambe | coss
AL piede | thee
AL calcagno | tere
ALa chauequie deL pie | perchi
Ala ſola deL pie | caotſcheni
Ale onguie | Colim
AL core | thoL
AL gratare | gechare
Al homo ſguerco | Calischen
AL giuane | Calemi
AL hacqua | holi
AL fuoco | ghialeme
AL fumo | giaiche
Al no | ehen
AL si | Rey
AL oro | pelpeli
ALe petre lazure | Secheg
AL solle | Calexcheni
Alle ſtelle | ſettere.
AL mare | Aro
AL vento | oni
ALa fortuna | ohone
AL peſse | hoi
AL mangiare | mechiere
ALa ſcutella | elo
ALa pigniata | aschanie
AL demandare | ghelhe
Vien qui | hai si
AL gardar | chonne
AL andar | Rey
AL Combater | oamaghce
Ale freze | Sethe
AL Cane | holL
AL lupo | Ani
AL andare longi | Schien
ALa guida | anti
ALa neue | theu
AL courire | hiani
AL Seruzo ucelo | hoihoi
A li sui oui | Jani
Ala poluere derba che mangião | Capac.
AL odorare | os
AL papagalo | cheche
ALa gabiota ucelo | Cleo
AL misiglioni | Siameni.
AL panno roſso | Terechae.
AL bonet | AicheL
Al colore nego. | AineL
AL roſso | taiche
AL gialo | peperi
AL coçinare | yrocoles
ALa cintura | Catechin
AL ocha | cache
AL diauolo grande | Setebos
Ali picoli | cheleule.

Words of the Patagonian giants

For Head | her
for Eye | other
for Nose | or
for Eyebrows | occhechel
for Eyelids | sechechiel
for Nostrils | oresche
for Mouth | xiam
for Lips | schiahame
for Teeth | phor
for Tongue | schial
for Chin | sechen
for Hair | archiz
for Face | cogechel
for Throat | ohumez
for Occiput | schialeschin[159]
for Shoulders | pelles
for Elbow | cotel
for Hand | chene
for Palm of the hand | caimeghin
for Finger | cori
for Ears | sane
Armpit | salischin
for Teat | othen
for Bosom | ochij
for Body | gechel
for Penis | sachet
for Testicles | sacancas
for Vagina[160] | isse
for Communication with women | jo hoi
for Thighs | chiane
for Knee | tepin
for Rump | schiaguen
for Buttocks | hoij
for Arm | maz
for Pulse | holion
for Legs | coss
for Foot | thee
for Heel | tere
for Ankle | perchi
for Sole of the foot | caotscheni
for Fingernails | colim
for Heart | thol
for to Scratch | gechare
for Cross-eyed man | calischen
for Young man | calemi
for Water | holi
for Fire | ghialeme
for Smoke | giaiche
for No | ehen
for Yes | rey
for Gold | pelpeli
for Lapis lazuli | secheg
for Sun | calexcheni
for Stars | settere
for Sea | aro
for Wind | oni
for Storm | ohone
for Fish | hoi
for to Eat | mechiere
for Bowl | elo
for Pot | aschanie
for to Ask | ghelhe
Come here | hai si
for to Look | chonne
for to Walk | rey
for to Fight | oamaghce
for Arrows | sethe
for Dog | holl
for Wolf | ani
for to Go a long distance | schien
for Guide | anti
for Snow | theu
for to Cover | hiani
for Ostrich, a bird | hoihoi
for its Eggs | jani
for the powder of the herb which they eat | capac
for to Smell | os
for Parrot | cheche
for Birdcage | cleo
for Misiglioni | siameni
for Red Cloth | terechae
for Cap | aichel
for Black | ainel
for Red | taiche
for Yellow | peperi
for to Cook | yrocoles
for Belt | catechin
for Goose | cache
for their big Devil | Setebos
for their small Devils | Cheleule

Tucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro.

All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.[161]

Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioe pane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua    Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alti cõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua    vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila    Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare    Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte    eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno alto in fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni.

That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me for capac,[162] that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, and oli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.[163]

Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono    puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi    et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopa Lantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quato ho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopa le braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe    li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le alti ſquiagu re Queſta era la pegiore.    Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopa li denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano    ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin    vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in alto loco ſicque poqi reſta rono ſani    ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade.    Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo alto ſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate    Sono longi luna da lalta ducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et lalta in noue    ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo    Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio.

Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.[164] We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.[165] We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.[166] We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.[167] But above all the other misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.[168] Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.[169] In truth it is very pacific,[170] for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.[171] The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.[172] Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].

Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjos vergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho.

When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.[173] The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.

JL polo antartico no ne cosi ſtellato como Lo artico ſe vede molto ſtelle picolle congregate inſieme q̃ fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco ſeparate luna de lalta et vno poco ofuſche in mezo de leqalle ſtanno due ſtelle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et poco ſe moueno.    Queſte due ſtelle ſonno iL polo antarticho    La Calamita noſtra Zauariando vno sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero Quando eramo in Queſto golfo iL Capo generalle domando a tucti li piloti andando ſempre a la vela ꝓ qaL Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte riſpoſero tucti ꝓ la Sua via puntaLmẽte datta li riſpoſi q̃ pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua agiutare la guchia deL nauegare ꝓ che nõ receueua tanta forza da la parte ſua. Quando eramo in mezo di queſto golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque ſtelle lucidiſſime drito aL ponente, et Suono iuſtiſſime luna cõ lalta.

The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen, which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: “By your course exactly as laid down.” He answered them that they were pointing wrongly—which was a fact—and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely bright stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.[174]

Jn queſti giorni mauigaſſemo fra iL ponente et iL maeſtralle et a La quarta deL maeſtralle in verſo ponente et aL maeſtralle fin p̃ ajungeſſemo a la linea equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitiõe Cento et vinti dui gradi    la linea de la ripartitiõe e trenta gradi longi daL meridionale    el meridionale e tre gradi al leuante longi de capo verde    Jn queſto Camino paſaſſemo poco longi da due Jzolle richisie vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo antarticho q̃ Se chiama Cipangu Lalta in quindici gradi chiamata Sũbdit pradit paſſata la linea equinotialle nauigaſſemo tra ponente et maiſtralle et a la carta deL ponente verſo eL maeſtralle poi duzente legue aL ponente mudando eL viago. a La Quarta in verſo garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho ꝓ apropinquarſe piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara iL qaL capo cõ perdon de li Coſmo grafi ꝓ q̃ nõ Lo viſteno nõ ſi troua doue loro iL penſauão ma aL ſetentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.

During those days[175] we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde.[176] We passed while on that course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other in fifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.[177] After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west, changing our course to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.[178]

Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 6 de marſo diſcopreſſemo vna yſola aL maiſtralle picola et due alte aL garbino    vna era piu alta et piu granda de Laltre due    iL capo generale voleua firmarſe nella grande ꝓ pigliare qalque refrigerio ma nõ puote perche la gente de queſta Jzolla entrauano nele naui et robauano qi vna coſa qi lalta talmente q̃ non poteuamo gardarſi. Voleuano calare le vele acio andaſemo in tera    ne roborono lo ſquifo q̃ eſtaua ligato a La popa de la naue capa cõ grandissa preſteza ꝓ il que corozato eL capo generalle ando in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono da quaranta o cinquanta caze cõ molti barquiti et amazorono ſette huomini et rehebe lo ſquifo Subito ne parti ſemo ſequendo Lo medeſimo camino.    Jnanzi q̃ diſmontaſemo in tera alguni noſti infermi ne pregorono ſe amazauamo huomo o donna li portaſemo Ly interiori ꝓ che Subito ſarebenno ſani.

About seventy[179] leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest, and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat[180] that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.[181] He recovered the small boat, and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.[182]

Quando feriuamo alguni de queſti cõ li veretuni q̃ li paſſauano li fianqi da luna banda alaltra tirauano il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo tirauano fuora marauigliandoſe molto et cuſſi moriuano    et alti q̃ erano feriti neL peto faceuano eL Simille ne moſſeno agrã compaſione Coſtoro vedendõe partire ne ſeguitorono cõ piu de Cento barchiti piu de vna legua    Se acoſtauano ale naui moſſtrandone peſce cõ ſimulatiõe de darnello ma traheuano ſaxi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cõ velle piene paſa vano fra loro et li batelli con qelli ſui barcheti molto deſtriſſimi vedeſemo algune femine in li barqueti gridare et ſcapigliarſe credo ꝓ amore de li Suoi morti.

When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they, looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,[183] and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred[184] boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.[185]

Ognuno de queſti vive ſecondo la Sua volonta non anno ſignori    vano nudi et alguni barbati con li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati    portano capeleti de palma como li albanezi    ſonno grandi como nui et ben diſpoſti    nõ adorão niente ſonno aliuaſtri ma naſcono bianqi    anno li denti roſſi et negri ꝓ che la reputano beliſſima coſa    le femine vano nude ſenon q̃ dinanzi a la ſua natura portano vna ſcorſa ſtreta ſotille come la carta q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorza de la palma    ſonno belle delicate et bianque piu que li huomini cõ li capilli ſparſi et longui negriſſimi fino in tera    Queſte nõ lauorano ma ſtanno in caſa teſſendo ſtore casse de palma et altre coſe neceſſarie acaſa ſua    mangiano cochi batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et peſci volatori cõ altre coſe    ſe ongieno eL corpo et li capili cõ oleo de cocho et de giongioli    le ſue caſe tute ſonno facte di legnio coperte de taule cõ foglie defigaro de ſopa longue due braza con ſolari et cõ feneſtre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di ſtore beliſſime de palma    dormeno ſoura paglia di palma molto mole et menuta    nõ anno arme Senon certe aſte cõ vno oſſo pontino de peſce ne La cima Queſta gente e pouera ma ingenioſa et molto ladra ꝓ queſto chiamaſſemo queſte tre Jſole le yſole de li ladroni    eL ſuo ſpaſo e andare cõ Le donne ꝓ mare cõ qelle ſue barquete    Sono como le fucelere ma piu ſtrecti alguni negri bianqi et alti roſſi anno da lalta parte dela vella vno legno groſſo pontino nele cime cõ pali atrauerſadi qeL ſuſtentano neL acqua ꝓ andare piu ſeguri aLa vela    la vela e di foglie de palma cosite inſieme et facta amodo de latina    ꝓ timone anno certe pale como da for no cõ vno legnio in cima    fanno de la popa proua et de la proua popa et ſonno Como delfini ſaltar a lacqua de onda in onda    Queſti ladroni penſauano ali ſegni q̃ faceuão nõ fuſero alti homini aL mondo ſenon loro.

Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.[186] They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black, for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The women do not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,[187] baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],[188] birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They[189] anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.[190] They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].[191] Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.[192] Those boats resemble fucelere,[193] but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boats may sail more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern],[194] and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers] thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.[195]

Sabato a ſedize de marſo 1521 deſſemo neLa aurora soura vna tera alta lõgi trecento legue delle yſolle de li latroni laqaL e yſola et ſe chiama Zamal eL capo gñale nel giorno ſeguente volſe diſmontare in vnalta yſola deſhabitata ꝓ eſſere piu seguro q̃ era di dietro de queſta ꝓ pigliare hacqua et qalque diporto fece fare due tende in terra ꝓ li infermi et feceli amazare vna porcha    Luni a 18. de marſo vedeſſemo dapoi diſnare venire ꝟſo de nui vna barca cõ noue homini ꝓ ilque lo capo generale comando q̃ niuno Si moueſſe ne diceſſe parolla alguna ſenza ſua liſentia    Quando ariuorono queſti in terra ſubito Lo ſuo principalle ando aL capo gñale moſtrandoſe alegro ꝓ la nr̃a venuta    reſtarono cinqʒ de queſti piu ornati cõ nuy li alti andorono a leuare alguni alti q̃ peſcauano et cuſſi venirono tucti vedendo Lo capo gñale que queſti erano homini cõ ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti roſſi spequi petini ſonagli Auorio bocaſſini et alte coſe    Quando viſtenno la corteſia deL capo li preſentorono peſci vno vaſo de vino de palma q̃ Lo chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri piu picoli piu ſaporiti et dui cochi alhora nõ haueuano alto ne fecoro ſegni cõ La mano q̃ in fino aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q̃ e riſo cochi et molta altra victuuaglia.

At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,[196] 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni—an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the abovementioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,[197] and other things. When they saw the captain’s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they call uraca [i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas],[198] and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bring umay or rice,[199] and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days.

Li coqi ſonno fructi deLa palma    coſi como nui hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto coſi anno queſti populi ogni coſa da queſti arbori    anno eL vino in queſto modo forano La dicta palma in cima neL coreſino de to palmito dalqalle ſtilla vna lichore como e moſto biancho dolce ma vn pocho bruſqueto in canne groſſe come La gamba et piu    latacano alarbor̃ la ſera ꝓ la matina et la matina ꝓ la ſera Queſta palma fa vno fructo iL qalle he lo cocho Queſto cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno La ſua pima ſcorſa e ꝟde et groſſa piu de dui diti nelaqalle trouano Certi filittj q̃ fanno le corde q̃ liganno le ſue barque    ſoto di queſta ne he vna dura et molto piu groſſa di quella de la noce    queſta la bruſano et fano poluere bonna ꝓ loro ſoto di queſto e vna medola biancha groſſa come vn dito LaqaL mangiano freſca cõ La carne et peſſi como nui lo panne et de qeL ſapore q̃ he la mandola qui la ſecaſſe ſe farebe panne    in mezo di queſta medola e vna hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando queſta hacqua ſta vn pocho acolta ſe congella et diuenta como vno pomo    Quando voleno fare oglio piglianno queſto cocho et laſſano putrefare qella medola cõ lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo como butiro    Quando voleno far aceto laſanno putrefare lacqua ſolamente poi lameteno aL ſolle et e aceto como de vino biancho    ſi po fare ancho latte como nui faceuamo    gratauamo qʒſta medola poi la miſquiauamo cō lacqua ſua medeſima ſtrucandola in vno panno et coſi era late como di capra. Queſte palme ſonno como palme deli datali ma non coſi nodoſe ſe non liſce. Vna famiglia de x perſonne cō dui de queſte ſe manteneno fruando octo giorni luna et octo giorni La alta ꝓ Lo vino ꝓ che ſe altramenti faceſſeno Se ſecharebenno et durano cento anny.

Cocoanuts are the fruit of the palmtree.[200] Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor[201] which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.[202] Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine. Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat’s milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.[203]

Grande familliaritade pigliarono cō nui Queſti populi    ne diſcero molte coſe como le chiamauano et li nomi de algune yſole q̃ ſe vedeuano de qi    La ſua ſe chiama Zuluan laqalle non etropo grande pigliaſcemo grā piacere cā queſti perche eranno aſay piaceuoli et conuerſabili    iL capo gñale ꝓ farli piu honnore li meno ala ſua naue et li moſtro tuta la ſua mercadanſia garofoli cannella peuere gengero noſce moſcade Matia oro et tute le coſe q̃ eranno nella naue fece deſcaricare algune bombarde hebero grā paura et volſero ſaltar fuora de la naue ne fecero ſegni que li doue nuj andauamo naſceſſeuano coſe Ja dete    Quando ſi volſero partire pigliarono liſentia con molta gratia et gentileza dicendo q̃ tornarebeno ſegondo la ſua ꝓmeſſa    La yſola doue eramo ſe chiama humunu ma noy ꝓ trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiariſſima la chiameſſemo lacquada dali buoni ſe gnialli ꝓ che fu iL pimo ſegnio de oro q̃ trouaſſemo in queſta parte. Qiui ſi troua grā cantitade de coralli biancho et arbori grandi q̃ fanno fructi pocho menori de La mandola et ſonno Como li pignioli et ancho molte palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue    in Queſto Locho ſonno molte yſole. ꝓ ilque Lo chiamaſſemo larcipelago de s. lazaro deſcourendo lo nella ſua dominicha iL quale ſta in x gradi de latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e ſesanta vno di longitudine della linea deLa repartitiõe.

Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not very large.[204] We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general[205] took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise—cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.[206] They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu; but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., “the Watering-place of good Signs”], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.[207] We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.[208] They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation.

Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di qelli homini Secondo ne haueuano ꝓmeſſo in due barcque cõ cochi naranſi dolci vno vaſo de vino de palma et vno galo ꝓ dimoſtrare que in queſte parte eranno galine se moſtrarono molto alegri verſo de noi compraſſemo tute qelle ſue coſe iL ſuo sor era vechio et de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreqie li altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi cõ fazoli in torno Lo capo Steſemo quiui octo [giorni] neliqalli eL nr̃o capo andaua ogni di in terra auiſitare ly infirmi et ogni matina li daua cõ le ſue mani acqua deL cocho q̃ molto li confortaua di dietro de queſta yſola ſtanno homini q̃ anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie q̃ portanno le braci ficati in loro    Queſti popoli ſonno caphri çioe gentili vanno nudi cõ tella de ſcorſa darbore intorno le ſue vergonie se nõ alguni principali cõ telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cõ ſeda aguchia sonno oliuaſti graſſi de pinti et ſe ongeno cõ olio de cocho et de giongioli ꝓ lo ſolle et ꝓ iL vento    anno li capili negriſſimi fina a La cinta et anno dague cortelli lanſe fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et rete da peſcare come Rizali    le ſue barche ſonno corno le noſte

At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,[209] in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.[210] We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,[211] and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and[212] every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near that island[213] who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri,[214] that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protection against sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and spears[215] ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,[216] javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;[217] and their boats are like ours.

NeL luni ſancto a vinticinqʒ de marſo giorno de La nr̃a donna paſſato mezo di eſſendo de hora in ora ꝓ leuarſi anday abordo de la naue ꝓ peſcare et metendo li piedi ſopra vna antena ꝓ deſcedere nela mesa degarni tiõe me slizegarono ꝓ che era pioueſto et coſi caſtai neL mare q̃ ninguno me viſte et eſſendo quaſi ſumerſo me venne ne La mano Siniſtra La ſcota de La vella magiore q̃ era aſcoſa ne lacqua me teni forte et Comenſai agridare tanto q̃ fui ajutato cõ Lo batelo    nõ credo Ja per mey meriti ma ꝓ la miſericordia di qella fonte de pieta foſſe ajutato. neL medeſimo Jorno pigliaſſemo tra iL ponente et garbĩ infra quato yſolle çioe Cenalo hiunanghan Jbusson et abarien

On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islands, namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan,[218] Ibusson, and Abarien.

Joue a vinti octo de marzo ꝓ hauere viſto la nocte paſſata fuocho in vna yſola ne la matina ſurgiſſemo apreſſo de queſta vedeſemo vna barcha picola q̃ la chiamano boloto cõ octo nomini de dento aꝓpincarſe nela naue Ca pitanea    Vno ſchiauo deL capo gñale q̃ era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo ilqalle ſubito inteſeno venero neL bordo de la naue nõ volendo intrare dento, ma ſtauano vno pocho diſcoſti vedendo eL capo q̃ nõ voleuano fidarſi de nui li buto vn bonnet roſſo et altre coſe ligate ſupa vn pezo de taula    La piglioronno molto alegri et Subito Se partirono ꝓ auiſare el ſuo re deli circa due hore vedeſſemo vegnire due balanghai ſonno barche grande et cuſſe le chiamano pienni de huomini neL magior̃ era Lo suo re Sedendo ſoto vno coperto de ſtore    Quando eL giunſe ap̃ſſo La capitania iL Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inteſe ꝓ che in queſte parte li re ſanno piu linguagij q̃ li alti    comando q̃ alguni ſoi intraſſeno nele naue    luy ſempre ſtete neL ſuo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li ſuoi tornoronno et ſubito tornati ſe parti. iL Capo gñalle fece grande honnore aqelli q̃ venirono nela naue et donnoli algune coſe per ilche il re inanzi la ſua partita volſe donnare aL capo vna bava de oro grande et vna ſporta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL molto nõ volce acceptarle    neL tardi andaſemo cõ le naue apreſſo la habitatiõe deL re.

On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.[219] We saw a small boat which the natives call boloto with eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.[220] The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. They received them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar[221] of gold and a basketful of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.

JL giorno ſeguente q̃ era eL venerdi ſancto eL capo gñale mando lo ſquia ua q̃ era lo interprete nr̃o in tera in vno batello adire aL re ſe haueua alguna coſa da mangiare la faceſſe portar̃ in naue q̃ reſtariano bene ſatiſfati da noi et como amici et nõ Como nimici era venuti a laſua yſola eL re venne cõ ſey vero octo homini neL medeſimo batello et entro nela naue abrazandoſi col capo gñale et donoli tre vazi di porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et due orade molto grande cõ altre coſe    eL capo dete al re vna veſte de panno roſſo et giallo fato a La torcheſca et vno bonnet roſſo fino ali alti Sui aqi cortelli et aqi ſpecqi poy le fece dare la Colatiõe et ꝓ il chiauo li fece dire q̃ voleua eſſere cun lui caſi caſi cioe fratello    riſpoſe q̃ coſſi voleua eſſere ꝟſo de lui dapoy lo capo ge moſtro panno de diverſi colori tela corali et molta alta mercantia et tuta lartigliaria facendola deſcargare alguni molto ſi ſpauentorno poi fece armare vno homo cõ vno homo darme et li meſſe atorno tre cõ ſpade et pugniale q̃ li dauano ꝓ tuto iL corpo ꝓ laqaL coſa eL re reſto caſi fora diſe li diſſe ꝓ il Schiauo q̃ vno de queſti armati valeua ꝓ cento de li suoi reſpoſe q̃ era cuſſi et q̃ in ogni naue ne menaua duzento q̃ ſe armauano de qella ſorte li moſtro Corazine ſpade et rodelle et fece fare a vno vna leuata poi Lo conduſſe ſupa la tolda dela naue q̃ he in cima de la popa et fece portare la ſua carta de nauigare et La buſſola et li diſſe ꝓ linterprete como trouo Lo ſtreto ꝓ vegnire alui et Quante lune ſonno ſtati ſenza vedere terra    Se marauiglio in vltimo li diſce q̃ voleua ſe li piaceſſe mandare ſeco dui homini acio li moſtraſſe algune de le ſue coſe reſpoſe q̃ era contento yo ge anday cõ vno alto

Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;[222] and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men[223] in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very large orade,[224] and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king’s men), to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-general had a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to be casi casi[225] with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral [ornaments], and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man armed as a soldier,[226] and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.[227] He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.[228] Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought.[229] He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.[230]

Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello et poi ſe volta conta nuy dui    faceſſemo lo ſimille verſo de lui coſi tuti li alti fecero il re me piglio ꝓ La mano vno ſuo principale piglio lalto compago et cuſſi ne menorõ ſoto vno coperto de cane doue era vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille a vna fuſta ne sedeſſemo ſopa la popa de queſto ſempre parlando con ſegni li suoi ne ſtauano in piedi atorno atorno cõ ſpade dague Lanze et targoni fece portare vno piato de carne de porco cõ vño vazo grande pienno de vino    beueuamo adogni boconne vna taſſa de vino    lo vino q̃ li auanſaua qalque volta ben q̃ foſceno poche ſe meteua in vno vazo da ꝓ ſi la ſua taſa ſempre ſtaua coperta    ninguno alto li beueua Se nõ il re et yo    Jnanzi q̃ lo re pigliaſſe la taſſa ꝓ bere alzaua li mani giunte al çielo et ꝟſo de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio dela mano sini ſtra verſo dime prima penſaua me voleſſe dare vn pognio et poi beueua faceua coſi yo verſo il re    Queſti ſegni fanno tuti luno verſo de Laltro quando beueno    cõ queſte cerimonie et alti ſegni de amiſitia merenda ſemo    mangiay neL vennere ſancto carne ꝓ nõ potere fare alto    Jnanzi q̃ veniſſe lora de cenare donay molte coſe al re q̃ haueua portati ſcriſſe aſai coſſe como le chiamanão Quanto Lo re et li alti me viſtenno fcriuere et li diceua qelle ſue parolle tutti reſtorono atoniti    in queſto mezo venne lora de cenare    portoronno duy plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et lalto de carne de porcho cõ ſuo brodo    cenaſſemo cõ li medeſimj ſegni et cerimonie poi andaſſemo aL palatio deL re eLqalle era facto como vna teza da fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era edificato ſoura legni groſſi alti de terra qeL ſe conuiene andare cõ ſcalle ne fece ſedere ſopa vna ſtora de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli ameza ora fo portato vno piato de peſce bruſtolato in pezi et gengero ꝓ alora colto et vino eL figliolo magiore deL re chera iL principe    vene doue eramo    il re li diſſe q̃ ſedeſſe apreſſo noi et coſſi ſedete    fu portato dui piati vno de peſce cõ lo ſue brodo et lalto de rizo acio q̃ mangiaſſemo col principe    il nr̃o compago p̃ tanto bere et mangiare diuento briaco    Vzano ꝓ lume goma de arbore q̃ la quiamão anime voltata in foglie de palma o de figaro    el re ne fece ſegno qeL voleua andare adormire    laſſo cõ nui lo principe cõ qalle dormiſemo ſopa vna ſtora de canne cõ coſſini de foglie venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio ꝓ La mano coſſi andaſſemo doue aveuamo cenato ꝓ fare colatiõe ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare    Jnanzi la partita eL re molto alegro ne baſo le mani et noi le ſue    venne cõ nui vno ſuo fratello re dunalta yſola cõ tre homini    Lo capo gñale lo retenete adiſnare cõ nui et donoli molte coſe.

When I reached shore, the king raised his hands toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him[231] as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion; and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,[232] as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king’s men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.[233] The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king’s cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.[234] While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy. We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.[235] The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king’s eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king came and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.[236]

Nella yſola de queſto re que conduſſi ale naui ſe troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando la terra    tutti li vaſo de queſto re ſonno de oro et anche alguna parte de dela caſa ſua coſi ne referite Lo medeſimo re ſe gondo lo ſue coſtume era molto in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vedeſſemo fra queſti populi haueua li capili negriſſimi fin alle ſpalle cõ vno velo de ſeta ſopa Lo capo et due ſquione grande de horo tacatte ale orechie    portaua vno panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de ſeta q̃ copriua dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga cõ Lo manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de legnio lauorato    in ogni dente haueua tre machie doro q̃ pareuano foſſeno ligati cõ oro    oleua de ſtorac et beligioui    era oliuaſtro et tuto depinto. Queſta ſua yſola ſe chiama butuan et calagan. Quando queſti re ſe voleuano vedere ve neno tuti due aLa caza in queſta yſola doue eramo eL re pimo ſe qiama raia colambu iL ſegundo raia siaui.

Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine],[237] and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk oh his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.[238] He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.[239] When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.[240]

Domenicha vltimo de marſo giorno de paſca nela matina ꝓ tempo eL capo gñale mando il prete cõ alcanti aparechiare ꝓ douere dire meſſa cõ lo interprete a dire al re q̃ nõ voleuamo diſcendere in terra ꝓ diſinar ſecho ma ꝓ aldire meſſa ꝓ ilque Lo re ne mando dui porqi morti    Quando fu hora de meſſa andaſſemo in terra forſe cinquanta huomini nõ armati la ꝓſo na ma cõ le altre nr̃e arme et meglio veſtite q̃ poteſſemo    Jnanzi que aruaſſemo aLa riua cõ li bateli forenno ſcaricati sej pezi de bombarde in ſegnio de pace    ſaltaſſemo in terra    li dui re abraſſarono lo capo gñale et Lo meſſeno in mezo de loro andaſſemo in ordinanza fino aL locho conſacrato non molto longi de la riua    Jnanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capo bagno tuto eL corpo de li dui re con hacqua moſta da    Se oferſe ala meſſa    li re andorono abaſſiare la croce como nuy ma nõ oferſeno    Quando ſe leuaua lo corpo de nr̃o sor ſtauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo cõ le mane gionte    le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno tempo quando ſe leuo Lo corpo de xo dando ge Lo ſegnio de la tera cõ li ſchiopetj    finita la meſſa alquanti deli noſti ſe comunicorono    Lo capo generale fece fare vno ballo cõ le ſpade deque le re hebenno grã piacere    poi fece portare vna croce cõ li quiodi et la coronna alaqaL ſubito fecero reuerentia    li diſſe per Lo interprete como queſto era iL vessilo datoli daLo inperator̃ ſuo ſignore açio in ogni parte doue andaſſe meteſſe queſto ſuo ſegnialle et che voleua meterlo iui ꝓ ſua vtilita ꝓ che ſe veneſſeno algune naue dele nr̃e ſaperianno cõ queſta croce noj eſſere ſtati in queſto locho et nõ farebenno deſpiacere aloro ne ale coſe [coſe: doublet in original MS.] et ſe pigliaſſeno alguno de li ſoi ſubito moſtrandoli queſto ſegnialle le laſſerianno andare et q̃ conueniua meter̃ queſta croce in cima deL piu alto monte que foſſe açio vedendola ogni matina La adoraſſeno et ſeqʒſto faceuano ne troui ne fulmini ni tempeſta li nocerebe in coſa alguna    lo ringratiorno molto et q̃ farebenno ogni coſa volentieri ancho li fece dire ſe eranno morj ho gentili o inque credeuão    riſpoſero q̃ nõ adorauão alto ſinon alſauano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et q̃ chiamauão Lo ſua dio Abba ꝓ laqaL coſa lo capo hebe grande alegreſſa    vedendo queſto eL pimo re leuo le mani aL ciello et diſſe q̃ voria ſe foſſe poſſibille farli veder̃ iL ſuo amore verſo de lui Lo interprete ge diſſe ꝓ qaL cagiõe haueua quiui coſi pocho da mangiare    reſpoſe q̃ nõ habitaua in qʒſto Locho ſe nõ quãdo veniua a La caza et a vedere Lo ſuo fratello ma ſtaua in vna alta yſola doue haueua tuta la ſua famiglia    li fece dire ſe haueua Jnimici Lo diceſſe ꝓ cio andarebe cõ queſte naue adeſtrugerli et faria lo hobedirianno    Lo rengratio et diſſe q̃ haueua benne due yſolle nemiche maque alhora nõ era tempo de andarui    Lo Capo li diſſe ſe dio faceſſe q̃ vnalta fiatta ritornaſce in queſte parte conduria tanta gente q̃ farebe ꝓ forſa eſerli ſugette et que voleua andare adiſnare et dapoy tornarebe ꝓ far pore la croce in cima deL monte riſpoſero eranno Contenti facendoſſe vn bata glione cõ ſcaricare li ſquiopeti et abraſandoſi lo capo cõ li due re pigliaſſemo liſentia.

Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said;[241] together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.[242] Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We landed; the two kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.”[243] The mass was offered up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.[244] When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.[245] The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,[246] at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.[247] He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,[248] they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property: doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. They thanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god “Abba.”[249] Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him.[250] The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king’s enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave.

Dopo diſnare tornaſſemo tucti in gioponne et andaſsemo inſieme cõ li duy Re neL mezo di in cima deL piu alto monte q̃ foſſe    Quando ariuaſſemo in cima Lo capo genneralle li diſſe como li era caro hauere ſudato ꝓ loro ꝓ che eſendo iui la croce nõ poteua ſinon grandamẽte Jouarli    et domandoli qaL porto era migliore ꝓ victuuaglie diceſſero q̃ ne erano tre çioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico et ſe proferſenno di darni piloti q̃ ne inſegniarebenno iL viago Lo capo gñale li rengratio et delibero de andarli ꝓ q̃ cuſſi voleua la sua infelice ſorte. poſta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater noſter et vna aue maria adorandola coſi li re fecenno    poy deſcendeſſemo ꝓ li ſui campi Lauorattj et andaſſemo doue era lo balanghai    li re feceno portare alquanti cochi açio ſe rinfreſcaſſimo    Lo capo li domando li piloti ꝓ che la matina ſequente voleua partirſi et q̃ li tratarebe como ſe medeſimo Laſandoli vno de li nr̃j ꝓ oſtagio    riſpoſero q̃ ogni ora li voleſſe eranno aL ſuo comãdo    ma nela nocte iL pimo re ſe mudo dopigniõe    La matina quando eramo ꝓ partirſi eL re mando adire aL capo generalle q̃ per amore ſuo aſpectaſſe duj giornj fin q̃ faceſſe coglire el rizo et alti ſui menuti pregandolo mandaſſe alguni homini ꝓ ajutareli açio piu preſto ſe ſpazaſſe q̃ luy medeſimo voleua eſſere lo nr̃o piloto.    lo Capo mandoli alguni homini ma li Re tanto mangiorono et beueteno q̃ dormiteno tuto il giorno    alguni ꝓ eſcuſarli dicero q̃ haueuano vno pocho de malle ꝓ qeL giorno li noſti nõ fecero niente ma neli alti dui ſeguenti lauorono.

After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon[251] went together with the two kings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position, each of us repeated a Pater Noster and an Ave Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.[252] The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-general, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so much that they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.[253]

Vno de queſti populi ne porte force vna ſcudela de rizo cõ octo o dieze figue ligaty inſieme ꝓ baratarli in vno cortello q̃ valeua iL piu tre catrini    eL capo vedendo que queſto nõ voleua alto Senon vno cortello lo chiamo ꝓ vedere piu coſe    miſſe mano a la borſa et li volce dare ꝓ qelle coſe vno realL lui noL volſi    lui moſtro vno ducato mancho    lo accepto    al fine li volce dare vno dopionne de duy ducati    nõ volce mai alto q̃ vn corte lo et cuſſi li lo fece dare    Andando vno de li nr̃i in terra ꝓ tore acqua vno de queſti li volce dare vno coronna pontina de oro maſiçio grãde como vna colona ꝓ ſey filce de criſtalino ma iL capo non volce q̃ la bara taſſe açio que in queſto principio ſapeſſero q̃ pritiauamo piu la nr̃a mercantia q̃ Lo ſuo oro.

One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.[254] The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione[255] worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona[256] for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.[257]

Queſti populi ſonno gentili    vanno nudi et de pinti    portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno le ſue vergonie    Sonno grandiſſimi beuitori    le ſue femi ne vanno veſtite de tella de arbore de la cinta in giu cõ li capili negri fina in terra    anno forate le orechie et pienne de oro.    Queſta gente ſempre maſticanno vno fruto q̃ Lo quiamano Areca e como vno pero lo taglianno in quato parti et poi lo volueno nele foglie deL ſuo arburo q̃ le nominano betre ſonno como foglie di moraro cõ vno poco de calcina et quando le anno bē maſticate le ſputano fora    fanno diuentare la boca rociſſima    Tucti li populi de queſta parte deL mondo le vzanno ꝓ che rinfreſcali molto eL core    Se reſtaſſeno de vzarle morirebenno    in queſta izolla ſonno cany gati porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi limoni miglio panizo ſorgo cera et molto oro    ſta de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui terſi aL artico et cento et ſeſanta dui de longitudine della linea de La ripartitiõe et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada et ſe chiama Mazaua

Those people are heathens,[258] and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.[259] They are very heavy drinkers.[260] Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they call areca, and which resembles a pear. They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leaves of their tree which they call betre [i.e., betel]. Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.[261] It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,[262] wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.[263]

Steſsemo sette giorni quiui    poi pigliaſſemo la via deL maiſtrale paſſando fa cinqʒ yſolle cioe Ceylon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan    in queſta yſola de gatigan ſonno barbaſtili grandi como aquille    ꝓ q̃ era tardi ne amaçaſſemo vno    era como vna galina aL mangiare ge ſonno colombi tortore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine cõ la coda lõga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua li meteno ſoto la ſabia ꝓ lo grã caldo li crea Quando ſonno naſciuti alzano la arena et vieneno fora    queſti oui ſonno bony de mangiare.    De mazaua agatighan ſonno vinti leghe    partendone da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne puote ſeguir̃ ꝓ che lo eſpectaſſemo circa tre yſolle cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gionſe molte ſe marauiglio deL nr̃o nauigare Lo capo gñale lo fece mõ tare nela ſua naue cõ alguni ſoi principali dilque hebero piacere et coſſi andaſſemo in zubu da gatighan azubu ſonno quindice legue.

We remained there seven days, after which we laid our course toward the northwest, passing among[264] five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.[265] In the last-named island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,[266] which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtledoves,[267] parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, and Pozon.[268] When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.[269]

Domeniga a sete de apille amezo di intraſſemo neL porto de Zubu paſſando per molti vilagij vedeuamo molte caze facte ſopra li arbori Apropinquãdone ala cita Lo capo gñale comando le naui sinbanderaſſeno furono Calate le velle et poſte amodo de bataglia et ſcarico tuta lartigliaria ꝓ ilque queſti populi hebero grandiſſima paura    Lo capo mando vno ſuo alieuo cõ lo interprete inbaſſiatore aL re de Zubo.    Quando ariuorono nela cita trouorono Jnfiniti huomini inſieme cõ Lo re tuti pauroſi ꝓ le bombarde    linterprete li diſſe queſto eſere nr̃o coſtume intrando in ſimili luogui in ſegnio de pace et amiſitia et ꝓ honnorare lo re deL luogo ſcaricauamo tuctele bombarde    eL re et tucti li ſuoi ſe aſegurorono et fece dire ali noſti ꝓ lo ſuo gouuernatore q̃ voleuamo    linterprete riſpoſe como eL ſuo ſigniore era capo deL magiore re et principe foſſe neL mondo et q̃ andaua adiſcourir̃ malucho ma ꝓ la ſua bonna fama Como haueua Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto ſolamente ꝓ vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia cõ la ſua merchadantia li diſſe q̃ in bonna hora foſſe venuto ma q̃ haueua queſta vzanſa tutte le naui q̃ intrauano neL porto ſuo pagauão tributu et q̃ nõ eranno quato gi che vno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de ſchiaui li haueua dato tributo et ꝓ ſegnio di queſto li moſtro vno mer chadante de çiama que era reſtato ꝓ merchadantare oro et ſquiaui    Lo interprete li diſſe como eL ſuo ſigniore ꝓ eſſere capo de tanto grã re non pagaua tributo ad alguno ſigniore deL mondo et ſe voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ſe non guerra guera Alhoro eL moro merchadante diſſe aL re Cata raia chita çioe garba ben ſigniore queſti ſonno de qelli q̃ anno conquiſtato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia magiore    Si bene ſi li fa ben ſe a ſe male male et pegio como anno facto a calicut et amalaca    linterprete Jnteſo lo tuto et diſſegli qeL re de ſuo ſigniore era piu potente de gente et de nauj q̃ Lo re de portogalo et era re de ſpagnia et Jmperator̃ de tuttj li xp̃iani et ſe nõ voleua eſſerli amicho li mandaria vnalta fiata tanta gente qeL deſtruerião iL moro naro ogni coſa aL re alhora li diſſe ſe conſigliarebe cõ li ſui et nel di ſeguente li riſponderebe poy fece portare vna colatiõe de molte viuãde tute de carne poſte in piati de porcelane cõ molti vazi di vino    data La Colatiõe li noſti retornoronno et ne diſſero lo tuto    iL re de mazaua q̃ era lo pimo dopo queſto re et ſigniore de alcante yſolle ando in tera ꝓ dire al re la grande cortezia deL nr̃o capo genneralle.

At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them[270] that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king had us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;[271] but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it was but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the king Cata raia chita that is to say,[272] “Look well, sire.” “These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].[273] If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca.” The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master’s king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend[274] he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,[275] who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,[276] who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general.

Luni matina iL nr̃o ſcriuão inſieme cõ linterprete andorono in zubu    vene iL re con li ſui principali in piaza et fece ſedere li noſti apreſſo lui    li diſe ſe piu duno capo era in qʒſta compania et ſeL voleua lui pagaſſe tributo aL imperatore ſuo Sor. riſpoſe de nõ ma voleua ſolamente merchadantaſe cõ lui et non con alti    diſſe q̃ era contento et ſe Lo capo nr̃o voleua eſſere ſuo amicho li mandaſſe von pocho de ſangue deL ſuo bracio drito et coſſi farebe luy ꝓ ſegnio de piu vera amiſitia    reſpoſe q̃ Lo faria    poy Lo re li diſſe como tucti li capi q̃ veniuão quiui se dauano pñti luno cõ lalto et ſe Lo nr̃o capo olui doueua comenſare    linterprete li diſſe poy q̃ lui voleua mantegnire queſto coſtume cominciaſſe et cuſſi comenſo.

Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.[277] The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.[278] The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.[279]

Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne ale naui    ſaluto lo capitano gñale da parte diL re et diſcelli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu victuuaglia poteua ꝓ darnela et como mandarebe dopo diſnare vno ſuo nepote con dui otre de ſui principali ꝓ fare la pace.    lo capo gñale fece armare vno de le ſue ꝓprie arme et feceli dire como tuti nuy combateuamo de qella ſorta; iL moro molto ſi ſpauento    iL capo li diſſe nõ ſi ſpauentaſſe perche le nr̃e ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici et aſpere ali nemici    et coſi como li fazoli aſciugano yl ſudore coſi le nr̃e arme ateranno et deſtrugeno tuti li aduerſarj et maleuoli de La nr̃a fede fece queſto acio el moro q̃ pareua eſſere piu aſtuto de li alti lo diceſſe aL re.

Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were soft toward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.[280] The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king.

Dopo diſnare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re q̃ era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuernatore et iL barizello magiore cõ octo principali ꝓ fare La pace con noi    Lo capo gñale ſedendo in vna cadedra de veluta roſſa li prin cipali in ſedie de corame et li alti in tera ſoura ſtore li diſſe ꝓ Lo interprete ſe Lo ſuo coſtume era de parlare in ſecreto houero in publico et Se queſto principe col re de mazaua haueuão potere de fare la pace    riſpoſero q̃ parla vano in publico et q̃ coſtoro haueuão iL potere de far la pace    Lo capo diſſe molte coſe ſoura la pace et qeL pregaua ydio la confirmaſſe in cielo    diſcero que may nõ haueuão aldite cotalle parolle et que pigliauão grã piacere a vdir le    Vedendo Lo capo q̃ queſto volenti eri aſcoltauão et reſpondeuão li comincio dire coſe per indurli ala fede: Domando qaL dopo la morte deL re ſuccedeſſe aLa sa. riſpoſe q̃ Lo re nõ haueua figlioli ma figliole et q̃ queſto ſuo nipote haueua ꝓ moglie la magiore percio era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno vequi non ſi honorauão piu mali figlioli li comandauão    lo capo li diſſe como ydio fece Lo ciello La terra Lo mare et tucte le alte coſe et como inpoſſe ſe doueſſeno honnorare li padri et madri et qi altramẽte faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como tuti deſcendeuão de adam et eua noſti primi parenti et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre coſe pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li ſuplicorono voleſſe laſarli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li amayſtraſſe ne La fede et che li farebẽo grande honnore    gli reſpoſe q̃ alhora nõ poteua laſciarli alguno ma ſe vole uão eſſere xp̃iano Lo prete nr̃o li baptezarebe et q̃ vnalta fiata menaria preti et frati queli inſegniarebẽo la fede nr̃a    riſpoſero que pima voleuão parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno xp̃iani    lagrimaſſemo tuti ꝓ la grande alegreza Lo capo li diſce q̃ non ce facero xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma vo lontariamẽte et acoloro q̃ voleuão viuere ſecondo la ſua lege nõ li farebe facto diſpiacer alguno mali xp̃iani ſerianno meglio viſti et caregiati q̃ li alti    Tuti gridaronno aduna voce q̃ nõ ſe faceuão xp̃iani ꝓ paura ne ꝓ compiacerne ma ꝓ ſua ſpontanea volontate    Alhora li diſſe q̃ ſi deuentauão xp̃iani gli Laſſarebe vna armatura ꝓ che cuſſi li era ſtato inpoſto deL ſuo re et como nõ poteuão vzare cõ le ſue donne eſendo gentilli ſenza grandiſſimo pecato et como li aſeguraua q̃ eſſendo xiani non li aparerebe piu eL domonio ſinon neL ponto extremo de la ſua morte diceno q̃ no ſapeuano reſponderli ꝓ le ſue belle parolle ma ſe rimeteuano nele ſue manj et faceſſe de loro como de ſoy fideliſſimi ſeruitori    Lo capo piangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna mano del principe et vna deL re fra le ſue li diſſe ꝓ la fede portaua a dio et alimperator̃ ſuo ſigniore et ꝓ Lo habito q̃ haueua li prometeua q̃ li daua la pace ꝓpe tua col re deſpagnia    reſpoſero que lo ſimille prometeuão    Coneluſa la pace Lo capo fece dare vna colatiõe    poy lo principe et re preſentarono aL capo da parte deL ſuo re alquanti ceſtoni de rizo porci capre et galine et li diſcero li perdonaſce ꝓ cio taL coſe erano pocque avno ſimille alui    Lo capo dono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella ſotiliſſima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chriſtalino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri ſonno molto apreciati in queſte parte.    AL re di mazaua nõ li deto alguno pñte ꝓ che gia li aueua dato vna veſte de cambaya con altre coſe et ali altri aqi vna coſa aqi vnalto.    Mando poy aL re de zubu ꝓ mi et vnalto vna veſte de ſeta gialla et morella aguisa Turcheſca vno bonnet roſo fino alquante filce de criſtalino poſto ogni coſa in vno piato dargento et dui biqui eri dorati in mano    Quando focemo nela cita trouaſſemo Lo re in ſuo palatio cõ molti homini q̃ ſe deua in tera ſoura vna ſtora di palma    haueua ſola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale ſue ꝟgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato aguchia vna Colana aL colo de grã precio due ſquione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie cõ petre precioſe atorno    era graſſo et picolo et depinto cõ lo fuocho a diuerſe maniere mangiaua in tera ſoura vnalta ſtora oui de bissascutelaza poſti in dui vazi de porcelañ et haueua dinanzi quato vazi piennj de vino de palma ſerati con erbe odiri fere et ficati catro cannuti con ogni vno cõ queſti beueua. Facta la debita reuerentia linterprete li diſſe como lo ſuo ſigniore lo rengratiaua molto deL ſuo pñte et que li mandaua queſto nõ ꝓ il ſuo ma ꝓ lo trinſicho amore li portaua    li veſteſſemo la veſte gli poneſſemo iL bonnet in capo et li deſſemo le altre coſe et poy baſandoli vetri et ponendoli ſoura lo capo le li preſentai et facendo lui eL ſimilli li accepto poi iL re ne fece mãgiare de qelli oui et bere con qelli canuti li alti ſui in queſto mezo gli diſſero lo parlamto deL capo ſopa la pace et lo exortamento ꝓ farli xp̃iani iL Re ne volce te ner ſecho acene    li diceſſemo non poteuamo aloro reſtare pigliata la liſentia iL principe ne meno ſeco a caſa ſua doue ſonauano catro fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nr̃o ma era poſta in tera    Vnalta daua vno legnio facto alcanto groſſo neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate mo in la vna mo in lalta    Lalta in vna borquia grande col medeſimo modo. La vltima cõ due brochiete in mão dando luna ne lalta faceua vno ſuaue ſonno tanto atempo ſonauão que pareua haueſſeno grã ragion deL canto Queſte eranno aſay belle et bian que caſi como le noſtre et coſi grande    eranno nude ſinon q̃ haueuão tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL ginoquio et algune tute nude col pichieto dele orechie grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo tene tondo et largo cõ li capeli grandi et negri et cõ vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et ſempre diſcalce iL principe ne fece balare cõ tre tutte nude    merendaſſemo et dapoy veniſſemo ale naui    Queſte borchie ſonno de metalo et ſe fanno ne La regiõe deL ſignio magno q̃ e detta La China    Quiui le vzanno Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.

After dinner the king’s nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men[281] on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.[282] They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, they received no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else, and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;[283] and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to leave them two men, or at least one,[284] to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, but that if they wished to become Christians, our priest would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king, and that then they would become Christians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free wills;[285] and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, but that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,[286] for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great, sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.[287] They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of the captain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and clasping one of the prince’s hands and one of the king’s between his own, said to them that, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,[288] he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.[289] To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.[290] When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set round with precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire[291] in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.[292] Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.[293] We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we told him that we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments]—one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense. Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno[294] which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are called aghon.[295]

Mercore matina ꝓ eſſere morto vno deli noſti nella nocte paſſata linterprete et yo andaſſemo adomander aL re doue lo poteriamo ſe pelire trouaſſemo Lo re aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita reuerenſia li lo diſſe riſpoſe ſe io et li mey vaſalli ſemo tucti deL tuo ſigniore Quãto magiormte debe eſſere la terra et li dice como voleuamo conſacrare il luoco et meterlj vna croce    riſpoſe que era molto contento et q̃ la voleua adorare como nuy alti    fu ſepolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio poteſſemo ꝓ darli bõ exempio et poy la conſacraſſemo    ſultardi ne sepeliſſemo vno alto portaſſemo molta merchantia in terra et la meteſſemo in vna caſa qaL el re Latolſe ſoura ſua fede et Quatro homini q̃ eranno reſtati per merchadantare in groſſo. Queſti populi viueno cõ Juſtitia peſo et mezura    amano la pace lotio et laquiete    anno bilancie de legnio    lo legnio a vna corda neL mezo cõ LaqaL ſetiene duno capo e piombo et delalto ſegni como carti terci et librr̃ Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belanſia ch̃ e cõ tre filli como le nr̃e et la meteno ſoura li ſegni et cuſi peſano Juſto    anno mezure grandiſſime ſenza fondo    le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como le nr̃e et le chiamano Subin    le caſe ſonno de legni de taule et de cane edificate ſopa pali groſſi alti de terra q̃ biſognia andarui dento cõ ſcalle et anno camare como le nr̃e ſoto le caſe teneno li porci capre et galine ſe trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL vedere q̃ amazano le balene leqalle le Jnguiotano viui Quando loro ſonno neL corpo veneno fuora deL ſuo coperto et li magiano eL core    Queſta gente le trouano poi viui apreſſo deL core dele ballenne morte    Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto biancho et La carne    Sonno boni da mangiare et le chiamano laghan.

On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I[296] went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.[297] He replied, “If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land.” I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,[298] and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.[299] Those people live in accordance with justice, and have weights and measures. They love peace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wish to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.[300] They have very large measures without any bottom.[301] The youth play on pipes made like ours which they call subin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale’s body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale’s heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale’s heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are called laghan.[302]

Vennere li moſtraſſemo vna botega pienna de le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ ilque reſtoronno molto admirati ꝓ metalle fero et lalta merchantia groſſa ne dauano horo ꝓ le altre menute ne dauão riſo porci et capre cõ altre vi tuualgie    Queſti populi ne dauano x peci de oro ꝓ xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo duno ducato emezo    Lo capo gñale non volſe ſe pigliaſſe tropo oro perque ſarebe ſtato alguno marinaro q̃ hauerebe dato tuto Lo ſuo ꝓ vno poco de oro et haueria diſconciato Lo trafigo ꝓ semper    Sabato ꝓ hauer̃ ꝓmeſſo Lo re aL capo de farſi xp̃iano ne la dominicha ſe fece ne la piaza q̃ era ſacrata vno tribunalle adornato de tapiſſeria et rami de palma ꝓ baptizarlo et mandoli adire q̃ nella matina nõ haueſe paure dele bombarde per cio era noſto coſtume ne le feſte magiore deſcaricar̃ ſenza pietre.

On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,[303] at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron[304] (one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold, and would have spoiled the trade for ever.[305] On Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.[306]

Domeniga matina a Quatordize de apille andaſſemo in terra Quaranta hõj cõ duy homini tucti armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle    Quante diſmõ taſſemo ſe tira tucta lartigliaria    Queſti populi ſiguião diqua et de la Lo capo et lo re ſe abraciorono li diſſe q̃ la bandera realle nõ ſi portaua in terra ſinon cõ cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati et cõ cinquanta ſchiopeteri ma ꝓ lo ſuo grande amore coſi la haueua portata    poi tuti alegri andaſſemo preſſo aL tribunalle    Lo capo et Lo re ſedeuão in cathedre de veluto roſſo et morello li principalli in cuſſini li alti ſoura ſtore    lo Capo diſſe aL re ꝓ lo interprete ringratiaſſe ydio ꝓ cio lo haueua inſpirato a farſe xp̃ano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li ſui nemiſi q̃ prima    riſpoſe q̃ voleua eſſere xp̃iano ma alguni ſui principali nõ voleuano ho bedire ꝓ che diceuano eſſere cuſſi homini como lui    alhora lo nr̃o capo fece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et diſſeli ſenon hobediuão aL re como ſuo re li farebe amazare et daria la ſua roba aL re    Riſpoſeno lo hebedirebẽo    diſſe aL re ſe andaua in ſpagnia retornarebe vnalta volta cõ tanto potere q̃ lo faria Lo magior re de qelle parte per che era ſtato pimo a voler farſe xp̃iano    leuando li many aL ciello Lo rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly ſoy rimaneſſe açio meglio lui et li ſui populi focero inſtructi nelafede Lo capo reſpoſe que ꝓ Contentarlo li Laſſarebe duy ma voleua menar ſeco dui fanciulli deli principalli acio in paraſſeno la linga nr̃a et poi aLa ritornato ſapeſſero dire aqueſti altri le coſe deſpagnia    ſe miſſe vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza    Lo capo li diſſe ſeſi voleuão far xp̃iani Como haueuão deto nelli giornj paſſati li biſogniaua bru ſare tucti li ſui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni di cõ le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo farſi lo ſegnio de La croce moſtrandoli como li faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doueſſeno veni re a queſta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et qeL q̃ haueuão Ja deto voleſer̃ cõ le bonne opere confirmarlo    el re cõ tucti li alti voleuão confirmare lo tucto    lo capo gñale li diſſe como ſera veſtito tuto de biancho ꝓ moſtrarli Lo ſuo ſincero amore verſo de loro    riſpoſero ꝓ li ſui dolci paroli nõ ſaperli reſpondere. Con queſte bonne parolle lo capo conduſſe lo re ꝓ la mão ſuL tribunalle ꝓ baptizarlo et diſſeli ſe chiameria don carlo como alinperator̃ ſuo ſigniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello delinperator̃ al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno principalle fernando como iL principalle noſto çioe Lo capo. Al moro xoforo poy ali alti aqi vno nome et aqi vno alto    forenno baptizati inanzi meſſa cinque cento hominj    Vdita la meſſa lo capo conuito adiſnar ſeco lo re cõ altri principali    nõ volſero ne acompagniarono fina ala riua    le naui ſcaricorono tutte le bombarde et abrazandoſe preſſero Combiatto.

On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.[307] When we reached land all the artillery was fired.[308] Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.[309] Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,[310] the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.[311] The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to became a Christian; and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they would obey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with so many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards’] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. He told the king that he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor’s brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.[312]

Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laqalle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſopa lo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalte Zirca ella fin qeL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome    bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli    la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como qella deL papa    ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte    ne demando iL banbino ꝓ tenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti    ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito    lo capo alhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃    eL capo et lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli    Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ    Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la qalle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta    poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli    ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli.

After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.[313] We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.[314] The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,[315] with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.[316] She asked us to give her the little child Jesus to keep in place of her idols;[317] and then she went away. In the afternoon,[318] the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.[319] The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.

Jn queſti giorni lo capo gñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede    La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa    tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello    aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leqalle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi    La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſupa vno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL capo la ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata molto ſe delectauão de talle odore    ſapendo Lo capo qeL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio    ringratiandolo molto lo accepto.

The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.[320] One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.[321] She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedingly in such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory[322] of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.

Vno giorno lo capo gñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno alto fratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti alti que laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo    fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece qeL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia    coſi lo Juro    alhora iL capo cauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo se. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle    facto queſto lo capo donno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL capo Como faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laqaL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqie due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓ adornare le orechie    Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liqalli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio.

Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.[323] The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.[324] Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,[325] if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten[326] in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other precious gems to adorn[327] the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.

JL capo gñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali alti ꝓ qaL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne    riſpoſero qeL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laqeL non parlaua Ja cato giorni    era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo capo gli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe    Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo capo li fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la graca de nr̃o sor. ſtaua aſſay benne    Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſti    Quando Lo capo Lo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui    poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleo rozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni qeL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliqalli mangiauão la carne conſacrata    Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia    li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto    anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quato denti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintj

One day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater, oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,[328] in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed[329] those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.

Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leqalle et deli suoi et deli ſui principali ſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnalta lubucun    Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laqaL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu    Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia

There are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.[330] All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.

Açio que vr̃a ilLma sa ſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonano qelle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Lalto con panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma    Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra    poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão    Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnalto faciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con qello chiama iL ſolle    lalta piglia vna de qelle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle    Quella deL faciolo piglia lalta bandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et qeLa alta li riſponde    poy aqella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et lalta reſpondendoli et facendo vista cato ho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge qello ſoura eL core deL porcho    poy ſubito torna aballare    a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do cato ho cinque volte de dare [de dare: doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte    preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erba qe’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laqalle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie Lalta coL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pima ali ſoi mariti poy ali alti ma nõ veñeroño may a noi    poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine    Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno alto que Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte.

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those large gongs.[331] Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia[332] and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped[333] with grass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.[334] The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.[335]

Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alalta con vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et lalto deL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi alti como vna teſta de chiodo da caro    aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqi Como Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere    neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilqalle vrinano    iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli    quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dentoo pimo qella ſtella de ſoura et poy Lalta Quanto edento diuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dento fin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Lo porianno cauare fuora.    Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura    anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle    Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et qeL beueſſe    Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con qelli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare    Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de qelli ſui membrj.

Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about[336] their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwise they could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.[337] Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars[338] through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.[339]

Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie    pima mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte    in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa    in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliqali atachano molti ramy de arbore    in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqi de bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma    le alte ſedeanno intorno la camera meſte    poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnalta q̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con qelli deL morto.    Quando qella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarli queſta Cantaua    atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſupa qello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte    lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie    Credo ſia onto de canfora    poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quato ocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare    nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto.

They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief[340] women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.[341] Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are many porcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.[342] Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,[343] but those people would never tell us the reason of it.

Vennere a vintiſey de aqilLe Zula principale de qella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL capo gñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de lalto principalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria    Lo capo gñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli    Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan    Lo capo non volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedire aL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo se. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance    riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dento.    Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſta inanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto    li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua    li alti vndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli    Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Lalto ꝓ contro.    Lo capo quã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi    Lo cappo gridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão    Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopeti may nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL capo gñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo capo gñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero    ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo    ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL capo per il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio    Queſti non ne tirauão in alto ſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude    ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere    le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quato oſey volte ne La Lanciauano    queſti Connioſſendo Lo capo tanti ſi voltorono ſopa de lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni alti piu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui    ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar de mano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo    Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui    vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laqalle caſco coL volto inanzi    subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con qelli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono    Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dento neli bateli    poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão    Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo capo inanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão    Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero capo niuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li alti ſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlLma sa La fama duno ſi generoſo capo non debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſti fra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno alto foſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li alti et piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno alto hauer̃ auuto tanto Jngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apille 1521. iL capo La volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaqalle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et cato Jndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.

On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,[344] sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.[345] They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,[346] which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts[347] and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.[348] The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,[349] and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.

Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſto conſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo capo con li alti morti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua.

In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.[350]

Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo capo qelli cato q̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui    poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL capo. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo    linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue capa li grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo capo ſuo se. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleua Quando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL capo gñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pima

On Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,[351] a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.[352] As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would see to it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.[353] And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king[354] that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning[355] than before.

Mercore matina pimo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu    ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li alti ſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho qella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera    cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte    Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de qalque malle    nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti    ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno    li domandaſſemo ſe tucti li alti con lo interprete erano morti    diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ qalque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera    Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre    ſubito ſe partiſſemo    nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe.

On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels[356] which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable[357] returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.[358] Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would kill him.[359] We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.[360] But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.[361]

Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente lalta aL grego et leuante    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta cato gradi et ſe chiama Zubu    Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo capo genneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho    Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo.

In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,[362] gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.[363] It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.[364] It lies in x degrees[365] of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four[366] degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.

Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili.

AL homo: | lac
ALa donna | paranpaon
ALa Jouene | beni beni
Ala maritata | babay
Ali capilli | bo ho
AL vizo | guay
Ale palpebre | pilac
Ale ciglie | chilei.
Al ocquio | matta.
AL nazo | Jlon.
Ale maſſelle | apin
Ali labri | oloL.
A la bocca | baba.
A li denti | nipin
Ale gengiue | leghex.
Ala linga | dilla
Alle orechie | delengan.
Ala gola | liogh.
AL collo | tangip
AL mento | q̃ilan.
ALa barba | bonghot
Ale ſpalle | bagha.
A la ſchena | licud.
AL peto | dughan
AL corpo | tiam
Soto li braci | Jlot
AL bracio | botchen
AL gomedo | ſico
AL polſo | molanghai
ALa mano | camat
A la palma de la man | palan
AL dito | dudlo
Ala ongia | coco
AL Lombelico | puſut
AL membro | vtin
Ali teſticoli | boto
Ala natura de le donne | billat
AL vzar cõ loro | Jiam
Ale cullate | ſamput
Ala coſsa | paha
AL ginochio | tuhud.
AL Schincho | baſsag baſsag
ALa polpa de la gamba | bitis
ALa cauechia | bolboL
AL calcagnio | tiochid
Ala ſolla deL pie | Lapa lapa
AL horo | balaoan
AL argento | pilla
AL Laton | concach
AL fero | butan
Ale canne dolce | tube
AL cuchiaro | gandan
AL rizo | bughax baras
AL melle | deghex
ALa cera | talho
AL ſalle | acin
AL vino | tuba nio nipa
AL bere | MinuncubiL
AL mangiare | maCan.
AL porcho | babui
ALa capra | candin
ALa galina | monoch
AL miglio | humas
AL ſorgo | batat
AL panizo | dana
AL peuere | maniſſa
Ali garofoli | chianche.
ALa Cannella | mana.
AL gengero | luia
AL ayo | Laxuna
Ali naranſi | acſua
AL ouo | ſilog
AL coco | lubi.
AL acceto | zlucha
AL acqua | tubin
AL fuoco | Clayo.
AL fumo | assu.
AL ſofiare | tigban.
Alle belancie | tinban
AL pezo | tahiL
Ala perla | mutiara.
Ale madre de le perle | tipay.
Ala zampognia | Subin
AL mal de sto Job. | Alupalan
portame | palatin comorica
Acerte fogacie de rizo | tinapai
buono | main
Nõ | ti da le
AL cortello | capol ſundan
Ale forfice | catle
A tosare | chunthinch
AL homo ben hornato | pixao
Ala tella | balandan
A li panni q̃ ſe copreno | Abaca
AL conaglio | colon colon
Ali pater nr̃j dogni ſorte | tacle
AL petine | cutlei miſsamis
AL pentinare | monssughud.
ALa Camiza | Sabun.
ALa gugia de coſire | daghu
AL cuſire | mamis
A La porcelana | mobuluc
AL cana | aian ydo
AL gato | epos.
Ali ſui veli | gapas
Ali criſtalini | balus
Vien qi | marica
Ala caza | Jlaga balai
AL legniame | tatamue
Alle ſtore doue dormeno | Tagichan
Ale ſtore de palma | bani
Ale cuſſini de foglie | Vliman
A li piati de legnio | dulan
AL ſuo ydio | Abba.
AL ſolle | adlo
ALa luna | ſonghot
Ala ſtela | bolan bunthun.
ALa aurora | mene
Ala matina | vema
Ala taza | tagha
grande | baſsaL
AL archo | boſsugh.
ALa freza | oghon.
Ali targoni | calaſsan.
A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combater | baluti
Ale ſue daghe | calix baladao
Ali ſui tertiadi | Campilan.
A la Lancia | bancan.
El talle | tuan.
Ali figui | ſaghin
Ale zuche | baghin
Ale corde dele ſue violle | gotzap
AL fiume | tau.
AL riſaio ꝓ peſcare | pucat laia
AL batello | ſampan.
A le canne grande | cauaghan.
Ale picole | bonbon.
Ale ſue barche grande | balanghai
Ale ſue barque picolle | boloto
Ali granci | Cuban
AL peſce | Jcam yſſida
A vno peſcie tuto depinto | panap ſapã
A vno alto roſſo | timuan.
A vno certo alto | pilax
A vno alto | emaluan.
Tuto e vno | Siama siama
A vno ſchiauo | bonſuL
A la forca | bolle
ALa naue | benaoa
A vno re o capo gñale | raia.

Words of those heathen people

For Man | lac
for Woman | paranpaon
for Young woman | beni beni
for Married woman | babay
for Hair | boho
for Face | guay
for Eyelids | pilac
for Eyebrows | chilei
for Eye | matta
for Nose | ilon
for Jaws | apin
for Lips | olol
for Mouth | baba
for Teeth | nipin
for Gums | leghex
for Tongue | dilla
for Ears | delengan
for Throat | liogh
for Neck | tangip
for Chin | queilan
for Beard | bonghot
for Shoulders | bagha
for Spine | licud
for Breast | dughan[367]
for Body | tiam
Armpit | ilot
for Arm | botchen
for Elbow | sico
for Pulse | molanghai
for Hand | camat
for the Palm of the hand | palan
for Finger | dudlo
for Fingernail | coco
for Navel | pusut
for Penis | utin
for Testicles | boto
for Vagina[368] | billat
for to have Communication with women | jiam
for Buttocks | samput
for Thigh | paha
for Knee | tuhud
for Shin | bassag bassag[369]
for Calf of the leg | bitis
for Ankle | bolbol
for Heel | tiochid
for Sole of the foot | lapa lapa
for Gold | balaoan
for Silver | pilla
for Brass | concach
for Iron | butan
for Sugarcane | tube
for Spoon | gandan
for Rice | bughax baras
for Honey | deghex
for Wax | talho
for Salt | acin
for Wine | tuba nio nipa
for to Drink | minuncubil
for to Eat | macan
for Hog | babui
for Goat | candin
for Chicken | monoch
for Millet | humas
for Sorgo | batat
for Panicum | dana[370]
for Pepper | manissa
for Cloves | chianche
for Cinnamon | mana
for Ginger | luia
for Garlic | laxuna
for Oranges | acsua
for Egg | silog
for Cocoanut | lubi
for Vinegar | zlucha
for Water | tubin
for Fire | clayo
for Smoke | assu
for to Blow | tigban
for Balances | tinban
for Weight | tahil[371]
for Pearl | mutiara
for Mother of pearl | tipay
for Pipe [a musical instrument] | sub in
for Disease of St. Job | alupalan[372]
Bring me | palatin comorica
for certain Rice cakes | tinapai[373]
Good | main
No | tidale
for Knife | capol, sundan
for Scissors | catle
To shave | chunthinch
for a well adorned Man | pixao
for Linen | balandan
for the cloth with which they cover themselves | abaca
for hawk’sbell | coloncolon[374]
for Pater nosters of all classes | tacle
for Comb | cutlei, missamis
for to Comb | monssughud
for Shirt | sabun
for Sewing-needle | daghu
for to Sew | mamis
for Porcelain | mobuluc
for Dog | aian, ydo
for Cat | epos
for their Scarfs | gapas
for Glass Beads | balus
Come here | marica
for House | ilaga, balai
for Timber | tatamue
for the Mats on which they sleep | tagichan
for Palm-mats | bani
for their Leaf cushions | uliman
for Wooden platters | dulan
for their God | abba
for Sun | adlo
for Moon | songhot
for Star | bolan, bunthun
for Dawn | mene
for Morning | uema
for Cup | tagha
Large | bassal
for Bow | bossugh
for Arrow | oghon
for Shields | calassan
for Quilted garments used for fighting | baluti
for their daggers | calix, baladao
for their Cutlasses | campilan
for Spear | bancan
for Like | tuan
for Figs [i.e., bananas] | saghin
for Gourds | baghin
for the Cords of their violins | gotzap
for River | tau
for Fishing-net | pucat, laia
for small Boat | sampan
for large Canes | cauaghan
for the small ones | bonbon
for their large Boats | balanghai
for their small Boats | boloto[375]
for Crabs | cuban
for Fish | icam, yssida
for a Fish that is all colored | panapsapan
for another red [Fish] | timuan
for a certain other [kind of Fish] | pilax
for another [kind of Fish] | emaluan
All the same | siama siama
for a Slave | bonsul
for Gallows | bolle
for Ship | benaoa
for a King or Captain-general | raia

Numero:

Vno | Vzza
duy | dua
tre | tolo.
Quato | vpat
Cinque | lima
Sey | onom
Sette | pitto
octo | gualu
Noue | Ciam.
Diece | polo.

Numbers

One | uzza
two | dua
three | tolo
four | upat
five | lima
six | onom
seven | pitto
eight | gualu
nine | ciam
ten | polo[376]

Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de qeLa alta q̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela qalle ſonno homini negi Como in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaqalle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia    coſi faceſſemo ancho nui    Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola    ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re    poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume    ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua    daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue    entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma    Queſte torcie erano de anime Como li dete de soura    fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente    Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua    venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana    mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne    Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dento in pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata    poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne    poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi    in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte    Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnalta de palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte    iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato    dormi cõ vno ſuo principali    Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla    vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie    finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna    me reſpoſe era contento    andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me    ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laqalle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatro borquie de metalo vna magiore de Lalta et due piu picole ꝓ ſenare    gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão    Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alte Ja dete    pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re    ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce    La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro    mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in qelli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno qela fatiga    Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna alta fiata in queſta izolla non dico alto    paſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li alti principali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai    retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſopa vno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy    Domanday al re qi eran qelli    riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj    Queſti populi vano nudi Como li alti de ſupa    Lo re ſe chiama raia Calanao    eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et alte coſe    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipit due Jornate de ql aL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechij

In the midst of that archipelago,[377] at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].[378] We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,[379] where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,[380] which were of the anime, of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt[381] fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.[382] When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.[383] When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses[384] but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jars and four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,[385] making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].[386] That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.[387] As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.[388] The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees[389] from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu, and is called Chipit.[390] Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,[391] where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.[392]

Partendone de ql ala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata    La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne    vano nudi Como li alti    anno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata    anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti    Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj    ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian.

Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.[393] They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas[394] from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.[395]

Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni alti Longui vno palmo et alti mancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio    queſto dura piu que qello coto in pigniatte    Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame.    Lo re fece pace cõ noi tagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy    Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan.

About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.[396] The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third[397] degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.[398]

Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li alti Quaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi    hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at alte cõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare    anno gally grandi molto domeſtici    nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ lalto et ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio    et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de qello de palma.

Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all[399] of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.[400] At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;[401] and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.[402]

Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eL corpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo    daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue    Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro    era ſupa la proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima    alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die    li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare    octo homini vecqi deli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſopa vno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e qeL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia    eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſti ſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach.

Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holy body [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas[403] from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Two almadies[404] came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while the almadies are their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine[405] and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is called arach [i.e., arrack].

Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnalta volta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo    li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre    poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj de zucharo et alguni alti facti amodo de torte con oui et melle    ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃    vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy alti ſopa lo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elqalle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso: crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato    aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li alti ſete principali a qi tella a qi bonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo.

Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves, while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven[406] of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,[407] a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red: crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].

Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſopa li elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia    lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del re ſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti    ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et alti principali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſopa vno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi    AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnalta piu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliqalli veniua la luce nella ſala    iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqi nudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſta dalaqalle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dento de queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre    dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dento cõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo alto et poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deL re deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão alto ſaluo potere mẽcadã tare    ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere    poi li deſſemo li preſenti    faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy alti fo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſopa la ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli    ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella    alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre    li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro: doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani    retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃    Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra    aliqalli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli    venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ alti tanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re    in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce    cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et alte coſe    beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de qeL vino lanbicato    mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuande de ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j    oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão    Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj    Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqi le caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere    dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel qalle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero    in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte    Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo    ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali    non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza    ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles.

When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,[408] whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to the king’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,[409] where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.[410] At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.[411] No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance. We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.[412] They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet food with gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city[413] is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].[414] The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters[415] of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,[416] who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con alti tanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole    Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibile nela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo cato amazando molte ꝓ ſonne    tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon    coſtui era capo gñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata    giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capo et Lo Jonco ſenza noſto conſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo    ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capo ne haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capo era molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro.    in queſto porto glie vnalta cita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto    il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo    facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſti q̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão conta li gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõe de queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce    de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL capo    reteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpaga ma Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.

On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli [417] (which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible, abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,[418] which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack the heathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.[419]

LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto    ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime    ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore    la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina    lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo    ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe    la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamte duna parte quato ſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis    per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſte ne dauano ſey ſcutelle de porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana    ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola    vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL    Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali    Queſti morj vano nudi como li alti    beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.

Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.[420] Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.[421] The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that money picis.[422] They gave us six porcelain dishes for one cathil[423] (which is equivalent to two of our libras) of quicksilver; one hundred picis for one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of anime to calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].[424] Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,[425] wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles[426] more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.

Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe lalto giorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.

The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.

Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denti cõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro    ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.

Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;[427] not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, but not to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.[428] They are circumcised like the Jews.

Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa    e menuta como li remole    Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor    li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe    Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.

Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.[429] If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call it capor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.[430] That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.[431]

Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua    vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo    vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno    ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne    le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre alti fugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.

Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,[432] because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.[433] Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.[434] Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.

AL capo de burne fa queſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno porto ꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dento et ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni    Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qi in vna coſa qi in vnalta ma la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe    Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnalta loqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi    gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte    fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et lalta quaranta catro    pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni    eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo    haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo    Ancora qi ſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue    apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delalta anno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qi le coca fugino    yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola    Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de alto ſenon de arie.

At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eight degrees and seven minutes,[435] is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,[436] and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.[437] We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.[438] Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches[439] them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.[440] I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.

Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa et Lo ſacquegiaſſemo    ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine    poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et alte coſe    vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi    poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et alte coſe    ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fa la yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandisso Quando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno alto mare    reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle    le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo    Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle    coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo    ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.

Having left that island,[441] that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we captured the junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,[442] which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.[443] The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,[444] he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.

Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli    La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue    in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare    ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj    ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan    larbore de queſta Cannella he alto tre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti    la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro    La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella    La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella    la chiamão caiu mana    Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.

Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.[445] The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call it caiu mana. Caiu means wood, and mana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”[446]

Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti    Quanto alguni alti vedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue era malucho    ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco    in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi    Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.

Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force a bigniday,[447] a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.[448] All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao, and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.[449] Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty[450] leguas from Cavit.[451]

Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſti ſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et sta chiara ſoura lo trinqueto    ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a sto nicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina    ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle    Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli alti    Queſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.

Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,[452] Sarangani, and Candighar.[453] One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.[454] St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.

Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho    facendo nr̃o viagio fa mezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere    ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette    Queſta yſola tenne quato re raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu    ſonno gentili    ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.

Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might show us where Malucho lay.[455] Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.[456] Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.[457]

Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut    poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau    paſſate queſte due yſolle mercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quato yſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue    Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria    non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle: doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho    eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.

Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.[458] The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.[459] [Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.[460] After passing those two islands, on Wednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.[461] Among all those islands [among all those islands: doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.[462]

Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria    neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta    ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo    ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe    lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno    dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amaluco da luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuy eramo qelli    Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo    li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui    eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſte ꝓ che daqi indietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore    li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alti ſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti alti aqi bonneti et aqi cortelli    deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare    dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer alto ſinon la ꝓpia vita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s.    doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la cita et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti    partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare    pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde    Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo    alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo    haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo: doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.

Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,[463] we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined to consult the moon,[464] whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.[465] Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece of berania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,[466] and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;[467] and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.[468] When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,[469] and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head, doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.[470]

Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqi inanzi La ſua Jſola et vnalta chiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio: crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpaga lui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃    ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui de garoſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare    JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.

On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada[471] the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons: crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,[472] named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk[473] which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.[474] He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.

Açcio vr̃a JILma sa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian    tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre    Tadore et qella doue eramo    tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente    La vltima e bachian et tienne re    tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho.    non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno franco ſeranno portugueſe capo gñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore    poy facta fa loro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno franco ſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj    il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducento bahar de garofoli    coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capo amalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui    D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capo gñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare    paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de franco ſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali    li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.[475] At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno[476] had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major, and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.[477] Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.[478]

Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui    coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li alte coſe de franco ſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto    ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo    Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui    li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno panno de oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice    accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti    Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun peto alfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de franco ſeranno vene de bandan ataranate    iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia    mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.

On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,[479] a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We[480] sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.

Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta    il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ alte tante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco alto Como vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte    finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera.    Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato    ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole    Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine    Dinanzi a queſta yſola nehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli    ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et lalto cinque cento et vinticinque    li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno    JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dento ne layſola    in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.

Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very large island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.[481] The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.[482] We bought many of them from those people.

Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia    gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo    ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quato qʒi et ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de qelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar    tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqi bonny Ly volſe el re    molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi    la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto    ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.

On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,[483] one bahar; for three of those gongs of theirs, two bahars;[484] for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.[485] Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.[486]

Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama    alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta    JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne    ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuão nele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine    gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta    Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.

On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in the ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,[487] and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)

NOTES

[Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden are made from Arber’s reprint The first three English books on America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555; from Mosto, from Il primo viaggio, intorno al globo di Antonio Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was published as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell’America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]

[1] The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black below with a white transverse bar running from left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto Il nest rose sans espine, i.e., “No rose without a thorn,” which was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the close of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1519, but in what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhães’s intended voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain’s servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called as his country was Lombardy. After the return of the “Victoria,” he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France, and returned to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by him to Cárlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily throughout the voyage. His Relation as we know it was undertaken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova, but its composition was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come to Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524, meeting Villiers l’Isle-Adam on his journey thither. He remained in the pope’s service but a short time, for in April, 1524, he was back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copyright on his Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty years. Pozzo says that he was received into the Order of St. John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably somewhat before that date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August, 1530, his work was presented to Villiers l’Isle-Adam. Nothing further is known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks as late as 1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or 1535 and at Malta. In addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote a Treatise on the art of navigation, which follows his Relation. This is not presented in the present publication, notwithstanding its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is reproduced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (London, 1585); and wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the “Vincenzo” being an error for “vicentino,” i.e., “Venetian.” See Mosto, Il primo viaggio ... di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), pp. 13–30; Larousse’s Dictionnaire; and La grande Encyclopédie (Paris).

[2] The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II, p. 26, note 2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta’s spelling of proper names is retained.

[3] Philippe de Villiers l’Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold in October, and refusing Soliman’s entreaties to remain with him, went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l’Isle-Adam Adam went thither in October of that year. He was always held in high esteem for his bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri’s Dictionaire, and Larousse’s Dictionnaire.

[4] The four MSS. of Pigafetta’s Relation are those known as the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French) so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale are both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series.

There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper: “Navigation and discovery of Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of Rhodes.”

[5] The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June, 1519. Pigafetta writing after that date is not explicit.

[6] Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained preëminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on a private mission for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3.

[7] MS. 5,650 adds: “scholars and men of understanding.”

[8] MS. 5,650 reads: “so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said voyage and indeed been an eyewitness of the things hereafter written.”

[9] See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhães. The only adequate life of Magalhães in English is that of Guillemard.

[10] That is, the Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note 171. Magalhães and Falero were decorated with the cross of comendador of the order by Cárlos I in the presence of the royal Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard’s Ferdinand Magellan, p. 114.

[11] See Vol. I for various documents during the period of the preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 114–116 and 130–134; and Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. xxxiv–xlvi.

[12] Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Clement’s election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or January, 1524.

[13] The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villiers L’Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3.

[14] MS. 5,650 reads: “Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not, unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was impossible.”

[15] A Spanish word, meaning “lantern.”

[16] Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza “braid” or “twist.” Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, which denotes a large rope made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa)—known to the Spaniards as esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: “Sometimes he set out a lantern; at other times a thick rush cord which was lighted and was called ‘trenche’ [i.e., ‘estrenque,’ ‘rope of Spanish grass hemp’].” Barcio (Diccionario general etimológico) says that the origin of estrenque is unknown.

[17] MS. 5,650 reads: “If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the mainsail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be favorable for making better time, it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise.”

[18] MS. 5,650 adds: “which he had extinguished immediately after;” and continues: “then showing a single light as a sign that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships should do as he.”

[19] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is to say, a rock in the sea.”

[20] Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is: “Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the sail, he showed three fires.”

[21] This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[22] Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8.

[23] Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French contremaître and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third officer of a ship’s crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to Littré was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small craft. The maestro (French maître) was a sub-officer in charge of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance. The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the above officers (see following note).

[24] The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS. 5,650: “In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the ‘diane’ [i.e., ‘morn’] or otherwise ‘the star of dawn.’ The abovenamed watches were changed nightly: that is to say, that he who had stood first watch stood second the day following, while he who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that their voyage might be made with the greatest of safety. The men of the said fleet were divided into three divisions: the first was that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart, as follows.”

[25] See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 329–336, and Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3–11, 162–188, for the stores and equipments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary supplies were carried in the “Trinidad,” and the ecclesiastical ornaments in that ship and the “San Antonio.”

[26] The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhães is a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2–25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers of the fleet (sec Llorens Ascensio’s Primera vuelta al mundo, Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his Colección (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and “the casual occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy autos fiscales connected with the expedition.” Guillemard conjectures that the total number must have been between two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto (p. 53, note 2) says: “Castanheda and Barros say that the crews amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete’s lists show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Biscayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326–329.) The registers of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12–26) are as follows.

Trinidad

(Flagship of 110 tons)

Capacity | Name | Nationality
Chief captain of the fleet | Hernando de Magallanes | Portuguese, citizen of Oporto
Pilot of his Highness | Esteban Gomez | Portuguese
Notary | Leon de Espeleta |
Master | Juan Bautista de Punzorol1 | Cestre, on the Genoese shore
Alguacil2 | Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa | Espinosa
Contramaestre | Francisco Albo3 | Axio, citizen of Rodas
Surgeon | Juan de Morales4 | Sevilla
Barber | Marcos de Bayas | San Lucar de Alpechin
Carpenter | Master Antonio | Genoese
Steward | Cristóbal Ros or Rodriguez | Lepe
Calker | Felipe5 | Genoese, native of Reco
Cooper | Francisco Martin | Sevilla
Sailor | Francisco de Espinosa | De le Brizuela
Sailor | Ginés de Mafra | Jerez
Sailor | Leon Pancaldo6 | Saona, in Génova
Sailor | Juan Ginovés7 | San Remó
Sailor | Francisco Piora | Saona
Sailor | Martin Ginovés | Cestre
Sailor | Anton Hernandez Colmenero | Huelva
Sailor | Anton Ros, or Rodriguez | Huelva
Sailor | Bartolomé Sanchez | Huelva
Sailor | Tomas de Natia | Cestre
Sailor | Diego Martin | Huelva
Sailor | Domingo de Urrutia8 | Lequeitio
Sailor | Francisco Martin | Huelva
Sailor | Juan Rodriguez | Sevilla
Gunner | Master Andres, chief gunner | Bristol, in England
Gunner | Juan Bautista | Mompeller
Gunner | Guillermo Tañegui | Lila de Groya
Common seaman | Antonio de Goa | Loró
Common seaman | Anton de Noya9 | Noya in Galicia
Common seaman | Francisco de Ayamonte | Ayamonte
Common seaman | Juan de Santandres10 | Cueto
Common seaman | Blas de Toledo11 | Almunia in Aragon
Common seaman | Anton12 | Black
Common seaman | Basco Gomez Gallego | Portuguese
Common seaman | Juan Gallego | Pontevedra
Common seaman | Luis de Beas13 | Beas in Galicia
Common seaman | Juan de Grijol | Grijol in Portugal
Boy | Gutierrez | Asturian from Villasevil
Boy | Juan Genovés14 | A port on the Genoese shore
Boy | Andres de la Cruz15 | Sevilla

Servants of the captain and sobresalientes16

Servant | Cristóbal Rabelo | Portuguese, native of Oporto
Sobresaliente | Joan Miñez or Martinez | Sevilla
Servant | Fernando Portogues17 | Portuguese, native of
| | Oporto
Sobresaliente | Antonio Lombardo18 | Lombardía
| Peti-Joan | French, native of Angeo [i.e., Anjou]
| Gonzalo Rodriguez | Portuguese
| Diego Sanchez Barrasa | Sevilla
| Luis Alonso, de Gois19 | Portuguese, citizen of Ayamonte
| Duarte Barbosa | Portuguese
| Albaro de la Mezquita | Portuguese
Servant | Nuño | Portuguese, native of Montemayor Nuevo
Servant | Diego | San Lucar
Captain’s boy | Francisco20 | Portuguese, native of Estremiz
Idem | Jorge Morisco | Lombardía
Chaplain | Pedro de Balderrama | Ecija
Merino | Alberto21 Merino | Cordova
Servant of the alguacil | Pero Gomez | Hornilla la Prieta
Armorer | Pero Sanchez22 | Sevilla
Interpreter, a servant | Henrique de Malaca23 | Malaca
| Lázaro de Torres | Aracena

San Antonio

(120 tons)

Capacity | Name | Nationality
Captain and supervisor of the fleet | Juan de Cartagena |
Accountant | Antonio de Coca |
Notary | Hierónimo Guerra |
His Majesty’s pilot | Andres de San Martin |
Pilot of his Highness | Juan Rodriguez de Mafra |
Master | Juan de Elorriaga24 | Guipúzcoa
Boatswain | Diego Hernandez | Sevilla
Barber | Pedro Olabarrieta25 | Bilbao
Steward | Juan Ortiz de Gopegar26 | Bilbao
Calker | Pedro de Bilbao | Bilbao
Carpenter | Pedro de Sabtua | Bermeo
Calker | Martin de Goytisolo | Baquio
Cooper | Joan de Oviedo | Sevilla
Sailor | Sebastian de Olarte | Bilbao
Sailor | Lope de Uguarte |
Sailor | Joanes de Segura | Segura in Guipúzcoa
Sailor | Joan de Francia | Ruan [i.e., Rouen]
Sailor | Jácome de Mecina | Mesina
Sailor | Christóbal García | From Palos
Sailor | Pero Hernandez | Rivadesella
Sailor | Antonio Rodríguez, Calderero [i.e., blacksmith] | Sevilla
Sailor | Hernando de Morales27 | From Moguer
Sailor | Francisco, Marinero [i.e., a sailor] | Citizen of Huelva
Sailor | Francisco Ros, or Rodriguez | From Huelva
Sailor | Pedro de Laredo | Portogalete
Sailor | Simon de Asio | Axio
Gunner | Master Jacques, chief gunner | From Tierra Lorena [i.e., land of Lorraine]
Gunner | Rojer Dupict | Monaym
Gunner | Joan Jorge | Silvedrin
Common seaman | Luis,28 Grumete [i.e., a common seaman] | Galicia
Common seaman | Martin de Aguirre | Arrigorriaga
Common seaman | Columbazo | Bolonia [i.e., Bologna]
Common seaman | Lucas de Mecina | Mesina
Common seaman | Lorencio Rodriguez | From Moguer
Common seaman | Miguel | Pravia, in Astúrias
Common seaman | Joanes de Irun Iranzo | Irun Iranza in Guipúzcoa
Common seaman | Joan Ginoves | Saona
Common seaman | Joan de Orue | Munguia
Common seaman | Alonso del Puerto29 | Puerto de Santa María
Boy | Diego, son of Cristóbal Garcia | From Palos
Boy | Diego, son of Juan Rodriguez de Mafra |

Servants and sobresalientes

Chaplain | Bernardo Calmeta | Laytora in France
Sobresaliente | Joan de Chinchilla | Murcia
Sobresaliente | Anton de Escobar | Talavera
Sobresaliente | Francisco de Angulo | Moron
Servant to the captain | Francisco de Molino | Baeza
Servant to the captain | Roque Pelea | Salamanca
Servant to the captain | Rodrigo Nieto, a Galician | Orense
Servant to the captain | Alonso del Rio | Búrgos
Servant to the captain | Pedro de Balpuesta | Citizen of Búrgos
Servant to the captain | Joan de Leon | Leon
Servant to the captain | Gutierre de Tuñon30 | Tunon in Astúrias
Servant to the captain | Joan de Sagredo,31 merino | Revenga, in the land of Búrgos
Servant to the captain | Joan de Minchaca, a crossbowman | Bilbao
Captain’s servant | Antonio Hernandez; interpreter | Ayamonte
Servant to the accountant | Juan Gomez de Espinosa | Espinosa
Servant to the accountant | Pedro de Urrea | Brujas

Concepcion

(90 tons)

Captain | Gaspar de Quesada |
Notary | Sancho de Heredia |
Pilot of his Highness | Joan Lopez Caraballo | Portuguese
Master | Joan Sebastian de Elcano32 | Guetaria
Boatswain | Joan de Acurio | Bermeo
Barber | Hernando de Bustamente33 | Mérida
Calker | Antonio de Basazabal34 | Bermeo
Carpenter | Domingo de Iraza35 | Deva
Steward | Joan de Campos | Alcalá de Henares
Cooper | Pero Perez | Sevilla
Sailor | Francisco Rodriguez36 | Sevilla
Sailor | Francisco Ruiz | Moguer
Sailor | Mateo de Gorfo37 | Gorfo
Sailor | Joan Rodriguez38 | Huelva
Sailor | Sebastian Garcia39 | Huelva
Sailor | Gomez Hernandez | Huelva
Sailor | Lorenzo de Iruna40 | Socavila in Guipúzcoa
Sailor | Joan Rodriguez,41 el sordo [i.e., the deaf man] | Sevilla
Sailor | Joan de Aguírre | Bermeo
Sailor | Joan de Ortega | Cifuentes
Gunner | Hans Vargue,42 chief gunner | German
Gunner | Master Pedro | Bruselas
Gunner | Roldan de Argote | Flandes, in Brujas
Common seaman | Joan de Olivar43 |
Common seaman | Guillermo de Lole44 |
Common seaman | Cristóbal de Costa45 | Jerez
Common seaman | Guillen | Galvey
Common seaman | Gonzalo de Vigo | Vigo
Common seaman | Pedro de Muguertegui | Muguertegui
Common seaman | Martin de Isaurraga | Bermeo
Common seaman | Rodrigo Macias | Sevilla
Common seaman | Joan Navarro46 | Pamplona
Common seaman | Joanes de Tuy |
Boy | Juanillo47 | Galbey
Boy | Pedro de Churdurza48 | Bermeo

Sobresalientes

Captain’s servant | Luis del Molino | Baeza
Captain’s servant | Antonio Fernandez | Portuguese, of Sevilla
Captain’s servant | Alonso Coto49 | Genoese
Captain’s servant | Francisco Diaz de Madrid | Madrid
Merino | Martin de Judicibus | Genoese
| Juan de Silva | Isla Graciosa, in Azores
Blacksmith | Gonzalo Hernandez | Santa María del Puerto
| Martin de Magallayns | Portuguese, of Lisboa
| Joan de la Torre | Almonaster, a boundary of Sevilla

Victoria

(85 tons)

Captain and treasurer of fleet | Luis de Mendoza |
Pilot of his Highness | Basco Gallego | Portuguese
Notary | Martin Mendez | Citizen of Sevilla
Master | Anton Salomon | Trápana in Sicilia
Boatswain | Miguel de Rodas | Rodas
Alguacil | Diego de Peralta | Peralta in Navarra
Steward | Alonso Gonzales | Portuguese
Calker | Simon de la Rochela | From La Rochela
Carpenter | Martin de Griate50 | From Deva
Sailor | Miguel Benesciano | Bresá
Sailor | Diego Gallego | Bayona in Galicia
Sailor | Lope Navarro | Tudela
Sailor | Nicolas Ginoves | Génova
Sailor | Nicolao de Nápoles | Nápoles de Romanía
Sailor | Miguel Sanchez | Rodas
Sailor | Nicolao de Capua | Capua
Sailor | Benito Genovés | Arvenga
Sailor | Felipe de Rodas | Rodas
Sailor | Esteban Villon51 | Troya
Sailor | Joan Griego | Nápoles de Romanía
Gunner | Jorge Aleman [i.e., the German], chief gunner | From Estric
Gunner | Filiberto de Torres52 | Toriana
Gunner | Hans, a German53 | Agan
Common seaman | Joanico,54 a Viscayan | Somorostro
Common seaman | Joan de Arratia55 | Bilbao
Common seaman | Ochote56 | Bilbao
Common seaman | Martin de Ayamonte |
Common seaman | Pedro de Tolosa | Tolosa in Guipúzcoa
Common seaman | Sebastian Ortiz | Gelver
Common seaman | Antonio | Baresa in Génova
Common seaman | Bernal Mahuri57 | Narbona
Common seaman | Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., a Galician] | Coruña
Common seaman | Domingo Portogues [i.e., a Portuguese] | Coimbra
Boy | Juan de Zuvileta, the son of Basco Gallego | Baracaldo

Sobresalientes

The captain’s servant | Francisco Carvajal | Salamanca
Captain’s servant | Joan Martin58 | Aguilar de Campo
Captain’s servant | Simon de Burgos | Portuguese
Captain’s servant | Bartolomé de Saldaña | Palos
Blacksmith | Gonzalo Rodriguez |
Blacksmith | Pero Garcia de Herrero59 | Ciudad Real
Blacksmith | Joan Villalon | Antequera
Blacksmith | Alonso de Mora, or de Ebora60 | Mora, in Portugal
Cooper | Joan de Córdoba | Sanlúcar
Cooper | Diego Diaz | Sanlúcar

Santiago

(75 tons)

Captain and pilot of his Highness | Joan Serrano | Citizen of Sevilla
Notary | Antonio de Costa |
Master | Baltasar Ginoves | Ribera de Génova [i.e., the Genoese shore]
Boatswain | Bartolomé Prior61 | San Malo
Steward | Gaspar Diaz | Isla Graciosa, in the Azores
Calker | Joan García | Génova
Carpenter | Ripart62 | Bruz in Normandia [i.e., Normandy]
Sailor | Antonio Flamenco [i.e., a Fleming] | Enveres
Sailor | Luis Martinez | Huelva
Sailor | Bartolomé García | Palos
Sailor | Joan García | Palos
Sailor | Agustin | Saona
Sailor | Bocacio Alfonso63 | Bollullos
Sailor | Pedro Gascon64 [i.e., a Gascon] | Burdeos [i.e., Bordeaux]
Sailor | Domingo65 |
Sailor | Diego García de Trigueros | Trigueros
Gunner | Lorenzo Corrat | Talesa in Normandia [i.e., Normandy]
Gunner | Joan Macia66 | Troya
Common seaman | Pedro Diaz67 | Huelva
Common seaman | Antonio Hernandez68 | Palos
Common seaman | Juan,69 a negro |
Common seaman | Joan Breton [i.e., a Breton] | Cruesic in Bretaña [i.e., Brittany]
Common seaman | Pedro Bello70 | Palos
Common seaman | Hierónimo Garcia71 | Sevilla
Common seaman | Pero Arnaot | Horrai
Common seaman | Pero Garcia | Trigueros
Boy | Joan Flamenco [i.e., a Fleming] | Enveres
Boy | Francisco Paxe72 |

Sobresalientes

Merino | Joan de Aroche | Aroche, boundary of Sevilla
| Martin Barrena | Villafranco in Guipúzcoa
| Hernan Lorenzo | Aroche

The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet.

Capacity | Name | Nationality
Carpenter | Aroca | Viscayan
Steward | Blas Alfonso | Portuguese
Calker | Juan Gutierrez |
| Maestre Pedro73 |
Sailor | Bautista Genovés | Génova
Common seaman | Perucho de Bermeo |
Common seaman | Domingo Alvarez |
Common seaman | Domingo Gonzalez |
Common seaman | Domingo de Zubillan74 | Portuguese
Common seaman | Andres Blanco |
Common seaman | Antonio Gomez | Axio
Common seaman | Juan Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] |
Common seaman | Juan Bras |
Common seaman | Gonzalo Gallego |
Common seaman | Rodrigo de Hurrira |
| Sebastian Portugués [i.e., a Portuguese] |
| Juan de Ircepais |

Sobresalientes

Secular priest | Pero Sanchez de Reina |
| Licentiate Morales |
| Hernando Rodriguez |
| Hartiga |
| Diugurria |
Soldier | Diego Arias | Sanlúcar
Blacksmith | Juan Hernandez | Triana
Servant of Luis de Mendoza | Hernando de Aguilar |
| The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo |

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list.

[27] The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wâd-al-Kebir, “the great river”), superseded the Roman name of Bætis. The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called Bætica after the name of the Bætis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coría was once a Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San Lúcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Pérez de Guzman, a famous captain.

[28] The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: “which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the said port;” for “longui” may be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins.

[29] MS. 5,650 reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles.” This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version, but that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his original.

[30] MS. 5,650 reads: “furnish the fleet.”

[31] Ninguna in original, a Spanish word.

[32] MS. 5,650 adds: “otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, “southwest.”

[33] MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montaña Roja (the Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon.

[34] The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s Alboquerque, London, 1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description of Africa (London, 1896), i, pp. 99–101: both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak, the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude is 28° 15′.

[35] Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of Tenerife.

[36] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8).

[37] MS. 5,650 reads: “water coming from spring or river.”

[38] Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke thynge is alſo ſcene in the Iland of ſaynt Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne rising.” This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios históricos ... de las islas Canarias, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9).

[39] MS. 5,650 adds: “which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’” This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).

[40] Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: “In this coaſt they had no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for the ſpace of three ſcore and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.”

[41] MS. 5,650 adds: “and of those persons who have sailed there often.”

[42] MS. 5,650 reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).”

[43] This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibéron (tiburin, tiburon).—Echagaray’s Diccionario Etimológico (Madrid, 1889).

[44] MS. 5,650 reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.” Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo, meaning “fishhook.”

[45] MS. 5,650 adds: “because of the bad weather.”

[46] MS. 5,650 reads “a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is given by Eden (p. 250).

[47] MS. 5,650 adds: “It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour; and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of St. Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ſtarre commonly cauled ſaynt Helen which is ſumtyme ſeene abowt the maſtes of ſhyppes, beinge of ſuche fyery nature that it ſumetyme melteth braſen veſſels, and is a token of drownyng, foraſmuch as this chaunceth only in great tempeſtes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a groſe vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo’s fire is the popular name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by Simon de Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54): “They saw the fires called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom the ancients called Castor and Pollux).” “Elmo” is said by some to be a corruption of “Helena,” the sister of Castor and Pollux, and the name “Hellene” or “Helen” was often given to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called fire of “St. Elias,” “St. Clara,” “St. Nicolas,” and “composite,” “composant,” and “corposant (i.e., corpus sanctum).”

[48] The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridæ and genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela (“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors “boatswain,” “teaser,” and “dung-hunter.” The last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exocœtus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New York).

[49] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the south and the west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half degrees;” while Eden (p. 250) reads: “xxii degrees and a halfe.”

[50] Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8° 21´ south latitude, and is the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhães arrested Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the “San Antonio” to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874).

[51] MS. 5,650 reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: “and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 214).

[52] Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,” confusing naveau with navette, “shuttle.” Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip” or navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian.

[53] MS. 5,650 reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade (“swords”), bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally: “money;” “diamonds”), and coppe (“cups”).

[54] MS. 5,650 reads: “five.”

[55] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo.” By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti’s version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’ experience during the expedition.

[56] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on December 13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San Tomé, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river.... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports ... and is called the bay of Santa Lucía.... In the said bay, one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk’s bells with food.... We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the said month of December. On that day we went and took our course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a good entrance.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 1) says: “as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year.” Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) says: “Setting sail thence [i.e., from Tenerife], the first land sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days.”

[57] Eden (p. 251) says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and Italie.”

[58] MS. 5,650 adds: “more like beasts than anything else.”

[59] MS. 5,650 reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden (p. 251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169.

[60] Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as “boy.”

[61] MS. 5,650 reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii.” One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200 head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi).

[62] Amoretti makes this passage read: “Their boats, called canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;” understanding maschize as massiccio “huge.” Mosto prefers to read maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one word in the original), for ma schiacciate, “but flattened.” Accepting this, the translation would be: “They have boats made from one single tree, only flattened.” Amoretti’s interpretation is to be preferred.

[63] MS. 5,650 reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from hell.”

[64] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said country of Verzin.”

[65] MS. 5,650 reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130.

[66] For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of the amanuensis. This was João Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears later in Pigafetta’s narrative. After the fatal banquet in the island of Cebú, he became the leader of the remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalhães.

[67] The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the women and children.—Stanley.

[68] It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue).

[69] Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).

[70] MS. 5,650 reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of the method of preparing this root.

[71] The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagaçu), or peccari (Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten; and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note.

[72] The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the Plataleidæ, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States.

[73] Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.

[74] MS. 5,650 reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers on the head or fastened to the head.”

[75] MS. 5,650 adds: “and compassion.”

[76] MS. 5,650 reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from it.”

[77] MS. adds: “which was a piece of great simplicity.”

[78] This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed us another very simple thing.”

[79] This passage in Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery.” The matter between the words “length” and “naked” is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms.” He also cites the following passage from the first French printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the girl: “At the first coast that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, and nursed their children.” Stanley adds that this story of the slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come aboard ship.

[80] MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French forcette (“scissors”) as “fork.”

[81] Eden says (p. 251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole Antartike.”

[82] MS. 5,650 reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.”

[83] MS. 5,650 reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads: “Abowt the mouth of this ryuer are ſeven ilandes, in the byggeſt whereof, they founde certeyne precious ſtones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue paſſed into the ſouth ſea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other paſſage than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhães left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa María and the river which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the “river of Solís.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For early history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plata.

[84] Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law.

[85] Eden adds (p. 251): “which ſum thynke to bee thoſe fyſſhes that wee caule pikes.” Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden coloure.” They were probably some species of the Otariidæ or fur-seals (Giullemard, p. 160, note). The “geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado (“Port Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay where he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 54, 55.

[86] Port St. Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that port.” Other writers give slightly different locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the “Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered for four months.”

[87] MS. 5,650 adds: “jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing men.” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta’s account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in Vol. I, pp. 303–337.

[88] MS. 5,650 reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.”

[89] Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage: “His hair was short and colored white,” but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting.” They showed that they had had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that “The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che, southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the name “Patagonian” is wrongly given).

[90] The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

[91] Hence arose the name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,” given by Magalhães, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth.

[92] The words “somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS. 5,650.

[93] This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650.

[94] Eden (p. 251) says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with alſo a lookynge glaſſe, a combe, and a payre of beades of glaſſe.”

[95] MS. 5,650 adds: “on the face.”

[96] MS. 5,650 omits “face.”

[97] “For the smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650.

[98] Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp. 314, 315). The “Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the “San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred.

[99] MS. 5,650 reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French “forces” as “forks.”

[100] MS. 5,650 adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles.”

[101] MS. 5,650 reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture: “Being thus taken, they were immediately ſeperate and put in ſundry ſhyppes.”

[102] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, the big devil.”

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth.

[103] MS. 5,650 reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in irons.”

[104] MS. 5,650 makes this plural.

[105] See ante, note 103.

[106] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[107] MS. 5,650 adds: “in their language.”

[108] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[109] MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American Indians.

[110] MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.”

[111] MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes).

[112] Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS. 5,650.

[113] In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”

[114] Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della Società geografica italiana,” 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called “Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.”

[115] See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as “Palaghom.”

[116] A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word τἀσιγχανοι, by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitános (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitáno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own appellation is “Rom” “the man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903).

[117] MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.”

[118] “Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½ months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says that the place was called “river of Saõ Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.

[119] A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny: “They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted against Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but Magalhães subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to Antonio de Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.

“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding, ‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the “Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the “San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.

[120] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”

[121] Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.

[122] Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel.

[123] See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

[124] Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”

[125] MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”

[126] MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse (“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—the Nototheniids. The so-called Eliginus maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”

[127] Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”

[128] The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.

[129] MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.

[130] Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)

[131] Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautìque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.

[132] This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.

[133] Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.

[134] Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.

[135] The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.

[136] Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.

[137] The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.

[138] MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.

[139] MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”

[140] The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.

[141] Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably in the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203–205.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).

[142] Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expression cugino germano, “cousin german.”

[143] MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”

[144] Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the course to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.

[145] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).

[146] MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”

[147] João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’s Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).

[148] MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.

[149] “The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).

[150] According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”) is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.

[151] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.

[152] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”

[153] MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”

[154] Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).

[155] MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, in Vol. I, pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319–321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130.

[156] These fish are: a species of Coryphæna; the Thymnus albacora, and the Thymnus plamys.

[157] From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).

[158] MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”

[159] At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”

[160] Literally: “for the nature of women.”

[161] MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.

Eyes | ather
Eyelashes | occhechl
Lips | schiane
Hair | ajchir
Throat | ohumer
Shoulders | peles
Penis | scachet
Testicles | scaneos
Rump | schiachen
Arm | mar
Pulse | ohon
Legs | choss
Feet | teche
Heel | there
Sole of the foot | cartscheni
Fingernails | colini
To scratch | ghecare
Young man | calemi
Water | oli
Smoke | jaiche
We | chen
Yes | zei
Petre lazure | secheghi
Sun | calexcheni
To eat | mecchiere
To look | conne
To walk | rhei
Ship | theu
To run | haim
Ostrich eggs | jan
The powder of the herb which they eat | capae
Red cloth | terechai
Black | amel
Red | theiche
To cook | jrecoles
A goose | chache
Their little devils | Cheleult

In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent of “no;” theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomes courir (“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre d’herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the hand”); ochy for ochii (“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for hoii (“buttocks”); ohoy for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of the foot”); chol for thol (“heart”); om for oni (“wind”); aschame for aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to fight”); amet for amel (“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the vocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.

English | Roncagli | Pigafetta
Nose | or | or
eye | óthel | other
hand | tzén | chene
ear | sha | sane
ostrich | óyue | hoi hoi

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.

[162] MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”

[163] Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.

[164] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.

[165] MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge in this tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.

[166] A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).

[167] MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”

[168] This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.

[169] The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.

[170] MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”

[171] MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude 14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.

[172] MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word ho and whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern” (‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, if ho be regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctive ho, “or” is used in place of e, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note 1. L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.

[173] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.

[174] Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.

The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”

[175] MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”

[176] Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.

[177] Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See Travels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’s Japan, p. 4.

[178] See Vol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.

[179] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct.

[180] MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”

[181] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”

[182] MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph.

[183] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 226).

[184] Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”

[185] MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered.

When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of the skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”

[186] MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”

[187] MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”

[188] At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.”

[189] MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”

[190] MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje or stoje meaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”

[191] They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also Vol. XVI, pp. 200–202.

[192] In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”

[193] Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice.

[194] MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.

[195] In the Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly (“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien, Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others.”

[196] “The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”

[197] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[198] MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”

[199] Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.

[200] MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’s Historia, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.

[201] MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.

[202] In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”

[203] MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”

[204] Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or Joló.”

[205] MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”

[206] MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”

[207] Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e., Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (see ante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.

[208] The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (see Vol. II, p. 48).

[209] Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).

[210] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[211] MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’”

[212] MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.”

[213] MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that picheti is from the Spanish piquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.

[214] Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranita that is gentyles.” See Vol. III, p. 93, note 29.

[215] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[216] Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto reads focine, which is amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably the same word as fiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”

[217] Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says of rizali: “Rizzagio or rizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”

Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.

[218] MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.

After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”

[219] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly. We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.” See also Vol. I, pp. 322, 323.

[220] MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.

[221] Bara: the Spanish word barra.

[222] MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.”

[223] MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”

[224] For dorade, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”

[225] The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’s Blood Covenant (Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.

[226] MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translated harnois blanc literally as “white armor.”

[227] This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.

[228] Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.”

[229] MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie in the kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (See ante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634 B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth century A.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century in De Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269.

[230] Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.

[231] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[232] MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”

[233] The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’s Ceremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.

[234] Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king.

[235] A tolerably good description of the native houses of the present day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description, Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.

[236] MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.

[237] This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

[238] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[239] Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao.

[240] This name is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5,650, Siaui; Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu.

[241] MS. 5,650 reads: “the captain sent the chaplain ashore to celebrate mass.”

[242] MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the Italian MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore by means of muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the kings and Magalhães separated, both of which references are omitted by MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “The Captaine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr beſt apparel withowte weapons or harneſſe, and all the reſydue well armed.”

[243] In Eden (p. 255): “damaſke water.”

[244] MS. 5,650 reads: “but they offered nothing.”

[245] MS. 5,650 says: “every one did his duties as a Christian and received our Lord.”

[246] MS. 5,650 adds: “for the people.”

[247] The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: “they made immediate reverence;” MS. 5,650 says “to which these kings made reverence,” which is scarcely likely, as the latter would, until told by Magalhães, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it was the Spaniards who made the reverence.

[248] MS. 5,650 reads: “whenever any ships came from Spain.”

[249] Cf. Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 132.

[250] MS. 5,650 reads: “men and ships to render them obedient to him.”

[251] MS. 5,650 reads: “to the middle of the highest mountain,” evidently confusing mezo di (“afternoon”) of the Italian MS. with mezo (mezzo; “middle”); for the cross was set up on the summit of the mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 continues: “Then those two kings and the captain rested, and while conversing, the latter had them asked [not “I had them asked” as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as je] where the best port was for getting food. They replied that there were three, namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was the largest and the best trading place.” These are the islands of Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani of Transylvanus, Vol. I, p. 322), Cebú, and Mindanao (the Caraga district).

[252] 5,650 reads simply: “Then we descended to the place where their boats were.”

[253] This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “As the captain intended to leave next morning, he asked the king for pilots in order that they might conduct him to the ports abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those pilots as he would them themselves, and that he would leave one of his men as a hostage. In reply the first king said that he would go himself to guide the captain to those ports and that he would be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he should gather his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He asked the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could accomplish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it.” At this point MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter.

[254] The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was struck in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two Sicilies, etc. The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished as “quattrino Romano.” The Venetian copper quattrino was first struck in the reign of Francesco Foscari (1423–57). See W. C. Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent (London and New York, 1893), p. 226.

[255] Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France during his occupation of the Milanese (1500–1512). Hazlitt, ut supra, p. 196.

[256] Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period.

[257] This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. has another chapter division at this point.

[258] Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as “gentle.”

[259] Probably the abacá, although it may be the cloth made from the palm. See Morga’s description of the Visayans, Vol. XVI, p. 112.

[260] Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 80, 81.

[261] MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as follows: “They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have chewed it a long time, they spit it out and throw it away.” Cf. the account in Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 97–99.

[262] MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga’s Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 84–97.

[263] In MS. 5,650, “Mazzaua;” in Eden, “Meſſana;” in Mosto, “Mazana,” while in the chart it appears as “Mazzana;” Transylvanus, “Massana;” and Albo, “Masava.” It is now called the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and one-half square miles.

[264] Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for “among” fra as prima “first.” The error arises through the abbreviation used, namely fa, Mosto mistaking it for pa, which would be prima.

[265] Stanley mistranscribes “Gatighan” from MS. 5,650 as “Satighan.” The names of the five islands as given by Eden are: “Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan.” These are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the northern part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and inlet in Leyte), and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the other nearby islands on the west coast of Leyte. See chart of these islands on p. 112.

Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: “We left Mazava and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and one-third degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the islands of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu. There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became Christians.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says that the king of Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards “a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo [i.e., Cebú], which is in ten degrees, and in this island Fernando de Magalhães did what he pleased with the consent of the country.” Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv, p. 308): “After that, after passing amid many islands, they reached one called Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba conducted them to another large island called Zubó.”

[266] MS. 5,650 reads: “only one of them.” Barbastili is a Venetian word for pipistrelli. These bats are the Pteropi or “flying foxes,” the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found in Guimarás, Siquijor, and Cebú, and the skins of some are used as fur. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 235). See also Delgado’s Historia, pp. 842, 843; and U. S. Philippine Gazetteer.

[267] Stanley mistranslates as “tortoises.” The “black birds with the long tail” are the tabón “mound-building Megapodes, gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 235). See also Vol. V, p. 167, note 14, and Vol. XVI, page 198, note 43; also Vol. XVI, p. 81, note 84.

[268] These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their names are Poro, Pasijan, and Pansón. See Pigafetta’s chart showing these islands on p. 112.

[269] Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the chart of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136).

MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the words: “Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and Bohól.”

[270] MS. 5,650 reads: “But the interpreter reassured them by telling them.”

[271] MS. 5,650 reads: “and he was going, by the orders of the said sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque.”

[272] MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the abovesaid merchant said to the king in their language,” etc., without giving the original Malay words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita.

[273] Calicut, properly Kálíkot (said to be derived from two words meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the first king of Kálíkot was limited to the extent over which a cock could be heard to crow; or from Káli, one of the names of the goddess Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar coast. The king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted the Mahometan faith divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin, Cananor, and Coulão, and gave them to his friends, on condition that the king of Calicut be termed “Zamorim” or “Samorim,” i.e., “Supreme emperor and God upon earth” (although the proper form is said to be “Tamurin” which is conjectured by some to be a modification of the Sanskrit “Samunri,” “seaking.” The city of Kálíkot, a noted emporium of trade, was built perhaps as early as 805 A.D., although the date 1300 A.D. is also given as that of its founding; and is described by Ibn Batuta in 1342 as one of the finest ports in the world. It was visited by Covilham in 1486, and Vasco da Gama’s ships were freighted there in 1498. The latter attacked the city in 1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese built a fortified factory there in 1513 which was destroyed by the governor in 1525 to avoid its falling into the enemy’s hands. The English established a factory in the city in 1616, which was captured in 1766 by Haidar Ali; but after a further series of capture and recapture, the city and district was permanently turned over to the British (1792). See Stanley’s Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869); Birch’s Alboquerque (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1875–1884); Jones and Badger’s Ludovico di Varthema (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1863), pp. 135–177; also Grey’s Travels of Pietro della Valle (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1892), pp. 344, 345, note.

Malacca, or more correctly Mâlaka is the name of an ancient territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and is possibly derived from “Malayu” meaning in Javanese “to run” or “fugitive.” At an early period Malacca fell under the sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 A.D. The first European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511, and they held it (1580–1640 under Spanish control) until 1641 when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully besieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the Dutch possessed it from 1818–1825. For descriptions and history of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stanley’s East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190–195; Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71–90 (and other citations); Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104–106; Gray’s Voyage of François Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249.

The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian empire. See Telfer’s Johann Schiltberger (Hakluyt Society publications, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11–45) India the Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that Jordanus’s Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geographer, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of “Middle India which is called Aden.” Conti divides India into three parts: the first extending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana.

[274] MS. 5,650 adds: “and treat his subjects well.”

[275] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[276] MS. 5,650 adds: “who was in the captain’s ship.”

[277] MS. 5,650 reads: “Thereupon the king told them that he was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain to do the same.”

[278] MS. 5,650 reads: “Consequently they should ask their captain whether he intended to observe the custom.”

[279] MS. 5.650 reads: “he should commence by giving a present, whereupon the captain would do his duty.” This MS. begins another chapter at this point.

[280] MS. 5,650 reads: “so do our arms destroy the enemies of our faith.”

[281] MS. 5,650 adds: “of the ships.”

[282] MS. 5,650 reads: “and whether that prince who had come with them, was empowered to make peace.”

[283] MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses.

[284] This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[285] MS. 5,650 adds: “and for love toward God.”

[286] MS. 5,650: “he would leave them the arms that the Christians use.”

[287] These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[288] MS. 5,650 adds: “of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago].”

[289] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[290] Called “drynking glaſſes of Venice woorke” in Eden (p. 257).

[291] MS. 5,650 reads: “He had his face painted with fire in various designs.” Eden reads: “and had the residue of his body paynted with dyuers coloures whereof ſum were lyke vnto flamynge fyre.”

[292] MS. 5,650 reads: “he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he was drinking through reed pipes.”

[293] MS. 5,650 reads: “We made the due reverence to him while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him.” This MS. omits the following three sentences.

[294] The “Sinus Magnus” of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto, p. 76, note 3).

[295] This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “The prince, the king’s nephew, took us to his house, where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then we returned to the ships.” These gongs are used in many parts of the Orient.

[296] MS. 5,650 adds: “by the captain’s order.”

[297] MS. 5,650 reads: “we told him of the death of our man, and that our captain requested that he might be buried.”

[298] MS. 5,650 adds: “according to our manner.”

[299] MS. 5,650 reads: “The king took it under his charge, and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said merchandise.”

[300] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have wooden balances like those of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise.” Pardeca, as Stanley points out, is for par de ça de Loire which is equivalent to Langue d’oil, and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French understanding by the person who translated and adapted the Italian manuscript.

[301] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta.

[302] Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the shellfish, are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado’s Historia, p. 928.

[303] MS. 5,650 adds: “Which was of various strange kinds.”

[304] Eden says: “xvi. poundes weyght of iren.”

[305] MS. 5,650 reads: “The captain-general did not wish to take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be constrained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as possible.”

[306] MS. 5,650 adds: “or any other balls”

[307] MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the royal banner.

[308] MS. 5,650 adds: “and the natives of the country for their fear of it, fled hither and thither,” which is in place of the following sentence.

[309] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[310] MS. 5,650 reads: “One covered with red and the other with velvet.”

[311] MS. 5,650 adds: “in the manner of the country.”

[312] The account of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: “Then the captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the king how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king and all his men said that they would obey the captain’s commandment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king by the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism the captain told the king that he would call him Dom Charles, after the emperor his sovereign. He named the prince Dom Fernand, after the brother of the said emperor, and the king of Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of Christofle to the Moro, while he called each of the others by names according to his fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an error of the French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, he accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the ships discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave of one another.” Eden gives the number baptized as five hundred men.

[313] MS. 5,650 reads: “On seeing that, she expressed the greatest desire to became a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor’s mother.”

[314] There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue).

[315] Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures that solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied the Spanish word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun.

[316] This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[317] MS. 5,650 adds: “and we gave it to her.” This was the image found by one of Legazpi’s soldiers in Cebú in 1565 (see Vol. II, pp. 120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and Vol. V, p. 41). Encarnación (Dic. bisaya-español, Manila, 1851), says: “The Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of Bathála [God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have been left by the celebrated Magallanes.”

[318] MS. 5,650 reads: “evening.”

[319] MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The “tromb” or “trunk” was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-fire (see Corbett’s Spanish War, 1585–87 [London], 1898, p. 335). At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650, and translates from Amoretti’s version of the Italian MS.

[320] MS. 5,650 reads: “to better instruct and confirm him in the faith.”

[321] Eden says the queen was preceded by “three younge damoſelles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes.”

[322] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presentation.”

[323] MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: “and several others,” omitting all the names.

[324] MS. 5,650 reads: “and they all so swore.”

[325] MS. 5,650 reads from this point: “Then they swore, and thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and subject to the emperor,” thus ascribing this oath to the king instead of to Magalhães. The words “by his habit” can refer only to Magalhães, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebú.

[326] MS. 5,650 adds: “and hang.”

[327] MS. 5,650 adds: “and deck.”

[328] MS. 5,650 adds: “and demolished.”

[329] MS. 5,650 adds: “and overthrew.”

[330] There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this point: “There are a number of villages in that island, whose names and those of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot-cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; another, Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau, and Mosto, Iapan]; another Cilumay; and also Lubucun.” Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have “Lubucin: its chief is Cilumai.” Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubú, but Mosto (p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this difference.

[331] MS. 5,650 adds after the word borchies: “instruments so called.”

[332] Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley’s East African and Malabar Coasts, p. 65: “They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours.”

[333] MS. 5,650 adds: “and closed.”

[334] MS. 5,650 reads: “She who has killed the hog, puts a lighted torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which she holds constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony.”

[335] Cf. the ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol. XII, p. 270.

[336] Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries Attorno in a note.

[337] MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to this point. See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol. XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and Morga describe this custom.

[338] Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, “jars,” which appears probable.

[339] MS. 5,650 adds: “made in the manner abovesaid;” but this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS.

[340] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[341] MS. 5,650 reads: “The other women sit about the dead chamber sadly and in tears.”

[342] Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indiscriminately throughout this narration, but we have translated uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca’s description of burial and mourning customs among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135, 137–141; Plasencia’s description among the Tagálogs, Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195; and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133.

[343] MS. 5,650 reads: “five or six hours.”

[344] Eden in describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta narrative. He says: “Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut, is the Hand of Mathan, whoſe inhabitauntes vſe maruelous ceremonies in theyr ſacrifices to the ſoone and burying the deade. They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members.” In the description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the three divisions of the islanders contained “two thouſand and fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hardened at the poyntes with fyer.”

[345] To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged and much less graphic. It is as follows: “They replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water, in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs which were in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, but it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They leaped hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we wound one of them. On the other hand, our artillery in the boats was so far away from us that it could not aid us. Those people seeing that, and that the captain had had some of their houses burned in order to inspire them with terror, and having become more enraged, threw so many iron pointed spears at us, and shot so many arrows even at the captain himself that we could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having been driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one of those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face which laid him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so closely that we were forced to retire to our boats and to leave the dead body of the captain-general, with our other killed.” The eulogy on the dead commander is approximately the same in both MSS., except at the end, where MS. 5,650 reads: “Eight of our men died there with him, and four Indians, who had become Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were killed by the artillery of the ships, which had at last come to our aid, while many of us were wounded.”

Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebú and the death of Magalhães: “They stayed there about one month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The king of Zubó ordered the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to an island called Mathá. He set fire to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their boats.”

[346] Terciado: a Spanish word.

[347] Carteava: a Spanish word.

[348] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The account of the battle is as follows: “Fernan de Magalhães desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhães seeing that, got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about half a league from that which he had burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that for each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded of them, Fernan de Magalhães ordered three boats to be equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morning; there they found many people, who might well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhães was killed there, with six of his men, in the year 1521.”

[349] Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with Magalhães on April 27 as follows: Christóbal Rabelo, then captain of the “Victoria;” Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; Anton Gallego, a common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29.

[350] See Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215*.

[351] MS. 5,650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501–1516 in the Orient, the result of that stay being his Livro emque dà relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, which was first published at Lisbon in 1813 in vol. vii of Collecçao de noticias para a historia et geographia das nações ultramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa, and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, Magalhães lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte’s sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the “Trinidad” as a sobresaliente, and it was he who captured the “Victoria” from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover Magalhães body from the natives of Mactán, he was himself slain at Cebú at the fatal banquet May 1, 1521. Besides the above book, which is a most valuable contribution to early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do Tombo a letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513, complaining of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard’s Magellan; Stanley’s Vasco da Gama; Birch’s Alboquerque; and Hoefer’s Nouvelle Biographie Générale (Paris, 1855)

[352] See ante, note 147.

[353] Magalhães married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89–91, 322.

[354] MS. 5,650 adds: “and to advise the Christian king.”

[355] Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, “busy.” MS. 5,650 reads: “wiser and more affectionate than before.”

[356] MS. 5,650 adds: “and presents.”

[357] The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind with the “Trinidad” and was one of the four survivors of that ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after.

[358] This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan Caruaie auecques le bariſel ſen retournerẽt qui nous dirent comment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle et le preſtre a ſa maiſon et que pour cela jlz ſen eſtoyent partiz eulx doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et this becomes equivalent to the text.

[359] MS. 5,650 reads: “for we would kill him.”

[360] MS. 5,650 reads: “But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there if the boat went ashore.”

In regard to João Serrão’s death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says: “As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him.”

[361] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the natives, who had determined upon their course of action attacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve. Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as follows:

Duarte Barbosa | captain of the “Trinidad”
Juan Serrano | captain of the “Concepcion”
Luis Alfonso de Gois | captain of the “Victoria”
Andres de S. Martin | pilot of his Majesty
Sancho de Heredia | notary
Leon de Ezpeleta | notary
Pedro de Valderrama | priest
Francisco Martin | cooper
Simon de la Rochela | calker
Cristóbal Rodriguez | steward
Francisco de Madrid | sobresaliente and soldier
Hernando de Aguilar | servant of Luis de Mendoza
Guillermo Fenesi or Tanaguì | gunner of the “Trinidad”
Anton Rodriguez | sailor
Juan Sigura | sailor
Francisco Picora | sailor
Francisco Martin | sailor
Anton de Goa | common seaman
Rodrigo de Hurrira | common seaman
Pedro Herrero | sobresaliente
Hartiga | sobresaliente
Juan de Silva, Portuguese | sobresaliente
Nuño | servant of Magallanes
Henrique, from Málaca | servant of Magallanes and interpreter
Peti Juan, French | servant of Magallanes
Francisco de la Mezquita | servant of Magallanes
Francisco | son-in-law of Juan Serrano

All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See ante, note 26.

[362] Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p. 107, where Pigafetta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio xibethenus, which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines where it is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary); but it is the Artocarpus integrifolia (see Vol. XVI, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5,650 makes this “capers.”

[363] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and nangcas.

[364] MS. 5,650 reads: “one to the east northeast, and the other to the west southwest.”

[365] MS. 5,650 adds: “and eleven minutes.”

[366] Stanley says wrongly 154°.

[367] This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the following page is a repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi gentilli, that is “Words of those heathen peoples.” MS. 5,650 does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley.

[368] See ante, note 160.

[369] Bassag bassag does not correspond to “shin,” but to “basket for holding clothes, etc.,” or “cartilage of the nose;” or possibly to basac basac, “the sound made by falling water.”

[370] The equivalent of Pigafetta’s dana is daoa or daua, “millet.” Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for “panicum.”

[371] Tahil is found in the Tagálog dictionaries, and is the name of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese weight called “tael,” which was introduced by the Chinese into the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p. 100, note 11; and VII, p. 88.

[372] See Note 582, post.

[373] Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking with some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See Encarnación’s Diccionario.

[374] Amoretti’s conjectured reading of sonaglio (“hawk’s-bell”) for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan dictionaries.

[375] Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called dalámas.

[376] Most of the words of Pigafetta’s Visayan vocabulary can be distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although it is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta’s Italian phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can be distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-español y español-bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Félix de la Encarnación, O.S.A. (Recollect); and Diccionario Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-español (Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and Visayan languages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat’s Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175–238. The words queried in the following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents.

English | Visayan
| (Pigafetta) | (Encarnación) | (Sanchez)
man | lac | —— | lalaqui (?)
woman (married) | babay | babaye | babaye
hair | boho | bohóc | bohoc
face | guay | —— | bayhon (?)
eyebrows | chilei | quilay | quiray
eye | matta | matà | mata
nose | ilon | ilong | irong
jaw | apin | aping | aping
mouth | baba | bá-ba | bábá
teeth | nipin | ngipon | ngipon
gums | leghex | lagos | lagus
tongue | dilla | dila | dila
ear | delenghan | dalonggan | doronggan
throat | liogh | liog | ——
chin | queilan | solang (?) | sulang (?)
beard | bonghot | bongot | bongot
shoulder | bagha | abaga | abaga
spine [backbone] | licud | licod | licod
breast | dughan | doghan | dughan
body | tiam | tian | tian
armpit | ilot | iloc | iroc
arm | botchen | bocton; botcon | butcon
elbow | sico | sico | sico
hand | camat | camot | camut
palm of hand | palan | palad [sa camot] | palad [sa camut]
finger | dudlo | todlo | tudlo
fingernail | coco | coco | coco; colo
navel | pusut | posad | posud
penis | utin | otin | otin
testicles | boto | boto | boto
vagina | billat | bilat | bilat
buttocks | samput | sampot | ——
thigh | paha | paa | paa
knee | tuhud | tohod | tohud
calf of leg | bitis | bitiis | bíti-is
ankle | bolbol | bool bool | boco boco
heel | tiochid | ticód | ticud
sole of foot | lapa lapa | lapa lapa | ——
gold | balaoan | buláoan | bulauan
silver | pilla | pilác | ——
brass | concach | calonggáqui | ——
iron | butan | pothao | puthao
sugarcane | tube | tobó | tubo
honey | deghex | dogos | dugos
wax | talho | talo | talo
salt | acin | asín | asin
wine | tuba nia nipa | toba nga nipa | tuba nga nipa
to eat | macan | pagcaon (?) | pagcaon (?)
hog | babui | baboy | babuy
goat | candin | canding | canding
chicken | monoch | manóc | manuc
pepper | manissa | malisa | ——
cloves | chianche | sangqui | sangqui
cinnamon | mana | mana | mana
ginger | luia | loy-a | luy-a
garlic | laxuna | lasona | lasona
egg | silong | itlog | itlug
cocoanut | lubi | lobí | lubi
vinegar | zlucha | suca | suca
water | tubin | tobig; tubig | tubig
fire | clayo | calayo | calayo
smoke | assu | aso | aso
balances | tinban | timbangan | timbang; timbangan
pearl | mutiara | mutia | mutia
mother-of-pearl | tipay | tipay | tipay
pipe | subin | sobing | subing
rice cakes | tinapai | tinapay | tinapay
good | main | maayo | maopay
knife | capol; sundan | sípol; sondang | sipol; sundang
scissors | catle | catli | catli
to shave | chunthinch | gunting | ——
linen | balandan | balantan | ——
their cloth [i.e., hemp] | abaca | abacá | abacá
hawk’s bell | coloncolon | colongcolong | goronggorong
comb | cutlei | surlay | sodlay
shirt | sabun | —— | sabong (?) [i.e., ornament]
sewing-needle | daghu | dagom | dagum
dog | aian; ydo | ——; iro | ayam; ——
scarf [veil] | gapas | gapas [i.e., cotton] | ——
house | ilaga; baiai | ——; balay | ——; balay
timber | tatamue | tatha (?) [i.e., to split] or pata (?) [i.e., a piece of wood or bamboo] | tahamis (?)
mat | tagichan | tagicán | taguican
palm-mat | bani | banig | banag
cushion | uliman | olnan, and allied forms (?) | olonan (?)
wooden platters | dulan | dolong | dulang
sun | adlo | arlao | adlao
star | bunthun | bitoon (?) | bitoon (?)
morning | uema | ogma; odma (?) | ——
cup | tagha | tagay | tagay
bow | bossugh | bosog | bosog
arrow | oghun | odyong | odiong
shield | calassan | calasag | calasag
quilted armor | baluti | baloti | ——
dagger | calix; baladao | calis; baladao | caris; baladao
cutlass | campilan | campilan | campilang
spear | bancan | bangcao | bangcao
like | tuan | —— | to-ang
banana | saghin | saguing | saguing
gourd | baghin | bagong | ——
net | pucat; laia | ——; laya | raya
small boat | sampan | sampan | sampan
large canes | cauaghan | caoayan | cauayan
small canes | bonbon | bongbong | bongbong
large boats | balanghai | balañgay | barangay
small boats | boloto | baloto | baloto
crabs | cuban | coboa | ——
fish | ícam; yssida | ——; isda | ——; isda
a colored fish | panapsapan | panapsápan | panapsapan
a red fish | timuan | —— | tiao (?)
another fish | pilax | —— | pilas
ship | benaoa | bángca | ——
king | raia | hari | hadi
one | uzza | usá | usa
two | dua | doha | duha
three | tolo | toló | tolo
four | upat | opát | upat
five | lima | limá | lima
six | onom | onóm | unum
seven | pitto | pitó | pito
eight | gualu | oaló | ualo
nine | ciam | siàm | siam
ten | polo | napoló | napolo

Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to error on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac, “man,” and babaye, “woman,” are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general word for “woman” or “married woman;” while binibini is given by Mallat as the Tagálog equivalent of “girl,” and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly “belly,” and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word for “body,” which would be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both “shin” and “calf of the leg.” Iro denotes also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the word for “moon” instead of “star.” The occurrence of what are today Tagálog forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into disuse in the other.

[377] Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the chart of the island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon.”

[378] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains elected in place of those killed at Cebú were “Joam Lopez [Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer” to “be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet” to “be captain of one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa.” Pigafetta makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the “Victoria” home; both the above captains remaining with the “Trinidad.” When the “Concepcion” was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one hundred and eighty.

[379] In Eden: “Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto the Saraſins.” This is the island of Panglao and the “black men” are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed’s Negritos of Zambales, published by Department of the Interior “Ethnological Survey Publications” ii, part i (Manila, 1904), which says (p. 20) that the only large islands, besides Luzón, inhabited at present by Negritos are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua, although they do inhabit some of the smaller islands. The pure type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon or mountain Visayans; and (p. 22) “so far there is no evidence that Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. The U. S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 14,347, all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411, 415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533.

[380] MS. 5,650 reads: “When entering that house, we were preceded by many reed and palmleaf torches.”

[381] These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[382] See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and use of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native names for that grain; and Census of the Philippines, iv.

[383] Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: “where he slept with his principal wife.”

[384] MS. 5,650 reads: “in the houses of the king.”

[385] MS. 5,650 reads: “little valleys.”

[386] Cf. Vol. III, pp. 56, 57.

[387] MS. 5,650 reads: “boat.”

[388] MS. 5,650 reads: “Calanoa;” and Eden: “Calauar.”

[389] MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-six;” and Eden: “170.”

[390] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relating the course of the ships on leaving Cebú: “We left Subu and sailed southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees, between the end of Subu and an island called Bohol. Toward the western end of Subu lies another island, by name, Panilongo, which is inhabited by blacks. That island and Subu contain gold and considerable ginger. The former lies in 9 and one-third degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees. Accordingly we left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored in the island of Bohol. There we made two ships of the three, burning the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies in 9 and one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest toward Quipit, and anchored at that settlement on the right hand side of a river. On the northwest and open side are two islets which lie in 8 and one-half degrees. We could get no food there, for the people had none, but we made peace with them. That island of Quipit contains a quantity of gold, ginger, and cinnamon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search of food. The distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands is about 112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and south by west direction; and this island [i.e., Mindanao] extends quite generally east and west.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note 2).

[391] The first European mention of the island of Luzón. Luzón is derived from the Malay lâsung (Tagalog, losong), “mortar.” See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 222, 223.

[392] Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians who are known to have carried on trade for many years with the Philippines, and who indeed, once owned them.

Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the island of Caghaian.”

[393] MS. 5,650 does not mention the cuirasses.

[394] Eden reads: “40. leagues.”

[395] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) says: “We left that place [i.e., Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until we came to an island containing very few inhabitants and called Quagayan. We anchored in the northern part of that island, where we asked for the location of the island of Poluan, in order to get provisions of rice, for that island contains it in abundance, and many ships are laden there for other districts. Accordingly we sailed west northwest and came across the headland of the island of Poluan.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies northeast of Borneo.

[396] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships contained only sufficient provisions for a week.

[397] Eden reads: “C.lxxix. degrees and a third parte.” MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees.”

[398] Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 221, 222): “Then we sailed north by east along the coast [of Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao, where we made peace. Its inhabitants were Moros. We went to another village of Cafres, where we bartered for a considerable quantity of rice, and consequently laid in a good supply of provisions. That coast extends northeast and southwest. The headland of its northeastern part lies in 9 and one-third degrees, and that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third degrees. Then on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of this island, we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east and west with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west with Quagayan.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 15–17) gives a fuller account of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, “a rich country, where they got new directions about Burneo, and captured two men to guide them there.”

At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao.”

[399] MS. 5,650 reads: “all.”

[400] This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: “They have bows with wooden arrows more than one palmo long, some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, poisoned with poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poisoned bamboo.”

[401] MS. 5,650 reads: “mace.” Jannetone as pointed out by Mosto (p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon.

[402] Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and Malasian peoples. See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (New York, 1869), p. 477; and Bowring’s Visit to Philippine Isles (London, 1859). pp. 149–153.

[403] Eden reads: “fyue leaques.”

[404] From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by the inhabitants of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portuguese and their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single tree, although there are various kinds, to one of which is given the name coche, “carriage”) which is derived from the Arabic al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar, “to cross,” so called because those vessels are used in crossing rivers.—Echegaray’s Dic. etimológico (Madrid, 1887).

[405] This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[406] Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1).

[407] MS. 5,650 reads: “a red cap.”

[408] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[409] MS. 5,650 adds “and seigniors.”

[410] Stanley makes the unhappy translation “with naked daggers in their hands, which they held on their thighs.”

[411] Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578, Vol. IV, pp. 222, 223, where the king is found playing chess.

[412] This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[413] The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 269–373. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wallace’s Malay Archipelago; and Forest’s account of Brunai quoted by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets held by the women.

[414] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty or twenty-five thousand.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates the population, and that he probably gained his information from a Malay courtier.

[415] MS. 5,650 reads: “the women and daughters.”

[416] Cherita-tulis, “writers of narratives” (Stanley, p. 114); jurutulis, “adepts in writing” (Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 61).

[417] MS. 5,650 reads: “timghuly.”

[418] Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region “Lao” (see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes) “Lave.” It may possibly be the modern island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that it is some place in Banjarmasin.

[419] The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of Borneo are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222): “We sailed from Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island [i.e., Poluan] to its southwest headland, we discovered an island with a shoal on its eastern side, and which lies in 7 and one-half degrees, so that we had to deviate to the west for about fifteen leguas. Then we sailed southwest coasting along the island of Borney to a city of the same name. You must needs know that the land must be approached closely, for there are many shoals outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant use, for it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large bay. Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a considerable number of days, and commenced to trade there and made firm friendship. But later, many canoes, in number 260, were equipped to capture us and came upon us. When we saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of the bay, whereupon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and captured one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.e., the prince of Luzón] without asking advice of anyone. Borney it a large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor, the last named of which is much esteemed in these lands, and it is said that when people die they are embalmed with it. Borney (that is, the port of Borney) lies in a latitude of 5 degrees and 25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees and 5 minutes from the line of demarcation.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 17–20) says that while on the way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands—Guillemard, Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina Balu—Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, taking with them fourteen men and three women of those captured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward course, the “Trinidad” grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by the tide.

Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three others, among them Carvalho’s son, are ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island.

The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 246–248. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 57–66. See also Henry Ling Roth’s Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo.

[420] The word “junk” is probably derived from the Malay Jong or Ajong “a great ship.” For a description of these ships, see Yule’s Cathay (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866), ii, pp. 417, 418.

[421] MS. 5,650 reads: “If venom or poison be put in a vase of fine porcelain, it breaks immediately.” In accordance with this reading we have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, i.e., “poison,” which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis. Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio Pigafetta’s Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (p. 208), when speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian ambassador which consisted of “eight dishes [piati firuarii] which break if any one puts poison in them. Those piati firuarii are made of the substance which we call porcelain, and are made in China, the province situated in the extreme outskirts of the Orient. They are made of earth, which is kept for more than fifty years buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which is buried by the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to hand.” See also Yule’s Cathay, ii, p. 478; and Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp. 129, 130.

[422] The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common throughout the eastern islands were called “pichis” or “pitis,” which was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a frequent appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were early in general use throughout the southern islands of the eastern archipelagoes. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 285–288.

[423] The cate or catty. See Vol. XVIII, p. 141, note 32.

[424] MS. 5,650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, and the pitch, for the last eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of bronze being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes “barrel” or “cask” in the French. The anime (pitch) may have been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the Philippines (see Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, 282, 283).

[425] MS. 5,650 omits this word.

[426] Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century; and the credit for the invention is assigned to Alessandro dì Spina, a Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon.

[427] MS. 5,650 reads: “not to wash the buttocks with the left hand; not to eat with it.”

[428] Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He says that had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would not have written as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as he would have been better informed. Notwithstanding the fact that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a student of that faith, some of these practices may have been introduced into Borneo, as the rites there being far from their center, may have become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first place. For instance, that the law was not strictly observed there is seen from the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant arrack.

[429] MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small drops. The Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops camphora) is confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the islands of Sumatra and Borneo, where it is very abundant. The oil (both fluid and solid) is found in the body of the tree where the sap should be, but not in all trees. The Malay name for camphor is a slight corruption of the Sanskrit one “karpura,” and to distinguish it from the camphor of China and Japan, the word Barus is annexed (the name of the seaport of the western coast of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from that island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 81.

[430] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and adds: “hinds.”

[431] Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS. are three charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v., p. 210), at the lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll reading “Here are found the living leaves;” found on folio 60b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of the island of Burne and the place where the living leaves are found.” 2. On folio 46b, the chart of Mindanao, which is divided into the districts of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v., p. 230); found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of five islands—Benaian.” 3. On folio 47a, the chart of the islands of Zzolo [i.e., Joló], Tagima, and Chauit and Subanìn, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading “Where pearls are produced;” found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words “Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima, and others.”

[432] Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 418.

[433] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

[434] The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture of this junk.

[435] In Eden: “Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the Equinoctiall lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr ſhyppes and furnyſſe them with freſſhe water and fuell.” Cimbonbon is probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 21), port Samta Maria de Agosto, (St. Mary of August) because it was reached on the fifteenth of August, the day of our Lady of August. It is assigned a latitude of fully seven degrees. Herrera says that the ships were overhauled on Borneo itself. Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta wrongly by saying that he assigns the careening place as Palawan or Paragua.

[436] MS. 5,650 reads: “two and one-half feet long.”

[437] Cf. Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152.

[438] Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the family of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus.

[439] Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word “chocar” “to jostle” (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves, were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from their resemblance to a leaf.

[440] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that Pigafetta kept the leaf “for the ſpace of viii. dayes.”

[441] The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At this place João Carvalho was deposed from the chief command for his high-handed measures and non-observance of royal orders, and retook his old position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected in his place and Elcano was chosen captain of the “Victoria.” See Navarrete, iv, pp. 73, 289, 292, 294.

[442] Basilan; see Vol. III, p. 168, note 44.

[443] The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found along the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archipelago, especially in the last named, where many very valuable pearls are found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of Joló claims the fisheries as his own and rents them out, but always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is disputed by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty between that sultan and the United States government. See Affairs of Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee (Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), pp. 534–536. An early interesting account of pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber’s edition), pp. 213, 214.

[444] MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.”

[445] Cáuit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga, Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the island of Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at the southeastern end of the Zamboanga province. “Subanim” says Dr. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) “suggests a settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao, who are known as Subanon. Here, too, they saw the notorious ‘sea-gypsies,’ the Bajau or Sámal Laut, whose wandering boats, then as now, shifted their stations with the changing of the Monsoon.”

[446] Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of Mindanao is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinnamon of stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, Caraga, and the mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Ceylon, although containing a bitter element that depreciates its value, but which can be eliminated by cultivation. Many of the old writers describe the plant and its cultivation, one of the earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 191. Pigafetta’s etymology of the Malay word is correct.

[447] Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has (p. 121), bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling a large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells’s Colin, i, p. 25).

[448] MS. 5,650 reads: “seventeen men seemingly as bold and ready as any others whom we had seen in those districts.”

[449] Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a newspaper of 1874 to the Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the custom of eating the heart or liver of their slain enemies among the Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes of Malayan origin living in northern Luzón are said to have ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 158).

[450] MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty.”

[451] At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the chart of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v., p. 238). This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc.”

[452] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco and Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) conjectures to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the southern portion of Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably correct if we take Albo’s word that the two ships turned to the southeast after passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the main west coast east of Zamboanga is remarkably free of islands, lends color to the second.

[453] The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most southern point of Mindanao.

[454] MS. adds: “who are St. Elmo. St. Nicholas, and St. Clara.”

[455] It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with the unprovoked capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the loss of Magalhães. Such acts amounted to nothing less than piracy.

[456] These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group south of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao on the chart) to be the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to be Lipang. Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam; 1724), i, between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group of islands at about this location with the names Lirong (Lipan ?), Karkelang, Cabroewang Noessa (Nuza ?), Karkarotang, and Karotta.

[457] At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On folio 51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (q.v., p. 242); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Sanghir etc.” 2. On folio 51b, the islands of Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, Zoar, and Meau (q.v. p. 246); in MS. 5,650, on folio 66b, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Meau, etc.”

Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1).

[458] Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group) Cheama is Kima; Carachita is Karakitang; Para still retains that name, or is called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; Ciau is Siao or Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra) figures on Valentyn’s map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, though the same island seems also to be called Tagulanda, so that Guillemard is right in his identification of this island; it is identified with the island of Roang by the British Admiralty map of 1890, while Mosto conjectures that it may be the island of Biaro. See Guillemard’s Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and Mosto, p. 92, notes 2–7.

[459] MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Babintau.” That MS. adds: “All those islands are inhabited by heathens,” and continuing, reads: “There is an island called Talant east of Cheama.”

[460] Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir. Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Mosto, p. 92, notes 8–10. The geography of the islands of the East India groups has not yet been set forth in a detailed and masterly manner, or definite proportions given to it, although it is a subject that merits enthusiastic research and labor.

[461] Eden reads (p. 259): “the ſyxte daye of Nouember and the. xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne.”

[462] MS. 5,650 adds: “by which they were deceived.”

Albo’s narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222–224) of the events of the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at the Moluccas is as follows: “We left Borney, and returned by the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a latitude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the headland of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west northwest with Poluan.

“Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where considerable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian.

“We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between the two islands until we reached a point some distance ahead, and at that place we entered a channel between Candicar and another island called Sarangani. We anchored at the latter island and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in 4 and two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. From the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north northwest and south southeast without meeting any headland.

“We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees.

“From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island lies in exactly 3 degrees.

“We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those islands are sighted.

“From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and one-half degrees.

“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands which are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”

The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.

At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”

[463] Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port “before the ryſinge of the ſoone.”

[464] MS. 5,650 adds: “by astrology.”

[465] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[466] MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.

[467] From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps.”

[468] This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[469] MS. 5,650 reads: “a royal presence and eloquence.”

[470] “Mauzor” in Eden (p. 259).

[471] MS. 5,650 does not mention the “quintalada.” The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhães’s fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Cárlos I to Magalhães and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150–152) are as follows:

Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.

| Quintaladas

First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece

60

Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks | 20
The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada | 40
Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks | 22
Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals | 22
Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada | 22
Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada | 8
The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada | 3
Chaplains, four quintals apiece | 4
Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece | 5
Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece | 14
Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece | 10
Sailors, one quintalada apiece | 2
Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece | 1½
Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece | 3 arrobas
Gunners |
The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada | 5
The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece | 2½
Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas | 2½
Calkers, the same | 2½
Coopers, the same | 2½
Crossbowmen, the same | 2½
Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece | 1
Stewards, three quintals apiece | 3
Stonecutters, three quintals apiece | 3

In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.

If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.

Chests

The captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth | 4
The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms | 3
Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece | 2
The notaries of the ships one chest apiece | 1
Masters and pilots, each one chest | 1
Boatswains, one chest apiece | 1
Alguacil of the fleet, one chest | 1
Chaplains, one chest apiece | 1
The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece | 1
The captains’ servants, one chest for each two | 1
Physician and surgeon, one chest | 1
Sailors, one chest for each two | 1
Common seamen, one chest for each two | 1
Boys, one chest for each three | 1
Master gunners of the ships, each one chest | 1
The other gunners, one chest for each two | 1
Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two | 1
Stewards, one chest apiece | 1
Sobresalientes, one chest apiece | 1

[472] Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name “Calanoghapi.”

[473] The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.

[474] In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: “And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian,” etc.

[475] Leonardo de Argensola (Vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word “Moloc” meaning “the capital.” Crawfurd says that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, see Vol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight account of the district under the name of the “island of Monoch, where the cloves grow,” which Magalhães showed to Cárlos I (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in his East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 283–285.

[476] Francisco Serrão, brother of João Serrão, was Magalhães’s most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrão sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhães saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d’ Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrão’s ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrão and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrão went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhães’s death. A number of letters passed between Magalhães and Serrão, during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhães made use of them to persuade Cárlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard’s Magellan.

[477] See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard’s Magellan for details regarding Magalhães’s negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostão, tostões) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent).

[478] It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: “Checchily Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi.” Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names “Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi.” Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as “Chialin Chechilin” and “Cathara.” Checheli (Chechelin) and possibly Cili, denotes the title Cachil (“noble”).

[479] Called by Barros “João de Lourosa, a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him “to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it.” However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the “Trinidad,” and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 303).

[480] MS. 5,650 adds: “hearing that.”

[481] In Eden: “ſixe hundreth and fiftie.” The native name of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from the Arabic article al and fora, “without,” and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island.

[482] Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes “as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three ſpannes in length frome ioynt to ioynt or more.... Theyr canes are full of moſte cleare water without any maner of taſt or ſauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And ſuche as yf it were taken owte of the freſſheſte ſprynge in the worlde.” Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo.

[483] MS. 5,650 reads: “for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet.” Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghân or Ghôri empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger’s introduction to Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster’s Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): “Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of Cambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadábád]. It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Máhi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places.” Its ports were important centers of trade.

[484] This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.

[485] Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221–223.

[486] Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, “because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in” (see the “Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 22).

[487] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.

1 Called in other lists Juan Bautista, Bautista de Poncero, Ponceron, and by Herrera, Juan Bautista de Poncevera.—Navarrete.

2 A marine officer above the rank of soldier, but below that of ensign.

3 The pilot who wrote the logbook of the ship “Victoria” from its arrival at the cape of San Augustin in Brazil until its return to Spain. Navarrete says that Herrera calls him Francisco Calvo.

4 Called Bachelor Morales in another register.—Navarrete.

5 Called Filipo de Troa in another register.—Navarrete.

6 Called Pancado in another register.—Navarrete.

7 Called Sanrremo Ginovés in another register.—Navarrete.

8 Called in other registers, Barruti, Barrutia, Barote, and Domingo Vizcaino.—Navarrete.

9 Called Anton Gallego and Antonio Varela in other registers.—Navarrete.

10 Called Juan de Santander in another register.—Navarrete.

11 Called Blas Durango in another register.—Navarrete.

12 The slave of Gonzalo Gomez de Espinoza, called Anton Moreno in another register.—Navarrete.

13 Said to be a Portuguese in another register.—Navarrete.

14 Called Juan Antonio in another register.—Navarrete.

15 Called Andres Paye in another register.—Navarrete.

16 Sobresaliente is thus defined by Las Partiday—the laws of Castilla, compiled by Alfonso X.—parte I., tit. 24, ley 6: “Sobresalientes are called otherwise men who are placed over and above the requisite number in the ships, both as crossbowmen and other classes of soldiers. Such men have no other duty than to defend those who might be in their ships when fighting with enemies.” Cited by Mosto from A. Jal in Glossaire nautique. (Paris, 1848). Mosto speaks of them at soldiers or volunteers who were embarked to take part in battles and in boarding. Guillemard says of them: “The young men of good family, who took part in the expedition from love of adventure or desire for advancement in military service, shipped as sobresalientes, or supernumeraries” (ut supra, p. 328).

17 Called in another register, Fernan Lopez, volunteer.—Navarrete.

18 Called Antonio da Plegafetis [i.e., Pigafetta] in another register.—Navarrete.

19 Called Luis Alfonso in another register.—Navarrete.

20 Called Francisco de la Mezquita in another register.—Navarrete.

21 Called Albertos, a sobresaliente, in another register.—Navarrete. Merino: A shepherd, and formerly by extension an alguacil, which is its meaning here.

22 Called Pedro Sanildes in another register.—Navarrete.

23 Magalhâes’s slave, who afterward, according to Pigafetta, plotted the death of the Europeans, by conspiring with the ruler of Cebu.

24 Called in other registers, Uriaga, Hurriaga, Loriaga, and Elorraga.—Navarrete.

25 In another register said to be the servant of Antonio de Coca.—Navarrete.

26 Called Juan Ortiz de Goperi in another register.—Navarrete.

27 Called Francisco de Morales in another register.—Navarrete.

28 Luis de Avendaño in another register.—Navarrete.

29 Called Alonso de Palos in another register.—Navarrete.

30 Called Garcia de Tunon in another register.—Navarrete.

31 Called Segredo in another register.—Navarrete.

32 In other registers called Del Cano, Delcano, and simply Juan Sebastian.—Navarrete.

33 Said to be a native of Alcantara in another register.—Navarrete.

34 Called Anton de Bazaza in another register.—Navarrete.

35 Called Domingo de Yarza in another register.—Navarrete.

36 Said to be a native of Portugal in another register.—Navarrete.

37 Called Mateo Griego in another register.—Navarrete.

38 Called in another register Juan Rodriguez de Huelva, native of Mallorca.—Navarrete.

39 Called Sebastian de Huelva in another register.—Navarrete.

40 Called Lorenzo Duirna in another register.—Navarrete.

41 Called Juan Roiz in another register.—Navarrete.

42 In other registers called Master Ance and Master Otans.—Navarrete.

43 Called Oliver de Valencia in another register.—Navarrete.

44 Called Guillermo Irés in another register.—Navarrete.

45 Called Cristobal de Jerez in another register.—Navarrete.

46 Called Juan Novoro in another register.—Navarrete.

47 In another register called the young son of Juan Caraballo.—Navarrete.

48 Called Pedro Chindurza in another register.—Navarrete.

49 In other registers called Alonzo Genoves, Cota, and Costa.—Navarrete.

50 Called in other registers Garate, Yarat, and Perez.—Navarrete.

51 Called in another register Estéban Breton, and a third register says that he was a native of Trosig in Bretaña—Navarrete.

52 Another register says that he was a native of Hourienes in Torayn [i.e., Tourraine.]—Navarrete.

53 Another register calls him Airés, and says that he was afterward chief gunner in the “Victoria.”—Navarrete.

54 Called in another register Machin Vizcaino [i.e., a Viscayan].—Navarrete.

55 In other registers called Juan de Sahelices and Saylices.—Navarrete.

56 Called in another register Ochot de Randio.—Navarrete.

57 In other registers called Cristôbal Mahuri and Bernardo Mauri.—Navarrete.

58 Another register declares him to be a native of Sevilla.—Navarrete.

59 Called Pedro Herrero [i.e., the blacksmith] in another register.—Navarrete.

60 Called Alonso Portugués [i.e., the Portuguese] in another register.—Navarrete.

61 Called in other registers Malo a Frenchman, Malvo, and Amalo.—Navarrete.

62 Called in other registers Ricarte, Ruxar, and Rigarte; while another says that he was a native of Ebras in France.—Navarrete.

63 Called Socacio Alonso in another register.—Navarrete.

64 Called Pedro Gaston in another register.—Navarrete.

65 Called Domingo Marinero [i.e., a sailor] in another register.—Navarrete.

66 Called Juan de Troya in another register.—Navarrete.

67 Called Pedro de Huelva in another register.—Navarrete.

68 Called Alonso Hernandez in another register.—Navarrete.

69 The slave of Juan Serrano.—Navarrete.

70 Pedro Brito in another register.—Navarrete.

71 Geronimo Sevillano [i.e., a native of Sevilla] in another register.—Navarrete.

72 Another register calls him Francisco, the son-in-law of Juan Serrano.—Navarrete.

73 This man was Shanghaied at the island of Teneriffe by order of Magalhães, October 1, 1519, and embarked on the “Santiago,” but his occupation or country is unknown. He returned in the “Victoria,” and was one of those captured by the Portuguese in the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, as is proved by documents in Archivo General de Indias.—Navarrete.

74 Named in other registers Domingo, from Tovilla, Portugal, and Domingo, native of Cobillana, Portugal.—Navarrete.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (1519–1522), by Antonio Pigafetta, knight of the Order of Jerusalem.—This document exists in manuscript in Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy, where it bears pressmark, “L. 103—Sup.”

Colophon

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ſ | long s (looks like f without bar, or like a slash in this edition) | s
ſ̃ | long s with tilde | sen??
ꝑ | p with stroke through descender | par
ꝓ | p with curl through descender | pro
q̃ | q with tilde | que
r̃ | r with tilde | ren, ron??
ꝟ | v with vertical tilde | ver??
h̃ | h with tilde | hon??
ʒ | 3 in the middle of a word | eu
ꝶ | Small capital Rum | rum

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Table of Contents

- CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII
- ILLUSTRATIONS
- PREFACE
- PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO
- [PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]
- [FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]
- NOTES
- BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

- Colophon

- Availability
- Encoding
- Revision History
- External References
- Corrections

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE