Autobiography of Miss Cornelia Knight, lady companion to the Princess Charlotte of Wales, Volume 2 (of 2) / with extracts from her journals and anecdote books
Date: 2018-12-28T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Princesses -- Great Britain -- Biography; Charlotte Augusta; Princess of Great Britain; 1796-1817; Knight; Ellis Cornelia; 1757-1837; Ladies-in-waiting -- Great Britain -- Biography

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Autobiography of Miss Cornelia Knight, lady companion to the Princess Charlotte of Wales, Volume 2 (of 2)

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Autobiography of Miss Cornelia Knight, lady companion to the Princess Charlotte of Wales, Volume 2 (of 2)

Author: Ellis Cornelia Knight

Editor: Sir John William Kaye

Release date: December 28, 2018 [eBook #58557]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/58557

Credits: Produced by MWS, Barry Abrahamsen and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MISS CORNELIA KNIGHT, LADY COMPANION TO THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE OF WALES, VOLUME 2 (OF 2) ***

The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MISS KNIGHT.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY
OF
MISS CORNELIA KNIGHT,
Vol II

LADY COMPANION TO THE

PRINCESS CHARLOTTE OF WALES.

WITH EXTRACTS FROM HER JOURNALS AND ANECDOTE BOOKS.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

W. H. ALLEN AND CO., 7, LEADENHALL STREET.

MDCCCLXI.

CONTENTS TO VOL. II.

CHAPTER I.

Miss Knight’s Narrative of Events attending the Rupture of the Orange-Marriage—Dismissal of the Household of the Princess Charlotte—Letter to the Regent—Miss Knight’s Pension

1

CHAPTER II.

The Princess’s Birthday—Suspected Intrigues—Letter to the Queen—The Year 1815—Journal continued | 26

CHAPTER III.

Preparations for War—The Queen’s Levee—Treatment of the Princess Charlotte—Napoleon and the Bourbons—Rumours from the Seat of War—The Battle of Waterloo

52

CHAPTER IV.

Rejoicings for Waterloo—The Marriage of the Duke of Cumberland—Prince Leopold—Marriage Rumours—Marriage of the Princess Charlotte—How it was brought about—Later Revelations—Character of the Princess Charlotte

71

CHAPTER V.

France revisited—Chantilly—Parisian Society—The Court of the Bourbons—The Prince de Condé—Marshal Marmont—The French Stage—Invitation from the Princess Charlotte

92

CHAPTER VI.

Return to England—Meeting with the Princess Charlotte—France under the Bourbons—Parisian Society | 111

CHAPTER VII.

Society in Paris—Journey to Homburg—The Landgrave and the Landgravine—the Dowager Queen of Würtemberg—Christmas at Louisburg

133

CHAPTER VIII.

Departure from Louisburg—Paris—Coronation of Charles X.—London—The Princess Charlotte’s Monument—Anecdotes of Charles X.—Return to Germany

148

CHAPTER IX.

Paris and London—Death of the Queen-Dowager of Würtemberg—Homburg—The Landgrave and Landgravine—Life at a German Court—Return to Louisburg—Baden

165

CHAPTER X.

Genoa—The Pallavicini Family—Character of the Genoese—Return to England—The Royal Family at Brighton—London—Gloomy Retrospect.—Anecdotes

183

CHAPTER XI.

Anecdotes—Talleyrand—Charles Albert—Masséna—Ferdinand of Spain—Lord Wellesley—Alfieri—Charles X.—Death of Miss Knight | 202

EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S JOURNALS.

Rome and Naples, 1781–1798.

Consecration of a Catholic Bishop—The Grand-Duke Paul of Russia—Princess Dashkoff—Père Jacquier—Joseph II. of Austria—Gustavus of Sweden—Alfieri—The Countess of Albany—The Piozzis—General Acton—Arrival of Admiral Nelson

214

Windsor, 1805—1812.

Miss Knight’s Settlement at Windsor—Gaieties at Court—Lord St. Vincent—Rejoicings at Windsor—Death of Princess Amelia—State of the King’s Health—Princess Amelia’s Funeral—Progress of the King’s Malady–The Regency Act—Conduct of the Regent

260

EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S ANECDOTE BOOKS.

James Boswell—Madame Piozzi—Lord Nelson—The Queen of Naples—Sir Thomas Troubridge—The Bronté Estate—Admiral Barrington—Cardinal de Bernis—Italian Anecdotes—The Princess Dashkoff—Louis Philippe—The Emperor Joseph II.—Miss Knight’s last Records—Her Religious Faith

285

APPENDIX.

Exclusion of the Princess of Wales from the Queen’s Drawing-Room | 343
Death of the Princess Charlotte | 349
Footnotes | 351

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MISS KNIGHT.

CHAPTER I.

MISS KNIGHT’S NARRATIVE OF EVENTS ATTENDING THE RUPTURE OF THE ORANGE-MARRIAGE—DISMISSAL OF THE HOUSEHOLD OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE—LETTER TO THE REGENT—MISS KNIGHT’S PENSION.

[The following additional narrative of the transactions related at the close of the first volume, was drawn up by Miss Knight for the perusal of a female friend:]

Princess Charlotte having had a long discussion with respect to residence in Holland, of which all the papers were preserved by her Royal Highness, it was at length granted by the Regent’s confidential servants that an article should be inserted in the marriage contract to prevent her being taken or kept out of England against her own consent and that of the Regent—at least, this was the meaning of the words.

The Prince of Orange had always appeared to prefer an establishment in England to one in Holland, and had always said that when his father’s consent to the insertion of such an article came, he would look out for a house, and take one, in case one was not provided by Government.

This consent came, and the article was prepared; but the Regent wished Princess Charlotte even then to waive it as a compliment to the House of Orange, but her Royal Highness persisted in claiming the article. Nearly a fortnight passed after everything appeared to be arranged, and her Royal Highness, seeing the Prince of Orange daily in presence of Miss Knight, often asked him what preparations were making with respect to a house, establishment, &c. He always answered that nothing had been said to him, appeared to be ignorant, and did not then talk of taking a house himself.

While the Prince of Orange was at Oxford, a letter came from one of Princess Charlotte’s aunts, who is very intimate with the Regent, to say that she understood he meant, as soon as the Emperor and King of Prussia were gone, to write over for the Oranges and have the marriage celebrated as soon as possible. This alarmed Princess Charlotte, and she said she resolved to enter into a clear explanation with the young Prince to avoid disputes afterwards.

The morning after he returned from Oxford this explanation took place, and it appeared evident to Miss K., who was present, that they thought it could not go on; that the duties of the Prince of Orange called him to Holland, and Princess Charlotte’s to remain in England, and that neither of them chose to give way; that in that respect the affair stood nearly as at the setting out in December, and that no preparations were made for a residence in England. They, however, parted, agreeing to think it over till night, when Princess Charlotte promised to write to the Prince of Orange. No letter came from him during this interval, and about eleven at night her Royal Highness wrote him a letter breaking off the marriage, and desiring he would inform the Regent of it. This letter went on Thursday (I think the 16th of June); all Friday no answer. On Saturday her Royal Highness received a note from a friend who had been dancing at a ball the night before with the Prince of Orange, and who said he had told her he had not informed the Regent of the breaking off the marriage, and did not intend to inform him. Princess Charlotte immediately wrote an affectionate and respectful letter to her father telling him this circumstance, and her horror at the delay. About three came the answer from the Prince of Orange, which was literally as follows, her Royal Highness having allowed me to copy it:

8, Clifford-street, June 18, 1814.

I found the night before last your letter, and have lost no time to acquaint my family with its contents, but I cannot comply with your wish by doing the same with regard to the Regent, finding it much more natural that you should do it yourself; and it is, besides, much too delicate a matter for me to say anything to him on the subject. Hoping that you shall never feel any cause to repent of the step you have taken, I remain,

Yours sincerely,

(Signed) William,

Hereditary Prince of Orange.

Her Royal Highness sent the original of this letter to the Regent, with the copy of a note she ordered Miss Knight to write that day, after the receipt of his letter to the Prince of Orange, to ask for her portrait and letters. The portrait and some of the letters were a little while after sent back to Miss Knight by the Prince’s aide-de-camp, and the packet of letters sealed by the same.

Some time elapsed, and no further notice was taken; no communication from Carlton House (except a short note on the 18th from the Prince to Princess Charlotte expressing his concern), no visit from any of the family. The Duchess of Leeds sent in her resignation.

In the beginning of July the Bishop of Salisbury had a conference with Princess Charlotte, which she mentioned to Miss Knight, who was not present at it. Her Royal Highness said it was to induce her to write a submissive letter to the Regent expressing her concern for having offended him, and holding out the hope that in three or four months she might be induced to renew the treaty with the Prince of Orange. Her Royal Highness added, that the Bishop had said, if she did not write this letter, arrangements very disagreeable to herself would take place.

Miss Knight wrote to the Bishop desiring to know what these arrangements were, saying, as she wished nothing more than a reconciliation between Princess Charlotte and her father, she begged to know what arguments she might use to enforce the step he dictated, only observing she did not flatter him with a hope that Princess Charlotte would marry the Prince of Orange, or any one who had a right to sovereignty.

Of the Bishop’s answer the following is an extract:

[N.B.—The Bishop was at the time in the habit of seeing the Chancellor, and, I believe, also Lord Liverpool.]

“Having heard from three different quarters that the Regent was most severely wounded and deeply afflicted by his daughter’s conduct, and that an arrangement was making for the Princess Charlotte which might not be according to her wishes; having also a hint given to me that probably a dutiful, respectful, and affectionate letter from the daughter to the father might soften the Prince’s mind, and tend to lessen the rigour of any measure he might have in contemplation, I felt it incumbent on me to state all this to the Princess, and I did most strenuously recommend to her Royal Highness to write such a letter. I did also go further, and ventured to tell her, that as the intended match with the Prince of Orange had been so highly acceptable, and so much desired by the whole nation, so the breaking it off had been the cause of universal regret and displeasure. I told her, also, that there was still a sanguine hope entertained that her Royal Highness might see her objections in a different point of view, and that when the affairs of Holland were completely settled, and its Prince had his time more at his own command, that then her Royal Highness might be induced to change her opinion, and give herself to the wishes of her father and her country.

“With respect to the arrangement, which I understand is at this time in contemplation, I know nothing but that an arrangement is making,” &c. &c.

About this time Baillie, Clive, and Keate had given a paper expressing their advice that her Royal Highness should go to the sea-side for two or three months in the autumn. Princess Charlotte therefore wrote to request this favour of her father, and at the same time expressed the most poignant grief for his displeasure, and the most anxious wish to be restored to his favour. This letter was sent on the 9th. Various rumours in the mean while reached Warwick House of new ladies, amongst whom Lady Ilchester and Mrs. Campbell, being appointed, of confinement at Carlton House, &c. &c.

The Prince of Saxe-Coburg had never been but once at Warwick House, where he stayed about half an hour or three-quarters, in presence of the Duchess of Leeds, Miss K., and Miss Mercer Elphinstone. Princess Charlotte had received him civilly, but rather coldly. He had sometimes rode near her carriage; but her Royal Highness in general avoided speaking to him, and only once exchanged a few words in the Park. She never expressed the slightest partiality for him, but, on the contrary, her displeasure, when one of her most intimate friends (Miss M. E.) talked of him. She often expressed her astonishment that he should know so much of her affairs as her friend said he did, for that he had talked of Miss K. being sent away, and of a corner being fitted up at Carlton House for her Royal Highness.

About the same time it was reported that this Prince saw the Princess Charlotte often, and had drunk tea at Warwick House; himself told the friend of Princess Charlotte that he had been severely lectured by the Regent on the subject. These reports made Miss K. uneasy, and she mentioned them as false to Lady Bathurst. She also wrote a letter to contradict them, which she was about to send to the Regent, when on Monday, the 11th, the Bishop came in the evening, and said he was to be in attendance to go to Carlton House, and that something was to be done. Her Royal Highness Princess Charlotte and Miss K. talked to him, and said everything they could to induce him to mitigate the anger of the Regent, and to explain any circumstances which had been misrepresented. He went, and was long closeted with the Regent or his Ministers. At length he came, and said the communication was to be made at five, but he was not at liberty to mention what. Soon after a message came from the Regent to order her Royal Highness and Miss K. to go over. Princess Charlotte was so wretched and so ill that she could not go. Miss K. went and made her apology, taking this opportunity to confute the scandal respecting the Prince of Saxe-Coburg, when the Regent said that was perfectly cleared up, that the young man was honourable, and had written him a letter explaining everything. He then ordered that Princess Charlotte should come the next day if she was well enough, or Dr. Baillie to say she could not.

The following day, 12th of July, her Royal Highness wrote a note to the Regent, saying she was so distressed and unwell, that she begged he would excuse her coming, but, as she wished much to see him, that he would come to her.

The Regent sent his love, and said he would come after the levee. He came about six, attended by the Bishop, whom he left below, and came into the drawing-room, desiring Miss Knight to leave him alone with Princess Charlotte. He was shut up with her for about three-quarters of an hour, after which the Bishop was called up, and remained with them about a quarter more. The door then opened, and Princess Charlotte came out in an agony of grief, telling Miss Knight, who followed her into her dressing-room, that “all was over; she was to be dismissed, the servants to be turned off, the new ladies in possession of the house, herself to go over to Carlton House, or, if not well enough that day, the next (and in the mean while the Regent and the ladies to sleep in the house) and to be shut up for five days at Carlton House, after which to be taken to Cranbourne Lodge, and remain there for some time without seeing anybody but the Queen once a week.” Miss Knight begged she would compose herself, and go over quietly. She fell on her knees, and, in the greatest agitation, exclaimed, “God Almighty grant me patience!” Miss Knight, she said, must go immediately to the Regent; which she did, and he communicated to her the same intentions Princess Charlotte had just related, adding that he was sorry to put a lady to inconvenience, but that he wanted her room that night. Miss Knight begged to know in what she had offended, but the Regent answered he made no complaints, and should make none. He, however, said he believed many things were done in the house without her knowledge, which she denied. When she came out, to her great dismay Princess Charlotte had disappeared. She searched for her everywhere, and at length Miss Mercer (who was changing her dress in Princess Charlotte’s bedroom adjoining) came and begged to see the Regent. She told him her suspicions that Princess Charlotte might be gone to her mother, and offered to go with the Bishop to persuade her to come back. Miss Knight went afterwards, and then returned to Carlton House and asked to see the Regent, but was shown into a room where the Chancellor and Lord Ellenborough were.

You will feel that all I have written is in great measure confidential, though the strictest truth. The letter of the Prince of Orange, in particular, I would not wish to make any improper use of; but happening to have it, I copied it, as a proof of what I had asserted. I join a copy of my letter to the Prince Regent, which has not been answered.

It would have been a great blessing if we had been living at Carlton House for the last year and a half. I wished nothing so much as that the Regent and his daughter should be much together, which, alas! was not the case, for his health or business prevented his coming to Warwick House, where he was only four times since the 10th of December, and Princess Charlotte was only sent for when the Queen and Princesses were in town; besides, nothing was communicated to her until it was settled. In that it was not like one family.

I know she would have been most happy to have been on more intimate terms with her father, and he always assured me of his affection for her. It seemed as if some malignant power kept them asunder, when their real happiness and interest demanded their having confidence in each other.

I mean no complaint against the Regent. I was much hurt when he dismissed me, and felt angry; for which reason I made apologies in my letter, though I am not conscious of having said or done anything to offend him. I had no authority to keep away visitors he did not like, and in one instance, when he gave an absolute command, the lady never came again. The few who did come were certainly all women of character.

I hear it now reported that Princess Charlotte has been sometimes seen alone in her carriage, which is a decided falsehood.

I know, my dear Miss L., I can trust your discretion; and the high opinion my old friend, Lord St. Vincent, has of Lord Ellenborough, assures me I may trust to his.

You will have the goodness to return me these papers at your leisure. I called yesterday, but did not find you at home. Excuse all this trouble, and believe me,

My dear Miss L.,

Very sincerely yours,

E. C. Knight.

Friday, 5th August, 1814.

The paragraphs which appeared on this occasion in all the Government papers, and the reports circulated, were most injurious to Princess Charlotte and to me. I therefore thought it my duty to remain in town to hear and to contradict all this nonsense.

MISS KNIGHT TO THE RIGHT REV. BISHOP OF SALISBURY.

9, Little Stanhope-street, May Fair.

My dear Lord,—Have the goodness to look over the paragraph I have marked in to-day’s Morning Post.[1] It evidently alludes to yourself and to me, as I was the only person living in Warwick House, and the only one dismissed. I am sure you will not hesitate to contradict it as far as this goes, and trust also that you will state whether the Prince Regent did not repeatedly say that he had no complaint to make of me, and that he would make none.

I must request you also, in my own vindication, to state whether you discovered me to be a person “possessing pernicious sentiments, alike hostile to the peace of the daughter, the father, and the country.” It is impossible for me not to anticipate your contradiction of this base insinuation, when I remember the assurances I received from your Lordship, so late as Monday last, that you had zealously, though ineffectually, endeavoured to change his Royal Highness the Prince Regent’s resolution of removing me from my attendance on Princess Charlotte.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your faithful, humble servant,

E. C. Knight.

A few days afterwards Princess Charlotte went to Cranbourne Lodge; the Princess of Wales asked permission to visit her; but was answered that her daughter should pass a day with her to take leave of her before she went to Worthing.

This took place;[2] and Princess Charlotte, as I heard, went to Connaught-place, attended by Lady Ilchester, and Lady Rosslyn, and General Garth, who was also appointed to be of her suite. Before they parted, the Princess of Wales asked Princess Charlotte whether there was any chance of her renewing the treaty of marriage with the Prince of Orange, and she positively declared she never would. The Bishop, Dr. Short, Mr. S——, and Mr. K—— attended as usual; had houses at Windsor, and went to Cranbourne Lodge in the evening.

The Princess of Wales invited me to dine with her before she left town, which I respectfully declined, but called to take leave. She seemed agitated, had just had leeches applied to her temples, and asked me whether the report of Princess Charlotte having gone out in the carriage alone were true. I contradicted it positively, wondering how such a silly report could have gained ground for a moment. I then read her the following letter, which I had just written to the Prince in justification of Princess Charlotte and myself:

MISS KNIGHT TO THE PRINCE REGENT.

Sir,—As a subject, and one who had the honour of being admitted into your Royal Highness’s family, I consider it a sacred duty to express the grief I feel for having incurred your displeasure.

Your Royal Highness will do me the justice to allow that I was actuated by no ambitious views, but by loyalty and attachment, when I accepted the employment which has been the source of my degradation. I have no near connections left to plead my cause. My sole protection must be derived from the honourable feelings of your Royal Highness. I am not disposed to seek it from the influence of patronage, and still less from the clamours of faction.

Your Royal Highness was graciously pleased to promise me, through Lord Moira, that you would support me in every difficulty, and never give me up. These claims (from accusations to me unknown) your Royal Highness may think I have forfeited. I will therefore only venture to enforce them so far as to solicit your attention to a few words in my justification. Indeed, I need not enforce them. As a good and just Prince, your Royal Highness will listen to the vindication of an individual who appeals to no other tribunal.

Anxious as I was to evince my dutiful attachment to your Royal Highness and to Princess Charlotte, permit me to say that I could not have accepted the employment offered me if I could have foreseen that I was to be the constant and sole inmate of Warwick House. I concluded that the responsibility must almost wholly devolve on the lady who was appointed governess, and that my intended colleague and myself as “Ladies Companions to Princess Charlotte,” the title specified when I came into office, were only to share the duty of attending on her Royal Highness, and to cultivate what was ever my most anxious wish—the greatest harmony between her Royal Highness and every branch of the Royal Family.

No colleague was appointed, and circumstances, no doubt unforeseen by your Royal Highness, rendered my situation very different from what I had expected, but they could not change the nature of my employment, nor invest me with a character, against which your Royal Highness will recollect my remonstrating when the papers erroneously styled me sub-governess.

All this gave me pain, but did not alter my sentiments. I felt the delicacy of my situation, and I devoted myself entirely to the duties which had fallen to my lot. I gave up all society, and nearly all intercourse with my friends. I can solemnly declare that I never left Warwick House but to attend her Royal Highness, unless the Duchess of Leeds was there, and even then so rarely, that I do not believe I made six visits in the space of a year and a half.

For many weeks last winter a violent cough and almost constant fever could not induce me to remain one day in my room. I never went to rest until Princess Charlotte had retired to her chamber, and I always rose before her Royal Highness, availing myself of this short interval to see any one with whom I had business.

Princess Charlotte never went out unattended by the Duchess of Leeds or myself (a circumstance so obvious that I should not mention it, if I had not accidentally heard that the contrary had been reported). The carriage was never ordered without my knowledge, and visitors were announced to the Duchess or to me.

No gentlemen were in the habit of visiting her Royal Highness, nor was she left alone, or expressed a wish to that effect, even with her masters.

If I have erred, it has been against my intention, and without my knowledge. I have no acquaintance, nor have I had any communication with persons of seditious principles, improper conduct, or sentiments hostile to your Royal Highness. I trusted the whole tenor of my life would have exempted me from the suspicion. I can only say that I have done my duty to the best of my power, and I can safely aver that, during my attendance on Princess Charlotte, not only her Royal Highness’s conduct, in the usual sense of the word, has been blameless, but her time usefully employed in the cultivation of her talents.

My devoted attachment to Princess Charlotte will not be considered as a crime by your Royal Highness, who was generously pleased, on account of that very attachment, and of her condescension in wishing it, to place me about her; but after it had been the pleasure of your Royal Highness to dismiss me, I could not wish Princess Charlotte to urge my stay. God forbid that I should become a source of controversy between your Royal Highness and Princess Charlotte! May you rather be united and happy when I am forgotten!

I only beg for the restoration of your Royal Highness’s favour, which may put an end to the injurious suspicions so sudden a dismissal may have raised against me; and if, when struck to the heart by the accumulated anguish of sustaining the weight of your Royal Highness’s displeasure, the pang of parting from my beloved mistress, and the obloquy of being discarded from her service, any expression may have escaped me which might offend your Royal Highness, or appear inconsistent with my dutiful and loyal attachment, I humbly entreat your Royal Highness’s forgiveness.

I am, Sir,
With the most profound respect,
Your Royal Highness’s most dutiful servant,

C. E. Knight.

July 24, 1814.

Lady C. Lindsay told me that Mr. Brougham said, when he was obliged to tell Princess Charlotte that she could not in law refuse going to her father, he was so shocked at the manner in which she received this account, that it appeared to him like pronouncing sentence of death on a criminal. The Princess of Wales asked me whether Princess Charlotte was attached to any one of the foreign Princes who had been in England, for that if she was, she (the Princess of Wales) would move heaven and earth to get him for her. I answered that I believed her Royal Highness’s principal wish was to be left quiet on subjects of that nature, at least for many months; and the Princess said that was all she could get out of Princess Charlotte.

Mr. Canning was announced, and ordered to be shown up-stairs. I took my leave. It is certain that on the fatal evening in Connaught-place it struck me that the Princess of Wales was more anxious for the removal of Princess Charlotte out of her house than the Prince was to get her into his. She departed next day for Worthing.[3] Soon afterwards we heard that she had asked and obtained leave for going abroad; and it was said Mr. Canning had persuaded her. It is certain that she had for several months formed the plan, which Princess Charlotte had opposed in the most urgent and respectful manner.

I sent my letter to the Prince, and heard it was delivered, but received no answer. I had, during our last interview, asked his leave to visit Princess Charlotte, which he had refused, saying she was to receive no visits. I then had asked permission to write to her, and his answer was, “better not at present.”

I went to Twickenham, where I passed a few weeks with Lord and Lady Aylesbury. Time passed, and Princess Charlotte remained at Cranbourne Lodge till the Morning Chronicle[4] published the medical report given in July, recommending her going to the sea. This occasioned great anger, and Baillie was ordered to inquire, in a manner the most inquisitorial, who had obtained and caused this to be published. Amongst the rest I was questioned by letter, and answered that the copy I possessed I gave to the Regent on the 12th of July, and had no means of discovering how it got into the hands of the editor of a newspaper.

DR. BAILLIE TO MISS KNIGHT.

Dear Madam,—I am very sorry to give you any trouble at present, but I am commanded by high authority to ask you the following questions:

Do you know by what individual the medical opinion recommending a residence on the sea-coast this autumn to Princess Charlotte was put into the hands of Mr. Perry, the editor of the Morning Chronicle?

Do you know whether the original opinion, which was at one time mislaid or lost, was ever recovered, and, in that case, what became of it?

I request that you will be so good as to send me an answer to these two questions as early as you can, directed to me at Sunning Hill, Berks.

I remain, Madam,

Your most obedient humble servant,

M. Baillie.

Sunning Hill, Berks, Sept. 1, 1814.

MISS KNIGHT TO DR. BAILLIE.

Lord Aylesbury’s, Twickenham, Sept. 3, 1814.

Dear Sir,—No apology is necessary for the questions you ask, as I am happy at all times to obey the commands referred to in your letter, which reached me last night after post time.

I neither know nor can discover through what channel the editor of a newspaper obtained a copy of the medical opinion recommending the sea-side to her Royal Highness the Princess Charlotte.

That which was in my possession I delivered to the Prince Regent on Tuesday, the 12th of July.

This is all the information I can give on the subject, and no one could be more surprised than myself when I heard it had found its way into the Morning Chronicle.

Believe me, dear Sir,

Sincerely yours,

E. C. Knight.

However, Princess Charlotte was sent to Weymouth,[5] and the air was of great use to her general health as well as to her knee. She formed an acquaintance with the Lady Grenvilles, daughters of Lord Warwick, and was allowed to see Lord and Lady Ashbrook,[6] who went there on her account, though on pretence of a tour. She was more comfortable there than she had been at Cranbourne Lodge, to which place she did not return until the winter was advanced; but since she has been there the family, and the Queen in particular, have been more kind to her than they ever before were.

I have since passed much of my time at Rochetts, Lord St. Vincent’s, who is as much alive to all this at eighty as if he were only thirty-five.

When I found no payment of salary was made me in October, I wrote to Lord Liverpool, and the Prince ordered 300l. a year should be paid me from the Civil List as a compensation for having left the Queen’s service to attend on Princess Charlotte. To the servants, wages and board wages have been granted.

[The following is the correspondence referred to:]

MISS KNIGHT TO LORD LIVERPOOL.

My Lord,—When, by the special desire of the Prince Regent, I left her Majesty’s service for that of Princess Charlotte, his Royal Highness was graciously pleased to promise (through the medium of the Earl of Moira) that I should never be a sufferer by the change.

I therefore take the liberty of requesting that your Lordship will lay before the Prince my humble petition for the continuation of my salary; and I am so fully convinced of the humanity, liberality, and justice of his Royal Highness, that I am confident he will not refuse me a provision, which I really would not claim were it not essential to my subsistence in the station of life which Providence has assigned me.

I have the honour to be,
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s obedient servant,

E. C. Knight.

LORD LIVERPOOL TO MISS KNIGHT.

Lord Liverpool presents his compliments to Miss Knight, and begs to acknowledge the receipt of her letter to him of yesterday’s date. Lord Liverpool will not fail to lay it before the Prince Regent when his Royal Highness returns to town.

Fife House, November 1, 1814.

MISS KNIGHT TO LORD ST. VINCENT.

Saturday, December 3.

My dear Lord,—I am just returned from Fife House, whither I went by appointment at twelve. I said that my first motive was to thank his Lordship for his obliging attention to my request in laying my letter before the Prince Regent, and my next to show him a letter from Lord Moira, which I had preserved, as, although it contained no specific promises, it implied much. He read it attentively, and I then showed him that from Sir H. Halford, with the intention of giving me the rank of Honourable, and the certainty of my remaining in the family, &c. He read that also attentively. I added that I had several letters from the Princesses to the same effect, if not still more explicit, but that I considered them as sacred. He was silent for a little while, and then said the Prince had directed that what I had from the Queen should be given to me; that he had laid my letters before his Royal Highness, and had no further power. I answered that I should not dispute with my Sovereign, nor refuse whatever he chose to give me, but that it was not a compensation for what I left, as, besides the salary, I had apartments and other advantages adequate at least to the 500l. I received at Warwick House. I subjoined that I had hoped his Royal Highness would have continued my salary, as, when he dismissed me, he said he did not complain of anything; since which, however, I had written him a letter in my justification, which, not being answered, I concluded there was no complaint to make. Lord L. bowed assent. I then said I neither wished to trouble his Lordship nor to refuse the pension, but was anxious to put him in the possession of facts. He said the pension was clear of all expenses but the property tax, and inquired what was the time of my last payment of salary. I said the 5th of July, and that I was dismissed on the 12th. He could not exactly tell, he said, when the pension might begin, as it depended on what money was in the Exchequer. I rose to wish him a good morning. He asked if I had a carriage, and I hoped Lady Liverpool was well. So we parted.

I am glad I saw him, as I think my visit has answered two purposes; one, to solicit accusation, or at least to prove to him, as I had before done to the Chancellor and Lord Ellenborough, that I had urged the Prince Regent to make complaints, if any were to be made, and none were; secondly, that I have made known, though respectfully, to the Prince Regent my dissatisfaction as to what is called remuneration or compensation, which leaves my claim open for future times if I live to want an addition to my income.

Pray tell Miss Brenton that I have called in Bryanstone-street, and saw Lady Brenton, but Sir Jahleel was in his bed. Many thanks for your Lordship’s letter, and the enclosure from Lady Jane Loftus, who has at length given me her Dublin direction. I saw Prince Castelcicala this morning; he augurs well of Naples.

Ever, my dear Lord,

Your much obliged and affectionate,

E. C. Knight.

MISS KNIGHT TO LORD LIVERPOOL.

Miss Knight presents her compliments and thanks to Lord Liverpool for his obliging notes. She is just returned to town, and requests his Lordship will allow her to see him for a few minutes at any time he will have the goodness to appoint for her calling. 9, Little Stanhope-street, May Fair,

Thursday, Dec. 1, 1814.

LORD LIVERPOOL TO MISS KNIGHT.

Lord Liverpool presents his compliments to Miss Knight, and will be glad to receive her at twelve o’clock to-morrow.

Fife House, Friday, December 2.

MR. WILLIMOTT TO MISS KNIGHT.

Fife House, December 9, 1814.

My dear Madam,—Lord Liverpool has desired me to inquire whether you would wish your pension warrant to be made out in the name of two trustees, or merely in your own name; and also whether you would like to have the following words inserted—viz. “for her sole and separate use.”

As soon as you can favour me with an answer to the above queries, Lord Liverpool will direct the warrant to be prepared.

I have the honour to be,

My dear Madam,

Your sincere humble servant,

R. Willimott.

MISS KNIGHT TO MR. WILLIMOTT.

9, Little Stanhope-street, May Fair,

Monday, Dec. 12, 1814.

Dear Sir,—I beg you will return my best thanks to Lord Liverpool for his very obliging attention as to the mode in which the warrant for my pension should be made out. Indeed, I am fully sensible of his Lordship’s readiness to oblige throughout the whole, and I am convinced that after the explanation I had with him, if he can obtain for me the whole of my salary (500l. a year) he will, although I am too dutifully attached to the Prince Regent to murmur at whatever he thinks proper to grant.

I do not see any necessity for trustees, or even for the insertion “sole and separate use,” though the latter may be more regular.

Believe me, dear Sir,

Very sincerely yours,

E. C. Knight.

LORD ST. VINCENT TO MISS KNIGHT.

My dear Madam,—Thanks for the relation of what passed at the Fife House interview, which was most ably and honestly conducted on your part, and unless the specific sum of 300l. per annum was expressed by the Regent, Lord L. ought to, and I hope will, bring the case again before his Royal Highness. I return your letter because the statement it contains, taken down the moment of your return home, may be profitably referred to on some future occasion.

My cough is so incessant I can only add how truly I am

Your affectionate,

St. Vincent. Rochetts, December 4, 1814.

I rejoice in every event which contributes to the gratification of Prince Castelcicala. Miss Brenton is very sensible of your kind attention to her brother and sister; she and Thomas Parker send you their best wishes.

St. Vt.

CHAPTER II.

THE PRINCESS’S BIRTHDAY—SUSPECTED INTRIGUES—LETTER TO THE QUEEN—THE YEAR 1815—JOURNAL CONTINUED.

On Princess Charlotte’s birthday, 7th January, 1815, I wrote to Princess Mary,[7] enclosing a few lines for Princess Charlotte, merely to express my sentiments on the day. Princess Mary answered that the Prince had desired that his sisters should not deliver any letter or message to his daughter, but that when she had an opportunity she would ask his leave. I have heard nothing more of it, and I am now writing on the 24th February. Miss Mercer Elphinstone has been allowed to visit Princess Charlotte since her return from Cranbourne, and is in constant and undisturbed correspondence with her. I am told she continues to be very intimate with the Russian Ambassadress, Madame de Lieven,[8] and most people think the latter a great intriguante, whether truly or not I cannot say. Miss M. is also accused by many of playing a double part. I believe her to be desirous of governing Princess Charlotte without a rival, but I cannot think she would deal treacherously by her, though she may not be aware of the use made of her by her uncle, Mr. Adam, who is the Prince’s Chancellor for the Duchy of Cornwall, and is supposed to be devoted to the Duke of York. Miss Mercer is in her politics strongly attached to the Opposition, and very intimate with many of them. The motion made by the Duke of Sussex (or rather, I should say, announced, for by the advice of Lord Grey he withdrew it), relative to an inquiry into the measures pursued with respect to Princess Charlotte, was disapproved by many of the Opposition[9] as well as Ministers, but His Royal Highness gives as a reason for it, his wish to clear his character. It is supposed that Mr. Brougham was sent to meet Lord Grey on the road to persuade him to give the advice he did to the Duke of Sussex. All this involves matters in much mystery, and naturally raises suspicion in the minds of many; but it is to be remembered that Miss Mercer is an heiress, and very clever, and will, therefore, always excite jealousy. Time alone can show what her real intentions are, and consequently what her real conduct has been.

Lady Downshire, whose intimacy with the Prince Regent ceased when he left his old associates for the present Ministry, has been particularly kind to me since I left Warwick House, and very anxious about Princess Charlotte. Another affair has interested her warmly, the dismissal of twenty-five officers of the Prince’s own regiment of Hussars (the 10th), for their complaint against Colonel Quentin. Lord Arthur Hill being one of these, it was natural that his mother should feel it acutely, and Colonel Palmer (who was obliged to be the prosecutor, and who had already suffered great anxiety on account of his father’s affair, which the Regent first patronised warmly, and afterwards opposed) is not only her friend, but also a protégé of Lord St. Vincent and Lord Moira.

Peace with America (at least, the preliminaries) was signed at Ghent in the beginning of January, I think, and there was much talk of a change of Ministers. I came to Rochetts on the 23rd January, and soon after heard of Colonel Quentin challenging Colonel Palmer at Paris. The friends of the latter had heard of this intention some time before he did, as he was gone to Bordeaux to see an estate he had bought in that neighbourhood, and they advised Colonel Palmer not to accept the challenge. However, he did, but would not cock his pistol till Quentin had fired at him and missed, when he did, and fired it into the air. After his return he went and spent a day and night at Rochetts. Parliament met on the 9th February, but the Prince did not arrive till the Monday following.

I wrote to inquire about the time of payment of my pension, when I heard of it from Lord Liverpool the last time I was at Rochetts. I was advised by Lord St. Vincent to explain to Lord Liverpool how inadequate it was as a compensation to what I had with the Queen, as, besides the 300l. a year, I had apartments, &c. I saw Lord Liverpool on this subject, and showed him letters which contained great promises: but nothing more was done, and I am tired of the subject, being at the same time truly thankful to Providence that I am in the situation in which I am. I have received for answer to my last inquiries, that it is dated 28th October, and that the first quarter will not be paid for some time.

Princess Charlotte finds means of writing to me when she can; and her letters are always kind and confidential, but we are obliged to keep this correspondence secret.

Lord St. Vincent, though kindly anxious to keep me here, is of opinion that when I go to town I ought to go to the drawing-room, and mix in society as much as possible, that I may not have the appearance of shunning public observation. The very kind attentions of all my friends, and of many who were before only common acquaintance, facilitate this plan; and I have also received the most friendly invitations from my friends in France, and very gracious messages from the Duchess d’Angoulême.

[In consequence of this suggestion, the following letter was addressed to Queen Charlotte:]

MISS KNIGHT TO THE QUEEN.

4th March, 1815.

Madam,—Since I had the misfortune of losing your Majesty’s favour, it has been my earnest wish not to increase the displeasure I incurred. I therefore take the liberty of once more addressing your Majesty, as I am greatly embarrassed on a point which no other human being can settle agreeably to my feelings.

I understand your Majesty intends holding a drawing-room next Thursday,[10] and respect as well as inclination prompt me to appear at it; but I know not whether this would be construed as an act of respect or of presumption. Rather than incur the suspicion of the latter, I am willing to relinquish an intention, which, in the opinion of all my friends, I ought to fulfil; rather than offend your Majesty, I would abstain from it at the risk of satisfying the malevolent, who might attribute my absence to a consciousness of not having done my duty at Warwick House, although, in answer to my urgent solicitation on the subject, the Prince Regent, when he dismissed me, never brought forward any accusation; and although my own conscience acquits me of all design or even thought incompatible with my dutiful respect for his Royal Highness. This my friends feel, and it is one of the reasons why they wish me to appear; but the attachment I must ever feel for your Majesty will not allow me to intrude myself into your Majesty’s presence without knowing that I am right in so doing.

I do not presume to expect an answer; but, should your Majesty, unfortunately for me, disapprove my joining the crowd to pay my respects, I humbly entreat Madame Beckersdorff may be allowed to inform me.

E. C. K.

[The following extracts from Miss Knight’s journals continue the record of the eventful year 1815:]

Feb. 27th.—Returned to town from Rochetts. The weather beautiful. On the way saw the walls in various places chalked with invectives against the Corn Bill.[11]

Received a letter from ——,[12] contradicting the reports in the Morning Chronicle respecting his supposed marriage. It came enclosed in one to the Duke of Sussex, which he sent me to read, and it was to the same effect, declaring the story to be absolutely false, and without foundation.

I went at half-past three to Lady Downshire’s, where I met the Duke, and heard that the Princess of Wales had written to Lord Liverpool to ask for a frigate to bring her home, but had been refused by the Prince, saying there were none disposable.[13] Dined at Prince Castelcicala’s.[14] At ten he and his youngest son set off for Paris, whither he is ordered to go on an important mission for his own Court.

28th.—Saw Dr. Baird and Mrs. Balfour, who was an intimate friend of poor Lady Day. Afterwards walked to Weymouth-street, to inquire after Mrs. C. B. Egerton’s little girl, who is dangerously ill; only saw the General. Called on Miss Mercer Elphinstone, who said she had been at Cranbourne, and that Princess Charlotte was to come to the drawing-room on the 9th, but that she had been suffering with bad headaches.

March 1st.—I called in the evening on Lady Aylesbury, Lady Neave, &c. The people are discontented with the Corn Bill, and write horrid things on the wall, such as “Bread or blood,” “More Bellinghams,” “Bread, or else the Regent’s head.” It is, however, said, and I believe with truth, that the Regent is against the bill. There was a sort of riot yesterday in the Borough,[15] and the Horse Guards were sent to quell it. I dined with Princess Castelcicala, and met Count Woronzow there in the evening. He said Lord Castlereagh would be at Paris on the 3rd.

In the evening I went to Lady Charleville’s, where two Spaniards, one named Rosquillos, and Naldi’s daughter sang. There was a large party, though, I believe, not what is called large in London. Very good company. Mrs. Perceval,[16] now Lady Carr, was there, looking gay and handsome, and followed by some of her daughters.

Thursday and Friday I spent chiefly with poor Mrs. C. B. Egerton, whose little girl died this week, and on the second of those days I heard from Princess Charlotte, who informed me of Cranbourne Lodge having been given to her “en propriété,” and of the intention of Ministers to give her 8000l. a year on the Civil List, for her Windsor expenses and “menus plaisirs,” at her own disposal. She believes she is to come to town for a day or two whenever anything is going forward, and to be on those occasions at Carlton House until Warwick House is converted into a wing of that building. She mentions the Queen being gracious, and even affectionate to her, and says her Majesty has in a late transaction stood forward fairly and humanely as her friend. She complains of headaches, but says she occupies herself as much as possible to abstract her mind from its cares. Her letter is expressive of much considerate tenderness towards me, and some of her friends and dependents.

I called and left a box of trinkets (belonging to her Royal Highness, which was in my possession) at Miss Mercer Elphinstone’s, who had given me a message from Princess Charlotte to desire I would send it by her. The drawing-room was announced for the 9th, but it is postponed, probably on account of the discontent of the people with respect to the Corn Bill.[17]

The Duke of Sussex sent me word that he had a message from Princess Charlotte, to say that she had been desired by her father to write to her mother that she would never see her more, but had declined it. It is said the Princess of Wales will return in May.

March 4th.—I made several visits in the evening, and heard much of the discontent about the price of bread. I also heard that the paper sent to Congress by the Prince of Benevento (Talleyrand), was the best state paper which had been seen for ages. It has restored great part of Saxony to the King of that country, and it is thought may have a good effect with respect to the recovery of the kingdom of Naples, two hundred thousand men restlessly anxious to be employed on any service forming the great argument which France can easily urge. In the evening I went to Mrs. Egerton’s, to a party at Lady Neave’s (which she gave in honour of the return of Lady Sarah and Mr. Lyttleton), and to Lady Downshire’s box at the Opera, just in time for the ballet “Le Prince Troubadour.”[18] The dancers are said not to be better than figurantes at Paris, but Mademoiselle Mélanie is certainly graceful in many of her attitudes, and Madame Leon is a pretty little figure. Vestris, father and son, are of the number.

5th.—I dined at Lady Downshire’s, and Lord and Lady Aylesbury came in the evening. I heard that Lord Proby intends to move for the reformation of courts-martial. Lord Castlereagh arrived yesterday from Vienna viâ Paris. The discontent about the Corn Bill continues.

6th.—I walked out in the evening, but heard nothing particular. I dined with Miss Tisdall[19] and her brother, and passed the evening with Lady Aylesbury, where I heard much, as I had likewise at dinner, of the mob, which had been attacking houses[20] in different parts of the town, on account of the Corn Bill. A loaf steeped in blood had been placed on Carlton wall. The Horse Guards were out all day. I heard from Mr. ——, who has lately returned from Brussels, that the Flemings by no means like the Dutch—rather despise them; that the nobility and commonalty are for their old government, and the middle class for the French; that the Prince of the Netherlands has only been able to get together an army of five thousand Dutch, and must trust entirely to English and Hanoverians, who, in fact, command the country; that the only thing which reconciles the Flemings to the business is the prospect of having a Court of their own, and that they are, therefore, still looking forward to the marriage of the Princess Charlotte. The Sovereign, they hear, is to divide his time between the Hague and Brussels, and the Hereditary Prince to live constantly at the latter place. He is good humoured and civil, but has no dignity. When the Flemings come in with proper etiquette, and stand near the door, they are surprised to see his English aides-de-camp run up to him and slap him on the back—all but Lord March, who preserves his good breeding. The Hereditary Prince at first took no notice of any but English, which offended the people of the country. He now invites two or three of them every day to dine with him, but he is evidently partial to the English. He has a bad cook, and his dinners are dull.

7th.—The riots still continue. My servant tells me he has just come from Old Burlington-street, where they are pulling up the iron rails before a house which he heard was that of the Chancellor’s private secretary, but which was Mr. Robinson’s,[21] and they were only finishing the work they began last night. In the evening they knocked at Prince Castelcicala’s door, where I dined, and asked who lived there, inquiring for some person whose name I could not learn. They went away quietly after this; but I have since heard they did much mischief to a house in Harley-street, and to Lord Bathurst’s, in Mansfield-street. The Horse Guards are on constant duty, and I hear the 16th Light Dragoons are ordered into town from Hounslow.

8th.—I heard that Lord Uxbridge has the command of the military force,[22] which increases hourly, but does not seem to prevent the people from doing what they like. Two persons were, however, killed at Mr. Robinson’s by officers, as it is said, firing from the house: one, a young midshipman, lies to be owned. In the evening, about eight, I went to Weymouth-street, to Mrs. Egerton’s, and met with no mob going or coming from thence to Lady Charleville’s, in Piccadilly, where, however, the party was rather small, many being afraid to venture out, and others uneasy on account of their relations or friends in America, despatches having been received from thence with an account of the failure of Sir Alexander Cochrane and Sir Edward Pakenham’s expedition,[23] the death of Sir Edward, and that of General Sir Samuel Gibbs, with great loss of officers and men. Mrs. Egerton had happily received intelligence from Sir John Malcolm, that her brother, Sir Thomas Troubridge, was safe, and that he had distinguished himself on shore, where, following the steps of his father, he had fought with the land forces. Sir Pulteney Malcolm, Sir John’s brother, being second in command of the fleet, wrote this home to him. When I returned home, I heard that the people had broken the windows of Mr. Ponsonby,[24] in Curzon-street, and had apologised for breaking one window by mistake in the adjoining house. Lord Yarmouth had a strong guard of soldiers to prevent anything happening where he lives, at no great distance from Mr. Ponsonby’s. I saw written on the walls on Tuesday, “Guy Faux for ever!”

9th.—I saw Dr. F., who brought me a message from the Duke of Sussex, to say that he heard Princess Charlotte had been prevailed on to write a letter to her mother, but not one so strong as was wished, and that it had, therefore, not given satisfaction at Carlton House. I went out to call on Lady Aylesbury, the Duchess of Leeds, and a few others, and came home round by the Park, but did not meet any rioters. I dined at Baron Montalembert’s, where I met the French Ambassador, Count de la Châtre, a worthy old nobleman, who had been for many years serving his master faithfully, though secretly, in that capacity at our Court, and was, therefore, justly placed in the ostensible situation, with a salary of 10,000l. a year, as soon as Louis XVIII. recovered his throne, in preference to others of more weight and of more brilliant talents. He had been introduced to me one evening at Carlton House by the Count de Blacas. M. and Madame de Rayneval also dined there; a Colonel Murphy, a Spaniard of an Irish family; and a Mr. Cheverix, a celebrated chemist. Rayneval is a young man of great talents; he was secretary to Caulincourt[25] in Russia, where he married a modest and amiable Polish lady. Previous to this he was secretary of embassy and chargé d’affaires at Lisbon, when Lord St. Vincent was there in 1806, and though attached to the French Government of that time, acted always in an honourable manner. He is now one of the secretaries of embassy and consul-general.

In the evening there was a very good party, and a man named Kalkbrenner[26] played very finely on the pianoforte. Baron Montalembert and M. de Rayneval sang an Italian and a French duet. They are both excellent musicians, and sing particularly well. I saw no riot in the streets, going or coming, but met many soldiers, and all night I heard the trampling of cavalry. The 10th Hussars, as well as several other regiments, are come to guard the metropolis. Madame de Lieven told me Miss Mercer Elphinstone returned this morning from Cranbourne, where she had been staying some days. She left Princess Charlotte by no means well.

10th.—I saw Lady Cardigan, Miss Rainsford, Mrs. Anderson, and others. Reports are spread of coalheavers coming in large bodies to town, of Bonaparte having escaped from the island of Elba[27] with eleven hundred followers, and going to the south of France, with other alarming stories, for which there is probably no foundation. London is full of soldiers. The depôt is in Manchester-square, and Bedford-square[28] looks like a “place d’armes.” People are so full of these riots that very little mention is made of the failure at New Orleans.

11th.—The account of Bonaparte landing at Frejus is confirmed; and it is added that he has been joined by Masséna and Augereau, but the only official intelligence is his landing. The King has published an edict declaring him a traitor and a rebel,[29] and the Duke de Berri and the Duke d’Orleans are gone against him.

12th.—It appears that Bonaparte landed at Cannes, near Antibes, and that he has not been joined by any one; that the great towns have shown the most loyal spirit; and that Masséna has written a letter to Paris in the same sense; that Bonaparte is now (or was when the last accounts came away) taking the road of Digny and Gap in Haut Dauphiné. The King of France has written a very satisfactory letter to the Regent. I dined at Lady Downshire’s, where I met the Macclesfields, Talbots, and some more, all of whom seemed to be of opinion that Bonaparte’s invasion was not to be considered of serious consequence.

13th.—I called on Lady Louisa Stuart, and dined early at Mr. Hallam’s, after which we went to Drury Lane Theatre, to see the performance of “Richard the Second,” a play which has just been revived after not having been acted for a hundred years. Kean[30] is greatly admired, but his figure and voice are so bad that his mode of speaking and gesticulations suffer considerable disadvantage.

He is, however, a great actor: in all sarcastic and bitter passages very great; never pleasing, though undoubtedly sometimes affecting. But this might be owing to the play itself, which unquestionably has in it some heartrending passages to excite compassion in favour of the frivolous, insolent Richard. The genius of Shakspeare is peculiarly manifest in the change of sentiment you cannot fail experiencing between the first and last act of this extraordinary drama. It has been altered so as to terminate with something like a dénouement, making the Queen and Bolingbroke come and lament over the dead Richard, which does very well for the gallery, but does not coincide with history or Shakspeare’s delineation of character. Mrs. Bartley, formerly Miss Smith, ranted the Queen, and is rather a fine-looking woman. Many passages allusive to present times seemed to be spoken with peculiar emphasis, and silence was vociferated on these occasions.

The accounts from France are more alarming. Bonaparte was telegraphed as approaching Lyons, and it was supposed he entered that city on the 11th.

14th.—It is said that Bonaparte professes no desire to trouble the lawful heir of the crown of France, but claims his rights and those of his wife and son. Reports are in town of the Marshals Soult and Marmont being assassinated, and of an insurrection at Paris, but it is difficult to obtain certain intelligence from them. The King received the ambassadors and foreigners on the 7th with his usual propriety; remarked[31] that they saw him suffering, but that it was with the gout, and that they might inform their respective Courts that he hoped that the peace of Europe would not be disturbed. Lord Arthur Hill was at this levee, and has, as well as others, written it home. I dined at Princess Castelcicala’s, who had been making diligent inquiries into the story of the Moniteur said to be arrived with a telegraphic account of Bonaparte having reached Bourgoin, and being expected at Lyons, but could not find any one who had seen this Moniteur.

15th.—Baroness Montalembert called with Mrs. C. B. Egerton. She had been at the Foreign-office, and found more Moniteurs of the 11th were arrived, and of course the vicinity of Bonaparte to Lyons confirmed. Rayneval says the game is up, but Montalembert is going to fight for his King. At the public offices the business is considered in as bad a light as possible. Reports are spread of our cruisers being bribed, &c. &c. I dined at General Egerton’s, where I met Mr. and Mrs. Philip Egerton, and Captain Finlay, who commanded the Harrier, and brought to the Cape, in 1807, the fatal news of the storm in which the Blenheim and Java disappeared.

The French Ambassador had received no despatches from Paris. In a second edition of the Courier the intelligence contained in the Moniteur appeared.

16th.—The accounts from Paris are very bad. Monsieur was well received at Lyons, and the troops promised to stand by him; but the next day, when they were ordered to march, they refused to a man, saying, they wished no harm to Monsieur, and would not do him any, but they would not march against their former general. Monsieur left Lyons, but stopped on the road for orders from the King. The Duke of Orleans returned to Paris, saw the King, and set off again for Lyons. Soult is discovered to be a traitor, and the King has appointed General Clarke[32] in his stead.

There has been no insurrection at Paris. Plays and operas go on as usual; but it is said Bonaparte will be there on the 17th. The King has declared he will not leave Paris while there is a hope of the troops fighting, and if they will not, he will retire with his family to the Netherlands. The Duke de Berri will stay to the last moment; five hundred English are arrived at Dover, or waiting for a passage from Calais. The Duchess of Wellington, Lord Arthur Hill, and Colonel Roberts were amongst the first. I dined at Mrs. Green’s, Bedford-place, where Mr. Gipps, Member for Ripon, arrived from the House, and said Lord Castlereagh’s language was warlike. He had heard Macdonald, Augereau, and some others had declared for the King.

17th.—Received a note from Princess Castelcicala to say that her son is arrived in England with the Duchess de Blacas, who is near her confinement, and the news is very bad. Prince Castelcicala still remains at Paris. I went to Lady Rolle’s, who is just arrived from Devonshire, and seems to have left much discontent there with respect to the Corn Bill. Afterwards I called on Princess Castelcicala. M. de Joinville came from the French Ambassador’s. He said Bonaparte was not at Paris on the 14th, but that the troops all went over to him. The generals are few of them in his favour.

18th.—At nine, Prince Castelcicala arrived, having conducted the Duchess d’Orleans and her children safely to Dover. I went out with Lady Aylesbury, who had been with Madame de Blacas. She said Soult had not been dismissed, but had resigned, as it was not known whether he was a traitor or not. She seemed rather to think he was not. When I came home I saw Charles Ruffo and the Abbé de Longuemain, his tutor, who told me that Prince Castelcicala had his audience on Sunday, and that as he went to Court the people cried “Vive le Roi!” “Vive le Souverain légitime de Naples!” Only one man cried “Vive l’Empereur!” and was taken by the collar and thrown out of the crowd. Affairs do not appear to be as desperate as they were represented. Madame de Talleyrand (Princess de Benevento) and Madame Moreau are arrived in England. The latter is said to be engaged to Marshal Macdonald. He appears to be very zealous in the royal cause.

19th.—The accounts from France are serious, but certainly have a better complexion than they had. Marshal Ney is said to be on his march to meet Bonaparte, and a battle is expected. Much will depend on the event of it.

20th.—Various reports of an engagement in France, but without official authority. The only certain news seemed to be that Bonaparte was advancing without interruption. I dined at Mr. Hallam’s. Mr. W. Spenser, the poet; M. de Pfeffel, the Bavarian Minister, and his secretary of embassy, were among the company.

21st.—No certain accounts from France. I dined at Lord Rolle’s. In the evening had two letters from Princess Charlotte, who has had great worries, but the Orange business is at last really given up; she corresponds with her father, who seems to have something in view which will please all parties. I may be sure she will do for the best. Very amiable in her anxiety about the Royal Family of France, and in her wish that they should be informed of it if possible.

22nd.—I called on Lady Ashbrook, and made other visits. She was very sad. Bonaparte near if not in Paris. I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, and was at Lady Charleville’s in the evening. The Colonel had just heard that the King had left Paris, but did not think he would come to England. The Duchess of Orleans, with her four children and their governor, and the Countess de Visac, is at the hotel at Dover. The Regent offered her the Castle, which she declined, and also excused herself from receiving his visit and that of the Duke of Kent. Yesterday Lord Cochrane walked into the House of Commons and took his seat there, whence he was carried[33] back to prison in the King’s Bench. Lady Castlereagh said the news from Paris was not official.

23rd.—The papers say Bonaparte entered Paris without the slightest obstacle on the 20th;[34] that the King had left it the day before, and slept at Abbeville on the 21st, on his way to Calais.

24th (Good Friday).—Princess Castelcicala wrote me that no certain news had been received of Bonaparte’s being at Paris; that the King had certainly left that city, but that he was not coming to England; and that the accounts, though bad enough, were not so desperate as the papers represented them; that the Duchess of Orleans had not heard from her husband, and would probably come to Town; that the Princes were dispersed, and were gone to their armies, and that more news was expected.

25th.—Everybody fearful of a new war, for which great preparations seem to be making by sea and land. The common people sadly discontented, and very seditious in their expressions. In the evening I received a note from Lady Mary Hill to say that they had seen the Duke de Sérent in good spirits; that the King of France would remain at Lille; that the Duke d’Angoulême was going about collecting troops, and that La Vendée was favourably disposed towards the Royal cause.

26th (Easter Sunday).—I dined at Lord Rolle’s. He had been at White’s, and brought very bad accounts of the reports in town. It was said the King could not remain at Lille, but was gone on to Tournay, and would go to Mittau, in Courland, where he was before; that Mr. Bagot was gone with him; but that Lord Fitzroy Somerset was detained at Paris. Lord Exmouth is going off immediately to take the command of the fleet in the Mediterranean, and arming by sea and land is the order of the day.

27th.—The papers mention Lord Fitzroy Somerset’s detention[35] at Paris, or at least his stay there, but nothing about Tournay. I dined at Lord Ashbrook’s; heard of the enormous tribe of people who are living at Cranbourne Lodge, and the confused, expensive manner in which they are going on.

26th.—Dined with Mrs. C. B. Egerton. General Egerton asked an audience of the Duke of York, to offer his services. He was the forty-second person who had one this morning, and seven or eight more were waiting in the ante-room.

29th.—Dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, and went in the evening to the Duchess of Orleans (Princess Maria Amelia of Naples). She received me with great kindness, and appears more amiable than ever, but is very thin, and has a dreadful cough. She has with her four children, the Duke de Chartres, the Duke de Nemours, and the Princesses Louise and Marie. The Count de G. is governor to the Duke, and the Countess de Visac, of the Vintimille family, is with her. The King of France is at Ostend; Monsieur at Namur. The Duchess d’Angoulême was at Bordeaux on the 19th, and meaning to stay there, as it was the anxious wish of the inhabitants that she should; but what their opinion may be when they hear of Paris being in the hands of Bonaparte, is not known. An emigrant, who left Paris on Easter Sunday, says that the strong manifesto published by the Allied Sovereigns at Vienna, of which two or three copies have been circulated at Paris, has occasioned great alarm there, and also that Bonaparte has excited jealousy between the old Imperial Guards at Paris and those he brought from Elba, by placing the latter, with a fine inscription, as to the bravest of soldiers, in the Hôtel des Cent Suisses. In the evening I saw the good old Duke de Sérent, whose resignation, under all his misfortunes, at eighty years of age, is truly admirable.

30th.—I heard nothing new, except that orders have been despatched to the Transport Board for sending out stores, &c., to Ostend. M. de Rayneval went last night to the King with letters from our Government. When Louis XVIII. found how much the troops were disposed to join Bonaparte, he dismissed them, saying he did not wish to commit any one; that he was obliged to withdraw himself for the present, but hoped to see them again. One regiment of Chasseurs fell on their knees and begged to follow his fortunes, an offer which he accepted.

CHAPTER III.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR—THE QUEEN’S LEVEE—TREATMENT OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE—NAPOLEON AND THE BOURBONS—RUMOURS FROM THE SEAT OF WAR—THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.

JOURNAL CONTINUED—1815.

April 3, 1815.—It is said Lords Liverpool and Eldon are for peace, and Lord Castlereagh for war; the same division is to be observed in the councils of Opposition, Lord Grey and his party being for peace, and Lord Grenville, with his adherents, for war. The Duke d’Orleans and his sister[36] arrived this evening.

5th.—Dined at Lord Rolle’s, and went in the evening to Lady Charleville’s party. An officer[37] arrived yesterday from Bordeaux, with letters from the Duchess d’Angoulême to the King of France. The inhabitants of the south of France are very loyal. Lord Harrowby, Sir Henry Torrens, and Mr. Wellesley Pole, are gone to Louis XVIII., who is supposed to be, at present, at Ghent. I had a letter from Rome, dated 10th of March, by which it appears that everything was quiet in Italy as to outward appearance.

7th.—Yesterday a message from the Prince Regent[38] went down to Parliament, stating that the events which had lately taken place had induced him to order an increase of his Majesty’s forces by sea and land, and to take the advice of his allies for the security of Europe. I called on the Duke de Sérent, and found he had received letters from the Duchess, who is with Madame d’Angoulême, at Bordeaux. The people there are loyal. I made other visits, but heard nothing more. The papers say Rochefort has declared for Bonaparte. He had made the Parisians believe that the allies would not attack him: but they begin to be undeceived.

8th.—I dined at the Speaker’s, whose house forms part of the House of Commons. The rooms are large, and fitted up in the best style of Gothic architecture, with furniture to correspond. The dining-room is immediately under St. Stephen’s Chapel, and is, I think, the handsomest room of the kind I ever saw. It consists of three divisions, separated only by two open arches; the ornaments, though minute in the Gothic style, are well adapted to the room, and the whole is well worth seeing. We had a very pleasant party; but the accounts arrived from France are very melancholy, and it is said one of Bonaparte’s generals[39] has entered Bordeaux, and the Duchess d’Angoulême has been obliged to depart by sea.

9th.—I dined at Lady Downshire’s, and went in the evening to Lady Aylesbury’s. People in general seem to wish for peace, not willing to make any sacrifices, and hardly wishing to hear good news.

10th.—I went in the evening to the Duchess of Orleans’; the Duchess of Leeds and Lady Catherine went with me. Mademoiselle and the Duke were there. She has a lady companion with her, the Countess de Montjoie. She is said to be accomplished and sensible; some add that she is an intriguante. The Duke is much with Ministers. They are all well-bred and affable; the Duchess of Orleans good, and kind, and unaffected. Mademoiselle told me the Duchess d’Angoulême was gone to Passages, and the Duke to Marseilles.

11th.—I saw Baroness Montalembert, who told me her husband was gone, with ten thousand stand of arms, to the Duchess d’Angoulême; Colonel Jenkinson with him. Before they sailed from Plymouth they heard of the fall of Bordeaux, and will act accordingly. Lord Bathurst seems to have despatched them without loss of time. Princess Charlotte came to town to-day. The entrance of Warwick House towards the lane is secured by bars of iron in the inside, and she goes through Carlton House, or rather through the court. Lady Ilchester and Mrs. Campbell are to sleep in the house, and the other ladies and gentlemen to come in the day; a list given and signed by the Prince Regent of what people she is to see. Only Miss Mercer Elphinstone, and Lady Warwick and her daughters, to be suffered to see her in the evening. She is to go once a week to the Play or the Opera, but to go away before it is over, and not to court publicity.

12th.—There is a report that Bordeaux is retaken by the Royalists, but without foundation. In the evening I was at Lady Aylesbury’s and Lady Charleville’s. The Duchess of Leeds was there, and told me she had been invited to Warwick House the evening before, and that her name was first on the list, which did not surprise me, as her resignation had been the consequence of a hint given her that if she resigned she should be always invited to Carlton House, but that if she waited to be turned out, she would not be asked any more.

13th.—I went to the Drawing-room; it was the first which had been held since I was dismissed from Warwick House. The Queen just spoke to me, which is more than she has done for two years. The Princesses, Duchess of York, and Princess Sophia of Gloucester very kindly, and Princess Charlotte as kindly as she could. I thought her looking very pale. The rooms were very full, but by the arrangements made since the Drawing-rooms have been held at the Queen’s House, the Royal Family stand in a small room, and people are only allowed to stay while they are spoken to, and to pass on. I dined at Lady Downshire’s. Lord Arthur Hill is appointed aide-de-camp to the Duke of Wellington.

14th.—I dined at Colonel Egerton’s, and went in the evening to Princess Castelcicala’s. Lord Uxbridge is to command the Cavalry, General Ponsonby the Heavy Dragoons, and Sir Hussey Vivian the Hussar Brigade. Troops are embarking as fast as possible.

17th.—A Moniteur reported that the Duke d’Angoulême had been taken and had been set at liberty by order of Bonaparte, on condition he should get the Crown jewels restored.

18th.—I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, and went in the evening to the Duchess of Orleans’, where nothing new of the Duke d’Angoulême was known. The Duchess d’Angoulême is gone to Bilboa.

19th.—I dined at Lord Ashbrook’s, where I met the captain of one of the sloops of war that attended Princess Charlotte at Weymouth[40] last summer. He said her behaviour was so delightful that there was not a man on board his ship who would not lay down his life for her, and that he little cared how long he lived, if he could but once fight for her as Queen.

20th.—The Moniteur says that the tricolored flag is hoisted at Marseilles, but no accounts from the Royalists there have arrived.

21st.—Lord Rolle called and told me he had letters from Plymouth, which mentioned the arrival there of the Duchess d’Angoulême from Bilboa. The people were delighted to see her, and she was very gracious. I dined at the Bishop of Lincoln’s; there was very violent language in the House, as Mr. Tomline reported, between Mr. Whitbread and Lord Castlereagh on account of a copy of the treaty between Austria, Russia, Prussia, and England, signed by the plenipotentiaries of these four powers at Vienna on the 25th of March, for driving Bonaparte out of France if Louis XVIII. requires it.

22nd.—Madame d’Angoulême, with the Duchess de Sérent and the Countess de Damas, arrived yesterday evening at the French Ambassador’s. I went to Lady Ashbrook’s in the evening, and received a letter from Princess Charlotte, which gave me sad accounts of the unkind manner in which she is treated, not being spoken to by her father, nor ever seeing him but when the Queen is in town. The Duchess d’Orleans and Mademoiselle had visited her, and she was to be allowed next day to return the visit, but to have no further communication. She is not allowed to go out in an open carriage, and a coach makes her always sick. This, however, is the only carriage allowed her, as she must have two ladies and a gentleman with her. Her letter was very kind, apologising for not shaking hands with me at the Drawing-room, or doing more than the others, and hoping I understood her eyes.

23rd.—Last night a new play called “Ina,” on the subject of Inez de Castro, though with Saxon names, was acted at Drury Lane. It was written by Mrs. Wilmot;[41] much supported by Whitbread and Opposition people, and much cried down by the contrary party; which prevailed, for it was condemned. Everybody, however, allows that the language is elegant, and the story interesting, but not sufficient stage effect, and the last act particularly weak. They also say there was a scene of an altar and crucifix, which on a stage should not have been, and that it resembled in principle German plays, and had democratical allusions.

24th.—I went in the evening to Mrs. Weddell’s, where there was a small party; amongst the rest, Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Heber, and other men of letters.

25th.—I was at a party at Lady Neave’s, of a different description. Dowager Lady Harcourt, Dowager Lady Cardigan, Mrs. R. Walpole, Mrs. A. Egerton, and other genuine whist-players, besides many more, young and old.

28th.—Went in the evening to Madame d’Angoulême’s, who receives company from seven to nine. She appeared to be cheerful, and looked better than when she left England, though her ladies said she was altered from what she was at Paris. She seemed to regret not having been able to obtain any favour from the Admiralty for the captain of the sloop who brought her over. Her passage had been very stormy; but she said she was too happy to find a ship of war to convey her. She spoke very gratefully of the captain’s care of her and her suite. She had been very sick; but I heard from others that she had nursed and comforted all the rest, thinking of herself the last. She told me she had written to Princess Charlotte, and wished to visit her, but had received an answer from her, saying that she begged she would ask the Prince Regent’s leave; which she thought very odd, as it implied that Princess Charlotte could not ask it herself. She asked whether he saw her often, and appeared surprised when I said he had not called on her since her arrival in town. I afterwards went to Lady Aylesbury’s, and to a ball at Lady Charleville’s, for the celebration of Lord Tullamore’s[42] birthday, which was very full, and well managed.

30th.—Dowager Lady Harcourt called, and told me there was a report of a courier having arrived to say that the Emperor of Russia meant to act only on the defensive. Lady Downshire afterwards called with a newspaper, which says Murat has been defeated by the Austrians, and has retired on Ferrara. General Nugent, who commanded them, was, in the Paris papers three days ago, announced to be taken prisoner. I dined at Lord Rolle’s, where Lord Powlett, Mr. Rose, and the Bishop of Exeter said that a courier was arrived with this intelligence from Lord Burghersh and, Lord Powlett said, one afterwards from Lord W. Bentinck. In the evening I went to the Duchess of Orleans’, who is going to-morrow into the country. She said Princess Charlotte had been with her in the morning, and had spoken very kindly of me, saying that she was under great obligations to me; and when the Duchess was with her before, she had also spoken in the same manner. The Parisians, who are fond of bons mots, say “rendez-nous notre Père de Gand (Paire de Gants).” They have prints which represent on one side a bunch of violets, the outline of which forms the portraits of Napoleon, Marie Louise, and the boy,[43] and under it is written “bouquet impérial;” but on the other side is a bunch of lilies and roses, forming the profiles of the Bourbons, and the motto is “bouquet Français.” Desertions from Bonaparte to the King are numerous, and the well-wishers to the Royal cause wear “Pensées.” They say, “La saison des violettes se passe,” a bunch of violets having been the designation of the adherents of Bonaparte, whom they used to toast as “Le Caporal Violet.” Mademoiselle Mars, the comic actress, was hissed off the stage the other night for having one of these bouquets of violets.

May 1st.—I dined early at Lady Charleville’s, and went with her to Covent Garden, where I saw Kemble in “Coriolanus,”[44] with the masque of “Comus,”[45] lately revived. Kemble is now old, and was always stiff and pompous; but his figure is fine, and his deportment and delivery above the common. His acting puts me in mind of Seneca’s tragedies. It is sententious, and not sufficiently natural; but still it is more classical than that of most others. “Comus” is so beautiful in itself that it is impossible not to be pleased with it, though too many songs are added not belonging to the original. Miss Stephens[46] is, I believe, thought a good singer. Conway’s figure in “Comus” did very well; the dresses of the “rabble rout” were not sufficiently gay and splendid, and the scenery, which might have been beautiful, was not good.

4th.—I went to Madame d’Angoulême’s with Lady Rolle. No accounts are yet come of the Duke. Desertions seem to be frequent in favour of the King. The Marquis de Chabannes, a relation of Talleyrand, has published a violent pamphlet against the Count de Blacas.

6th.—Went to Lady Downshire’s box at the Opera. Princess Charlotte was in the Regent’s box, which is in the Pit row, and so much shaded by the orchestra as to render those who sit in it very little visible. “God save the King” was sung by all the performers when she appeared, and there was a little clapping; but it has been given out that, if there is much applause, she will not be allowed to come again. Lady Ilchester sat on the same line with her, and one of the Misses Coates behind, as also a gentleman—I believe General Garth. I heard this evening that he had begged to be excused going in the carriage when she took an airing, as it made him subject to ridicule to be considered as a gaoler, and that he obtained permission to attend her on horseback.

8th.—I dined at Lady Downshire’s, went with her and the Ladies Hill to the Duchess d’Angoulême’s, and afterwards to a party at Lady Murray’s, where it was reported that Murat was a prisoner, but, I believe, without foundation.

9th.—I had a letter from the Countess of Albany, dated Florence, 3rd April, in which she expresses her grief for the partiality expressed by our English travellers in favour of Bonaparte, and seems much alarmed for the safety of Italy from the ambition of Murat.

10th.—I find people who return from Italy speak with great contempt of Murat, except as far as personal courage is concerned, though they were at first much cajoled by him. In the evening I was at Lady Charleville’s, where some French children acted two vaudevilles—“Le Mariage dans une Rose,” and “Blaise et Babet.” I came away soon after the beginning of the second; in the first was a Captain Duval, who boasts of having beaten the English. Some of the songs were pretty, but there was not a little “mauvais ton” in them.

11th.—Dr. Baird called and said the Morning Chronicle[47] announced the intended marriage of Miss M. Elphinstone and the Duke of Devonshire. I dined at Lord Aylesbury’s.

12th.—The marriage was contradicted in the same paper.[48] In the morning I went with Lady Rolle and Lady Morton to the Society of Arts, where are exhibited drawings, and specimens under them, which, I understood, those who wish to exhibit them are obliged to make in presence of the committee, that no deception may be practised. The room is adorned by paintings of Barry, which show learning and imagination, but very bad colouring. I thought the drawings in general very uninteresting. In the rooms below were models and inventions, many of which have no doubt great merit.

We afterwards went to see Mr. Rehberg’s and other drawings in Pall-mall, and from thence to the British Gallery, where is now exhibiting a fine collection of Flemish paintings, lent to the Institution by their different proprietors. Nothing can be more characteristic of the speculating genius of this country than these exhibitions: money does everything here. It is true that it is a good way to procure assistance for the charity, but still there is an oddity in it which must strike every one who has lived out of England, that the public should pay for an exhibition of pictures belonging to Princes and noblemen. I dined at Lord Rolle’s, and in the evening went to Mrs. Montague Burgoyne’s.

16th.—Went to Chiswick to visit Lady Macartney: a beautiful thorn in bloom in her grounds, and the country in general looking very lovely. She said the Duke of Devonshire had made great improvements at his place here.

17th.—I was in the evening at Lady Charleville’s assembly, where great news of Murat’s expulsion from Naples was reported, but without sufficient foundation.

18th.—In the morning I called on the Countess de Narbonne, who is just returned from Paris, and gives very favourable accounts of the state of the people’s mind.

20th.—I met Princess Charlotte driving round the Park in an open carriage with Lady Ilchester, one of the Misses Coates, and Colonel Addenbroke. I dined at Lady Ashbrook’s.

21st.—Dined at Prince Castelcicala’s. The official despatches from Vienna prove that Murat’s efforts to cut his way through the Austrian corps, commanded by Bianchi, have proved ineffectual, though many men were lost on both sides. Prince Castelcicala has in his hands the original interesting letters of Bonaparte to Murat, which were pretended to be false, after being mentioned by Lord Castlereagh in the House.

22nd.—I dined at Lord Rolle’s, and went with Lady Rolle in the evening to Naldi’s concert. It was held at a house in Grosvenor-place, which was once that of Lord Whitworth and the Duchess of Dorset, now inhabited by a Mrs. Maitland, from India. Mrs. Dickons, Naldi, Rosquillos, and Braham, Mrs. Salmon, &c., sang, and a Miss Mortimer,[49] just arrived from Italy, who seems to have great powers, and taste, and expression. It was a great crowd.

24th.—Last night, or rather this morning, at one, after a debate, in which Lord Liverpool, Lord Grey, Lord Bathurst, and Lord Grenville spoke, the question for peace or war was decided by a majority of 156 against 44, I think. I dined at Lady Charleville’s, and stayed for her great party in the evening; after which I went to Lady Aylesbury’s ball. I had a very kind letter from Princess Charlotte, who is sadly neglected by her father, and annoyed by those about her.

27th.—I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, who seems in excellent spirits at the retreat of Murat, and the general news from Italy.

28th.—Dined at Lord Rolle’s, and went in the evening to the Countess of St. Antonio’s, where Cherubini, Naldi, &c., with the lady of the house, Miss Fitzroy, M. de Rayneval, &c., sang and played.

29th.—At Lady Aylesbury’s ball. The Prince Regent came at one, and stayed till two, but did not speak to me, or to many others. Mrs. Fitzherbert was there, and was much overcome—he took no notice of her.

1st of June.—I was at Covent Garden, and saw Miss O’Neill act Mrs. Haller, in “The Stranger.” The simplicity, propriety, and good sense of her acting pleased me infinitely.

3rd.—The report of some of the muskets and ammunition[50] sent to La Vendée having fallen into the enemy’s hands is confirmed, and the rest which was promised is not to go. I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s. News arrived at the Secretary of State’s office, from the Admiralty, of the surrender of the ships and stores[51] at Naples to English men-of-war, and of the impatience of the people to be restored to their ancient sovereign.

5th.—While I was in the evening at Lady Aylesbury’s, arrived the Gazette Extraordinary, with the news of the defeat of Murat, the total dispersion of his army, and the recovery of the kingdom of Naples.

6th.—I had a letter from Princess Charlotte, expressing great uneasiness with respect to many things, and particularly the speedy arrival of the Duke of Cumberland, and perhaps of his Duchess,[52] though opposed by the Queen. I dined at Mr. Hallam’s.

8th.—I saw Madame d’Angoulême at Battersea, where I called to inquire after her. She looked well, said she left the King so, and that she had heard from the Duke d’Angoulême, who had left Madrid, and had joined by this time the Spanish army on the frontiers. I dined at Mrs. Roberts’s, at Mitcham.

12th.—Dined at Mrs. Weddell’s. The treaty of subsidy to Holland much found fault with by Mr. Horner, as the debt of Russia was one contracted for the first partition of Poland.

15th.—Went to Hampstead to see Miss [   ], who is at school there, and was surprised at the view, which is more extensive and wild than would be expected so near London.

16th.—Dined at Lady Louisa Macdonald’s, at Sheen. The country looked very beautiful; the weather, however, has been rainy and uncertain.

18th.—I dined with Lady Rolle, and went in the evening to the Magdalen, where a Mr. Stevens preached a very flowery sermon, and the women sang three hymns.

June 19th, 1815.—Went with Mrs. Hicks to the Argyle Rooms, to hear a morning lecture of the Abbé Sicard, on his mode of instructing the deaf and dumb; and two of his scholars, one a young man, and the other aged forty-two, answered metaphysical questions. He was tedious and dull in his manner of explaining; and I was not by any means surprised at their answers or mode of reasoning, thinking what I knew of the instruction of similar beings, at Rome, more skilful and interesting. This day reports were spread, of an unfavourable nature, relative to the affairs in Flanders. It was said that Bonaparte had made an attack, and that the Duke of Wellington had been forced to retreat.

20th.—In the evening I called on Princess Castelcicala, and Mrs. Hicks; everybody very anxious about the news. It was reported, however, that victory was in our favour.

On the 22nd came the account of the most decisive and important victory. The Duke of Brunswick killed, gallantly fighting at the head of his brave little army—the Prince of Orange wounded—Lord Uxbridge lost a leg—General Picton killed. The Prussians fought most nobly as well as our own people, and Bonaparte lost almost all his artillery, with the total defeat and dispersion of his chosen body of Imperial Guards, and, indeed, of his whole army. I went with Lady Aylesbury to visit the Duchess d’Angoulême, whom we found in sober joy.

CHAPTER IV.

REJOICINGS FOR WATERLOO—THE MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND—PRINCE LEOPOLD—MARRIAGE RUMOURS—MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE—HOW IT WAS BROUGHT ABOUT—LATER REVELATIONS—CHARACTER OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.

JOURNAL CONTINUED.

June 23 and 24, 1815.—London was illuminated, and order given out for the Court going into mourning for the Duke of Brunswick, on the 29th, for two months. I went to the Opera with Miss Tisdall, on the 24th; “I Riti d’Efeso,” and “L’Enfant Prodigue”—a bad opera and bad ballet; the subject of the latter was the beautiful parable of the Prodigal Son, in the Arabian costume. The actors came forward and sang “Exulta Britannia,” which was composed last year, and “God save the King.” The following week brought with it nothing very interesting. I dined on Wednesday, the 28th, at Count de Salis’s, where there was a pleasant party, and most of my time I afterwards spent with Princess Castelcicala, who was very uneasy about her eldest son, from whom she had not heard, and who appears to have been taken prisoner. On the 30th I had a letter from Princess Charlotte, very uneasy about the Duke and Duchess of Cumberland[53] probably proposing a marriage with her son, Prince Salms Brauenfels, by her first husband, brother of the King of Prussia; telling me, likewise, she had other views, which were promoted by the Duke of York.

On the 2nd of July, I went to Lord St. Vincent’s, at Rochetts. On the 3rd, the Duke of Cumberland’s request for an additional grant of 6000l. a year for himself and his Duchess was thrown out by a majority of one, which one was Lord Cochrane, who had paid his fine and appeared once more in the House. Dreadful abuse of the two royal personages.

On the 8th we received the account of the surrender of Paris,[54] by a military convention, to the Duke of Wellington. Mr. Whitbread[55] cut his throat the other morning; his friends say it was on account of his disappointment as proprietor of Drury Lane Theatre; his enemies suppose a political conspiracy with Bonaparte, discovered by papers found in the carriage of the latter. The most probable reason is insanity, at least temporary, caused by the pressure of blood on the brain, which had, in the opinion of some, rendered him liable to apoplexy. Colonel Palmer came on the 8th, and stayed till the 9th, as did Mr. Parker. The Duchess d’Angoulême was going to Bordeaux, as Madame de Narbonne writes me, but waits, for fear of committing the loyal Bordelais, now that the remaining rebel army is permitted by the Convention to take their route across the Loire. General and Mrs. Egerton passed a day and night.

Louis XVIII. entered Paris on the 8th, and was received with acclamations and white cockades. On the 10th the Emperors of Austria and Russia and the King of Prussia arrived there.

I had a letter from Princess Charlotte on the 13th, and another on the 18th, both very kind and confidential. The Queen very ill from vexation, and still keeping firm in her refusal to receive the Duke of Cumberland, who is daily expected; and Princess Charlotte is ordered to leave town, which she does on the 22nd. The Dowager Lady Rosslyn has resigned, and new arrangements are mentioned. She is first to go to Cranbourne Lodge, and afterwards to Weymouth.

22nd.—News arrived of Bonaparte having surrendered himself to Captain Maitland, of the Bellerophon, off Rochefort.

On the 28th I left Rochetts to pass one night in London, and proceeded next day to Savernak Lodge. Lord and Lady Aylesbury, having made up their minds to go to Paris for ten days or a fortnight, wished me to stay with their children in the mean while, and to take Lord Bruce on my way. I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, and called on the Duke de Sérent and Madame de Narbonne. Madame d’Angoulême was gone, and they had heard of her safe arrival at Dieppe. In the evening we walked through the Park to Lady Charleville’s.

29th.—In the morning I went to Mitcham, fetched Lord Bruce, and arrived about half-past nine in the evening at Tottenham Park. Bonaparte is to go to St. Helena in the Northumberland, Admiral Sir George Cockburn, guarded by Sir Hudson Lowe, who was Blücher’s interpreter last year. St. Helena is to be purchased by Government from the East India Company, and a regiment to be sent to guard the prisoner. It is reported that Madame Bertrand[56] attempted to kill herself when she heard of this destination, and that Bonaparte has declared he will not be taken alive on board the Northumberland, or out of the Bellerophon. Crowds of people get round the ship daily to see him.

Princess Charlotte[57] arrived at Weymouth on the 3rd of this month (August). She was received with enthusiasm wherever she passed, and the same at Weymouth; but having a bad cold, she was obliged to stay at home on her first arrival there.

August 12th.—Letters from Plymouth brought accounts of Bonaparte having been transferred from the Bellerophon to the Northumberland, off Torbay. On Monday, the 7th, Lord Keith sailed from Plymouth in the Tonnant, hoisting his flag on board her for the purpose of presiding over the transhipment—a word which seems to have been fabricated for the present purpose. He went in the barge of the Tonnant to fetch Bonaparte, who, with Marshal Bertrand and his wife, and a Count and Countess de Montholon (with their children), attended by a few servants, are to go in the Northumberland, Admiral Sir G. Cockburn, to St. Helena. An officer who was on board the Northumberland when they arrived on board, says, in a letter to his sister, dated the same day, that Bonaparte was rather in better humour, but had been very sulky for several days, having expected to remain in England. During the time the Bellerophon was off Plymouth, the crowd of spectators which flocked in boats around her was enormous. Lord R. writes that the people began to be partial to Bonaparte. The papers say this morning that Sir Hudson Lowe is arrived in town, which appears as if he were not to accompany the prisoner.

Sir Hudson is appointed Governor of St. Helena, and is going out very soon. It is said a Prussian and an Austrian Commissioner are appointed to reside there also. Commissioners from all the Courts, including France, have been appointed.

14th.—Lord and Lady Aylesbury returned from Paris, where they left everything quiet, though in a very odd state, and such a one as cannot be expected to last. The Prussians are the most disliked, the English praised, and the Russians courted. The works of art are claimed by the Prussians and other nations, from whom they were taken by the French.

On the 7th of October the two Chambers met, and the King made a speech to them, announcing the treaty he had made with the Allied Sovereigns, the particulars of which he should in a short time communicate to them. The French complain heavily of the pictures, statues, and other works of art which they had taken from other countries being taken from them. Canova is at Paris, commissioned by the Pope to pack up those which were taken from Rome.

October 20th.—Accounts arrived from Paris of the addresses of the Chamber of Peers and that of Deputies to the King; both very loyal, and the latter very strong with respect to the punishment of traitors.

General Porlier, who with some officers and about eight hundred men had attempted to revolutionise Corunna, has been executed by order of the Spanish Government.[58]

[1816.]

January 10th.—Princess Charlotte summoned to Cranbourne Lodge to accompany the Queen to Brighton, where her birthday was to be kept, and it was and still is expected that she is to marry the Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg at her own request. She went to Brighton with the Queen on the 6th. Nothing extraordinary seems to have been done for her birthday,[59] though it completes her twentieth year. Many people of rank were invited to meet the Queen when she was there at Christmas, but not so now.

I had a kind message from Princess Charlotte this morning, conveyed by a person who saw her while at Cranbourne. She was much thinner, as she had been reduced by the medicines she had been obliged to take for a pain in her side, occasioned by a bilious disorder, which was erroneously treated as nervous.

This morning I called on Lord St. Vincent in Mortimer-street, as he came to consult Clive and Sir Edward Horne for his wrist, which had suffered by a fall. I also went with Princess Castelcicala to see the paintings and drawings of Gottenburgh, a German from Vienna. He is an old man, but still makes beautiful small drawings in pencil, portraits chiefly of Roman women; and his small copies in oils, from Correggio and other masters, are very good.

12th.—I called in the morning at Lady Louisa Macdonald’s, Mr. Keate’s, and on the Ladies Bruce. Everybody talks of this marriage, and K. told me the Queen and Prince Regent, when they wrote to order Princess Charlotte to Cranbourne and Brighton, said she would meet with an agreeable surprise. It is now supposed they will prolong their stay at Brighton till after the 18th, and it is supposed the young man will be sent for. People say he has only 200l. a year, which they calculate is just enough to buy him two coats and a dozen of shirts. I dined at Mr. Hallam’s, where I met Mr. Ward, Mr. H. Fane, and Mr. W. J. Rose. The first is counted one of our first wits; has not been long returned from Italy. He is certainly very clever and entertaining, but odd, and rash in his judgments.[60] Mr. H. Fane appears pedantic, but well informed.

13th.—I dined at Lady Downshire’s. The Duke of Sussex and his son, Captain d’Este, &c. &c., dined there. No mention was made of Princess Charlotte’s marriage. It is said that the Dukes of Bedford and Devonshire have received nothing from their tenants for the last year.

14th.—I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s. General Count Nugent, commander of the Austrian army in Italy, has married the orphan daughter of the late Marquis Carleto at Naples, whose mother was one of the daughters of Prince Xavier of Saxony.

17th.—Dined at Sir Archibald Macdonald’s. Duchess-Dowager of Leeds and Lady Catherine Osborne, Mr. Osborne Markham, Mr. Jekyll, and Archdeacon Pott there. Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Bruce, who travelled with Lady Hester Stanhope in the desert, were accused of high treason in France for effecting the escape of Lavalette.[61]

18th.—Called on Miss Fielding, Lady Mary Parker, and Miss Mercer Elphinstone. The latter said she had received only one letter from Princess Charlotte since her stay at Brighton, and no mention in it of the marriage.

23rd.—I had letters from Lady Mary Hill, and Mr. Hallam mentioned a paragraph in the Morning Chronicle of a Prince Leopold of saxe-coburg being married at Vienna, but it proves to be a Prince Ferdinand.

February 6th.—I had a letter from a friend, who mentions Princess Charlotte as desiring to contradict the reports relative to her marriage. It appears that there is some obstacle which she cannot surmount, as she wishes to consult the papers respecting her engagement with the Prince of Orange. Probably in this instance, as in that, her father and his Ministers wish her to live abroad.

8th.—Went to town. Princess Castelcicala and the Ladies Hill called. It seems Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg asked for the command of the troops in Hanover. I dined at Lady Downshire’s.

22nd.—I called on the Misses [   ]. Mr. D. said he had just seen Lord Liverpool, and that he and Lord Castlereagh were to accompany the Prince of Saxe-Coburg to Brighton to-morrow. Afterwards called on Mrs. R. Keate and Lady Neave. Mr. Lyttleton had been there, and said the Princess Charlotte would not marry the Prince of Saxe-Coburg, as he would take her to Hanover.

26th.—Princess Charlotte goes with the Queen to-day to Brighton. At Windsor they consider the marriage as certain.

28th.—I received a very kind letter from Princess Charlotte, dated Saturday, 24th. Very happy in the thoughts of approaching freedom, and saying that she should send for me to visit her as soon as she was mistress of her own house. I went this morning to Chantry’s, while Lord St. Vincent sat for his bust.

I afterwards saw a person, who told me Princess Mary had informed him that the Prince Regent was quite nervous with impatience to get Princess Charlotte married, as otherwise the Opposition might clamour for her being treated as an heir-apparent, and want more than ministers could, or it would be proper to, give.

March 1.—I was at a small party at Lady Harrington’s. It was said there that orders had been sent to Weymouth to prepare the Lodge for the reception of somebody, but of whom it is not known. Some said the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was to remain there until the marriage; others, that Princess Charlotte was; others, that perhaps they were to be married soon, and both go there to stay till after Easter. It is now said the Prince Regent is to come to town on the 10th.

The introduction of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg was very embarrassing to Princess Charlotte, and (what must have been still more so) the Queen then left them together. He is now sent on a tour, and to finish at Weymouth, where he is to remain till the day before the marriage. She is gone back to Cranbourne Lodge. Lord Winchilsea, who is just returned from Windsor, said at the Opera that the message about the marriage was to go down to Parliament to-day. Others say it is not to be till this day week. I dined at Prince Castelcicala’s. I believe it is true that the Duke de Berri is to marry the grand-daughter of the King of Naples, by the first wife of the Hereditary Prince, who was sister of the Emperor of Austria.

6th.—The message[62] did not come down; and Mr. Thomas Granville told Mr. T. that the reason was because there was a difficulty; for that the Prince Regent wished 50,000l. a year to be asked for Princess Charlotte and her husband, but only 10,000l. of it to be given into their hands for their privy purse, and the salaries of three ladies and three gentlemen; the other 40,000l. to be given to him to provide house, &c. for them. This being an intention subversive of all confidence in their future Queen, Mr. Thomas Granville considered as impossible to be proposed by any Ministers, and therefore concluded some alteration in it must take place. How true this account might be I know not; but the provision has been settled at 10,000l. a year to Prince Leopold, for their joint expenses, and 60,000l. as an outfit.

29th.—The Duke de Berri’s approaching marriage with the Princess Caroline, daughter of the Hereditary Prince of Naples, by his first wife, a sister of the Emperor, is confirmed.

Cards have been sent to the Queen’s ladies for the 4th of May, to attend the wedding of Princess Charlotte. It is said the precedent for the wedding, &c., is the marriage of the late Duchess of Brunswick, but all Peers and Peeresses were invited to that, and will not be to this.

Lady John Thynne and Lady Emily Murray are appointed ladies of the bedchamber to Princess Charlotte; Mrs. Campbell, privy purse and bedchamber woman; Miss F. Coates, bedchamber woman; Colonel Addenbroke, equerry. The marriage is now fixed for the 2nd of May.

May 1.—The Queen came to Town on the 29th of April. Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg to the apartments of the Duke of Clarence, and Princess Charlotte to Warwick House. The royal household, the Cabinet Ministers and their wives, and Foreign Ministers and their wives, are invited to the wedding.

6th.—Intend leaving London to-morrow for Dover, in my way to Paris with Sir Thomas and Lady Troubridge, and two Mr. Norgates. Received a very kind message from Princess Charlotte, which she gave to Madame [   ] on the day of her wedding, regretting my going.

[This appears to be the fittest place for the introduction of the following supplementary remarks on the career and character of the Princess Charlotte, which are entered in a separate note-book, and bear proof of having been written, from memory, at a much later date. Some passages have been advisedly omitted, either because they contain statements of doubtful authenticity, recorded as such by Miss Knight, or because they touch, in a manner that might give pain, on the private concerns of living individuals:]

The marriage of the Hereditary Prince of Orange with a sister of the Emperor of Russia gave reason for many people to believe that he and the Grand-Duchess Catherine had contributed to disunite the Prince and Princess Charlotte. What passed at the Portland Hotel seemed intended to prove the contrary.

The King of Würtemberg has since then assured me that the late Queen, the Grand-Duchess, constantly expressed the greatest fondness for Princess Charlotte, and the most fervent regret for her death.

The marriage of the Princess Mary with the Duke of Gloucester took place very soon after that of Princess Charlotte with Prince Leopold, in 1816.

The wish of the Princess Charlotte, after the rupture of the intended marriage with the Hereditary Prince of Orange, was to marry one of the Prussian Princes, and some months elapsed before she entirely gave up this plan, which was opposed on both sides of the water. * * * *

An English lady, who happened to be standing very near the Prince of Orange soon after the news of Princess Charlotte’s death had reached him, assured me that his sighs and sobs were quite affecting.

At a party given by their present Majesties (William IV. and Queen Adelaide) I met the Prince of Orange, who came to solicit protection and assistance during the troubles of Belgium. He took no notice of me, and I have always heard he had been much prejudiced against me, for which I cannot account, as I did what I could with propriety in his favour, after Princess Charlotte had once given her consent; and, indeed, I thought she would have been happier in Holland than in England, as every motive must have engaged the King and Queen of that country to endeavour to gain her affection; and here unfortunately the heir-apparent is always an object of jealousy on the one hand, and of artful intrigues on the other.

The conduct of the Prince of Orange, however, since his marriage has not been such as to make one believe that she would have been happy with him. Providence has done the best for her, and, as it appears, for Princess Victoria.

I have lived to witness the termination of many things, and I humbly bend with resignation and gratitude to the Divine dispensations.

With respect to myself, all I can say is this. I cannot help regretting having left the Queen. My intentions were not bad, but in many respects I consulted my feelings more than my reason. My mind was then too active, perhaps now it is too indolent; but either I ought to have remained with the Queen, or I ought to have carried things with a higher hand to be really useful while I was with Princess Charlotte. I had no support from the good Duchess; nor, indeed, from any one. She had neither energy of character nor powerful connexions. I had the romantic desire that Princess Charlotte should think for herself, and think wisely. Was that to be expected from a girl of seventeen, and from one who had never had proper care taken of her since early childhood? She might have been great indeed. She had a heart and a mind capable of rendering her so. She had the most charitable disposition possible.

I forgot to mention in my journal for 1814, that when I perceived the marriage treaty must be broken off, if some assurance were not given of an establishment in England, I begged to see Lord Liverpool myself, that I might tell him my apprehensions, and beg that something might be done to prevent the mischief. He only came and asked for Princess Charlotte, but when I heard he was in the library, I asked her permission to go down and speak to him first, which she granted. I went and told him what I thought my duty to say, but he made no decisive answer, and seemed impatient to go up-stairs. When Princess Charlotte entered on the subject, all she could get from him was, that some arrangement might be made like that between two persons, who were named, by no means of distinguished families, and at last said he would try to obtain from the Regent permission that she might retain Warwick House for some time after her marriage.

When Princess Charlotte told all this to the Prince of Orange, he was still more indignant than herself, both on account of the comparison with Mr. —— and Miss ——, and also of Warwick House, saying, “Did Lord Liverpool think he would live in such an ugly old place?”

Another thing which made Princess Charlotte very unhappy was, that not a word was said to her about what was to be her household, or how it was to be composed. But I remember hearing one of my own acquaintance say, “Would she not have had a very agreeable existence at Brussels, where she and her husband were to have kept their Court?”

Princess Charlotte had not the slightest idea of that, but supposed she was expected to live with the King and Queen of the Netherlands.

It is possible that when Princess Charlotte was a child, her temper might have been violent and head-strong, and the world held that opinion when she was grown up.[63] I never saw anything of this violence or obstinacy. Much agitation, nervous uneasiness, and sometimes nervous impatience,—all this I observed, and sometimes to such a degree as to injure her health. As a proof of this, it may be remarked that she was so much afraid of her father, that when she had seen him, or expected him, she stuttered exceedingly,[64] which she never did at times when there was nothing particular to agitate her. This nervous feeling was perhaps one of the principal causes why, so far from being obstinate, she was often persuaded to things she did not like, and would think firmness so essential to the happiness of every one, and more especially of a royal person.

Of this want of firmness the artful and designing took advantage, and unfortunately those about her had been so often changed, and she had so few natural friends, that it was difficult to obtain her perfect confidence; or, I should rather say, to preserve it.

Her humanity and kindness to all who were in distress or affliction surpass belief, and I never knew a person less selfish. The only value she set on a present was as it proved more or less the kind intentions of the person who made it. I never saw in her any personal vanity, and there was nothing unforgiving in her disposition.

Her notions were aristocratical, though her mind had received from her father an early bias in favour of the Whig party, of which he was long considered as the support, and of course that party did not neglect any opportunity of making her their friend, and persuading her that the good of the country would depend on her continuing to encourage them. However, she was equally attentive to all who paid her proper respect, whether of the Ministry or Opposition.[65]

CHAPTER V.

FRANCE REVISITED—CHANTILLY—PARISIAN SOCIETY—THE COURT OF THE BOURBONS—THE PRINCE DE CONDÉ—MARSHAL MARMONT—THE FRENCH STAGE—INVITATIONS FROM THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.

JOURNAL CONTINUED.

Montreuil, May, 1816.—The appearance of France is exactly what it was when I first travelled, but the inhabitants wear a different aspect. The women are not much altered; if anything, rather graver; the men more stern and sententious than before the Revolution. The people we met looked pale and wretched, and, except the postilions, we saw scarcely a single young man. The woman of the inn at Montreuil seemed a good Royalist, and talked with much feeling of the bon Roi, who had kissed her child when she saw him at Calais. Some of our Horse Artillery and of the 7th Light Dragoons (Lord Anglesea’s) are still quartered in this neighbourhood. The woman did not speak ill of our troops, but owned that our young officers were twice nearly setting fire to her house.

12th.—Some of our party walked into the church at Clermont, and found the curate and vicar instructing the children. The shops, however, were mostly open, though it was Sunday; and the last stage to Montreuil we were driven by a priest, brother of one of the postilions, the other one being absent.

We had a pleasant drive from Clermont to Chantilly; the people dancing in the fields. We passed through the ruined and desolate park of the Prince of Condé; but, melancholy as its appearance was, it was pleasant to think he is again the master, and every one looking forward to his passing some time here this spring. When we came to the inn, which is called “Bourbon Condé,” the mistress of the house, a very intelligent and loyal person, told us she was now sure of the Prince coming, for three hampers of Champagne had arrived. She gave a dreadful account of the sufferings of the people from the conscription under Bonaparte, and other acts of oppression. We did not, however, find that the English were much liked, though a Mr. Jolliffe, who had been there with Lord Combermere, had given an order for purchasing four hundred cub foxes, which are to be sent over fifty at a time. We saw some of these creatures ready for transportation. The French pay forty sous a head for their destruction.

Paris, May 16.—I called on Lady Elizabeth Stuart, who had sent me a card. Her husband, Sir Charles Stuart, ambassador from our Court, is son of the late General Sir Charles Stuart, son of Lord Bute, the Prime Minister at the beginning of our present King’s reign. The house inhabited by our ambassador was the palace of Pauline, Princess Borghese, sister of Bonaparte, and is a magnificent and elegantly fitted-up dwelling; perhaps rather too showy. I called, also, on the Duke de Sérent and his daughter, Madame de Narbonne, whose husband, ambassador at Naples, has lately been made a Duke, as a compliment for his negotiating the marriage between the Duke de Berri and Princess Caroline of Naples. The Duke de Sérent’s hotel is beautiful, both with respect to situation and neatness: it has a terrace overlooking a garden.

I engaged a very pretty lodging in Rue Grenoble, Faubourg St. Germain, where I have a hall, dining-room, drawing-room, and three bedrooms, all remarkably well furnished in silk and muslin, besides servants’ rooms, closets, stable, and coach-house, for four hundred francs a month.

Sunday, May 19.—I had a note from the Duchess de Sérent, to say that Madame, Duchess d’Angoulême, would see me at three. I first called on Madame de Sérent, whom I found on a ground-floor of the Tuileries, her room filled with plants and flowers. At three I crossed the court, and entered an apartment of the palace to the right. In the first hall were guards, and in the ante-room pages, who announced me. Madame came out of an inner room into the salon, where she made me sit down beside her, and kept me for more than half an hour. She spoke of Princess Charlotte’s marriage, of the forthcoming one of the Duke de Berri, and of her regard for the late mother of the Duchess, whom she had known at Vienna. She expressed much gratitude towards the Regent, but seemed rather surprised that he had not dismissed Sir Robert Wilson from the service. Sir Charles Stuart had sent my name in for presentation to the King and Madame for the following Monday; but the Duchess de Sérent advised me to put it off as a useless ceremony if I could see them in private.

22nd.—Went to Calaghan’s, the banker, where, for 65l. sterling, I received 1788 francs, the exchange being considerably in our favour. I dined with Prince Castelcicala, to meet Princess Broglie and (her daughter) Baroness Nicolay; and afterwards went with them to the Théâtre des Variétés, on the Boulevards, where we saw four “petites pièces,” performed by good actors with great spirit, and altogether very laughable. There were some political allusions, which were clapped with great loyalty, as was also the air of “Henri Quatre,” which was played twice. All the ladies were in morning dresses, with great bonnets. It is a pretty little theatre, and the manner of lighting it is much better for the eyes than ours, and more advantageous for the performers.

23rd.—M. de Bernis called upon me, and said the reason why three magistrates of Amiens had been dismissed from their employments was that they had obliged a gentleman to say that the Duke of Orleans[66] had a right to the crown of France after the present royal family. They had threatened him with instant death if he refused. Their defence was, that they meant it as a joke; but the Government took it up seriously.

26th.—I went out to make some visits, but found no one at home except Cardinal de Bayane, who is old and deaf, but otherwise not much altered from what he was at Rome. I am afraid he has “incensed” the idol, and lowered himself in the opinion of many by so doing; particularly by obliging his niece to become lady of the bedchamber to Madame Mère.

27th.—In the evening, a little before eight, 1 went to the Tuileries to be presented to the King. The guards, who lined the grand staircase, and were stationed in the hall, presented arms as the ladies passed, and an officer showed us the way. We stopped in the salon which forms the ante-room to that in which the Duchesses and wives of the Ambassadors and Marshals waited for the King. When they had had their audience, the English ladies were the first admitted. Lady Hardwick, Lady Caledon, Lady le Despenser, the two beautiful Ladies Bingham, Lady Belmere, and two or three others, formed the group. We had long trains, and lappets, but no hoops. The King was very gracious, and spoke to me in English. The Dukes d’Angoulême and Berri were standing near him, and Monsieur stood by their side: the latter talked to me about Princess Charlotte. We were introduced by the Duke de la Châtre, “premier gentilhomme de la chambre,” and the “grand maître des cérémonies,” M. de Brézé. We passed on to the great gallery, and going down another flight of stairs, found our carriages at the further gate. The gentlemen go to Court in the morning. The apartments were well lighted, and the whole had an appearance of decorum and state which was very striking. I felt a most pleasing sensation from seeing the King in his own palace after so long and dreadful a revolution.

28th.—In the morning we went with the Marquis de Dolomieu to the King’s Library, where he introduced an Orientalist, a M. Langlés, who was very obliging, and showed us autographs of Racine, La Fontaine, Voltaire, Boileau, Louis XIV., Madame de Maintenon, &c., and a set of drawings (coloured), in a manuscript, describing everything relating to tournaments. He asserted they were the work of Réné of Anjou, father of Margaret, Queen of Henry VI. I should rather have supposed them to be of the time of Pietro Perugino, the master of Raphael. They are excellent, and truly interesting. M. Langlés is celebrated for his skill in Asiatic researches, and he showed us Arabic and Tartar manuscripts, &c.

29th.—Breakfasted with the Chevalier de Bayane: chickens, lampreys, petits pâtés, fruit, green peas, cream, tea, coffee, wine; in short, everything that can be imagined. He lives with his brother, the Cardinal, and several of their relations, male and female, in a very handsome house purchased by the Cardinal. They are both aged, but in good health and spirits.

31st.—Dined at the Duke de Sérent’s, where I met M. de B——, a distinguished deputy, who is a pure Royalist, and has written well on the subject of divorce. It appears that these pure Royalists have a great objection to the Charter and the Ministers, whom the allies timorously support, to the great annoyance of the former. The ministerial party give the Royalists the character of enthusiasts, and tell you they are revengeful and unconscionable; and Society suffers by all these dissensions. The Royalists, however, are much to be pitied. They have recovered little more than the privilege of remaining in France, while the others preserve their property, or the power of disposing of it to the best advantage.

June 1.—I went with Prince Castelcicala to the old Duchess of Orleans. She has a fine house, which was formerly that of the director Cambacérès. She seemed very good natured, and invited me to dine with her the first day the Prince could bring me. She had a lady in attendance, and an old Abbé, whom she calls her chancellor, and to whom some people have thought her to be privately married. An old Bishop was visiting her, and two ladies, one of whom was Baroness de Talleyrand, formerly ambassadress at Naples. We afterwards called on Lady Hardwick, and on the Duchess d’Escars, who, as the wife of the grand maître d’hôtel, lives in the Pavillon de Flore, at the Tuileries, very high up, and, of course, commanding an extensive view. Her apartments are attics, and small, but finely furnished and fitted up, which was done by Bonaparte for Madame C——, one of his favourites, and reader to Marie Louise.

3rd.—In the evening I went to pay my visit to Monsieur and the Duke de Berri, who live in the Pavillon Marsan. Their apartments are simply and elegantly furnished. They were both very courteous, Monsieur particularly so, and everybody about them attentive.

4th.—I called on Mrs. and Miss Rawdon, who are just arrived; and we afterwards went to see the house of Cardinal Fesch, Bonaparte’s uncle, who is at Rome, and his furniture here is selling off. The King of Holland and the Prince of Orange lived here, and the chairs and sofas are not the better for their servants. We saw many pictures, but none struck me as very fine. There were some beautiful vases and busts, and some good antique bas-reliefs. The house is spacious, and was built by the Cardinal, who endeavoured to make it an Italian palace, but his taste was not perfect enough for the undertaking.

6th.—In the morning I went to the Palais Royal, and to M. Vien, a painter, son of the senator Vien, who was formerly director of the French Academy at Rome. I saw some beautiful small paintings, historical compositions, which he did at the age of ninety-three. He has been dead only six years. The son told me he had a Prussian officer lodging in his house, and liked him so well that he begged him to remain beyond the time allotted for his quarters. The inhabitants of Versailles also spoke of the Prussians as doing no more harm than they could possibly help. In the orangery there, by-the-by, we were shown a statue of Louis XIV., whose head had been cut off to make room for that of Brutus. M. Vien had in a small room the bust of a Garde du Corps, his friend, which he had begun before Bonaparte’s landing, and worked at by stealth during the three months of his usurpation, the original having gone to the King at Ghent. He said it was incredible what he and his family had suffered. Yet his father had been made a senator, and was buried in the Pantheon. In the evening I went to the Duchess of Narbonne’s, where I saw Prince Hohenlohe, who has just entered the service of France. He is to have the command of a German brigade, and has the promise of a Cordon Bleu. Afterwards I went to the Countess de Chastellux, where I saw some drawings made by her second daughter, illustrative of events in the war of La Vendée, witnessed by her cousin, Madame de la Rochejacquelein, who has written her Memoirs.

8th.—I dined with the Dowager-Duchess of Orleans. There were several ladies present, and Prince Hohenlohe and Prince Castelcicala also dined there. The dinner was very good, chiefly consisting of fish, and when we went into the drawing-room the Duchess and two other ladies worked. A card-party was formed, and a backgammon-table set out. They were cheerful and pleasant, and the Duchess extremely affable.

9th.—In the evening I went with M. and Madame de Béthisy to the Prince de Condé’s, who inhabits a pavilion of the Hôtel de Bourbon, which, notwithstanding the bad weather, appeared to be very beautifully situated in the midst of a garden. The good old Prince is wheeled about in his arm-chair, and his memory often fails him, but he received us with great politeness. His premier gentilhomme de la chambre, Count Banqui du Cayla, introduced me; and Madame de Rully, the natural daughter of the Duke de Bourbon, assisted in doing the honours. She is mild and pleasing. Amongst other ladies who came in, Madame de Béthisy pointed out one who, she said, was a daughter of the grandfather of the present Duke of Orleans.

10th.—Went to the Duchess of Orleans, and to a ball at Mrs. Hammond’s.[67] Mr. H. is residing here as commissary for settling commercial and boundary matters, &c. He inhabits the house which was formerly Joseph Bonaparte’s, and, what is singular enough, the same Joseph Bonaparte has just purchased in America the house in which Mr. Hammond was married.

11th.—Dined at Prince de Condé’s. M. and Madame de Béthisy and several officers were of the party. M. and Madame de Rully live with the Prince. The latter was very cheerful and kind, and after dinner sent for some little portraits to show me. One of them was of a natural sister of his own, excessively pretty, with a fly cap and capuchin. Another was a little figure of Madame de Montespan as a Magdalen in the desert. Madame de Rully showed me the billiard-room, where I saw the busts of the great Condé and of Turenne on the chimney-piece. I was pleased to observe the respect the Prince paid to the memory of Turenne, whom he seemed desirous to praise equally with his own great ancestor. He has starts of recollection, and still retains the unassuming, steady character which distinguished him at the head of his army. At eight I went to the Duke de Sérent’s, where I heard much of the robberies committed by the Bonaparte family; including Cardinal Fesch, who pillaged the Villa Mattei at Rome to adorn his palace in Paris, and who has not yet paid the transport of his chairs and sofas from Rome, whither he had sent them to be gilt.

12th.—While I was at the Prince of Condé’s to-day, Marshal Marmont came in—a vulgar-looking man, without any military grace. The Prince, when he found out who it was, spoke civilly to him. The King went to Fontainebleau to meet the bride, and to give an opportunity for preparations at the Tuileries. Talleyrand sat beside him, and the Duke de la Châtre, premier gentilhomme de la chambre, with the captain of the Gardes du Corps, on the opposite seat. There was much crying “Vive le Roi!”

13th.—I was at a party at Sir Charles Stuart’s, chiefly English. All the rooms were thrown open, and some of the guests walked in the garden. The Duke of Wellington came in a cabriolet.

14th.—Everybody is most anxious to get tickets for the forthcoming fêtes, and ladies are to have only one each, choosing which they please. The King has given orders that all whose names are sent in by Sir Charles Stuart are to be accommodated. I found, too, when I returned home, one for the church, and one “pour le Jeu du Roi” on Monday.

15th.—I went to see the cabinet of cameos, intaglios, and medals at the King’s Library. In the first effervescence of the Revolution orders were issued for dissolving them all; but Barthélémi, the author of “Anacharsis,” found means to delay the execution of the warrant, and they were fortunately forgotten. I saw the bracelets of Diane de Poictiers, Duchess of Valentinois, the Twelve Cæsars worn as coat-buttons by Henri Quatre, an intaglio portrait of the Dauphin worn as a ring by Louis XVI., the bracelets of Madame de Pompadour, cameos of Louis XV. and Henri IV. set in emeralds, the beautiful intaglio of Michael Angelo worn by Louis XIV., and the fine one on an amethyst, by Glycon, of Achilles playing on the harp. Henri IV. seems to have had a decided taste for cameos. His town sword is adorned with them, and his fighting sword has a falcon on it.

16th.—I went out about ten to see the processions, as the Fête-Dieu is celebrated to-day. I believe this fête has been solemnised only once—the year before last—these twenty-five years. The procession of St. Sulpice was the most numerous, and many ladies walked in it. That of the parish of St. Thomas d’Aquin stopped at the gate of the Duchess d’Orleans, entered the court in which an altar had been erected, and gave the benediction to the Duchess, her ladies, and household. The people seemed pleased with the revival of these religious ceremonies. A large canopy for one of the processions was given by the Duchess de Bourbon, who has written a book on Theology. The National Guards, who escorted the processions, and who do duty in Paris on almost all occasions, are said to be very loyal. They are all “bourgeois,” but are well dressed and at their own expense, and have a soldier-like appearance. They had nosegays on their bouquets, and nearly everybody who attended the processions, priests included, had flowers, and the streets were hung with carpeting and tapestry. I was delighted to see the venerable priests, who had survived so many horrors, once more peaceably chanting through the streets. How innocent their errors in comparison with the crimes of their persecutors!

About three we went with Madame and Mademoiselle de Chastellux and their friend Madame de Fontanes[68] to the apartments of Madame Montgolfier, widow of the inventor of balloons, to see the arrival of the King with the Duchess de Berri. His Majesty arrived a little after four in an open carriage. The Duchess d’Angoulême and the Duke and Duchess de Berri were with him. The bride was dressed in white and silver, with feathers, and had a small white parasol. The Duchess d’Angoulême was in blue, and looked remarkably well. The bride is very fair,[69] but the people said she was too thin. Cries of “Vive le Roi!” accompanied them. The military bore themselves particularly well, and the whole scene was very agreeable. The windows at which we were placed looked on the Boulevards, and the cheerfulness of the place, with its decorations of hangings, flowers, leaves, &c. &c., had a delightful effect.

17th.—In the evening the wedding ceremony was performed at Notre-Dame. I had a ticket, but did not go, as I was afraid of the crowd. I understand it was well regulated. At six I went to the Tuileries “au Jeu de Roi.” Card-tables were set in the Galerie des Cerfs, and in the midst a large round one for the King and Royal Family. They came in
about seven, the Duke de Berri dressed à la Henri Quatre, Madame leading the bride. I happened to be near the table, and she introduced me to her. The Peers who had been witnesses of the marriage wore mantles; the uniforms were very fine, and the scene splendid. Those who had tickets for seeing the banquet followed the King when he left the Gallery. As I passed out I observed the Place du Carrousel full of people, which, with the cries of “Vive le Roi!” and the illumination, had a very fine effect. At eleven I went to a ball at the Duke of Wellington’s: his house[70] handsome, and the gardens prettily illuminated.

18th.—Anniversary of the battle of Waterloo. There was a pause in the fêtes. The Royal Family went to dine at St. Cloud.

19th.—Colonel Palmer brought me a letter from Princess Charlotte, expressing a wish to see me in England, with a very handsome message from her husband. In the evening I was at the “bal paré” at the Tuileries, in the Salle de l’Opéra, where the banquet had been held. The whole of the Royal Family were present. The Duchess de Berri danced a French and an English country dance with the Duke d’Angoulême, and waltzed with her husband. At ten they retired.

20th.—A review of twenty-four thousand men, and a “bénédiction des drapeaux” in the Champ de Mars. The old Archbishop of Rheims performed the ceremony, and Madame and the Duchess de Berri tied the “cravates,” white handkerchiefs, round the staffs of the colours. I was in the tent of the Etat-Major-General. It was a long ceremony, but very interesting.

24th.—I went in the evening in court dress to the Tuileries[71] “aux premières loges.” The King and all the Royal Family there to see the representation of “Adélaïde du Guesclin,” and “Les Etourdis, ou Le Mort Supposé.” Talma and Mademoiselle George acted in the first, and Mademoiselle Mars in the second. I admire Talma and Mademoiselle Mars exceedingly. The company produced a fine effect. The Maréchaux de France had seats on the left hand of the Royal Family, as also had the Ambassadors and their suites; the ladies being on the right hand. There were also upper boxes in which the company were dressed, but not in court dresses. The pit full of gentlemen with swords and bags, or uniforms.

25th.—I dined at the Ambassador’s, and found everybody much annoyed[72] at the allusions to England in “Adélaïde du Guesclin.” It was certainly an ill-chosen play, but I have since heard that it was selected by the actors. In the evening I went to a ball at the Duke of Wellington’s, where Monsieur, the Duke d’Angoulême, and the Duke and Duchess de Berri made their appearance and danced—Monsieur excepted. On my return home I heard that some confusion had been occasioned by a cartridge having been thrown into the kitchen window. Colonel Fremantle and another officer went down and extinguished the fire, but it gave rise to some conversation next day, though not so much as the allusions to England at the theatre.

CHAPTER VI.

RETURN TO ENGLAND—MEETING WITH THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE—FRANCE UNDER THE BOURBONS—PARISIAN SOCIETY.

[On the 29th of June, Miss Knight left Paris and travelled by way of St. Germain and Mantes to Rouen, and so on to Dieppe, whence she crossed over to Brighton, and arrived in London on the 3rd of July.]

JOURNAL CONTINUED.

July 4th, 1816.—The weather so cold and uncomfortable that I was obliged to have a fire. London is still full, but growing thinner. The state of the country is rather alarming, owing to the riots and the general discontent.

5th.—There has been a great bankruptcy in London. Ministers have sent to stop deputations from Manchester and Birmingham which were coming to the Regent. He has a levee to-day. In the evening I wrote a note to Princess Charlotte to inform her of my arrival in England, and to inquire when I might see her. I had a kind answer in return, desiring to see me next day between one and two.

6th.—I went to Princess Charlotte’s,[73] whom I found sitting to Hayter, the miniature painter. He remained during the whole of the time I was there, which was an hour and a half, as he was told that Prince Leopold wished to see him before he left. She appeared agitated, but was friendly as usual. Prince Leopold came in to look at the picture, and announced the weather being fine and the curricle ready, on which I took my leave. He was civil.

11th.—A person called on me who has the means of knowing many things relative to the affairs of Princess Charlotte, and told me the Regent and the Queen had opened their eyes with respect to myself, and were now persuaded that my conduct had been such as they could not think injurious to themselves. It is probable they knew who was the mischief-maker.

12th.—In the morning I saw Princess Charlotte, who gave me a print of Prince Leopold. She was very cordial, but, I believe, sees very few people. Hayter was there, and Prince Leopold came in to sit for his picture. Not having been very well, she is not going to the grand ball given by the Regent this evening.

13th.—The Duke of Sussex called on me early, as he was going to Sheridan’s funeral.[74] He said the Prince Regent was moving everything to get a divorce. This I had heard from various people, as also that Lord Exmouth was to be an informer.

22nd.—Having received accounts of the death of Vittoria Ruffo, eldest daughter of Prince Castelcicala, I returned to town from Rochetts for the purpose of seeing her afflicted parents. She was accomplished and sensible, and most useful in her own family, and her loss must be felt by all who knew her. When I arrived, I found they were not yet in Town, as she is not to be buried till to-morrow morning.

At nine in the evening the guns fired for Princess Mary’s marriage with the Duke of Gloucester.

25th.—I saw Princess Charlotte; her husband, and Hayter, the painter, were with her. She told me she had Claremont, and seemed pleased with it.

30th.—I called to take leave of Princess Charlotte, but could not see her, as Prince Leopold was suffering from a pain in his face. She wrote me a very affectionate note afterwards to apologise. I left my name at Carlton House.

August 6th.—I went with Miss Jervis and the Countess de F—— to New Hall, a large house built by Henry VIII. at a little distance from Chelmsford, now occupied by a convent of English nuns, who, after various wanderings, in consequence of being driven from their home at Liége by the French, have been settled here about seventeen years.[75] The superior, lately elected, is an agreeable woman, sister of Sir William Gerard, of Lancashire. Lady Frances Browne, a daughter of Lord Kenmare, is there, and a sister of Lord Stourton has professed. There are thirty-six nuns and sixty-five boarders, the latter chiefly daughters of Roman Catholics of fashion. They are not rich, but appear well-behaved women, and are very hospitable. The young ladies were dancing when we went into the hall, and performed three quadrilles with great propriety. Henry VIII. was staying here when Anne Boleyn was beheaded, and there is a sign, at a short distance on the road, which has his portrait on one side and a headless woman on the other.

29th.—Arrived at Buckden.[76] The Bishop of Lincoln has inhabited this palace thirty years. It is not known when it was built, but it is mentioned in the reign of King Stephen. The tower which I inhabit, with four turrets at the angles, was once the residence of Katharine of Aragon, after her divorce from Henry, before she went to Kimbolton. That place, belonging to the Duke of Manchester, is not many miles distant from hence. Buckden Palace is not large, but very curious as a specimen of the architecture of many ages. The grounds are laid out so as to agree perfectly with the style of building. Over the second gateway in entering the palace is the episcopal library, not very large, but interesting from the antiquity of some of the books. The Bishop has his private library in a room he built for the purpose. The appearance of the entire building gives the idea of great strength. The Bishop has all Mr. Pitt’s papers, and is writing his life.

August 9th.—Quitted Buckden, after passing my time there very pleasantly, owing to the interesting conversation of the Bishop[77] and Mrs. Tomline, whose sister, Mrs. Maltby, was staying with them.

23rd.—Went to see an old tree in Thorndon Park,[78] called “the Riven Oak.” It must be of extraordinary age, as it is mentioned in papers belonging to Lord Petrie’s family in the reign of Henry VIII. as “the old oak.” Lord St. Vincent told me it served as a boundary in the reign of Henry VII. It is of considerable dimensions, and in good foliage as far as the trunk goes, which seems to be about one-third of its former height. The several coats of bark, which grow whiter as they advance in age, are very curious.

September 18th.—Called on Lady Loudon, who has lately returned to England, on account of her children. She goes back to Lord Moira in a few months.

23rd.—Went with Lady Charleville to see the cast which was taken from the first monument erected to the memory of Shakspeare by his son-in-law. The original figure, which is a sort of half length, with hands, was, it seems, painted to represent dress and drapery. It cannot, therefore, be expected that the features should be correct or the drawing good; but traditionally we learn that the likeness was perfect. The forehead is beautiful. Indeed, all the features are good, but there is more of benevolence than of any other expression in the countenance.

[In the spring of 1817, Miss Knight left England on a tour through France and Italy, and did not return to England until the latter end of May, 1819. The rough notes of her wanderings do not, however, contain anything of general interest, though she is mentioned in Mrs. Piozzi’s correspondence as acting the part of cicerone to the friends with whom she travelled.[79] At Rome, Miss Knight received intelligence of the death, on the 6th of November, 1817, of the Princess Charlotte. The entry in her diary, on this afflicting subject, is brief and inexpressive. “The Count de Blacas, Ambassador from France,” she writes in her journal at the end of November, “and several of my former Roman acquaintances, have been very kind. The Duke of Devonshire, the Marquis of Douglas, and many English, very obliging—particularly on the melancholy event of the Princess Charlotte’s death, the news of which arrived on the 22nd, but I did not hear of it till the 23rd.”[80]

JOURNAL CONTINUED.

May 13th, 1821.—The christening of the little Duke de Bordeaux,[81] and the fêtes in consequence of it, in the first week of the present month, went off remarkably well; and the people, it seems, appeared very happy. At the Chamber of Peers a trial is going on for the conspiracy of last year,[82] and it is supposed both Houses will sit till July. M. de Chateaubriand is returned from Prussia, and says that not only all is tranquil at Berlin, but that the Government has energy, and the people are satisfied. He sat beside Mr. Canning at a great dinner on Monday, when they had much conversation together on public affairs.

19th.—Took possession of apartments, which I had engaged for three months, in the Place Bourbon, opposite to the Hôtel du Corps Législatif, formerly the palace of the Prince de Condé. This is a very central situation, being near the Pont de Louis Quinze.

The Royalists have obtained a great victory in the Chamber of Deputies, by carrying the bill for the creation of several additional bishoprics.

24th.—The weather continues cold and windy. The Duchess de Berri has gone to some chapel near Soissons, on a pilgrimage. She will be absent five days.

25th.—Went to Prince Castelcicala’s in the evening, and met the Count de Sèze, who defended Louis XVI. before the National Convention. He is now a Peer, head of the first tribunal in the kingdom, and decorated with orders. He was fourteen months in a dungeon, and only obtained his liberty on the death of Robespierre. Malesherbes, who had invited him to come to stay with him in the country, was guillotined. He told several anecdotes of the King, and said that sometimes his Majesty thought his life would be spared, and that if he were obliged to abdicate he would retire into Switzerland. It appeared to me, from the conversation of De Sèze, that the reason why Louis XVI. chose to be defended by the constitution which he had sworn—or, rather, the reason why he acknowledged the Assembly as his judges—was that Charles I. had declined to make a similar acknowledgment, and was beheaded. De Sèze said that according to the constitution the King could only be obliged to abdicate. He seemed to think that Louis showed great firmness, and that he was a man of abilities. He sometimes read Tacitus and Livy with him. He also stated that the King was sincere in his attachment to the constitution which he had accepted and wanted to maintain. He therefore made De Sèze leave out from the defence which he was to read a preliminary part, in which the latter had introduced a sentence against the lawfulness of the tribunal before which he was to plead the cause of his royal client. That Louis XVI. had sanctioned what are now called liberal principles there can be no doubt. His support of the Americans, and his first measures with respect to his own kingdom, demonstrated his having listened to that party; but when he discovered his danger, and perceived the excesses to which all this had led, one would think that he must have been heartily sick of the constitution. Indeed, the paper which he left behind him when he fled—if it were authentic—seems to prove this was the case.

De Sèze is a lively, active man. The King sent him the other day a snuff-box, with the portrait of Louis XVI., and a note written with his own hand, telling him it was the only one worthy of him. The Emperors of Austria and Russia and the King of Prussia, when they were here, gave him boxes set in diamonds.

27th.—Went by appointment to the Duchess d’Angoulême’s. She looked thin and ill, but was very gracious, and talked to me of the death of the Duke de Berri, of the providential birth of the Duke de Bordeaux, and of English affairs. She is going for a month to the baths of Vichy. A M. Prévost, who has often been employed on diplomatic business, arrived from Naples. The King entered that city on the 15th. M. de Blacas, now a duke, accompanied his Majesty, and the joy was universal—illuminations, music, dancing, and general festivity, with immense crowds in the streets.

30th.—Went to Neuilly, to pay my respects to the Duchess d’Orleans.[83] It happened also to be the nameday of her father, the King of Naples, and of her son, the Duke de Chartres. The Duke d’Orleans is now proprietor of Neuilly, having made an exchange with Government. He is building and embellishing both house and garden, and has already added some handsome apartments for his sister.

June 1st.—Met at Prince Castelcicala’s the Russian Ambassador at the Court of Naples, who is going to England to compliment the King on his coronation. There was the Baron de Vincent, the Austrian ambassador here, who has arrived from the Congress.[84] He was at the battle of Waterloo, and was wounded there. He went as a volunteer, being then Minister at Brussels, and is said to be a very worthy man.

4th.—Went in the evening, with Prince Castelcicala, by invitation, to Madame de Gontaut’s, who is governess of the little Duke de Bordeaux. There was a considerable assembly of ladies, and several gentlemen. The Duchess de Berri was there, and talked to everybody. Monsieur came late, but, as usual, was most amiable.

5th.—Accompanied Lady Stafford and Charles Ruffo to the Chambre des Députés. The house is in the form of an ancient theatre, but the speakers are not well heard—and speakers they should not be called, for they read their discourses, and in a very monotonous way. We heard none of the famous personages, to be sure, but there was one of the Côté Droit, another of the Côté Gauche, and another half and half. I clearly perceive that they wish to prove that they have much judgment, are great reasoners, and that they have what is called “aplomb.” For this purpose they are as dull as possible, and I judge, not only from what I now heard, but from the speeches of some of their most able men which I have read. The question was about the budget, and the man who came from the Côté Gauche was a caricature of our reformers, for the small sum which he objected to appeared really ludicrous. All he said was aimed against Government and the clergy. One of his expressions was, “Pourquoi devons-nous payer tant pour nous faire gouverner?” and another, “Deux cent cinquante francs à des gens qui ne s’occupent qu’à rester au coin de leur feu, ou peut-être pis encore.” I am afraid ten pounds a year would not make them very warm au coin du feu. It is true the Côté Droit had the good taste to laugh vehemently at some of these tirades.

In the evening I was at a party at Lady Elizabeth Stuart’s, where, by crowding all together into the middle of the room, we contrived to appear a great many English; but I do not think there are so many as in former years since the peace.

18th.—Dined at Lord Stafford’s. Humboldt, the traveller, Denon, Mr. Fazakerley,[85] &c., were there. Humboldt talks much, and with great vivacity. Denon I had not seen since 1796, when he was Secretary of Embassy, with M. le Baron de Talleyrand, at Naples, since when he has been made a Baron.[86] He is now wild after lithography, and I saw a portrait which he had done extremely well. His etchings formerly were very spirited.

21st.—The weather is by no means warm yet, but it has not rained for some days, notwithstanding the ill-omen of St. Médard.[87] The Duchess-Dowager of Orleans has been for several weeks in a sad state with a cancer, and her release is daily expected. Two days ago she received the pon-tifical benediction from the Nuncio, and has blessed her children and grandchildren.

23rd.—The Duchess of Orleans died this day. She was a woman of great good nature, and very charitable, but weakly guided by a man who, she thought, had saved her life and property. Perhaps he had, but scandal, very unjustly I believe, took advantage of her gratitude, while his disagreeable manners made him many enemies. He died a year ago, but his widow remained with the Duchess. The Duchess leaves an immense property, of which one-third goes to her daughter (Madame Adelaide) and two-thirds to the Duke, besides legacies and pensions to her ladies and servants. The mourning is to be six days in black and six in white.

24th.—At Lord Stafford’s I met at dinner the Abbé de Montesquiou-Fénezac,[88] an entertaining, agreeable man, and one of the last survivors of the class of “aimables abbés” of the times of yore. His manners are particularly good. As a minister he did not shine. He seemed much attached to the Duke d’Angoulême.

27th.—Dined at Epinay, at Madame de G.’s. The Bishop of St. Cloud went with me: a sensible, respectable man. Count Sorzo, a Ragusan, whom I had formerly met at Rome and Venice, dined there, as also a Frenchman, whose father having been consul at Ragusa, he had had the good fortune to be educated there. By which means he had acquired wonderful knowledge (for a consul), and they say he writes Latin verses with great facility, like the Ragusans themselves. He has himself been consul in the Levant. His conversation, and that of Count Sorzo, were very interesting. Mme. de Boufflers,[89] widow of the Chevalier Count de Sabran, and her son by her first husband, who is an elegant poet, and other clever people, dined there; yet it was not a “blue” dinner—there was no pretension. The gardens are very pretty; a lake, with a bridge of cords over it, in imitation of the American ones described by Humboldt; grottos; the Temple of Truth, with mirrors reflecting every way, &c. &c.

July 4th.—The King and Royal Family went to St. Cloud, to stay a month. His Majesty does not like moving from the Tuileries, where he has his books and his visitors, but the apartments require cleaning and repairing.

6th.—Received a telegraphic account of the death of Bonaparte.[90]

17th.—I have observed very little sensation occasioned by the death of Bonaparte. Dr. F——, who lives in the Place Vendôme, told me he observed a sort of procession walk round the column in the night, but not of military men. They were probably students, who, particularly those of surgery and medicine, are disaffected to the present Government. I heard also of some who carried staves in their hands, walking in companies in the Palais Royal and in the Rue des Petits Champs, but nothing of consequence.

23rd.—Prince Leopold arrived in Paris, on his way to Germany and Italy. He dined with the King at St. Cloud.

28th.—Prince Leopold dined with Sir Charles Stuart. He is often with the Orleans family. It is said that the Duke de Richelieu has persuaded the two Royalist Ministers, Messieurs de Corbière and de Villèle, to remain in office. They were going to resign.

29th.—At Prince Castelcicala’s I met Don Luigi Medici, who has been to the coronation in England, having left Rome a few weeks ago. He happily escaped from Naples without passport or bill of health, having concealed himself for three days, as he was on the proscribed list, and would have been murdered by the Carbonari. He was an excellent Minister of Finance, but the rebels knew he would not forward their views. His account of the whole affair was very interesting. Amongst other horrid things, there was a procession of forty thousand men armed with stilettoes. It is difficult to decide whether atrocious rapacity on the one side, or cowardly weakness on the other, were most conspicuous.

Princess Augusta has gone to see her sisters in Germany, and the King to Ireland.

August 9th.—The Duke de Richelieu received a telegraphic account of the death of the Queen of England.[91] For some days the reports of her case had been very bad.

13th.—Mrs. Lutwyche and I went to the Tuileries, where the King, Madame, and the Duke d’Angoulême received company; all very gracious.

14th.—The remains of the late Queen of England have been removed from Brandenburg House, where she died, to be taken to Harwich, and embarked for the Continent, as she had expressed a desire that she might be buried at Brunswick. The telegraph gave sad accounts of the scuffle between the Government and the populace, in which some persons lost their lives, and others were wounded.

September 7th.—I heard Don Luigi Medici say that there was some reason for the persecution by the English of the late Queen of Naples, Caroline of Austria. He believed that Lord William Bentinck, and the English in general, were deceived by letters to Bonaparte, fabricated in her name. These letters were forged by a Neapolitan notary, who imitated her handwriting perfectly, and were thrown in the way of the English, in order to be intercepted by them. This notary was in the employ of Bonaparte. Another circumstance which appeared to confirm the suspicions of the English was this: When Lucien Bonaparte was taken by an English frigate, he wrote to the Queen of Naples, and enclosed open letters, which he wished to have forwarded to his sister, &c., throwing himself on her generosity. Medici and others advised her to show those letters to the English authorities, but she said that she would not betray even an enemy, and particularly one who had trusted her. These letters also were intercepted, and told against her.

25th.—A telegraphic despatch from Calais announced that the King of England had landed there at five o’clock. He goes to Hanover, but it is said that he has given up the intention of coming to Paris on his way home. He had very stormy weather on his passage from Ireland, and stayed in London only long enough to appoint the Lords Justices for the government of the kingdom during his absence.

29th.—Michaelmas-day—anniversary of the birth of the Duke de Bordeaux. I went to Court at the Tuileries, and saw the King, Madame, the Duke d’Angoulême, Monsieur, and the Duke de Berri. Monsieur told me that the King of England did not now mean to come to Paris, but that he gave hopes of their seeing him in the spring.

October 7th.—Went to meet a party of English at Baron Denon’s, who has fine apartments on the Quai Voltaire, and a very large collection of paintings, bronzes, and drawings. He was Director of the Museum in the time of Bonaparte, and much patronised by him. There was a head by David, the beginning of a picture of Bonaparte when he was in Italy. The hair is like that of the Covenanters in the seventeenth century, and the countenance is that of an ill-natured, scowling boy. There was a curious ivory cabinet, with figures, said to be of the time of St. Louis, and an ivory bas-relief of Scripture history, from Constantinople, of the fourth century, besides paintings by Velasquez and Murillo, and a great quantity of lithographs by Denon himself, who is now engaged on a history of the Arts in different ages.

8th.—Went to dine with M. de G. at Epinay, and before dinner went with Madame de Boufflers, Count de Sabran (her son), and the Bishop of St. Cloud, to the house of Larive,[92] a celebrated actor, now retired from the stage, and aged seventy-five, but remarkably active and well in health. He has built a very pretty house on the summit of a steep hill, and made walks through the woods, cutting channels to drain off the water in a very curious way. For, as you ascend, you everywhere hear the water bubbling under your feet or beside you. He recited a couple of speeches with great effect.

18th.—I was invited by the Duchess of Orleans to Neuilly, to hear an improvisatore. His name is Pestrucci, brother of the medallist in England; he is also a painter. The Duchess de Berri, with one of her ladies and her equerry, came uninvited. There was a very small party.

His Majesty, having had two attacks of the gout at Hanover, does not come to Paris this winter. A turtle that had been sent for and kept for his arrival by the King of France, is now put to death.

November 5th.—The two Chambers opened at the Louvre by the King. Yesterday there was La Messe du St. Esprit, at Notre-Dame, which was attended by all the great personages of the kingdom.

About the end of November the ultra-Royalists and the Liberals joined together to attack Ministers. The King was very angry with their address, which was chiefly, if not entirely, penned by the former. The phrase which most hurt him was the implied suspicion that he would forget the honour of France to keep up a good intelligence with other nations.

December 10th.—As yet nothing has been done towards changing the Ministry. The Opposition now declare they will vote against the Budget, and if Ministers continue in a minority it is difficult to say how they will get on. In the mean while, this stupid business is canvassed in all societies, and leads to nothing entertaining or instructive.

The Prince and Princess of Denmark are here. I think them like our Royal Family. She is the grand-daughter of poor Caroline Matilda, and he the grandson of her persecutrix, the Dowager Queen. The Ambassadors will not give place to them, and they appear to assume very little state. They go by the names of the Count and Countess of Oldenburg.

15th.—A new Ministry.[93] Messieurs Villèle and Corbière for the Finance and Home Departments (Royalists); Viscount Mathieu de Montmorency, who was a Constitutionalist, for the Foreign Office; M. de Clermont-Tonnerre, also a Constitutionalist, for the Marine; Victor, Duke de Bellune, one of Bonaparte’s generals, who rose from the ranks, Minister of War—said to be an excellent Royalist. The ultras, on the whole, are much pleased. The Duke de Richelieu and all the former Ministers have resigned.

CHAPTER VII.

SOCIETY IN PARIS—JOURNEY TO HOMBURG—THE LANDGRAVE AND THE LANDGRAVINE—THE DOWAGER QUEEN OF WÜRTEMBERG—CHRISTMAS AT LOUISBURG.

JOURNAL CONTINUED—1822.

January 12th.—Yesterday the Duchess de Bourbon died suddenly in the newly consecrated church of Sainte-Geneviève. She was in the seventy-second year of her age, and was aunt to the Duke of Orleans. She had been long separated from her husband, having been very gay in her youth. Latterly she did much good in charities. Her husband was more afflicted at her death than could have been expected. He said she had good qualities, and, besides, she was the mother of his son, the unfortunate Duke d’Enghien.

17th.—Yesterday evening the Duchess of Orleans was brought to bed of a son, named the Duke d’Aumale by the King. She has since had visits from all the ladies of the Royal Family.

February 14th.—This morning there were masses of requiem for the Duke de Berri at Notre-Dame, St. Denis, &c. The Duchess de Berri had one in her private chapel at five in the morning, the hour at which he died. Madame de C., one of the ladies of the late Duchess of Orleans, said that on the night of the murder there was a ball at Talma’s, and that the company danced all night. A person of her acquaintance, who lived below him, sent up to beg they would cease, and spare the feelings of those who were in affliction for the calamity that had happened. Talma contented himself with replying that he had not killed the Duke, and that he could not interrupt the amusements of his guests.

May 18th.—The Duke de Richelieu died yesterday, almost suddenly. He was going to Odessa in a few days. It is remarkable that not many days ago his writing-desk was broken open, and fifteen thousand livres (six hundred pounds) stolen from it. He went next day into the country, returned on the 15th, was taken ill on the 17th, and the physicians, when called in, said there was no hope. It was called a “transport du cerveau.”

27th.—Went to St. Cloud. Walked in the grounds, which are very extensive, with enormous trees and a fine view; also in the flower-garden, where an old gardener told M. Volney, who accompanied us, that the day after Bonaparte got in through the window and dissolved the Convention, he found in the morning many of the scarlet robes of the deputies in the basin of water in front of the apartments, which they had thrown in as they ran away in terror.

August 24th.—Left Paris; crossed from Calais to Dover on the 27th, and arrived at Lord St. Vincent’s, Rochetts, on the 29th.

[On the 13th March, 1823, Miss Knight was deprived by death of her venerable friend Lord St. Vincent. From the end of August, 1822, to the 31st July, 1823, Miss Knight paid visits to various friends in England, but on the last-named day she again crossed from Dover to Calais, and arrived in Paris on the 3rd of August, where she remained until the 29th of June of the following year. At this date the autobiographical memoir is resumed.]

In the summer of 1824, I left Paris to visit Princess Elizabeth,[94] Landgravine of Hesse Homburg, who had been so good as to invite me long before, and to whom I should have gone in the preceding year had not business called me to England. Her Royal Highness had also mentioned in her letters the wish of the Queen-Dowager of Würtemberg[95] that I should pass some time with her, after having been at Homburg.

Metz was the last town in which I slept in France, and after passing Forbach, I entered Germany, and was surprised to observe the gaiety of the inhabitants. They seemed to enjoy their music and waltzing, in which the children exercise themselves almost as soon as they can walk. On the 5th July I slept at Kaiserlauten. The inn is an immense building, of the strangest construction imaginable, with wooden galleries running along both sides of the court-yard. While at dinner, a courier arrived, followed by two carriages, in one of which was Baron de Rothschild, on his way to Frankfort, to marry his niece. A great collection of people, children in particular, crowded round the door, and I afterwards heard they were most of them Jews, some to present petitions, and others simply to beg of him. None, however, were suffered to enter. The sensation occasioned on the road by the passage of M. Rothschild exceeded that usually produced by a sovereign prince.

The appearance of Mayence struck me as very melancholy. So long as this city belonged to the Ecclesiastical Elector it was a capital at which many rich families resided, and where there was a corps diplomatique. But now no carriages were to be heard rolling through the streets; few foot passengers were to be seen; the garrison alone enlivening the place. This was composed of Austrians and Prussians, and each of those Courts in turn appointed a Governor for three years. The Austrians were quartered at one end of the city, and the Prussians at the other. The former, in their white regimentals, were tall, fine-looking men; the Prussians, in blue, not so tall, but apparently very active. Both had good bands of music.

I went to see the Cathedral, which, notwithstanding the eleven years of peace, still wore the desolate appearance in which it had been left by the French, to the great annoyance of the good old beadle who showed it to me, and who had witnessed the horrors of the war. The sacred edifice had served as an hospital for the wounded, and I recollect hearing the Count de M., a French general, say that the air was so mephitic, on account of the great number of sufferers lying there, that in the evening it extinguished the lights, or at least rendered them scarcely visible. The destruction of the tombs was wanton barbarism; but a few statues of Electors were left standing, and amongst them one belonging to an English family. These were placed at a great height, which, I suppose, was the reason they were spared.

At Frankfort I called on the Princess of Stolberg Goedern, who was in her ninety-second year. She told me she could not conceive how the Countess of Albany, her eldest daughter, could have died so young, for she had lost her a few months before at the age of seventy. She was the daughter of a Prince of Horn, by Lady Bruce, daughter of the Earl of Aylesbury, who, as a Roman Catholic, espoused the cause of the Stuarts, and died at Brussels. He was father of the first Earl, who settled at Tottenham Park, and left the estate to his nephew, Thomas Brudenell, whom he intended for the husband of his only daughter, Lady Mary,[96] but she married the Duke of Richmond, and his widow afterwards married General Conway. The Princess of Stolberg was quite the great lady, but had been reduced to poverty. The late and present Lord Aylesbury allowed her an annuity, on which she chiefly subsisted; but she has lately obtained for herself and her unmarried daughter, who lives with her, a pension of 500l. a year from the King of England, for which they appeared to be very grateful. His portrait was in one of their bedrooms. The old lady is now able to indulge in the constant use of a carriage, and in going to the theatre, to balls, and great parties, from which she is the last to retire. The daughter, whom I had formerly seen at Rome with the Countess of Albany, with whom I was not then acquainted, appeared to be a sensible woman, and by no means so young in her ideas and pursuits as her mother.

After staying a few days at Frankfort I went on to Homburg, a small town situated on an eminence of one of the little hills on the ascent to the Feldberg. The castle is a large irregular building, and in the midst of the inner court is a very high insulated tower, which is said to be of Roman construction; but the upper part seems to be of the middle ages. It stands at the highest extremity of the town, with a large garden and a terrace lined with orange-trees. I found the Landgravine (Princess Elizabeth) in a comfortable though not splendid apartment, and she introduced me to the Landgrave and to his sister, Princess Mary Anne, who is married to Prince William of Prussia, brother to the King. They have been staying here some time with their three children, the eldest of whom is a boy of thirteen, already in the service of the King of Prussia. Two of the Landgrave’s brothers were living in the castle—Prince Gustavus, married to a Princess of Anhalt Dessau, and Prince Ferdinand. Besides these, the Landgrave had two other brothers, Prince Louis and Prince Philip, the former in the Prussian service. The Landgrave himself, a general officer in the Austrian army, commanded an Hungarian regiment. Princes Philip, Gustavus, and Ferdinand were likewise in the service of Austria, and all had distinguished themselves greatly during the war; and their conduct, as well as that of their late father, had been highly honourable and disinterested. I was much pleased with the Landgrave. He had a noble frankness of character, and a patriarchal kindness for his family, which, added to his generous and humane care of his subjects, rendered him truly worthy of being beloved by all who knew him. There was a chapel in the castle in which service was performed twice a day every Sunday, alternately in the Calvinist and Lutheran manner. He had chaplains for each, who dined in turns with him; and we went to both services. There were several Catholics in Homburg, who had a chapel of their own, to which the Landgrave had contributed. He not only found physicians for the sick, but paid for all their medicines, and usually visited them during their illness. He often, too, attended funerals, and was, indeed, the father of his people. He spoke and wrote French with great correctness, and without any unpleasant accent. He was well versed in history and geography, and had a good library of books of that description, and a great number of engravings, all of which he was most willing to lend me. He was remarkably neat in his person, and never came into company without changing his dress if he had been smoking. He was then about fifty-four.

Princess William of Prussia was very handsome, and had a fine figure, with great dignity of manners. I believe she was well informed, and patronised literature at Berlin. Her sons, Prince Adalbert[97] and Prince Waldemar, were then very young, and her daughter, Princess Elizabeth, still younger. Princess Louisa, the wife of Prince Gustavus, had at that time only two daughters. She appeared to be gentle and pleasing, but unfortunately was very deaf. She mixed little in general society, being unwilling, as she said, to give trouble.

The Germans are very fond of gardens, and pass much of their time in them. Each of the Princes had his own garden, and the Landgravine had two, to one or other of which she used to take me in the morning. We dined at two, except on Sunday, when the hour was three, on account of the two services at the chapel. On that day there were usually at least thirty at dinner. We supped at nine, and went to our rooms at ten. All these meals were announced by beat of drum.

The Landgravine had two maids of honour, and the Landgrave a master of the household, an aide-de-camp, and an officer who served as secretary, always in waiting, and who dined with us every day. There was also a widow lady, who had belonged to the Landgrave’s mother, who dined daily at the castle, but only the maids of honour slept there. There were other gentlemen who belonged to the Landgrave, and often dined at his table, as did their ladies on the Sunday. A Princess of Solms also dined there frequently, and she lived in a house in the town belonging to the Landgrave. There was a maître d’hôtel, eighty years of age, who, with his white wand, used to preside over the dinner and supper tables. The servants were very numerous.

The private apartments of the Landgravine consisted of several large rooms, well furnished, and a small boudoir, in which she usually sat. There was a very handsome suite of rooms, finely furnished, for princely visitors. The Landgrave’s private rooms, however, were more simple, but he had in them some good pictures.

Prince and Princess William of Prussia did not remain many days after my arrival. When they were gone, the Landgrave and Landgravine took me to dine with the Landgrave of Hesse, at Rumpenheim, near Frankfort. He was the brother of the late elector, and son of the Princess Royal of England, daughter of George II. He had not long before lost his wife, a Princess of Nassau, by whom he had had several children, one of whom is the Duchess of Cambridge. Her two eldest, Prince George[98] and Princess Augusta, were then staying with him and his unmarried daughter, Princess Louisa, as was also his sister-in-law, a Princess of Nassau, who had a house in Frankfort. Rumpenheim had been built by the Landgrave Frederick’s mother, quite in the style of an old-fashioned English country-house, with a print-room, and furniture such as was in vogue ninety years ago. The garden was laid out after the same model. Everything was remarkably neat, and the dinner very good. The Landgrave had not forgotten his English, and talked much of his visit to London, and of “Aunt Emily.” I believe he was at that time called “the handsome Prince of Hesse,” and he had certainly great remains of beauty.

A violent thunderstorm accompanied us during the greater part of our journey back to Homburg. The Landgrave, with his aide-de-camp, M. Herman, led the way, according to his usual custom, in a drosky, and very prudently made us go as slowly as possible, in order not to attract the lightning. I have seen few countries in which the thunderstorms are so violent as in Germany.

On the 14th of August I took leave of the Landgravine. The Landgrave gave me four of his horses to take me to Frankfort, and put me into the carriage himself. On the 18th, I left Frankfort, and passed through Darmstadt, Heidelberg, and Heilbrunn, to Louisburg, the residence of the Queen-Dowager of Würtemberg. It was just noon when I arrived, and I was conducted to the Queen-Dowager, who received me most graciously. Her countenance was delightful; her manners equally courteous and dignified. I felt as if I had long known her. We entered the drawing-room at one o’clock, when she introduced me to the ladies of her Court, and presented the gentlemen, after which we sat down to dinner in the adjoining room. Princess Pauline, her grand-daughter, and daughter of Prince Paul of Würtemberg, was living in the castle with her governess, and dined always with the Queen. Prince Frederick and Prince Augustus came occasionally. Her eldest sister was already married to the Grand-Duke Michael, brother of the Emperor of Russia. The kindness of the Queen-Dowager to these young people is not to be described. Indeed, she was continually occupied in doing good. I know not which was most to be praised, her devoted attachment to her own family, to the memory of her beloved father, and to the honour of her own country, or her kindness to the family and country of which she had become a member and an inhabitant.

[Miss Knight remained with the Queen-Dowager, at her Majesty’s pressing invitation, until the 11th of September, when she proceeded to Baden-Baden for a fortnight. While there she received a letter from the Queen-Dowager, requesting her to return in the first week in November, and spend the winter with her. At Baden, Miss Knight was presented to the Queen of Sweden, of whom she speaks as being “still handsome, and dignified in her manners.” The month of October Miss Knight spent in Switzerland, chiefly at Berne, and on the 5th of November again became the guest of the Queen-Dowager, then residing at Louisburg. The following extracts are selected from her rough diary.]

The Queen-Dowager tells me that the late King of England used often to mention a story which was traditional in his family. This was, that George I., not long before his last voyage to Hanover, where he died, dreamed that his divorced wife, the unfortunate Princess of Zell,[99] came to meet him dressed in green. He was alarmed at this dream, but fell asleep, and dreamed it a second time. He then made a knot in his handkerchief, and prayed that if it were meant as a warning he might find the knot untied in the morning; which, as the story goes, he did. He therefore told the Duchess of Kendall, his favourite, that if she had anything to ask of him she had better make haste, for he did not think he should live long.

With respect to the mysterious death of the first wife of the late King of Würtemberg, a Princess of Brunswick,[100] the Queen-Dowager tells me her husband said that she was always imprudent; but that when she was in Russia with him the Empress Catherine gave her very bad advice, and had great power over her. One evening, instead of retiring with him and the Grand-Duke and Duchess, as usual, she went out of the other door with Catherine. He never saw her again, but went off, and took away his children with him. The Queen-Dowager says she died in a Russian fortress; but whether poisoned by order of the Empress, or in child-bed, cannot be known.

Christmas-eve; snow and frost. We dined in the library at five o’clock. The doors of the Queen’s apartment were opened, and tables covered with presents appeared. The Princess Pauline and her two brothers were the first whom the Queen introduced to their respective tables. She then took me to mine, on which were placed a travelling-case in small compass, containing a silver goblet, knife, fork, tablespoon, and teaspoon, with a little box for pepper and salt—all in silver, in a morocco case; a gold bracelet, with a mosaic of the Coliseum at Rome; amethyst cross and earrings, with small diamonds; two small silver candlesticks; two pieces of silk for gowns, one a dove-colour Turkish satin, the other a violet figured silk with pansies; a bracelet of cherries perfectly imitated; several bonbonneries; a little box with small bottles of perfumes; figures in sugar of Swiss peasants; bonbons of different descriptions in great quantity; and a very pretty work-bag and basket of velvet and silk. All the Queen’s ladies had their separate tables, filled with everything that could be agreeable to them. In the other rooms were tables set out with presents for her women and pages.

CHAPTER VIII.

DEPARTURE FROM LOUISBURG—PARIS—CORONATION OF CHARLES X.—LONDON—THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE’S MONUMENT—ANECDOTES OF CHARLES X.—RETURN TO GERMANY.

JOURNAL CONTINUED—1825.

April 1st.—Good Friday. On the 2nd I was invited to breakfast in Baron G.’s apartment, where I met all the Queen’s ladies and gentlemen. We had a little music, and painted eggs were placed on the floor, between which the young ladies danced blindfolded. The two young Princes, Frederick and Augustus, came to dinner, and are to stay till Wednesday. In the evening there was an Italian from Brescia with canary-birds, that played tricks. At tea the Queen-Dowager gave eggs, and little presents of purses, bracelets, crosses, seals, or something of that sort, to all the ladies. She gave to myself a seal, a watch-key, a cross in bronze, a steel buckle in the shape of a lyre. A few days previously she had presented me with a writing-box of her own painting, an amethyst ornament, and some German books.

April 21st.—I left Louisburg with great regret, and slept that night at Carlsruhe.

[On the 28th, Miss Knight reached Paris, having travelled by way of Rheims, where great preparations were making for the approaching coronation of Charles X. Lord Grenville had succeeded Sir Charles Stuart as British Ambassador at the French Court. The Duke of Northumberland was also in Paris on a special mission, to represent the King of England at the coronation. His Grace’s suite was very brilliant, his liveries in the old-fashioned style magnificent, and his carriages and horses the admiration of the Parisians. On the 7th of June the Duke, assisted by Lord Grenville and Sir George Nayler, Garter King of Arms, invested the King of France with the insignia of the Most Noble Order of the Garter.]

June 15th.—Went with Lady Downshire and Lady Mary Hill to the great ball at the Duke of Northumberland’s. The Dauphin, Dauphiness, Duchess de Berri, and the Orleans family were there; as also the young King and Queen of Würtemberg, who are here under the title of Count and Countess Teck. There were fireworks, splendid illuminations, white and gold banners intermixed with flowers, and the Duchess of Northumberland had a dress trimmed with lilies for the occasion. There were about fifteen hundred people, but the apartments are large, and there is a very long gallery, so that the crowd did not appear so great. All the young noblemen[101] belonging to the embassy had lilies in their button-holes, and stood on the stairs to present a bouquet to each lady as she came up.

[Towards the end of June, Miss Knight returned to London.]

July 13th.—Dined with Princess Augusta, and afterwards went with her to the Duke of Sussex’s, at Kensington Palace. He gave a dinner to the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, and a few people were invited for the evening. All the Royal Family were there, for besides Princess Augusta, there were present the Duchess of Kent, the Duchess of Gloucester, and Princess Sophia, Princess Sophia Matilda (the Duke is gone to Cheltenham), Prince Leopold, and the Duke of Brunswick and his brother. The Duchesses of Bedford and Hamilton, Lady Jersey, and several gentlemen, were also there. Mathews, the comedian, gave two acts of his Imitations, which were very laughable. We came away before one.

September 10th.—Went to Claremont on a visit to Prince Leopold and the Duchess of Kent. His mother, the Duchess of Coburg, is also staying with him. The little Princess Victoria is very like our Royal Family, and very handsome. I was much overpowered at coming to this place. The poor old servants so glad to see me! I walked in the Park with the Baroness de Spinetti, the Duchess of Kent’s lady, and wished to see the cottage begun by Princess Charlotte, and which has been converted into a monument to her memory, but the good lady thought it would afflict me.

11th.—Sunday. Went to church at Esher with Prince Leopold, attended by Sir Robert Gardiner and the Duchess of Kent. After service the Baroness de Spinetti and I called upon Lady Gardiner, and saw some fine sketches, taken by Sir Robert in Spain and Sicily. In the evening we looked over prints, and the Prince, the Duchess of Kent, and Princess Feodore, sang. The Duchess of Coburg has two young ladies with her as maids of honour.

12th.—Left Claremont after breakfast, and went to Thomas’s Hotel, Berkeley-square, where I found Lady Downshire, Lady Mary Hill, and Lord Augustus.

22nd.—Arrived at Windsor, and stayed there till the 1st of October. On the 25th, I went to see the monument erected by subscription to the late Princess Charlotte. Matthew Wyatt was charged with the execution of it, though he was brought up to painting, not to sculpture. Mr. O’Reilly, the surgeon and apothecary, has the key, as his Majesty is not on good terms with the canons. It is not to be open to the public until the King has seen it. The chapel in which it is placed is the first to the left of the end door which fronts the choir. It has painted glass, representing, I think, St. Peter and St. Paul, and the light which falls on the monument from the left is of a gold colour, and that from the right purple, or rather lilac. The figure of the Princess, covered with a sheet, is represented as on her death-bed, but appears convulsive. Four veiled mourners are at the corners. Above the lid is another figure of the Princess, as rising to heaven and drawing aside a curtain. It is certainly a resemblance, but too large. There is an angel on each side, one of whom holds the child.

[On the 14th December, Miss Knight was once more in Paris. She herself says that Monsieur—at this time Charles X.—once observed to her: “Vous aimez maintenant vivre en France; mais je me rappelle que vous m’aviez dit en Angleterre que vous n’aimeriez pas d’y aller.” “Naturellement, Monseigneur,” she replied; “la France n’était pas alors chez elle.” He smiled, and said, “Mais l’Angleterre a été toujours chez elle, et toujours les livres ouverts pour vous.” Though not very appropriate, another anecdote of Monsieur related by Miss Knight may be here introduced. “I recollect,” she says, “being one evening at the Tuileries (I believe it was the first time I went to Monsieur’s; it was in 1816), and while we were standing round in the usual circle, a lady, rather advanced in years, seemed anxiously looking for the moment when her turn should come to be spoken to by Monsieur. She caught his eye while there were still one or two between them, and he bowed and smiled. When he came up to her he spoke kindly, and addressed her by her name. “Ah, Monseigneur!” she cried, apparently much agitated, “il y a si longtemps que je n’ai pas eu l’honneur de voir votre Altesse Royale, et pourtant elle se souvient de moi! Les années changent tout——” Monsieur interrupted her, and said, “Les années! Quant aux dernières vingt-cinq il ne faut plus les compter.”]

[1826.]

January 11th.—Went with Mrs. Lutwyche to the “reception” at the Palais Royal. All Paris there in full dress, and the room very hot. The young Duke de Chartres, who is little more than fifteen, appeared in full uniform of Hussars, and went round with his father, mother, and aunt. He looked remarkably handsome and elegant. It is said that Duke Mathieu de Montmorency is appointed governor to the Duke de Bordeaux. There have been riots[102] at St. Petersburg, on account of the refusal of the Grand-Duke Constantine to ascend the throne.

26th.—In the evening to the Duchess of Orleans’, where a small party had been invited to meet the Dauphin, who dined there. Cards, backgammon, books of prints, &c.

February 1st.—At the Duchess de Narbonne’s, where there was a large party to hear Mdlle. Delphine Gay[103] recite verses of her own composition. Her mother was with her, and I understand they are rather rich people in the class of employés. They were much dressed. The poetess is pretty, and when she recites has expression in her eyes and tone, but her voice is harsh. She recited a passage from a poem of her own on the restoration to life of the widow’s son, and afterwards another fragment on the triumphant entry of King Alfred. It seems she has recited some of her verses before the French Academy.

27th.—At the Duchess de Narbonne’s, where many ladies and gentlemen were assembled to hear M. de St. Priest,[104] a very young man, read a tragedy he has written, entitled “Clotilde.” Clotaire and Sigebert, the two sons of Clovis, are at variance, and their mother, Clotilde, endeavours to reconcile them, but, according to history, it finishes most horribly. There are many fine lines in the play, and also interesting situations.

March 19th.—At the Ambassador’s Chapel. Bishop Luscombe preached. He was consecrated by the Bishops of the Episcopal Church of Scotland, and is on the Continent to exercise his functions as a prelate without any particular diocese: watching over the flock of travelling English. He is said to be a very respectable man, and his sermon was good.

April 12th.—Celebration of the anniversary of the King’s entrance into Paris in 1814. There was a review in the Champ de Mars, but the wind and rain were unfavourable to it. I dined with Madame de Labédoyère, and in the evening accompanied Lady Mary Hill to the Duchess of Hamilton’s. The Duchess sang delightfully, as also did the Countess Apponyi, the wife of the Austrian Minister. The Countess is an excellent musician, and sings with great taste.

30th.—At the Ambassador’s Chapel. Mr. Sidney Smith preached on the immortality of the soul, as announced by the dissatisfaction felt here, the desire to be remembered after death, &c. &c.

May 3rd.—To-day the King and Queen go in procession to several churches, for the Jubilee, and they lay the first stone of the monument to be erected to Louis XVI., on the spot where he was executed. The gendarmes would not allow carriages to pass, so I was obliged, after making an attempt, to come home again. I heard in the evening that the ceremony was very fine and imposing. The Nuncio says that it was more so than the coronation at Rheims. After the performance of an expiatory service, the first stone of the monument was laid by the King himself, in the presence of all the Royal Family—except the Dauphiness—a deputation of Peers and Deputies, the Great Officers of State, Courts of Justice, Ambassadors, &c. &c. The Place Louis Quinze is now to be called Place Louis Seize.

7th.—Went to chapel. In the evening to the Tuileries, with the Marquise de Vaudreuil. There were many ladies present, as all the Royal personages received, and they are soon going into the country. The King looked remarkably well, and appeared very cheerful. Amongst other things, speaking to me of activity, &c., he said (what is very true, and exemplified in himself), “Il ne faut pas se laisser aller.” It is a long way through the subterranean, the court, the theatre, and the gallery of the chapel, to the Duchess de Berri’s apartments. She had a hat on.

June 11th.—Called upon Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. Went afterwards to the Bois de Boulogne by a new road, called the “Champs Elysées,” in compliment to the King. Young trees are planted on each side, and it will be very pretty when they are grown larger; in the mean while, it shortens the distance.

August 4th.—Dined at Bishop Luscombe’s. Sir Sidney Smith there. After a residence of many years in France since the peace, he seems to think of going to England, having taken leave of the King at St. Cloud. Lord Guilford has lent him a house near Walmer Castle, but he is going first to Dieppe.

15th.—This is Assumption Day, as it is traditionally called in Roman Catholic countries, from a belief that on this day the Virgin Mary was taken up to heaven. A great procession of the King and his family takes place, in observance of a vow made by Louis XIII., by which he placed himself, his family, and kingdom, under the protection of the Virgin. To-day also closes the Jubilee, and the King has given a silver statue of the Virgin and infant Saviour to the Cathedral of Notre-Dame.

September 23rd.—Arrived at Mayence. The melancholy appearance of that once flourishing city is really painful to behold. The inhabitants say that they would be totally ruined were it not for the money spent by the military. But the taxes they have to pay to their present master, the Grand-Duke of Hesse Darmstadt, and the impediments to commerce and manufacture, with the departure of so many noble families resident there during the time of their Electors, reduce them to a state of great misery. So much for the benefits arising from revolutionary changes and extinction of ecclesiastical power! They say they were better off under the French than under the Grand-Duke, but nothing to be compared to their ancient Electoral government, and as the French were the cause of that being overthrown, they naturally date their misfortunes from that period. The military had given some fêtes during the summer, and there was to be music and illuminations on the following day, Sunday, the 24th. That morning I left Mayence, to see the lovely banks of the Rhine, which we followed as far as Coblentz, by an excellent road. The old castles and ruined monasteries, the beautiful trees and rocks, render the journey very interesting. At Bingen, about fifteen miles from Mayence, we entered the Prussian territory. The postmasters give a receipt at every stage. A printed paper was also given to me for my baggage, and all seemed to be done with civility and regularity. Under Bingen, on a rock in the Rhine, are the ruins of the Mice Tower, so called from the story of Hatto, the Bishop of Mayence, who was said to have been eaten up by those animals. There is a legend belonging to each of the old ruined castles and monasteries. The banks of the river are covered with vines, raised in rows one above the other. At St. Goar there was formerly a very large monastery. The place appears more comfortable than many others, and the situation is picturesque. I paid thirteen posts to Coblentz, but the distance is not so much, as I went in ten hours. At one place, where the road passed under high rocks very near the river, and had others of a similar description in view on the opposite side, the postilion stopped and blew his horn for some minutes in a very agreeable manner, which was perfectly answered by the echo.

25th.—In the morning oppressively hot. Walked down to the banks of the Rhine, where I witnessed the departure of the “coche d’eau” for Mayence: two horses, with very long ropes, were to drag it up the river. In the afternoon I went in a calèche, with a very intelligent driver, to see the fortress on the other side of the Rhine, which the King of Prussia is building on the ruins of Ehrenbreitstein. The works are very fine. They were begun in 1816, and will require four years more to finish them. The rock appears almost perpendicular, yet I went up in the carriage with great ease and safety, as it is remarkably well made and a perfect zig-zag. I saw the cannons, barracks, magazines, &c. Eight thousand men, with provisions and ammunition, are to be provided here, and the fortress is to be called Frederick William, after its founder. The view is very extensive from the platform at the top. The Moselle, throwing itself into the Rhine, the town of Coblentz, the bridge of boats, and the circumjacent country, were at my feet, and the four forts opposite were pointed out by my conductor, named Francis, Alexander, Constantine, and Wellington. The town, however, appeared enveloped in a pitchy cloud. A heavy thunderstorm was coming on, and I foolishly hoped to get back before it should break over our heads. I therefore hurried away, and, though the hood and apron of the calèche were put up, my maid and I were wet to the skin by the time we reached the hotel—the wind blowing torrents of rain into the carriage.

26th.—Returned to Mayence. The prospects appeared, if possible, more beautiful than before. It is not the lovely, enchanting style of beauty which Italian scenery presents, but it is wild and romantic. It is the theatre of the mythology of the middle ages.

30th.—Went to Homburg, and found the Landgrave in the court—he had seen me drive in. He took me to the Landgravine, and nothing could be more kind and cordial than their reception of me.

October 21st.—We dined early, that we might go at half-past one to the Feldberg, the highest mountain in this part of the country—in ancient times the Taunus. The weather was beautiful. The Landgrave and his aide-de-camp, M. Herman, were the vanguard; next came the Landgravine and Princess Augusta of Solms; then Miss Cooper and myself; and lastly, the two maids of honour, Mdlles. de Stein and de Haller: all in droskies with four horses, which ran up the mountain like greyhounds. The road passed through woods till very near the summit, which is covered with luxuriant grass and fragments of rock. The Landgrave had sent thirty men the day before to repair the road. There is a mass of rock with grottoes in it, which is called the Rock of Brunehilda. The view from the summit is very extensive, embracing the Rhine and the Maine, with the towns, cities, and villages on their banks, Falkenstein, Konigstein, and other mountains, with the ruins of castles and fortifications on other parts of the Taunus, inferior in height to the Feldberg, which is two thousand six hundred and six feet above the surface of the sea. The air felt sharp and pure. We partook of coffee and cakes here. Warm punch was also served; for the grottoes in Brunehilda’s rock served as a kitchen, as well as for stables for the horses—a table, chairs, &c., having been previously sent up. We returned home with a fine sunset.

November 11th.—Arrived at the Castle of Louisburg about six in the evening. Found the Queen-Dowager and all her society most kind and friendly.

19th.—Went to Stuttgard, in consequence of an invitation to dine with the King and Queen. Dressed at the Hôtel du Roi d’Angleterre. At a quarter-past four Baroness Seckendorff, the young Queen’s first lady, came for me, and took me to the palace. She introduced me to the Queen in her Majesty’s private apartments, which are very elegant. The Queen seated me on a sofa by her side, and the King soon afterwards came in and sat down. They were both very gracious and conversible. At five they withdrew, and we went down to the apartments below, where we found the gentlemen and ladies of the Court, and the Prince and Princess of Hohenlohe œhringen, which last is a first cousin of his Majesty. Soon afterwards the King and Queen came in, and we went to dinner. The King placed the Princess of œhringen on his right hand, and made me sit beside him on his left. He talked to me all dinner-time, chiefly about the domestic events of our Royal Family in 1814, when I was with the late Princess Charlotte. After dinner we returned to the drawing-room, where coffee was served; and the King and Queen, after a very gracious leave-taking, quitted the room and went to the theatre. Madame de Seckendorff and the Queen’s Chamberlain took me through the palace to the Queen-Dowager’s box, and five minutes later the King and Queen entered their private box; the rest of the Royal Family occupying the great box in the centre of the house. Between the opera and the ballet the King and Queen joined the Royal Family, and also spoke to Lady Erskine in the adjoining box. I returned to Louisburg after the ballet, arriving there a little past eleven.

December 1st.—This day the Constituent Assembly, or States of Würtemberg, meet. It is held every third year. The King opens the meeting, and the Prince of Hohenlohe œhringen is the President. No ladies are admitted as spectators.

15th.—At dinner the Prince of Wallerstein; descended by the female side from the Würtemberg family. This young man is Regent of the little States belonging to his family, his eldest brother having renounced his rights on marrying a gardener’s daughter, with whom he retired to a castle to enjoy rural felicity. The second brother, who is now Prince, is in the Austrian service, and on garrison duty in Bohemia, and has entrusted the Regency to this Prince, who is the third son.

20th.—After dinner I went up-stairs to see a fine suite of apartments above those of the late King, called the Crown Prince’s. This castle is an immense building. Were it inhabited at all in proportion to its size, it would be very cheerful, for all the apartments are light and spacious. The hangings and furniture of those of the Crown Prince are of damask, and there is much gilding. The pictures are not good, but in some of the rooms very numerous.

24th.—In the evening the Queen made her Christmas presents to her ladies and gentlemen. There was a table also for me, covered with pretty things, including a gold chain, a cross, and earrings, a silver cup and saucer, a silver tower for heating water, three gowns,[105] &c.

31st.—The year was finished very cordially in the castle, and very noisily out of doors; for notwithstanding all the edicts against it, gunpowder announces the termination of the old year and the commencement of the new one, to the great annoyance of the peaceable inhabitants. In the town there was a ball, and in the castle “pictures” were represented by the principal dancers at the theatre.

CHAPTER IX.

PARIS AND LONDON—DEATH OF THE QUEEN-DOWAGER OF WÜRTEMBERG—HOMBURG—THE LANDGRAVE AND LANDGRAVINE—LIFE AT A GERMAN COURT—RETURN TO LOUISBURG—BADEN.

JOURNAL CONTINUED—1827.

January 11th.—In the afternoon Lord Erskine brought the Queen-Dowager letters from Mr. Canning and Count Munster, announcing the death of the Duke of York at half-past nine in the evening of the 5th. They came by a messenger despatched by Mr. Canning, by order of his Majesty.

April 30th.—Arrived at Paris. The National Guard are dismissed, in consequence of their riotous behaviour last night, crying out “A bas les Ministres!” It is said many ill-intentioned persons made up uniforms and mixed with them, for the purpose of creating confusion.

May 14th.—In the evening went with the Viscountess de Vaudreuil to visit the Duke and Duchess de Rivière at the Tuileries, in the apartments formerly occupied by the King when he was Monsieur. The little Duke de Bordeaux was there, M. de Rivière being his governor. He appeared very lively and good natured. He is not very tall for his age, but has an elegant and well-proportioned figure. He seems to possess quickness and intelligence. His Royal Highness had with him two sub-preceptors and a young companion—the son of the Duke—three years and a half older than himself. The “salon” is, as before, furnished with stools, and with only one arm-chair for the King.

August 1st.—Went to St. Ouen to visit the Countess du Cayla and her daughter, the Princess de Craon. Their house is in the midst of very extensive grounds and gardens. It appears like a pavilion; but on entering we found an elegant staircase, carpeted as in England, and well proportioned rooms elegantly furnished. On the first floor we saw a “salon” and two handsome bedrooms, with a Gothic “cabinet” in the best style of that species of architecture. On the ground floor an excellent dining-room, billiard-room, “salon,” and “cabinet de bain,” all fitted up in good taste, the locks good, and the doors shutting well. In the “salon” is an inscription by Louis XVIII., to the effect that here began a new era in the liberties of France. It was here that he met the Allied Sovereigns and Ministers in 1814, and gave the Charter. He afterwards with great secrecy rebuilt the house, or, rather, erected this very beautiful villa, and made all the plans himself. He then presented it to Madame du Cayla, as a residence for her life; and the present King allows her two thousand five hundred livres a year to keep up the place. The floors are very handsome, and almost all the furniture is of French wood.

8th.—Went with the Bishop of Tulle to Athis, a place belonging to the Baroness de Crussol, about four leagues from Paris, on the road to Fontainebleau. The grounds are well laid out, with fine trees, and the house is large and commodious, very nice, and in good order. The poor lady herself, who is very civil and good natured, has nearly lost her mental faculties; but a friend of her late husband manages everything for her. In the grounds is a Gothic chapel, as also the Temple of Flora and a rustic building, all of which are well placed. There is likewise the tomb of a dog, with his image at the top. It seems that when this place belonged to the Duchess de Roquelaure, in the reign of Louis XIV., Mademoiselle de Scudéry had a dog named Badine, who died while she was staying here. At that time the philosophers wanted to introduce the doctrine that animals are only machines. The epitaph engraved on the tomb alludes to this:

Ci-gît la célèbre Badine,
Qui n’eut ni beauté, ni bonté,
Mais dont l’esprit a démonté
Le système de la machine.

In the house are several good apartments: that in which the Countess d’Alton sleeps was the chamber of Marshal Villars. The views from the house are very extensive.

9th.—News by the telegraph of the death of Mr. Canning, who expired yesterday, at the Duke of Devonshire’s villa at Chiswick.

13th.—Six Indians arrived, four men and two women, with an interpreter and his son, and a French colonel, from Havre de Grace. They come from the banks of the river Missouri, in America. The gate and opposite side of the street are thronged with people trying to stare at them.

16th.—This morning the Indian chief and the two women came to my apartment with the housekeeper and the porter. He appeared grave in his manners, but offered his hand, as did also the women. The latter seemed very cheerful. Their colour is bronze. I thought there was a natural gracefulness in the figure of the chief, and in his manner of holding his drapery. His arms were bare, with silver armlets on them; but his white mantle was wrapped about him. Their hair is black and long, but, according to the Indian custom, consisting of only one lock at the top of the head. It is said they brought with them furs of value, which they sold at Havre.

September 16th.—Dined at Prince Castelcicala’s, to meet the Countess Esterhazy and her two daughters. The Austrian Ambassador, Count Apponyi, with the Countess and his nephew, and Monseigneur Acton, also dined there. The Countess Esterhazy is the most intimate friend of the Dauphiness. When the latter went to Vienna from her prison at Paris, a lady was placed about her who had a niece very handsome and agreeable. At first the Dauphiness, accustomed to the mournful and appalling solitude of the Temple, could not appreciate the society of this young lady, but by degrees the cheerfulness and attentions of her companion made their way into her heart, and ever since that time she has loved her most sincerely. On the day on which the Princess gave her hand to the Duke d’Angoulême, her young friend was united to Count Esterhazy; and since her return to France she has exacted that every second year the Countess should visit her and pass some time with her. Her Royal Highness then takes her about to see everything that is interesting, lodges her in the Park of St. Cloud, and bestows upon her every mark of real affection. The Count and Countess have passed five winters in Rome on account of his health; but they are now going to Hungary.

[1828.]

January 24th.—Went to the banker’s. Great preparations in the court-yard for the forthcoming marriage of Mademoiselle Lafitte with the Prince de la Moskwa, son of the late Marshal Ney. The young lady, it is said, wanted to marry her father’s head clerk, but M. Lafitte had not sufficient love for liberty and equality to allow this. It is curious to observe how fond of titles are all these people who profess “liberal” principles.

February 5th.—This morning the opening of the Chambers took place at the Louvre, and the King made a good speech, which was applauded, and he was welcomed, and accompanied at his departure by cries of “Vive le Roi!” Speaking of the battle of Navarino, he called it imprévue; but alluded to the glory of the French arms, and of their union with those of their allies. I remarked, on hearing the speech read, that his Majesty placed the King of England before the Emperor of Russia.[106] Ecclesiastical affairs and public instruction are to be separate. It is said a very wealthy and sensible man is appointed to be at the head of public instruction—a lawyer, but of good religious and moral principles.[107]

21st.—Dined at Lady Downshire’s. Sir Thomas Fellowes there. He has been in England since the battle of Navarino, and is returning to Toulon to rejoin the squadron. This evening he saw the King, who spoke, as indeed he always does, most cordially of England.

[On the 12th of April Miss Knight returned to England, and expressed much astonishment at the improvements in London since her former visit.]

June 16th.—In the evening at Princess Sophia’s. Sir J. C. came in, and gave a droll account of the magnificent breakfast given to-day by the Duchess of St. Albans, at her villa near town. Almost all the best musical performers of our nation were there, besides the Tyrolese singers and others. A silver bread-basket of vast dimensions was handed about, and an inscription on it was read aloud, announcing the happiness of the Duke and Duchess in this, the first year of their married life, and their intention of claiming the flitch of bacon at Dunmow six years hence: for which purpose they had prepared this basket. The Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex, and Prince Leopold, were there.

July 10th.—Dined at Lord Stafford’s. Miss Eden, Mr. and Mrs. Mason, Mr. Wilkie, the celebrated painter, just returned from Italy and Spain, Mr. and Mrs. Calcott, he a painter, and she the Mrs. Graham who was governess to the children of the Emperor of Brazil, were of the party. Saw some good views of Edinburgh, Stirling, and other parts of Scotland, by Lady Stafford. We were received in the gallery where the Flemish pictures are hung, and dined in the other, furnished with such noble paintings, as also is the drawing-room—magnificent treasures! The four great landscapes in the room last named are to me delightful.

29th.—Went early to Princess Augusta at Frogmore. The garden is much improved, and in great beauty just now. Dear Princess Augusta makes all happy around her.

[On the 13th of August, Miss Knight again left England for Paris, where she remained until the 2nd of October. On that day she started for Germany, and on her arrival at Frankfort, eight days afterwards, received the melancholy news of the death of the Queen-Dowager of Würtemberg, “who expired on Monday, the 6th, at a quarter before two—a dreadful loss to the country where she lived, and to all who knew her.” On the following day, October 11, Miss Knight reached Homburg, and was, as usual, kindly greeted by the Landgrave and Landgravine.]

November 7th.—M. Möller, architect of the Grand-Duke of Hesse Darmstadt, dined here, and he called upon me in the afternoon. He told me that the Cathedral of Worms is of, what they call in Germany, Byzantine architecture. There is a difference, he says, between that and the Saxon; for our Saxon buildings in England are, in fact, imitations of the Roman, whereas the Byzantine came from Constantinople, where the Roman was intermixed with the Oriental, whence came the cupolas, minarets, &c. He also mentioned that at Vienna were preserved many records of the articles they used to receive there from Constantinople, which was in its time the arbiter of taste. In return, the Germans sent to that city slaves in great numbers, and these were the Slavi, or people of the Russian States, whom the Germans made prisoners, and sold to the Greek Emperors. M. Möller seems to be a man of great reading and observation in his own line of study. The Cathedral of Mayence, he added, is of the Byzantine order.

26th.—This morning one of the Landgrave’s officers, who is much employed by him, and dines at the table every day, was married to the daughter of the Landgrave’s Master of the Horse. He had been ennobled by the Emperor of Austria at the request of the Landgravine, because if the young lady had not married an “edelman,” or noble, she would have lost the portion given to her by a Chapter to which she belongs. The Emperor signed the letters of nobility, as a compliment, on the Landgravine’s birthday. The wedding took place at the house of the lady’s father. After the ceremony, her parents, according to the custom of the country, surrounded the bride, and tied a handkerchief over her eyes. They then took off her garland of myrtle and placed it on the head of the young lady nearest to her, who happened to be her own sister. This is supposed to prognosticate which is the young person who will be the soonest married.

One day very much resembles another. This is the ordinary routine. At seven the drum beats a réveil: a few minutes afterwards the stoves are lighted. At half-past eight the servant brings hot water, and at nine, coffee, boiled milk, a small white loaf, a piece of brown bread, a slice of butter, a salt-cellar, and in a saucer ten small lumps of sugar. At half-past eleven a message from the Landgravine to know how I have slept, and if I should like to go out with her at a quarter or half-past twelve. At which hour, if tolerably fine, we go out in a drosky, and afterwards walk, returning home by a quarter before two, when the trumpet sounds for dress. At two, it sounds again to serve up dinner. I then go through a long passage, down twenty-five steps and up twenty-five steps, which lead me to another long passage, and that to the drawing-room, where I find two or three or more guests. The door opens, and the gentleman esteemed the most considerable gives me his arm. We walk into the dining-room, and stand still till the other door is thrown open, when the grand maître d’hôtel, with a white wand and hat in hand, enters, preceding the Landgrave and Landgravine, followed by the aide-de-camp of the former and the maids of honour of the latter. All sit down to table, the Landgrave having made me a sign to sit down beside him on his left hand. On his right is the Landgravine, and next to her one of his brothers—except when Princess Louise, their sister-in-law, dines at table, for then she sits between the Landgrave and Landgravine. Three or four times in the week the band plays during dinner, after which the brother gives his arm to the Landgravine, and the Landgrave his to me. During all these movements the ladies curtsey and the gentlemen bow down to the ground. We walk into the drawing-room; the Landgrave and his brother stand at one window; the Landgravine and the ladies sit near another; the gentlemen stand at the other end of the room, unless any one happens to be addressed by the Landgrave. Coffee is served; after which the Landgrave and Landgravine leave the room, making bows and curtseys, which are answered by profound bows from all present. A maid of honour throws a shawl over the Landgravine’s shoulders and walks after her, first turning to salute the company. The aide-de-camp does the same, and follows the Landgrave, after which everybody retires. The drum beats soon after as a salute to the Landgrave and Landgravine as they drive out in a drosky, returning before six. About half-past six the Landgravine sends for me. A servant with a lantern lights me down stairs to her apartment, and I sit with her in her boudoir till eight o’clock strikes. The servant then lights me through the passages and up the twenty-five steps, and I arrive at the drawing-room, where I find a maid of honour at the tea-table, and, about a quarter of an hour later, the door flies open, and the Landgrave and Landgravine enter. The former takes his tea, and then desires the card parties to be formed; he playing at one table and the Landgravine at another. At a quarter before nine the other door opens, and Prince Ferdinand, the Landgrave’s youngest brother, comes in, and bows to the company. He walks up and down and looks at the players, at a little distance; then sits down, and then walks again. I sit at the corner of the Landgravine’s table. A few minutes after, the drum beats for some time. At half-past nine the aide-de-camp and a captain, who is always in waiting, come in with low bows, and almost immediately afterwards a servant enters, goes up to the grand maître, and announces supper. He is probably playing at the Landgrave’s table, but, as soon as the game will permit, he rises, takes his white wand and hat from the chair on which he had deposited them, and comes up to the Landgravine’s table, where he stands till he catches her eye. He then announces supper, makes a bow, and retires. As soon as the parties break up, all go to supper, as before to dinner. The Landgrave and Landgravine retire as soon as it is over; so do the company; and a crowd of servants and kitchen-maids rush in to put out the lights and carry away the plates and dishes. The guard is relieved every two hours: at one, three, five, &c. At eleven at night a man blows a horn eleven times, once at one, and three times at three. On Sundays we dine at three. The Princes and officers all in full-dress uniforms, and company, to the number of thirty to thirty-five, all full dressed. On Mondays and Thursdays, the days for hunting, we dine at half-past two.

In the latter part of December the Landgravine received a letter from the Duchess of Gloucester, telling her that, on the 21st, the King received the little Queen, or Princess, of Portugal, Donna Maria da Gloria, at Windsor Castle, the apartments of which were fitted up with great elegance and magnificence. The Duchess was there with the Duke, and the Duke and Duchess of Clarence, the Duke of Wellington, &c. &c. All thought the little Princess remarkably like poor Princess Charlotte, though on a smaller scale. She is nine years and a half old, very fair, with blue eyes. She was dressed like a young person of eighteen, and had fine jewels, with her father’s portrait. She breakfasted with the King, and behaved very properly.

[Miss Knight left Homburg on the 13th of January, and proceeded to Louisburg, where she found the ladies and gentlemen of the Court still grieving over the loss of the late Queen-Dowager. The Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg died, almost suddenly, on the 3rd of March following.]

Stuttgard, Jan. 23rd.—Received a message from the King and Queen, asking me to dine with them and meet the English Minister. At a quarter before five I went to the palace, and at five we dined. Princess Pauline was there, and the usual persons of the household, but no other company, except Mr. and Mrs. Desbrowe. The Queen seemed much affected, and shed tears in speaking of the late Queen-Dowager. The King spoke of her with the highest esteem and the deepest gratitude. He said that during the fourteen years which had elapsed since the death of his father, he had never in one instance had reason to complain of his stepmother, but, on the contrary, had always experienced from her the kindest and most judicious conduct towards himself and his family. Princess Pauline was very civil and very gay, for she is much pleased with the idea of her approaching marriage with the Duke of Nassau.

February 25th.—Went to a ball at Court in the state apartments, which are magnificent, and really elegant; the music good, and the rooms perfectly well lighted. It was Princess Pauline’s birthday. The Duke of Nassau was there, and, it seems, made her some fine presents on the occasion. He is about thirty-six, not handsome, and rather short; but apparently very good-natured, and not ill-looking. He was with the Duke of Wellington at the battle of Waterloo. Prince Augustus was at the ball. He goes into the army in about three months. I came away before supper, but saw the tables set out in a very handsome style.

April 21st.—The Duke of Nassau arrived with his grand chamberlain and two aides-de-camp. All are to be lodged at the palace. The apartments—which, I think, are those of the late Queen-Dowager—are dressed out with young trees, flowers, &c. The King and Queen have invited me to the wedding, the dinner, and the Polonaise ball for Thursday, but I have excused myself, from being still weak.[108]

23rd.—This day the Duke of Nassau was married to Princess Pauline. The bride’s jewels are valued at 300,000 florins.

May 25th.—Dined with the King and Queen. There was no company, but some of their household. They were very gracious, and I took leave of them with feelings of sincere gratitude.

Baden, June 7th.—The weather improved, and the country in great beauty. The theatre opens this evening with the opera of “Tancredi.” Nine hundred and ninety-three strangers already arrived, though the “season” has not yet commenced. Many new houses have been built since I was here in 1824.

8th.—Walked in the afternoon up the hills, where the scenery is very pleasing, and the grass ornamented with wild flowers. I went into the garden of the Grand-Duchess, whose house stands on a little eminence. Baden is composed of various hills, which render its situation very picturesque, and the running rivulets from little cascades, added to the magnificent oaks which enrich the scenery, form altogether a very interesting picture. The shape of the hills does not compose so good a background as might be wished, but the houses, though not of regular architecture, are pretty and fanciful. Most of them have terraces, or balconies, with flowers, and they are interspersed among the high trees on the hills and hillocks.

July 1st.—Baden appears to fill daily. The Grand-Duchess Stéphanie arrived this evening. It seems she was a niece of Count Beauharnais, the first husband of Joséphine, and that Lady Bute (the wife of Sir James Pulteney) took compassion on her, and had her educated in the south of France. She was forced to go to Paris by Bonaparte, who also compelled her to marry the Grand-Duke of Baden, against her inclination and his. Lady Bute left her 1000l. in her will, which Bonaparte would not allow her to accept. The executors, however, placed it in the funds, and she has since received it, with the accumulated interest, settling both on her youngest daughter. She had two sons, who died, and has now three daughters. She usually resides at Mannheim, but went this spring to Paris to consult an oculist, and was well received by the King, Dauphin, Dauphiness, &c. &c.

August 21.—The Russians are supposed to be by this time in possession of Constantinople. By the last accounts they were within a few leagues of that capital.[109] I remember my mother used to say, “Russia wants to drive the only honest man out of Europe.”

[In the beginning of September, Miss Knight quitted Baden and travelled by way of Zurich, Lucerne, Berne, Friburg, Geneva, Mont Cenis, and Susa, to Turin. In that city she remained only a few days, and then continued her route to Genoa, where she passed the ensuing winter. She here met an old Roman acquaintance, Signor Gagliassi, who, after visiting her one day, composed the following lines of doubtful gallantry:

Salve, cui Noctis dedit Anglica patria nomen!

Noctis, quam propriam docta Minerva vocat.

Salve, quam vidi Romæ, Arcada! inter euntem,

Et nunc in Liguri lætor adesse solo.

Salve, quae pulchram ducens, viridemque senectam,

Ævo et consilio fœmina Nestor eris!

Accipe, quam scribo curru properante, salutem;

Vota tibi rediens fervidiora feram.

This “epigramma” Miss Knight copied out and sent to a friend, accompanied by the following verses:

Gagliassi seems to think it strange
That I still breathe the air of life,
And still abroad delight to range—
He says I might be Nestor’s wife.

The compliment has made you stare,
And, I confess, has made me smile;
But, could I Nestor’s wisdom share,
Such union might be worth the while.

As Greece is all the fashion now,
To Pylos I my course might steer,
And, should old Nestor make his bow,
There keep a Court and give good cheer.

But Night, dark Night, is not my name;
I spring not from Minerva’s race;
From Chivalry my lineage came;
Romance alone in me you trace.

CHAPTER X.

GENOA—THE PALLAVICINI FAMILY—CHARACTER OF THE GENOESE—RETURN TO ENGLAND—THE ROYAL FAMILY AT BRIGHTON—LONDON—GLOOMY RETROSPECT—ANECDOTES.

JOURNAL CONTINUED—1830.

Genoa, January 1st.—The accounts of the weather from all quarters very extraordinary. In London terrible fogs; at Paris the Seine frozen over; at Turin and at Milan more snow than has ever been known before; and here, a greater succession of north-east and north-west winds than can be remembered for sixty years.

23rd.—The Prince of the Peace was at the Opera last night with his wife.[110] He is on his way to Paris, where, not long ago, or at least in the neighbourhood of Paris, died the Lady of the House of Bourbon, whom he married, and it was reported that he had another wife. M. de B—— said that in Spain he was assured that the Prince had not been married to this other lady, but that he had now married her. I remember meeting a son of theirs at the house of a Spanish lady, at Paris, a few years ago; and at Rome I heard that, in company with the King and Queen of Spain, the Prince of Peace, with his daughter by the Lady of the House of Bourbon, were arrived in Italy. The governor of this place, the Marquis d’Hyène, has been greatly beloved wherever he has commanded. At one place the good people wished to pay him particular attention, and, among other decorations for his reception, had a transparency representing a hyæna surrounded by little Cupids caressing it. To explain the meaning of this, they
said to the Marquis d’Hyène: “Noi siamo gli amorini, e la bestià è l’eccellenza vostra.”

In the memoirs of the Pallavicini family, it appears that a nobleman[111] of that name went to England on a mission from the Pope to receive money due to the Holy See, and that, after getting possession of it, he became a Protestant, and appropriated the money to his own use. His wife was with him, and after his death she married a son of Cromwell, and returned with her second husband to Genoa, where they inhabited the villa still belonging to the Pallavicini family, called La Peschiera. If this be true, it must have happened during the short reign of James II., for, otherwise, what hope could the Pontiff have of getting money from England? It seems odd, however, that he should have sent a secular, and a married one, too; but that might have been to avoid exciting suspicion. I remember that when I was at Genoa, many years ago, with my mother, we were told that a son of Cromwell had lived in a villa over the Zerbino, a little way out of the gate. This answers to the Pallavicini villa.

Genoa is sadly altered and degraded. Many of its finest buildings are falling to decay, and the grass grows luxuriantly in their court-yards. And yet trade flourishes more than ever. The principal nobility and merchants are still very rich, and the King of Sardinia does all in his power to render it a flourishing seaport and an agreeable residence. But it is more difficult to make the Genoese amuse themselves than it is to make them get money—the former implies spending it. There is great inequality of fortune—great riches and great poverty.

April 27.—This day was celebrated, outside the gates, the feast of a saint held in great veneration by the common people. On the eve there were illuminations and fireworks, and the church was crowded with people either from devotion or for the sake of amusement. They say that this saint was once upon a time servant to a baker, and used to take a great many loaves every morning for the poor. The baker missed his bread, and suspected his servant. He watched her, and saw her go out with her apron filled. On stopping her, he was much surprised, for he saw nothing but flowers. This is celebrated as a miracle.

When Lord Exmouth was at Genoa, he took everything he could take, even to the brass rings which received the chain of the port. How different was this from the conduct of Lord Nelson and Sir Thomas Troubridge when in the Mediterranean! They came to rescue nations, and not to plunder them.

It is said to be a custom here, that when a man is displeased with another, as a token of resentment and defiance, he lets his whiskers grow. Perhaps this may be the reason why the King expressed his dissatisfaction with a young nobleman who allowed his whiskers to grow, though he was not in the army. The young man cut them off, but is so displeased that he will not go to Court.

The Marchesa Durezzo says, that of the lower classes in Genoa the most courteous and good natured are the sailors, whom I have always heard spoken of as the best seamen of the Mediterranean. There is a harshness in the lower orders, and a stiffness in the higher classes of the Genoese, which one does not meet with in other Italians. But they have understanding and acuteness, and I believe that, in reality, they have the affectionate heart peculiar to their common country—but you must get at it.

[At the end of May, Miss Knight resumed her wanderings, halting, however, at Turin until the middle of July. She thence proceeded to Milan and across the Simplon to Geneva. Passing on by way of Neufchâtel, she again entered France, and arrived at Dijon on the 12th of August, under which date occurs the following entry: “The town was obliged to illuminate last night in honour of the new King, Louis Philippe, being proclaimed ‘Roi des Français.’ The people display no enthusiasm, and all is quiet in this district. Several officers have resigned their commissions. On the road I met some wounded Swiss and others of that corps, and also of the Royal Guards, both of which corps are now suppressed, and the men dismissed to their respective homes.” Three days later, Miss Knight arrived in Paris, and on the 9th of September at Dover. “On the road from Paris to Calais,” she remarks, “I perceived no signs of gaiety or enthusiasm. A person disposed to criticise the nation would, perhaps, divide it into three classes—knaves, dupes, and people intimidated by their recollection of the horrid scenes of the former revolution. Certain it is that the prosperity of France was great, and yearly increasing, and now all has become precarious, thanks to designing ambition and infamous journals. I am sick of the subject, and what I did not write while in the country from prudence, I now avoid writing from disgust.” In the following October, Miss Knight took apartments at Brighton, where she was presented to William IV. and Queen Adelaide, and invited to an evening party on the 21st, at which “tableaux were represented by an actor from the theatre. The King and Queen were very civil to everybody.” She was again invited on the 27th of December, when “the Pavilion was lighted up and as hot as possible. I cannot admire the dragons and other Oriental fancies, having been spoiled for such things by being early accustomed to the dignified simplicity of classic taste. Besides the two Princesses, the Duke of Sussex was there, and some of the new Ministers, Lord Grey, Sir James Graham, Lord Holland, and Lord Durham.” The last entry of the year runs in these words: “A whale was caught near this place two days ago. It is sixty-five feet in length. It was almost dead, and had a harpoon in its body.” On the 28th of December, Miss Knight takes a gloomy retrospective view of the events of the previous twelve months. “This miserable year,” she writes, “is almost at its close. On the 26th of June, died George IV., who was succeeded by William Duke of Clarence. On the 29th of July, Charles X. lost his throne—the Dauphin as well as himself renouncing all right to it. The Duke of Orleans was crowned by four marshals in a very small assembly of the representatives of the nation, and without any religious ceremony. No etiquette, no distinctions, allowed. Popular tumults in France and England. The King and Queen of England deterred from dining in the City owing to a communication from the Lord Mayor, advising them of intended riots and the cutting of the gas-pipes. The Duke of Wellington left in a minority, and obliged to resign: Lord Grey and his party forming the new administration. The revolt of Belgium; disturbances in many parts of Germany; the Duke of Brunswick expelled in favour of his brother; the Grand-Duke Constantine and the Russians driven out of Poland; fires in many counties in England to destroy the haystacks and corn-ricks!”

[1831.]

Mrs. Fitzherbert, when William IV. visited her after his brother’s death, showed him the papers which proved her marriage with the late King, first by a Roman Catholic priest, and immediately afterwards by a clergyman of the Church of England. The King desired her to put on widow’s weeds. Mrs. Fitzherbert also showed these papers to the Duke of Wellington, then Prime Minister. She is constantly invited to the Queen’s parties, and is treated with much respect.

January 8.—Dined at General Egerton’s, and went in the evening with him and Mrs. E. to a great party at the Pavilion. The Prince of Orange was there. He came yesterday, and is to stay till the 10th. He has been some time in England, and brought a letter to the King from his father, requesting his Majesty to be kind to him, as he himself had forgiven him. There was dancing, and some musicians from Bohemia played and sang.

February 14.—The King after dinner drank to the memory of the Earl of St. Vincent, and of all the brave officers and men who fought on that day and are now no more, and to the health of those who survive.

London, March 6.—The son of Murat lives in this (Dover) street. He arrived lately from America, where he is naturalised, and practises at the bar. He often visits his cousin Lady Dudley Stuart, the daughter of Lucien Bonaparte. The Prince of Orange, I hear, is frequently at their parties. Murat was at Lord Grey’s last night.

April 17.—Dined with the Duke and Duchess of Cumberland, at their apartments in St. James’s Palace. The Landgravine was also there. The apartments are handsome. On the ground floor a waiting-room, library, and dining-room; and up-stairs, a large and superb drawing-room; excellent bedchamber, dressing-room, &c. There are several portraits—George III., Queen Charlotte, Mr. Pitt, two sons of the Duchess, a bust of Goethe, &c. The dinner was very good, and well served: all in the most proper style. The Duchess has excellent manners, and Prince George, who came in at the dessert, with two young companions, is really a delightful boy.

December 31.—This year has been one of the most painful to the feelings of those who have been accustomed to the principles of social order and morality, that I can remember. The French revolution in the last century cannot be recalled to mind without horror, as every period of it was marked by the most atrocious crimes, and a total contempt of morality and religion. But the insidious duplicity, the want of faith, and perversion of reason, which have brought about and coloured the progress of that of 1830, threaten Europe with a total disorganisation of political and moral principle. Alarm of every description is prevailing. The ties of blood and of alliance are forgotten; and while it is pretended that everything is being done for the maintenance of peace, no security is given for the preservation of internal tranquillity. France is still under the government of Louis Philippe and his Minister, Casimir Périer; Belgium, under that of Leopold. Poland is reoccupied by Russia. Italy, notwithstanding the efforts made to revolutionise her, is still quiet, except, perhaps, in the three Legations, and they are kept in awe by Austria.

[At the end of this lamentation, Miss Knight records various anecdotes she had picked up in the course of the year, a few of which are worth extracting.]

April 19.—Prince de Talleyrand wrote the other day to Louis Philippe, who had been intriguing to get the throne of Belgium for his second son, the Duke de Nemours: “Il faut que votre Majesté se rappelle qu’avant de pouvoir mettre le pied en Brabant, il faut avoir le pied en Europe.”

The Duke of Orleans was always making unjust complaints of Louis XVIII., and one day went so far as to say to M. de B. that it was very unwise to treat him in that manner, for, added he, “Je compte pour beaucoup en France.” M. de B. answered: “Cela n’est pas possible, monseigneur, car vous n’êtes ni brave, ni généreux;” and, turning his back on him, left the room. The Duke from that time overwhelmed M. de B. with civilities and flatteries.

Charles X. says that his conscience acquits him of having had anything in view contrary to the good of his people, whose lives he wished to spare, and whom he was only anxious to save from the artifices of faction. He was made to believe that there would be twenty-nine thousand troops in Paris, and that all would pass over quietly. The Dauphiness still speaks with tender affection of her native country, notwithstanding all she has suffered there. She said the other day to a lady: “On nous calomnie cruellement; mais croyez-vous que l’histoire nous rendra justice?”

The Grand-Duchess Helena is now (July) at Sidmouth, and her father, Prince Paul of Würtemberg, is with her. An Irish family were presented to her amongst others, when she said to them: “What are you doing here? You ought to be in your own country, and spending your money there.”

Don Pedro, Duke of Braganza, ex-Emperor of Brazil, told a lady of very high rank, who repeated it to me, that the misfortune of the present age was that none of the sovereigns had a head to manage affairs.

One of the French papers says, that in the recent elections M. B., a Royalist, has been chosen, at which it manifests great surprise, but adds, that the department for which he had been elected had not attained that degree of civilisation which excludes the idea of legitimacy. From the well-known opinions professed by the journal in question, it cannot be suspected of jesting on the subject.

Somebody having said in conversation that Ministers had advised his Majesty to dismiss his household troops, a gentleman answered: “In that case he should begin by dismissing the Greys.”

It is said Prince Leopold has been forced to accept the crown of Belgium. The expression is, “a pistol has been held to his throat, and another to that of the King of Holland, to make the one accept and the other resign, to avoid bringing England and Holland into collision.” We are not, however, obliged to believe this. Louis Philippe has long had great influence over Prince Leopold.

The King (William IV.) said the other day, in speaking of Don Pedro: “To be sure, we are both sovereigns—at least, he was one: but there is a great difference between us for all that; for I am an honest man, and he is a thief.”

A Frenchman, lately arrived in London, was asked if he had caught the influenza: “Ah! non,” he replied; “je l’ai prise en grippe.”

Lady Talbot of Malahide is turned of ninety. She is of a very ancient and distinguished family in Ireland, and, in gratitude for certain favours bestowed, came over to the Coronation, and went also to the following Drawing-room. I met one evening one of her sons, who is an Admiral, with his niece, her grand-daughter, and they said she was not in the least fatigued.

It has been discovered that four persons were sent from Paris to take the life of the Duke de Bordeaux. Three of them went in separate stagecoaches to Edinburgh, but they have been forced to return, and additional sentinels have been placed at Holyrood. The child now does not walk out with a servant as before, but only goes out in a carriage. The fourth assassin does not seem to have been found out.

A stranger happening to be in Paris soon after the revolution of July, 1830, was stopped by a young chimney-sweeper, who asked him if he had seen the King of the French. The other replied in the negative. “Would you like to see him?” continued the chimney-sweeper. “Only give me a piece of five francs and you shall see him.” The stranger agreed to do so, and they went away together to the Palais Royal. As soon as they were in sight of the balcony the boy began to call out, “Louis Philippe! Louis Philippe!” in which cry he was joined by the rabble near him. The King of the French came out to make his obeisance, and the gentleman gave a five-franc piece to the sweeper. “Now,” said the boy, “if you have a mind to hear him sing, only promise me five more, and you shall be satisfied.” The stranger assented, and his Majesty, at the command of the mob, joined in the Marseillaise Hymn, with all the appropriate grimaces.

At the time when Louis Philippe was shaking hands with everybody in the street, he held out his hand to a man, who said, “Stop a little.” Thrusting both hands in the mud he offered them to the King, saying, “Now they are fit for you.”

Thirty years ago Louis Philippe remarked: “Je n’aurai de paix que quand je serai Roi de France.”

Since the shameful business of the lawsuit respecting the late Duke of Bourbon’s will, they call Louis Philippe “Louis Filou.”

Le peuple! c’est le peuple qu’on loue et qu’on blâme:

Hélas! le bon peuple n’a ni raison ni tort:

Corps sain et vigoureux, dont un héros est l’âme,

Ou machine du traître agissant à ressort.

The young Duke de Bordeaux, while playing at ball, was accosted by a Frenchman with many compliments, who told him he would certainly be king. “La place est prise,” answered the boy. The man kept teasing him, and at last said: “Mais j’ai envie d’assassiner celui qui a pris cette place.” “Et moi,” replied the young Duke, “je le défendrai.” This was said with an air of noble contempt, and he would not listen to anything more the man had to say.

The Countess de N. says she knows from certain authority that Casimir Périer in his ravings, during the last few days of his life, fancied himself Charles X., and that he was constantly ordering to the block the traitor Périer.

The Duke de B., who lived so many years on the most intimate terms with Louis XVIII., declares, that the Memoirs published in his Majesty’s name were never written by him, for he burnt all his papers a short time before his death. He thinks they were revised by the Duke Decazes, but written by a M. Capefigue, of Marseilles.

[During the year 1832, Miss Knight divided her time between Brighton, Tunbridge Wells, London, Tottenham Park, Cheltenham, and Oxford. At the close of the year she was again at Brighton. She sums up as follows the events of the preceding twelve months: “What an eventful year! The dreadful ravages of the cholera in many places, especially in London and Paris, have carried off many well-known persons. Charles X. and his suite left Scotland, attended by the blessings and regrets of the inhabitants. He is now at Prague. The Duchess de Berri a prisoner in the castle of Blois. The citadel of Antwerp, bravely defended by General Chassé, compelled at length to surrender to Marshal Gérard. The combined fleets of France and England, meanwhile, unable to approach the coast on account of the weather. Affairs not yet settled. Prince Otho, of Bavaria, now King of Greece, conveyed to the Piræus on board an English ship of war!”]

[1833.]

[The greater part of the year 1833 was passed by Miss Knight in London, but the only entry in her Diary worthy of notice is the following one:]

June 14th.—Dined at Lady Charleville’s, to meet Lady Charlotte Bury, Miss Porter, Mr. Disraeli, Lord Oxmantown, Mr. Campbell, and others. In the evening more company came. The manners of Miss Porter appeared to me as pleasing and unassuming as her novels are natural and entertaining, no less than well principled. Mr. Campbell, author of “The Pleasures of Hope,” &c., is grown very large, and appears to be in ill-health. Mr. Disraeli is an author, and the son of an author. He talked much of the government of Syria, Egypt, &c. Among those who came in the evening was Lady Morgan, but I had no opportunity of hearing her converse, as I came away early.

[A few anecdotes are inserted at the close of the year, from which the following are selected. The “local habitation,” assigned to the oft-quoted grace on rabbits, is on the authority of the Princess Augusta.]

The Duke of Richmond, great-uncle of the present one (recently deceased), was very fond of hares and rabbits, especially the latter, and used to have them constantly served at table, dressed in various ways. His chaplain in ordinary, who used to sit near the lower end, was not a little tired of them, more especially as by the time they came to him they were often quite cold. So, being asked to say grace, he recited:

“Rabbits young, and rabbits old,
Rabbits hot, and rabbits cold,
Rabbits tender, rabbits tough,
Thanks to Heav’n, we’ve had rabbits enough.”

Sir Herbert Taylor says that “The English are never so happy as when they are discontented; the Irish never in such good humour as when they are breaking heads; and the Scotch never so much at home as when they are living upon others.”

Count de M., when Minister at Stockholm, was staying at the house of the Count d’Uglas, after the Countess and his young daughter, who was in a bad state of health, had left him on their way to Paris. One morning he told the Count and Countess d’Uglas that he had passed a very uncomfortable night, for that he had continually seen a kneeling figure, sometimes on one, sometimes on the other side of his bed, and that, though the back was turned to him, it perfectly resembled his daughter. The impression was so strong upon his mind that he sketched the figure, which, in fact, did resemble hers. On comparing dates, it afterwards appeared that his daughter had died at that very time.[112]

An old woman, who died a few years ago in Ireland, had a nephew, a lawyer, to whom she left by will all she possessed. She happened to have a favourite cat, who never left her, and even remained by the corpse after her death. After the will was read in the adjoining room, on opening the door the cat sprang at the lawyer, seized him by the throat, and was with difficulty prevented from strangling him. This man died about eighteen months after this scene, and on his death-bed confessed that he had murdered his aunt to get possession of her money.

Lord Nelson, writing to the Admiralty for supplies at a time when his squadron stood in great need of them (in the year 1799, I think), said: “We must have them from home, for Spain would not, Naples and Sicily could not, and Sardinia ought not, to supply them.”

CHAPTER XI.

ANECDOTES—TALLEYRAND—CHARLES ALBERT—Masséna—FERDINAND OF SPAIN—LORD WELLESLEY—ALFIERI—CHARLES X.—DEATH OF MISS KNIGHT.

[In July, 1834, Miss Knight again crossed the Channel, and renewed her acquaintance with many of her old friends in Paris, which she left for Nice in the last week in October. Here she remained until the latter part of July, 1835, when she proceeded to Turin. Some of the anecdotes recorded in her journal, during this period of her life, though not all new, are worth preserving.]

The young King of Naples [the late monarch], while reviewing his cavalry the other day (September, 1834), was displeased at the manner in which they performed their manœuvres, and, to punish them, led them to the bank of a river, into which he plunged, swam his horse across, and made them do the same, to their great astonishment.

A man, who squints very much, was talking to M. de Talleyrand about public affairs, and wound up by saying: “Enfin, Prince, tout va de travers.” To which the other replied: “Oui, monsieur, comme vous voyez.”

It is said that in a late debate which terminated in the resignation of several of the Ministers, Lord Stanley handed over to Sir James Graham a scrap of paper, on which he had written with a pencil: “Johnny will upset the coach”—meaning, of course, Lord John Russell.

Some one having remarked to Talleyrand, when he was living on his estate in banishment from the Court during the later years of Bonaparte’s reign, that he must find the life he led “bien monotone,” the Prince replied: “Monsieur, le monotone fut le berceau de la vie.”

Sir Edward Sugden, a celebrated lawyer who has lately come into Parliament, having heard that he had been turned into ridicule for being the son of a hairdresser, made answer: “So I am, and I am come into the House to give a dressing to the Whigs.”

Sir Walter Scott told Mr. Howard, of Corby, that the only verses David Hume ever wrote were made at an inn in that neighbourhood. They were as follows:

Chickens in eggs at breakfast sprawl;
Godless boys God’s glory squall;
Scotchmen’s heads adorn the wall;
Corby’s walks atone for all.

These lines were probably written soon after the affair of ’45, and I suppose the “Scotchmen’s heads” were exposed on the walls of Carlisle.

Mr. Howard was one day at a great dinner party which the late Duke of Norfolk gave to several of his neighbours. He sat at the bottom of the table, the Duke being at the head, and one of the gentlemen who sat near the Duke called out to him and said: “Mr. Howard, will you drink a glass of wine with me? There was a connexion between our families.” “With a great deal of pleasure, sir,” replied Mr. H., “though I don’t know exactly what the connexion is; but in this county there have been several marriages between neighbours.” “Why, sir,” resumed the gentleman, “your ancestor, Lord William Howard, hung up twenty-three out of twenty-seven of my family, and you must own that was a tie.” This reminded me of an anecdote I heard at Brighton. General Dalrymple, who was between ninety and a hundred years of age, was introduced by the King to Lord Errol as an old friend. “Ah! my Lord,” said the General, “the last of your family I have seen was Lord Kilmarnock’s head on Temple-bar.”

An English lady at Paris, who was obliged to have an arm taken off, six months afterwards married the surgeon who performed the operation. On which a French gentleman remarked “Elle lui a donné la main pour lui avoir coupé le bras.”

The King of Sardinia (Charles Albert) is very kind and obliging to the French Royalists who are at Turin. The Duke de F——, with whom he is connected, has an employment about the Court—he had been severely wounded, and lost a leg in the affair of the Three Days. The King heard that the Duke was anxious to visit the King and Royal Family at Prague, but that his finances were not favourable to so long a journey. His Majesty, therefore, thought of an expedient which would enable the Duke to gratify his loyalty, without his feelings being wounded. “Duke,” he said, “would you do me the favour to choose some horses for me (at such a place) in Bohemia; and as your best way will be through Prague, of course you will pay your respects to the Royal Family there.” As the journey was on the King’s service, the Duke could feel no reluctance about having his expenses paid.

The Countess de B. told me the other day that her mother was once remarking to Cardinal Costa, a very clever man, that she could not help feeling indignant at the conduct of certain Ministers as being without good faith or probity. “Ah, ma chère dame,” he replied, “quand il s’agit de la politique, il faut se rappeler que ce ne sont pas des gens baptisés.”

Masséna was a native of the county of Nice; when he was here after the Restoration he told a story of what happened to him once when he had the command of the French army in Spain. Early in the morning of an expected battle he walked through the camp, disguised by a soldier’s cloak, that he might judge of the disposition of his men. He heard three of them talking together about the forthcoming engagement. One said: “Ah! I hope I shall get a pair or two of stockings, for mine are worn out.” Another wished for the acquisition of a couple of shirts, as his own were in rags. Turning to the third, they said: “And what do you want? You say nothing.” The young man answered: “What do I care about stockings and shirts? I want to do something that will get me the cross of the Legion of Honour, and then I may rise like our general to be an officer and a marshal of France, for he began like myself as a ‘pauvre gredin.’”

Many stories are told respecting the death of Ferdinand (of Spain) and his will. Some say that he had signed a codicil revoking his disposal of the crown, and restoring Don Carlos to his rights; but that the Queen, on her return from hunting, finding him dead, and having been told of the codicil, sought for it in his secrétaire and in the drawers of a table where he kept papers. Being unable to find the secret place in which it was deposited, she ordered the two pieces of furniture to be burned. Others go still further, and pretend that, had she been brought to bed of a son, Ferdinand would have lived a little longer, &c. &c. It must, however, be remembered, that where great personages are concerned, and party spirit prevails, there are many inventions. The character of Don Carlos is certainly that of an honest man, even by the account of his enemies. I recollect hearing the late Duke of Gloucester say that Mina told him that, although he was not himself of the party of Don Carlos, he believed him to be the honestest man of the family.

I forget who told me the following anecdote of the Marquis of Wellesley, when Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He was at table with a party of Irish gentlemen who were chiefly Orangemen, and in the dining-room hung a painting of the battle of the Boyne, which in that country is usually called the Victory of Boyne Waters. The company wishing him to pronounce an opinion, invited him to change his seat. “Surely, my Lord,” said one, “you would not turn your back on Boyne Waters?” Lord Wellesley answered, pointing to a bottle of claret that stood before him: “Oh, I never look at water when I can get wine.”

Count Alfieri, one morning, as he was sitting with the Countess of Albany, was informed that Napoleon had just issued orders for several children of the first families of Florence, as of other great cities of Italy, to be sent to Paris to serve as his pages, and afterwards enter the army. One asked, “What could be done?” Another, “How could it be avoided?” A third remarked, “If they go, their principles will be perverted, and they will be estranged from their country; and if they are not sent, their parents will be persecuted, ruined, imprisoned. What is to be done with them?” Alfieri suddenly exclaimed, with great energy, “Ammazzarli!”[113]

[At Turin Miss Knight remained throughout the entire year 1836, the political events of which she sums up in a few lines. “This year,” she writes, “has been fruitful in events. Spain and Portugal in commotion, and now three parties in the former. In France an attempt to assassinate Louis Philippe; and young Louis Napoleon Bonaparte arrested at Strasburg, for his mad attempt to gain the throne—a plot supposed to have an extensive ramification. Death of Charles X., at Goritz. Loss of the French at Constantine. Great political disputes in England, and violent party spirit. A dreadful hurricane felt there, in Holland, and some other countries. Great inundations in France.” There are several miscellaneous anecdotes, however, recorded in her journal, which are not without interest.]

At a ball given by Count M., at Vienna, the French Ambassador, M. de St. Aulaire, expressed to the Countess his great admiration of a coronet of diamonds she had on her head. “Ah! quelle belle couronne, Madame la Comtesse!” “Au moins,” she replied, “elle n’est pas volée.”

It has been remarked that during the long series of Princes of the House of Savoy, neither assassinations, nor family quarrels of any political consequence, nor acts of unjust usurpation, have stained the annals of their history; an observation that could not be justly applied to any other royal family now possessed of European thrones, or to any other list of European sovereigns. The far greater number of these Princes of Savoy have been good monarchs, and many of them distinguished for their bravery and military talent.

It is said that Tasso conceived his beautiful idea of the Garden of Armida from the views in the neighbourhood of Turin, and particularly from the spot where stands the “vigna,” or villa, of Sir Augustus Foster. The garden which is said to have inspired him with the original conception is supposed to have been what is now called the Old Park. Tasso was on a visit to the Duke of Savoy.

A celebrated surgeon, named Livois, who was in the French army, took compassion on a dog whose leg had been fractured by a shot during the siege of some place or another. He set the bones, and cured him. Some time afterwards he found waiting at his door the same dog, with a companion who had a broken leg, and whom he evidently wished to introduce to him. The surgeon cured this second dog also, and mentioned the circumstance to the Countess du C., who repeated it to me.

Charles X., who expired at Goritz, in Styria, in the night between the 5th and 6th of November, 1836, had entered upon the eightieth year of his age in the preceding month. He was active and cheerful to the moment at which he was seized by the fatal malady which closed his mortal existence in less than thirty hours. During this time he suffered greatly, but died tranquil and resigned, forgiving his enemies, those who had injured him, and those who had been misled. He had visited the Princess of B. and his nephews, the sons of Don Carlos, on his way to Goritz, where he was about to establish himself with his family. The 4th of November, St. Charles’s day and his own fête, he had celebrated with a few friends, and he had been received with great cordiality by the inhabitants of Goritz.

It has always appeared to me that Charles X. was the true model of a gentleman. He was agreeable, unaffected, and amiable in the best sense of the word, and an affectionate and faithful friend. His look came from the heart, and what he said, however gratifying, could not be suspected of flattery. If in his youth he was gay, his conduct in mature age was respectable, without prejudice or ostentation. His piety was sincere and fervent; and, without presumption, I think we may venture to say that he has made a blessed exchange. The Duchess of Hamilton told me that he said to her at Holyrood, speaking of the Revolution of 1830: “I meant well; therefore I lay my head down peaceably to rest.”

A banker having observed that one of the ladies whom we call “exclusives” always bowed most graciously to him when she took money at his bank, but did not return his bow when he passed her in the street, one day, when he met her, took out a gold piece of twenty francs, and presenting it to her, said: “C’est un peu cher, mais je serais bien aise d’avoir un bon salut.”

In the island of Sardinia there are many persons who live in the mountains, chiefly in the open air, for they have no habitations, but sometimes seek refuge in caves. They are remarkably brave, active, and revengeful, bearing animosity against those with whom they are at variance from father to son. They are called banditti, and are punishable by the laws of the Piedmontese Government when they can be caught, but they do not attack travellers, nor commit any robberies. Some of them, it seems, lived not very far from the castle of the Marquis de B., and between eight and nine one evening, while he was at table, his butler whispered to him that one of their chiefs, whose name he knew, wished to speak to him. He ordered him to be shown into his own room, and then went to him. He was a man between forty and fifty years of age, but his hair, including a long beard, was already quite grey. He was armed with pistols, dagger, and musket, and had with him a dog, as had also each of his companions. These were four in number, and one of them, a young man of twenty-one, remarkably handsome. The chief pressed the hand of the Marquis, and said that he trusted to his honour, and was sure he would not betray him, but that he wished to ask him to obtain, if possible, their pardon. The Marquis could not promise this, but assured him he should not be betrayed. “If he were,” cried one of his companions, “we would defend him to the last, and even die with him.” The Marquis gave orders to his butler to invite them to supper, which they readily accepted. They sat down, each with his dog by his side, but, before they would touch anything, the chief said to the butler, “I must beg you to begin; not that I expect any treachery here, but some of our companions were poisoned at a supper. Pray excuse me.” The butler complied; and when they had finished their meal they retired, with many thanks. At a short distance from the castle a large party of this tribe were posted on a slight eminence to protect their friends. When the Marquis left the castle he saw them there, and they cried out to him, “Buon viaggio!” This happened in June, 1836.

The Sardinian gentlemen and ladies speak Italian, but they have also a dialect which, of course, is that of the common people: it is said to be a mixture of Spanish and Arabic. In their persons they mostly resemble the Spaniards. The country is picturesque, but roads and inns are still wanting. It appears to be the intention of the Piedmontese Government to render Sardinia similar to the States of Italy, but it will require much time to ascertain the inclinations of all classes for the new mode of existence.

[On the 14th of June, 1837, Miss Knight took leave of her numerous friends in Turin, and set out for Paris, where she arrived on the 22nd—“longæ finis chartæque viæque.” Her wanderings and her journals were alike approaching their termination. The last entry in her Diary was made on the 4th of December, and refers merely to the visits she made that day. Two days afterwards she was taken ill, and on the 17th of December, 1837, she closed her long and well-regulated life, in the 81st year of her age.]

EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S JOURNAL.

[The following passages are extracted from Miss Knight’s Diaries. They illustrate the Autobiographical Memoir in the first volume. The narrative would have been impeded by their insertion there; but they are of sufficient interest to form a welcome addition to the more continuous story of Miss Knight’s life.]

Rome—1781.

December 30.—At eight in the morning we went to the church of St. Louis to see the consecration of Monseigneur l’Abbé de Bernis as Bishop of Apollonia. A little before nine the Cardinal, the Abbé, and Monsignore de Bayane arrived, the organ playing as they entered, and soon after they went to the door to receive the Pope, whom they followed into the church, the organ playing, and the choir singing “Ecce Sacerdos Magnus.” The Pope, the Cardinal, and the new Bishop then went and prayed at the altar in the chapel of St. Louis; after which they walked up into the choir, where the Pope again prayed at the great altar. The Bishop was then presented to him and kissed his feet, and the Pope embraced him. The Cardinal de Bernis stood beside a small altar prepared for the Bishop on his left hand, and by his side were Monsignori Onesti, Doria, Stacy, Bayane, and other prelates, who now proceeded to dress the Pope. Cardinal de Bernis brought him the napkin to wipe his hands, and took it again from him. In the mean while the two assisting Bishops (the Archbishop of Athens, the Pope’s almoner, and the Bishop of Carpentras) had the new Bishop dressed, whose robes were very fine, white and gold, with white buskins, having a cross embroidered on them, &c. &c. He was then again presented to the Pope, and seated in a chair opposite to his Holiness, who read to him the Articles of Faith and the duties of a Bishop. After every interrogative, he had to answer and make a genuflexion. After this, the Pope anointed his hands and the tonsure at the top of his head, for which purpose a bandage was tied round his head, and another over his hands fastened round the neck—he himself kneeling all the time. The Pope afterwards put the cross on him, the mantle, and the ring (a very beautiful one); when he prostrated himself before the great altar and made his profession of faith and his vows as a Bishop. He then rose, and the Pope gave him his benediction, put a gold mitre on his head, and, placing the crosier in his hand, seated him in his own chair before the great altar, himself standing beside him, and the Bishops, who never quitted him, standing on the other side. Those wore mitres of white cloth, which alone are permitted to be worn in the Pope’s presence except by a new Bishop. Monseigneur de Bernis now rose, made a reverence to the Pope, and asked permission to give his benediction, which his Holiness granted, telling him only to go on the other side, that it might not fall upon him (the Pope). He then came down the church, giving the benediction, with his Bishops on each hand, and returned again to his chair at the great altar, the canons of the church singing the “Te Deum.” The Pope next gave him the Kiss of Peace, which went round to the two other Bishops; after which he was seated opposite the Pope, who delivered a discourse (called a homily) thirty-five minutes in length. In this he made compliments to the Cardinal de Bernis and the Bishop, who both rose and bowed in acknowledgment. He also gave a geographical description of Apollonia, and said it was probably so called from there having been a temple there dedicated to Apollo. He remarked how lamentable it was that it should be in the hands of infidels, but he did not intend to send the Bishop there, but only to Alby, which he must consider as another Apollonia. When he named St. Peter and St. Paul, he beat his breast, and sighed most vehemently. As soon as he had finished, the Cardinal went up and thanked him, and the Bishop did the same, adding that he hoped to acquit himself of his duty in the manner he desired. The Pope replied that he had no doubt about it; gave a general benediction, and went to a chapel, where he said another mass. In the mean time all the prelates, &c., congratulated the Cardinal and Monseigneur, after which his Eminence embraced his nephew in the most affectionate manner. The Pope having now finished his mass, the Cardinal accompanied him out, and shut the door of his carriage, while the Bishops, &c., kneeled down, and the ceremony thus terminated.

In one of the tribunes over the choir were three Cardinals, and in the opposite one the Pope’s niece and the foreign Ministers. The organ gallery was allotted for the French, English, and other strangers, but it was too far removed for them to see much. Most of the French and English gentlemen stood beside the balustrade of the choir, and we were in a grated tribune erected for the purpose, with the Princess Rezzonico, the Duchess of Lanti, Marchesa Castiglioni, a Milanese, and other ladies. The Pope ranted like a country comedian in the part of Othello. Cardinal de Bernis acted his part with his usual dignity, sense, and goodness, and Monseigneur de Bernis went through his fatiguing office with the decency of a good Christian and the propriety of a man of fashion, without affectation, negligence, or bigotry—extremes which appear to me very difficult to avoid in the midst of such a mockery of religion. The Maggiordomo, at the Pope’s expense, gave a grand dinner on the occasion, to which he invited the Cardinals of the palace, the Senator, the Ministers connected with France, and the principal Roman Princes, to meet the Cardinal and Monseigneur. The latter presented twelve crowns for a dinner to the Canons of St. Louis, three sequins each to the under people of the church, a crown to the sweepers, and half-a-crown to the domestics, besides five sous each to all the poor who were present.

Rome—1782.

On the morning of the 6th of January, Monseigneur de Bernis went to St. Peter’s, where he stood amongst the other Bishops till the Pope called him to the foot of the throne. This ceremony is styled making the “Vescovi assistenti al Soglio,” who are always seated on the steps of the Pope’s throne, and assist him on public occasions. This honour entitles Monseigneur to the privilege of making three Prothonotaries and eight Knights of the Golden Spurs. He intends to give one of these golden spurs to Belcour, his valet-de-chambre, and the others to some of the Cardinal’s people. Cournau, his Eminence’s maître d’hôtel, already possesses this distinction. Monseigneur de Bernis is likewise entitled, in virtue of this dignity, to send every morning to the palace for his bread and his wine, which he gives to his valet-de-chambre. The bulls for this ceremony cost him 150 crowns.

The Grand-Duke Paul and his Duchess arrived at Rome under the names of Count and Countess of the North, and with them one of her brothers, a Prince of Würtemberg. Madame de Beckersdorff and two maids of honour were also with them, and the first seemed to be her intimate friend, and a very pleasing person. The Grand-Duke, though not tall, had a good figure, but his face was Calmuck. His manners were good, and he talked agreeably to those who were introduced to him. The Grand-Duchess was, like most of her family, very handsome. She was tall, her figure majestic, and her features and complexion very fine. Her manners were dignified and gracious. We were introduced to them at a concert given by the Cardinal de Bernis for the birth of the Dauphin. Princess D.,[114] who had been staying some time at Rome with her son and married daughter, came to the fête dressed in black. She was considered by the Grand-Duke and Duchess as a spy on their proceedings; and, at all events, the part which she was supposed to have taken in the imprisonment and death of the Grand-Duke’s father must have rendered the sight of her very painful to them. Unmindful of this, she seated herself at the concert as near as possible to the Grand-Duke, just behind him to the right. He was greatly annoyed, and, turning towards her, said: “Madame, on ne vient pas habillé en noir à la fête d’un souverain.” Princess D. gave as an excuse the assurance that, as she was about to leave Rome, all her other dresses were packed up. The Grand-Duke replied: “On peut toujours rester à la maison.”

The Princess was a short, fat, middle-aged woman, with a very red face and harsh countenance; and the broad red riband and star, which she wore in the way such decorations are worn by men, added to her formidable appearance. It is said she was only eighteen years of age when the death of the Emperor Peter took place, and that, seated at a table with two pistols before her, she waited for the news with the intention, if it proved contrary to her wishes, of killing the messenger with one and herself with the other.[115] Pistols, we were told, she always carried about with her; and, notwithstanding the services she had rendered to the Empress Catherine, and the strange masculine honours conferred upon her in return—such as this decoration, and her being made President of the Academy of Sciences—it is evident that her absence was more agreeable to her Imperial mistress than her presence would be, for she was many years in England, Scotland, and Italy. She would not allow her daughter to live with her husband, and she used to lock up her son, who must have been turned of twenty, every night. How unlike to her amiable and excellent brother. It is said that she had a sister who was gentleness itself. One would wish to think that Princess Dashkoff was in some measure misrepresented. I recollect saying something to her son, with whom I was a little acquainted, about the maids of honour attending on the Grand-Duchess, and I naturally expressed myself in the terms, “the ladies of the Grand-Duchess.” The young man, who just before had been talking to me with the civility usually shown to a young woman, suddenly reddened, and looked quite savage. “Madame,” said he, “the Grand-Duchess has no ladies; she has no right to have any. They are the ladies of our august sovereign, who allows them to attend upon the Grand-Duchess in her travels.” Does not this put one in mind of a remark made by Bonaparte: “Pour peu qu’on y gratte on trouve le Tartare?”

We paid our respects to the Grand-Duke and Duchess, as did all the company at Rome, at their own apartments. They seemed much pleased with all they saw, and with the society. After Princess D. left, they were perfectly at their ease. There was at that time no Russian Ambassador, or Minister, at Rome. I afterwards heard that they were not so comfortable at Naples.

A tailor at Rome made a coat for the Grand-Duke. When he brought it home the sleeves were found to be too long. “I suppose,” said the Prince, “you have heard that kings have long arms; but mine as yet are only rags.” He and the Grand-Duchess appeared to be very domestic, and liked to talk of their children. I remember the Grand-Duchess showing us portraits of some of them en silhouette. Her dress was very magnificent at Cardinal de Bernis’ fête. It was white, trimmed with the most valuable sables, over which hung large pearls in garlands, fastened with diamond knots of great size and splendour.

On the 1st of March we went to Cardinal de Bernis’. On account of the fêtes given by him in honour of the birth of the Dauphin, torches and guards were placed at the corners of all the streets leading to his house. The front and both sides of his palace were illuminated with four immense wax-lights in each window, which made a most brilliant appearance. All the carriages went in by the back way, none being permitted to pass in front of the palace, as opposite to it and before the church of St. Marcel an elegant amphitheatre had been erected for music, for the amusement of the populace; the decorations were very pleasing, and had a delightful effect from the windows. The rooms were all decorated in a festal manner, with a great deal of gilding and many looking-glasses; the gallery with trophies on a gold ground, and the ceiling with fleurs-de-lys and dolphins. At the end of the gallery, within the columns, was an amphitheatre for the musicians, who were all in uniform. An infinite number of lights, perfectly well arranged, were scattered about, and two rows of seats were placed round both rooms for the company. As we were going up-stairs we met the cardinal, attended by his gentlemen, servants, &c., with eight torches and eight candles, going to receive the Grand-Duke and Duchess, for whom chairs had been placed across the gallery between the columns. The Princess of Palestrine, who did the honours of the Cardinal’s house, seated herself beside them for a short time, but after a while gave her place to the Pope’s niece. The Cardinal stood behind the Grand-Duchess, as also did Monseigneur de Bernis. The Prince of Würtemberg would not sit down, but stood beside the Cardinal. The lady who accompanies the Grand-Duchess, with the two maids of honour, were placed near, but there was an immense crowd. Immediately afterwards began the cantata, which lasted an hour. The poetry of it—in honour of the Dauphin—was composed by a secretary of the Pope’s nephew, and the music by a Maestro di Capella of the Pope. The Grand-Duke and Duchess were very attentive, and after refreshments had been offered to them, which they declined, they went and sat down in the next room, whither most of the company followed them. Soon after we were seated the Cardinal brought the Grand-Duke up to us, and presented us in the most affectionate manner. He then presented the Duchess Bobadilla and another lady who sat beside us, but the Grand-Duke immediately returned to us and entered into conversation, until he was called off by two letters being brought to him by express. He talked to us in the most polite and attentive manner, and expressed a desire for us to visit Russia. Upon our mentioning that we were acquainted with Admiral Knowles, he inquired with great affection after Miss Knowles and Sir Charles, and said he had much regretted the Admiral’s departure. When we told him that the son was a captain in the navy, he remarked that the post of captain in the English navy was a most respectable rank, with many other things that showed equally his sense and good-breeding. He speaks French perfectly well. They went away soon afterwards, when we returned into the gallery and heard some very good music, and did not get home till past twelve. On the following night there was, if possible, more company than on the previous one, and everything still more in gala. The Grand-Duke and Duchess came early, and were placed as before, only they made the Princess of Palestrine sit between them, and, when she went into the next room, the Cardinal de Bernis. They were exceedingly pleased, and made themselves very agreeable. The cantata was written by the same author as the other, but the music was by Cimarosa, and infinitely finer. They stayed to hear two other pieces of music, and then passed into the other room, where they remained till near ten. The Grand-Duchess was elegantly dressed, and looked exceedingly well: the Grand-Duke wore a plain coat with superb diamond buttons. I sat by the lady who accompanies the Duchess, and found her very agreeable: she is a German. The music lasted till after eleven, and was very fine. The palace and the street in front of it, with the orchestra opposite, were as light as day. The Academy of France was also lighted up, and had an orchestra in the same manner. On the Sunday before, all the money sent by the King of France to pay for this fête was given away by the Cardinal in doweries—fifty crowns each to one hundred and fifty brides in Rome, and twenty-five crowns each to two hundred at Albano. The Bishop of Apollonia administered the Sacrament, and handed the orders to them to receive the money at once, instead of waiting till they were married, as is usually the case. At a little after six on the next day we went to pay our respects to the Grand-Duke and Duchess, and found there the Princess Doria, the Princess Santa Croce, and another lady, with the German lady, the friend of the Duchess. The Cardinal de Bernis and several other gentlemen were also there. We went immediately into the next room, where the Grand-Duchess received us at the door, the Grand-Duke standing behind her. She told my mother that she had saluted her the night before, and had curtseyed twice, adding, very politely, that as her husband had made our acquaintance, she also much wished to do so. She then had chairs placed round, and desired us all to be seated. She chatted much about Rome, and told Cardinal de Bernis that she would never leave it were it not for her children. The Grand-Duke came and talked to us for some time with the greatest good-humour and affability. The Duchess was very desirous that the gentlemen likewise should sit down, and told a gentleman who accompanies them, and whom she calls “Mon Général,” to set them the example. When we took our leave, she assured my mother that she should be always very happy to see us; that her husband was so pleased with making our acquaintance, that she was likewise very anxious for it, &c. &c. In short, nothing could be more flattering and attentive than their reception of us. They appear very much attached to one another.[116] The Duchess’s figure is certainly very fine, and improves upon one, while the Grand-Duke is so genteel and pleasing in his manners, that his person seems to me at present far from disagreeable.

On the 14th we went to take leave of the Count and Countess of the North. They received us with the greatest goodness. The Count told me he regretted infinitely that we had not met oftener; that our visit then, though it made him happy, was rather a pain than a pleasure; that it was not their fault they had not seen us every day, but as there were so many things to see they usually returned home too late to receive company, and could not make an exception to a general rule, or they would have received us at any time; that he had inquired whether we were at the concert at Princess Doria’s, and would have come to us, but the devil of etiquette prevented him. He pressed exceedingly that we should go to St. Petersburg, saying his house and the whole city should be at our disposal. I then ventured to say that, if we were not so happy as to travel so far, my mother hoped that the Count and Countess of the North would permit us to take the liberty of requesting their interest with the Grand-Duke and Duchess for any of our English sea officers who, if there was a peace in our distracted country, might be ambitious of serving in Russia. He replied that they had some credit with those personages, and nothing would make him happier than to be of service to us, or to any of our friends; that my mother and I had only to write to him and mention how far they were in our esteem, and he would treat them accordingly, as he was sure my mother knew the Navy too well, and was too nice to recommend any who were not deserving. “Believe me,” he added, “upon my honour I wish nothing more than to be useful to you. I beg you will be assured of my sincerity, and I hope you will soon put it to the proof. But if it should be ten or twenty years’ hence, you may be equally sure of it, for I could not forget you even if I were inclined to do so; and I am certain that if I were not in the world, the Countess would do the same. I think power is never so agreeable as when it can make one useful to one’s friends, and, as such, I desire you will ever consider us.” He repeatedly urged us to go to St. Petersburg; and upon my remarking how difficult it was to travel in time of war, he said, war had nothing to do with our going there, because even if there was a war in Russia, it could not be one disagreeable to us. He added, that when he was master of himself there was nothing he would not do for us, but, as it was, he could be of some use to us in St. Petersburg. The Countess was also excessively kind to us, and pressed us strongly to go to Russia, and, indeed, said the most obliging and flattering things. She bade me draw everything at Rome as fast as possible, and meet them at St. Petersburg—with many more of the kindest expressions. She said it gave her great pain to go away just as she was beginning to make acquaintances, and that she should have wished to have cultivated a friendship with Cardinal de Bernis and with us; that she had but small hopes of meeting him again, but would always retain a regard for him. As for us, she said she would not give up the idea of again seeing us, and that she should quit us with tears in her eyes, adding the most affectionate expressions of kindness. The persons who accompany the Count and Countess are all perfectly well chosen. The maids of honour are both well behaved and good natured, and the General’s lady is very amiable.

The Pope mentioned one night at supper that the “barcarole” that brought him from Venice had since gained three hundred crowns, at half a baioccho from each person, by letting people kiss the place where he was seated, adding: “Quanto mi piace di vedere la fede di questi buoni Veneziani!” He also said that one of his gloves having fallen from his hand was instantly cut into a thousand pieces for relics.

The Pope having lately found an obelisk, has had it removed to Monte Cavallo, where it is to be placed between the two statues. The expense and trouble were no slight matter. The other day the following inscription was placed on it: “Fac ut lapides isti panes fiant.” Infinite pains were taken to discover the author and have him punished, and on the following morning was written beneath the other: “The author is St. Luke, chap. iv. 3.”

The Pope stayed two nights and a day at Cesena, and ordered his bed to be placed in the room in which he was born. His people were so little used to travelling, that they forgot the chocolate-cup, and, after much searching in the town where they happened to be, they told the Pope there was not one to be got fit for his use. “Well, then,” said he, “give me the chocolate in a pipkin.” When the Pope wanted to change his linen, the valise in which it was packed happened to be two hours behind on the road. The baggage-cart broke down, and, it seems, caused the oddest confusion ever beheld, mitres and chalices tumbling about amongst pots and pans. It resembled the furniture of a playhouse, and a gentleman remarked that the Pope was a good actor, and was now removing his theatre to Vienna. He is a strolling player, then, said another. Some one expressing a certain curiosity as to the sort of honours the Emperor would show the Pope at Vienna, a bystander replied: “He will probably dispense with Lent, and give his Holiness a masked ball.”

Princess Dashkoff being with other strangers in the gallery of the Senate-house at Venice, where it is not permitted to open the door after the sitting commences, insisted upon going out, exclaiming aloud, “Ces perruques m’ennuient.” She made so much noise that the senators sent up to desire her to be quiet, but she only repeated that “she would go out.” Upon this, one of the senators said: “Gentlemen, shall we have a ballot to see whether this mad woman shall go out or not?” It was then put to the vote and carried in the affirmative, and, the door being opened, the Princess went out by herself.

There is a negro woman at Rome much protected by the Queen of Portugal. She is dressed in red, and goes about with a Madonna in a box, asking alms for founding a monastery in Portugal for negro girls under the protection of the father and mother of St. Joachim. She went to the Pope to ask his permission, and mentioned the saints who were to be the patrons of her order. The Pope answered, that he had no doubt but what the father and mother of St. Joachim were good people, but they were not on his list.

A Cardinal’s cook in time of Lent having made up all his “maigre” dishes with the gravy and fat of meat, went to confession, and, among other sins, mentioned this one. The confessor, however, refused to give him absolution until he promised that he would no longer make his master violate Lent. Faithful to his promise, the cook changed his sauces, whereupon the Cardinal complained bitterly that his dinners were not so good as formerly, and the cook was called up, and obliged to tell his story. The Cardinal inquired the name of his confessor, and having sent for him, remonstrated with him for meddling with the private government of his family. The friar replied, that the cook’s salvation was in danger if he had continued to give his master gras instead of maigre. “Well,” exclaimed the Cardinal, “and do you think it reasonable that, to save the soul of such a low fellow as that, you should expose my Eminence to the discomfort of fasting!”[117]

During the time the affair of the Jesuits was in agitation, whenever Cardinal Marefoschi went to visit Cardinal de Bernis, a valet-de-chambre in the house of the latter, and who was also a spy, used to hang a white handkerchief out at the top of a chimney, to mark the commencement and termination of the visit, as a signal to the Jesuits at the Roman College, who looked out from the top of their church for it.

On Wednesday morning, February 27th (1782), the Pope set out for Vienna at half-past nine in the morning. The Grand-Duke and Duchess of Russia, who have been every day to St. Peter’s to see him, were there between six and seven waiting to take leave of his Holiness. They had some conversation with him, and the Grand-Duke attended him to his carriage. Monsignore Marcucci, Vicegerent and Patriarch of Constantinople, and Monsignore Contesini, Archbishop of Athens, both men of very low extraction, accompanied him, besides some inferior persons of his household. The streets were lined with people, far beyond Ponte Molle. Many Roman gentlemen rode on horseback before him for several miles. The Pope threw himself almost out of the carriage in order to bestow his benedictions upon the people, who kept crying aloud: “Santo Padre, la benedizione prima di partire;” and others, “Buon viaggio.” It is said that the Minister of Portugal, when he went with his lady and child to take leave of the Pope, left upon the table a schedule for sixty thousand crowns, by the Queen’s command. The Venetians are to send twelve senators, among whom, it is supposed, will be the Doge, with four hundred men, to meet him on the frontiers and accompany him through their States. The King of Sardinia intends to wait upon his Holiness in person. The Pope’s nephew, Don Lewis, attended him to the coach, and held his hand for half a minute after he was in. He was in the most violent distress, and shed tears for three or four hours. His wife was at the Villa Papa Giulia to take leave of his Holiness, and was likewise much affected. The Pope told her to take care of herself and go to her husband.

The Count and Countess of the North (Grand-Duke and Duchess of Russia), when they were at Naples, refused the Palace Giustiniani which the King had fitted up for their reception, but they dined at Court, and went to the balls and theatre. The King got up a hunt for them, to which they promised to go, but afterwards sent word to decline it. The King, however, went, and did not return to Caserta till the day before their departure. On their journey to Pæstum, the King had engaged them to stop at one of his country-houses, to which he himself went the day before so as to be ready to receive them. After he was gone, they sent him word that they could not stop there. The Queen called for them in her carriage to take them to a balcony to see a horse-race, that had been got up on purpose for them, and to which they had agreed to go—and, after all, they would not. Whenever her Majesty called for them, she had to wait half an hour at their door. When they went away, the people hissed them. They were very affable, however, and good natured with artists. They called on Mr. Jenkins, to choose statues for the Empress, went all over his house, and stayed near two hours. The Duchess bought a beautiful Faun, a Faustina, in the shape of Venus, and a Genius. They were also at the studio of Mr. Hewetson, where they saw a fine monument which he is going to send to Ireland. They were much pleased with a small statue of Cleopatra in marble, which they purchased, and the Duchess sat to him for her bust.

As they passed through Milan, the Archduke and Duchess made a “Festino” for them. As there was not nobility enough in the town, and as the lower sort of people had never been admitted to their entertainments, they made experiment of a “Festino,” and let the latter come, and they behaved themselves very becomingly. Amongst other masks were two nuns and two friars, who walked about and conducted themselves quietly and well. After they had stayed about two hours, to the great surprise of the company, an officer was sent to them to say, that if they had remained long enough for their own pleasure, their departure would be agreeable to the company. They immediately went down stairs, followed by an infinite number of the curious, who saw them enter a carriage, the coachman and servants of which were masked, and who were ordered to drive to the Capucin convent, outside such a gate. They drove off in a violent hurry, and in a moment were out of sight, leaving the spectators in as much astonishment as uncertainty. It is generally supposed that it was a plan concerted to test the feelings of the people with regard to the Emperor’s projected abolition of convents.

The Prince of Solms was exceedingly pleased with a young lady who was in the year of her novitiate and about to become a nun. He fancied that his attentions were beginning to shake her resolution, and though the day of profession was near at hand, he fancied that she would prefer him to a cloister. One day, after he had paid her a long visit at the grate, and had no great reason to complain of her cruelty, she begged of him, as a particular favour, a lock of his hair. The Prince, confirmed in his flattering illusions by this request, immediately cut one off for her. At his next visit he found her particularly lively and agreeable. “May I presume,” he said, “to hope that you have given up all idea of a convent life, and have cast a favourable look upon myself?” “So great is my affection for you,” replied the lady, “that I have just finished making a wig for the Infant Jesus out of your hair, and if you come to my profession to-morrow you will see it on the altar.”

[1783.]

One day in April, 1783, a Frenchman, who had subsisted on charity, died in his thirty-third year, and was carried to the Madonna de’ Monte to be buried. His corpse was exposed there for several days before interment, and many miracles are told and believed as having been performed by him both before and after his death. His limbs were flexible, and he appeared asleep. Some say they smelt a perfume; others, a stink; others, again, nothing whatever. As they were lowering the body into the grave it nearly fell, when it put out one hand and supported itself on the bier, and this more than once—as the story runs. A dumb person recovered his speech, a lame person the use of his limbs, &c. The Abbé Marotti says that he has dined with a gentleman who was cured of a toothache by the touch of a rosary that had been near the body; that the young Duke de Rignano was so frightened at hearing the dumb man speak, that he ran out of the church; and much more nonsense to the same effect. It is certain that the church has since been constantly crowded with people, and amongst them some persons of distinction, in whose presence a vein was opened, but no blood appeared. The man used to spend his whole time in praying, and was so dirty that millions of vermin crawled about him, none of which he would suffer to be killed, saying they had as much right to live as himself. There was found upon him a certificate from La Trappe, saying that he had been there, but that the discipline was so severe he had been obliged to quit it—adding, that his sanctity was so exemplary he would edify any place he went to. The stories told of him, such as his predicting the hour of his death, the cure of the butcher’s wife in whose house he died, &c., are too tedious and ridiculous to repeat.

Prince Altieri, who is blind, has been twice to the Madonna de’ Monti, in the hope that the supposed saint would restore his sight, but without effect. He has promised, that if this miracle be wrought in his favour, he will immediately erect a chapel to the saint.

Abbé Marotti says he is perfectly well acquainted with the priest who was his confessor at the Roman College, and who quotes two instances in which the “servo di Dio,” as they call the dead man, divined his thoughts. The Contestabile Colonna’s mother was carried the other day to the Madonna de’ Monti, in the hope that the saint would cure her madness. The church is now shut up—some say on account of the robberies, &c., committed there; others, because they are setting up a tombstone to the saint. The Princess Santa Croce assured us that she had never experienced greater consolation than in contemplating his dead body, and declared that it was many years since any such miracles have been performed. A Bostonian has abjured Protestantism at the Santo Uffizio, being convinced, according to his own report, by these miracles. His instructor was an ex-Jesuit, and it is probable that the true motive for his conversion was want of money, as he appears very shabbily dressed. The Duchess of Gallicano has given her infant the name of Benedetto, in honour of the new saint, whose name was Benoît Labré.

One of the best informed, and one of the most delightful persons in every respect whom I ever knew, was the Père Jacquier, a Minime of the French convent, the “Trinité du Mont.” His name was well known in England, as he and his friend, Père le Sueur, were the best commentators on Newton. His colleague had been dead a few years, and Père Jacquier was himself rather advanced in life, but his faculties were perfect, and he was as active in person as in mind. He was a native of Champagne, and became a monk when very young, there being no regulations at that time to prevent such early professions. He used to say that it was not by the desire of his parents, but that it was all arranged by an elder sister. His genius was both sound and versatile, and his acquirements very extensive. His proficiency in every branch of mathematics scarcely exceeded his taste for polite literature, the classical purity of his Greek and Latin compositions, and the correctness of his critical observations. He was also an excellent historian, and well versed in many modern languages. He was fond of society, and his manners were not only polished in the highest degree, but the beneficence of his disposition, and the sensibility of his heart, rendered them so peculiarly attractive, that he gained a new friend whenever he made a new acquaintance. His feelings were extremely acute, and the affection of those whom he loved and esteemed was the only treasure he was solicitous to keep. Never was there a more charitable man. He gave away all he had, and was, besides, ever ready to assist with his advice and influence all who applied to him.

In his youth he had been engaged in busy scenes with Cardinal Alberoni, and had lived with Voltaire, and Madame du Châtelet, and, indeed, with all the wits and philosophers then in fashion. He was also employed in the education of the Prince, afterwards Duke, of Parma. The friendship that existed between him and Père le Sueur was extraordinary. They agreed perfectly, because they had the same general views and the same goodness of principle, with diametrically opposite dispositions. Le Sueur had all the judgment, patience, and exactness necessary for the great work they had in hand, and Jacquier all the genius, fire, and penetration. In this social intercourse this opposition of qualities kept them from interfering with each other’s way of life, and the loss of such a friend as Le Sueur was never repaired to the survivor. I did not know Père Jacquier till some years after this trying event, which, I believe, threw him more than ever into general society. As I have already remarked, he was then an old man, but his imagination was as vivid, and his heart as warm, as ever.

Strangers, politicians, men of letters, men of fashion, were all alike desirous to become acquainted with Père Jacquier. There was no pedantry, no vanity, in his mode of conversing, but if he thought himself neglected he was very unhappy; not offended, but like a child whom its parents have left at home. On this account Cardinal de Bernis used to say of him: “Le Père Jacquier a l’esprit d’un homme, et le cœur d’un enfant.” We used to see him almost every day, and he was so good as to take much pains with me in my studies. It so happened that an English naval officer came to Rome with a friend for a few weeks, and my mother was anxious that they should see everything most worthy of notice. This often engaged us so that we were not always at home at the hours Père Jacquier used to call. My mother found out that he was much vexed, and ordered me to write a note to him, to say that we had two friends who were very desirous to make his acquaintance, and would perhaps have some favour to ask of him. This set all right immediately: he became very intimate with them, and paid them every possible attention. He was a thoroughly good Christian, but by no means a bigot, and his intimacy with the philosophers made some people suspect his religious principles. But, for my part, I never heard a word from him which could be thought reprehensible by the severest moralist or most scrupulous Christian; and when some secret enemy wrote to the Bishop of his diocese, to complain of his frequenting the society of Voltaire and Madame du Châtelet, that prelate answered, “he wished those personages were always in such good company.” In fact, Père Jacquier had seen enough of the philosophers to be able to estimate them at their just value. His heart was too warm to sympathise with their cold selfishness and hypocritical philanthropy, and his mind too enlightened to adopt the errors of their systematic infidelity. He would say it is impossible to investigate the earth and the skies without adoring the Creator, or to feel the weakness of our nature without being a Christian.

Pope Ganganelli would have secularised Père Jacquier, but he declined it. He admitted that, if he had to begin life again, he would not be a monk, but it was now too late to make a change without necessity. He was very well satisfied, he said, with his present situation, which did not deprive him of the pleasure of seeing his friends: any alteration, therefore, would only make people talk to no purpose. Besides his pension as professor at Rome, he had one from the Duke of Parma, but he gave everything away, and very often had no money left before the end of the quarter. I think it was in the beginning of February, and the weather rather colder than usual, that he came in one morning and complained of not being well. My mother remarked his dress, and said: “Why, you have got on your summer clothing already, and must have caught cold.” He went home, and was laid up for some days, and we afterwards learned that a poor person having asked him for money when he had none to give, he had put on his summer dress and bestowed his winter one upon the mendicant.

Another day he came to us with a very pretty little watch in his hand, which he had won in a lottery. He was delighted with his prize, and begged me to accept of it, but my mother said: “Père Jacquier, I will tell you what to do with the watch. Take it to the man of whom you hire a carriage when you want one. I know you are exact in payment” (for that he was). “Let it be valued, and you will then have the pleasure of visiting your friends, whether it rain, or shine, for a long while.” He smiled and did as she advised, for he never liked to hire a carriage unless he could pay for it at once.

His conversation was full of anecdotes, which he related in the most clear and succinct manner. He was in correspondence with sensible and learned men of all countries, for he had no prejudices, but great discernment of character, and, though he liked to know every one who had a name in the world, he soon made the proper distinctions. One day, as we were looking at different portraits in a villa, the Chevalier de P., who was with us, observed one of Père Jacquier, and wrote under it the following lines, which are truly characteristic:

Sage et profond calculateur!

Heureux disciple d’Uranie!

Ses amis parlent de son cœur,

Et l’univers de son génie.

There was a lady then at Rome who passed for being remarkably sensible and well informed; but one of her most intimate associates was a young man, who was thought the reverse of all that. I was told that Père Jacquier said to her: “Take care of what you are doing. I believe your conduct to be very correct; but when a man or a woman of great abilities is constantly seen with one of the other sex who has not those advantages, the world is ill natured enough to suppose that the intimacy is not of the mind.”[118]

The Emperor Joseph II. was at that time (1783) making many “reforms,” or “innovations,” as they were respectively designated by those who approved or disapproved of them. The Pope thought it expedient to take a journey to Vienna and converse with him on the subject, with a view, if possible, to stop his going too far. The Romans, who have a great talent for satire, criticised this project, and, like other nations, talked not too loyally of his proceedings. They particularly noticed the number of prelates he took with him. He has left us, they said, no one but Monsignore Resta and Monsignore Testa, the only two Cardinals who remained at Rome. It was also suggested that, as the Grand-Duke of Russia called himself “le Comte du Nord,” the Pope ought to leave his card as “l’Abbé du Midi.” The Pope, however, was received most courteously and respectfully by the Emperor, his family, and his subjects. He did not stay long, and when he came back he said that he was perfectly satisfied; that Joseph II. might have some odd ideas; but that, on the whole, he was a sensible, well-meaning man, a good Christian, and one who wished to promote the happiness of his people.

That Pius VI. was a great sovereign cannot be doubted. His draining the Pontine Marshes, his works at Terracina, which his unfortunate fate left unfinished, all he did for the arts, showed what he was. But these great undertakings could not be carried on without expense, and he was often straitened for money. And when these works were commenced how could he foresee the fatal storm that was rising? Had he not reason to believe that what he was doing would eventually enrich his country? His noble demeanour in adversity must have silenced those who were always finding fault with him in his prosperity, as it furnished an incontrovertible proof of the greatness of his mind.

Joseph II. returned his visit, and found at Rome Gustavus III., King of Sweden. A greater contrast could not be imagined than the appearance of those two monarchs. The Emperor, in a plain uniform, attended by an aide-de-camp in an equally simple military dress, and the King of Sweden, with his numerous suite of courtiers in velvets, satins, and embroidery, went to all the great parties; but no fêtes were given to them, at the Emperor’s particular request.

There was something in the manner of Gustavus III. very disadvantageous to him. He chatted much, but always began by a silly sort of laugh, which made one doubt his having the understanding or information which he really possessed. The gentlemen who were with him wore white handkerchiefs tied round one arm, in remembrance of what had been the signal for his partisans in the change of constitution by which he had so greatly offended many of the nobles of his country. It was supposed that these innovations had been suggested to him by M. de Vergennes, and by others, during his stay at Paris. He was apparently very partial to France, and he not only spoke, but wrote, the language perfectly, for I have read some very pretty French comedies composed by him in very good taste; and also a drama, entitled “Gustavus Vasa,” in Swedish, which he was supposed to have written. In this was introduced a scene in imitation of that where Richard III. sees the ghosts of the persons whose death he had caused. Here it is Christian, King of Denmark, who is said to have committed such cruelties in Sweden, and who was conquered by Gustavus Vasa and the brave Dalecarlians. One of the songs, for it is an opera, may be thus translated:

Noble shades! great sires arise!

Sweden’s heroes! knights of yore!

If her welfare still ye prize,

Give to Freedom life once more.

Say, shall tyrants—say, shall slaves,

Trample o’er your sacred graves?

No! your ghosts to war’s alarms

Let e’en thraldom’s name excite!

Stretch, vindictive, forth your arms

From the breast of endless Night!

Count de Fersen, who was so well known afterwards for his attempts to save the unfortunate Marie Antoinette,[119] and Count de Staël, who married Mademoiselle Necker, were of the King’s suite. It is well known that Gustavus was warmly hostile to the French revolution, which he was preparing to oppose in the most active manner when he was assassinated.

Travellers of all nations were to be met at Rome, and, what is usually called the best society not being very extensive, it was more easy to form acquaintances, and even intimacies, than in most other great cities. We knew almost all the English, and many of the foreigners. Amongst the latter was a Knight of Malta, the Commander de Dolomieu. He was a man of good family, from Dauphiny, and very agreeable in society. He had studied mineralogy and chemistry with great success, and had written a highly esteemed work on the great earthquake in Calabria.

[At a subsequent period, after the restoration of the King of the Two Sicilies to Naples, in 1799, Miss Knight was in a position to render the Commander de Dolomieu a very important service. The following mention is made of him in a memorandum which appears to have formed part of a narrative of events subsequent to Bonaparte’s Egyptian campaign: “I received one day a letter from Messina, signed by a merchant, I believe an English Quaker, enclosing one from the Commander de Dolomieu, who had long been our intimate friend, and with whose family we were much acquainted. He had, with other men of science, accompanied Napoleon Bonaparte into Egypt, but on his return had been obliged by bad weather to put into Messina, where he was thrown into a dungeon. He described his condition as most miserable, and no doubt it was so in every respect.[120]

“The Commander de D. was a man of ability and warm feeling. He was the second son of a noble family in France, and, according to the custom of those times, belonged to the Order of Malta. His elder brother offended his father by his imprudence and impropriety of conduct. When the Marquis was in a state of health so precarious that little hope was entertained of his life, these two sons were sent for by their mother. The eldest was at Paris, but put off his journey from day to day. The second was with the Maltese galleys at Lisbon, but obtained leave of absence, and instantly hastened to the family château, near Lyons. On his arrival his father told him that he meant to make him his heir, and only leave to his elder brother an annual income, enough for his maintenance but not for the support of his extravagance. The Chevalier de D. did all he could to persuade his father not to disinherit his elder brother; but finding his efforts were fruitless, he went off to Lyons, and there, in a Chapter of his Order, pronounced the irrevocable vows which put it out of his power to receive the inheritance. After this noble, but what many will think romantic, act of liberality, he went back to Malta, where for some time he held one of the highest employments, and enjoyed the confidence of the Grand-Master. He had reason to believe that about that time the Empress Catherine was endeavouring to make a secret treaty with the Neapolitan Government, for the purpose of becoming Patroness, or perhaps Mistress, of the island of Malta. When that island was given by the Emperor Charles V. to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, after the loss of Rhodes, he stipulated that he was to receive from them, as their liege lord, a falcon every year. That devolved to his descendants, the Kings of Naples, and the Commander de D. was persuaded that it would be transferred to the Empress of Russia if the plot succeeded. That it did not was attributed to his influence with the Grand-Master, and, consequently, he was not in good odour at Naples. He had also enemies among his brother knights, and as he was instrumental in the surrender of Malta to Bonaparte, though he is said to have acted from a good motive, this enmity was not a little increased. His chemical and mineralogical studies naturally threw him into the society of the philosophers, and at the beginning of the Revolution he belonged to the Constitutional party, but he was nevertheless one of those who joined the Swiss Guards in defence of Louis XV. at the Tuileries.”]

I ought before this to have mentioned the celebrated dramatist, Count Alfieri. One of his tragedies, the “Antigone,” had been represented on a stage erected at the Spanish Ambassador’s, where several plays were performed during the month of October, and where, notwithstanding its being the season of “villeggiatura,” there was much good company. The Prince and Princess Rospigliosi, her brother the Duke di Ceri, his young Duchess, and his secretary, were the principal actors; but in the “Antigone” Alfieri himself acted Creon; the Duke di Giro, Hemon; the Duchess, Creusa; and Princess Rospigliosi, Antigone. They all played their parts with skill and propriety. The Duchess di Ciro had been taught by Princess Giustiniani, her mother, who had been very partial to this amusement, in which she also excelled.

In the “Barber of Seville,” Prince Rospigliosi, who in society appeared to be rather a grave man, was a truly comic Figaro. The Countess of Albany was then at Rome, and lived at the Chancery, in the apartments of her brother-in-law, the Cardinal of York. This lady, as is well known, was a Princess of Stolberg, and great-grand-daughter by the mother’s side of Thomas Earl of Aylesbury,[121] who died at Brussels. She had been married to the Pretender eight or ten years, and lived with him at Florence, till one day she took refuge in a convent, on account, she said, of the ill-treatment she received from him when he was intoxicated. She afterwards came to Rome, where, as I have said, she was lodged at the Chancery. She had a lady residing with her, a Chanoinesse. The Countess was present at the performance of the “Antigone,” but she did not in general go out to parties. Morning visits, however, she paid, in which and in her walks she was always attended by the Countess de M. But the romantic attachment of Count Alfieri, of which no mystery was made—indeed, the verses he composed and the whole of his conduct sufficiently declared it—induced Cardinal York, on his return from a visit to his brother, who had been very ill at Florence, to apply to the Pope for the dismissal of the Count from Rome. Pius made answer that, according to the laws and customs of the State, he had no right to dismiss a stranger who was committing no offence against the country; and that all he could do would be to write to the Countess of Albany, and request her to persuade her friend, for the sake of her own character, to leave Rome. He did so, and the Countess answered, that Count Alfieri never came to visit her but at the hour when her doors were open to all her acquaintance; she would beg of him, however, to comply with the request suggested by his Holiness. Count Alfieri remained a few days longer, and then went off at noon in a handsome equipage to visit Paris, London, &c. There was something very extraordinary, but very fine, in the character of Alfieri. He was introduced to us, and he asked my mother for letters to England, which she was happy to give him.

I think I never knew two persons more unlike than Alfieri and the Countess of Albany, in appearance, in manner, and even in sentiments. She must, no doubt, have been very pretty in early youth. She had fine eyes and teeth, but her figure was not graceful. There was nothing of the ideal beauty about her which one would have imagined as the object of Alfieri’s dreams of bliss; but she must have been very much admired, for all travellers, as I have been told, used to call her the Queen of Hearts. Married at twenty to a man of fifty, and in a political, or rather, I should say, historical situation so peculiar, she was perhaps more noticed than she otherwise would have been. To us she was very kind and attentive, invited us to visit her, and never in any way neglected us. She wrote plain, sensible letters, and was not devoid of intelligence. Although I never heard her saying anything which could offend religious or moral principles, I have been told that she was very sceptical with respect to the former.

Naples—1785.

The Bishop of Castellamare, who was more than eighty years of age, still mounted his horse. He was very good-natured and cheerful, and enjoyed excellent health, which he attributed to his practice of fumigating his apartments with perfumed gums. He had been for many hours buried under the ruins of the house he inhabited in Calabria, at the time of the great earthquake. The solidity of a beam saved him from being crushed when the roof fell in. He is the only person whom I can recollect of our Roman or Neapolitan acquaintance who ever endeavoured to bring me over to the Roman Catholic religion. I begged him not to talk to me on the subject; but he persisted in doing so. At last I said, with the impertinent familiarity which his good nature encouraged: “Well, you shall say what you please if for every half hour of this advice you will send me a basket of curious specimens of lava and minerals for a friend of mine, who is making a fine collection.” The good Bishop took the hint, sent me several baskets of curious specimens of minerals, and never uttered another word on the subject of conversion. I am sorry to add, that soon after we left Naples, being made “Cappellano Maggiore,” or high almoner to the King, who had a great regard for him, he was obliged to give up his usual mode of life, and did not long survive his honours.

Mr. and Mrs. Piozzi passed the winter at Naples and gave little concerts. He played with great taste on the pianoforte, and used to carry about a miniature one in his carriage. Mrs. Piozzi read to my mother part of a manuscript, which she afterwards published, respecting Dr. Johnson; but as she was angry with him on account of his disapproval of her second marriage, she occasionally mentioned him in a manner that displeased my mother, who always preserved a high veneration for his memory.

Brilliant and gay as Naples then was, I did not like it so well as Rome, nor indeed so well as I liked it at two subsequent visits. However, we had no reason to complain of the time we passed in this capital, the Parthenope of old, and still in a great measure retaining its ancient character. Balls were given at what was called the “Accademia de’ Nobili,” something in the style of Almack’s. There was also another “Accademia” for persons of the second class, as there was a considerable number of opulent merchants from different countries visiting Naples. The King and Queen made their appearance at each at least once a year, and the foreign Ministers also went to both from time to time.

Sir William Hamilton had a very fine collection of Etruscan vases and some good pictures. From his house, and more particularly from a boudoir on the upper floor, he used to enjoy a magnificent view of the bay, reflected on the mirrors which covered the entire side of the room opposite to the semicircular window. The bay, by moonlight, appeared to great advantage, and sometimes the full moon seemed to emerge from the crater of Mount Vesuvius. On other nights it was curious to see the lighted boats employed in the tunny fishery. The various kinds of shell-fish which are found here are not to be told. The sailors of the country pretend that everything which exists on land has its fellow in the sea. Sea-oranges and sea-lemons I have seen and sketched; and one day, as we were in a boat, we saw a little nautilus sailing and rowing beside us.

The King of Naples had gone to Leghorn, I forget on what occasion, but his little squadron sailed in not long after our arrival, in very good style. He was accompanied by an English frigate, commanded by Captain Blankett, an old friend of my mother, with whom she had constantly corresponded since our departure from England, and whose letters were very entertaining. Through him we were first made known to General Acton, who was then, and for many years afterwards, everything at Naples. He was Commander-in-Chief by land and sea, Minister, confidential friend of the King and Queen, and in his politics much attached to Austria and England. He was of a very ancient English Roman Catholic family, but, I think, was born in France or Flanders. His elder brother was in the Austrian service. He himself had been a midshipman in our navy, but as in those days young men of his religion could not hold commissions, he went into the Tuscan service, in which he obtained the command of a frigate. When the Court of Naples wanted to put its navy on a better footing, he was summoned thither for that purpose.

We were introduced to the Queen by her “Cameriera Maggiore,” from whose apartment we walked through many passages of the palace, preceded by one of her footmen, carrying a lantern, for it was evening. We found her Majesty standing by a marble table between two windows. She asked us a few indifferent questions, and then dismissed us to receive others. From that time we were invited to everything that was going forward, but the amusements were chiefly hunting-parties; no offence, however, was taken at sending excuses.

Naples—1798.

September 3.—The joy expressed by the Neapolitans [at the victory of the Nile] is very great. The King, when he heard it, was at table; he rose and kissed the Queen and children, and said, “Now, children, you are safe.” It happened to be a gala for the birth of a Princess of Tuscany: the Queen told all the ladies, &c., that Sicily was safe.

22nd.—In the evening, went out with Sir William and Lady Hamilton, music, &c., to meet Admiral Nelson, who in the Vanguard, with the Thalia frigate (Captain Newhouse), was seen coming in. We went on board, about a league out at sea, and sailed in with him: soon after us, the King came on board, and stayed till the anchor was dropped. He embraced the Admiral with the greatest warmth, and said he wished he could have been in the engagement, and served under his orders; and that he likewise wished he could have been in England when the news of the victory arrived there. He went down to see the ship, and was delighted to perceive the care taken of a wounded man, who had two to serve him, and one reading to him. He asked to see the hat which saved the Admiral’s life, when he was wounded in the head with a splinter. The Queen was taken with a fit of the ague when she was coming on board with the Princesses. Commodore Caraccioli came soon after the King, and many of the Neapolitan nobility, bands of music, &c. It happened to be the anniversary of our King’s coronation. The Admiral came on shore with us, and said, it was the first time he had been out of his ship for six months, except once on board the Lord St. Vincent. The Russian Ambassador and all the Legation came out to meet him. When we landed at the Health Office, the applauses and the crowd of people were beyond description. Admiral Nelson is little, and not remarkable in his person either way; but he has great animation of countenance, and activity in his appearance: his manners are unaffectedly simple and modest. He lodges at Sir William Hamilton’s, who has given him the upper apartment. The whole city is mad with joy.... In the evening, went to visit the Admiral, at Sir William Hamilton’s, where there was a grand illumination. The Neapolitans have written up “Vittoria” and “Viva Nelson” at every corner of the streets.

November 5.—Appeared in sight Admiral Nelson, in the Vanguard, with the Minotaur, Captain Louis, from Malta, and they were all day coming in; but the Admiral came on shore at four o’clock, and went immediately to Caserta, where he was scarce arrived when the Hereditary Princess was brought to bed of a daughter, and the bells were ringing, guns firing, &c. Next morning, the 6th, the Admiral presented to the King the French colours taken at Gozo, telling his Majesty that he had sixteen thousand subjects more than before.

December 15.—The night before last came in two Portuguese ships, and the Alcmene (Captain Hope), with a Turkish Ambassador, interpreters, &c., bringing the diamond aigrette, &c., for Lord Nelson. This Court is in the greatest consternation, and does not trust any of its subjects. We were desired by Lord Nelson and the Hamiltons to pack up our things, previous to an embarkation, which seems inevitable. The Queen and Princesses are to go with Lord Nelson.

Windsor—1805.

[In the Autobiographical Memoir, it is stated that Miss Knight became a resident at Windsor in December of this year. From the following extracts from her Journal, however, it would appear that her residence commenced in June.]

June 22.—In the afternoon went to Windsor. Stopped on the way at Hounslow for want of horses, on account of the Ascot Races. The road from Staines to Windsor very pretty, with neat country houses. On my arrival at a house in Park-street, near the entrance of Windsor, which belongs to the Queen, I found very comfortable apartments neatly fitted up, and a present of two pieces of India muslin, two of English, and one of Chambery, from her Majesty.

Sunday, 23rd.—In the evening went to Lady Aylesbury’s apartments at the Castle, and with her, at half-past eight, to the Queen’s drawing-room. The King, Queen, and Princesses there. Music in the ante-room. Came away at a little before eleven, when the Royal Family went to supper.

26th.—In consequence of the Queen’s invitation, went at half-past six in the evening to Frogmore, with Miss Goldsworthy. The volunteers had dined there. Besides their Majesties, the Royal Family, and their suite, some of the neighbouring gentlemen and ladies were invited, and Dr. Goodall with his Etonians. In a barn fitted up with festoons of evergreens and flowers, two German “petites pièces” were extremely well acted by a company of little children. After which, an automaton danced on the rope, and a species of phantasmagoria was represented, consisting of dancing figures, which formed groups and separated in an ingenious manner. All finished before ten.

December 22.—Great joy about the Emperor of Russia’s conduct.[122] His birthday to-morrow. Princess Elizabeth ate something to resemble a tallow-candle, made of apple and burnt almond.

Windsor—1808.

June 4.—The King’s birthday. Went to Lady Charlotte Finch’s. The Queen, and the Princesses, the Prince of Wales, and almost all the Royal Dukes, came there, as also little Princess Charlotte, who is very graceful and amiable. The Duchess of Brunswick had been to visit the King, and came afterwards (before the company arrived) to see the apartments. She was dressed wholly in white crape, and looked well, but much older than the King. Her voice is loud.

9th.—In the morning went with the Queen and Princess Elizabeth to Frogmore. Two Spanish noblemen[123] arrived in town to ask assistance against the French. Catalonia and the Asturias in arms. The King much pleased, but would not leave the novels that were being read to him.

August 10.—Went at half-past ten in the morning with Princess Elizabeth to her cottage at Old Windsor, and helped to arrange things there till between one and two, when we dressed for the company, who were beginning to arrive. The Queen and the Princesses, with the Princess Sophia of Gloucester, came about half-past two. The day was fine, and the grounds looked very pretty. The Queen and Royal Family dined in the house: the rest of the company in two tents, in one of which Lady Isabella Thynne presided, and in the other, Lady George Murray. The hands of the Oxford Blues and the Staffordshire Militia played. After dinner, when the children came, there were three booths, at which they and all the company had fairings; and then the children danced upon the lawn. It was altogether a very pretty fête, and the Queen seemed much pleased, as, indeed, did everybody. She went away at seven, or a little before, as the King was expected to return from Town about that time. The rest of the company stayed nearly an hour longer. In the evening I went to the Queen’s party at the Castle.

October 7.—At Rochetts, Admiral Russell came. He asked for a fortnight’s leave, but was dismissed civilly from his command with great praises. He said that, at all events, they would have teased him out of it. He hoisted the Royal standard for the Queen of France, but it was not approved.[124] He asked Lord St. Vincent whether he had done right, who answered: “You could not do too much for a woman.” He is an honest, brave officer, and goes by the name of Paddy Russell. He came in full uniform. Lord and Lady St. Vincent are very good to the poor. They have made gates instead of stiles through all the grounds for the convenience of the people who come to church.

[1809.]

June 24.—Went to the Queen’s party to hear Mrs. Bates sing. She was a Miss Harrop, a poor girl with a very fine voice, and was patronised by the Dudley Ward family. She married, when young, a Mr. Bates, commissioner of the Victualling Department, whose widow she now is. She was considered the finest singer of Handel’s music ever known; and even now, though turned of fifty, she preserves her voice most finely. Bartleman sang some duets with her exceedingly well, and Wesley played.

25th.—In the evening at the Queen’s party. Wesley, who is a Methodist, but plays on the organ finely, cannot, of course, be admitted into the choir. He presented a petition to the King this morning, who gave him 100l.

September 23.—The King was not at chapel this morning. Mr. Perceval, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of York were with him, probably settling the new Administration. He heard, but not from Ministers, of the duel between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning on the evening of the day it happened (the 22nd), but was not affected, though he thought it very silly and wrong.

October 25.—Accession-day. The morning was ushered in by the discharge of cannon, ringing of bells, &c. Went early to chapel, the company chiefly in Garter blue. Afterwards to Mrs. Duval’s, to see the “feu de joie,” and the troops march past—horse artillery, Blues, Stafford, Windsor, and Clewer volunteers. An ox was roasted whole, and two sheep, in a place called Bachelor’s Acre. The Queen, the Princesses, and the Royal Dukes went to see it, and tasted the beef and pudding. In the evening I went to the Castle, where there was the usual party: we were all dressed in white satin. At nine, I accompanied Princess Elizabeth, Princess Charlotte of Wales, and Lady Caroline Damer to Frogmore. The Queen, the Prince of Wales, and most of the Royal Dukes came a little after ten, when the fireworks, &c., took place. Things were not well managed in the gardens, but the supper and all the arrangements in the house were very pleasant. The Queen was much overcome by the feelings of the day, and the accounts from Princess Amelia have not been good for some time past. The King appeared in good spirits. The town was very orderly, though full of people. There were two illuminated arches and several transparencies.

26th.—Went to the barracks of the Staffordshire Militia to see the men at dinner. Their wives and children were also entertained at tables in the middle of the room—the men on each side. Tasted their pudding. Many ladies and most of the officers were there. A bull was baited this morning, and a ball this evening at the Town Hall. The company of the town and the chief attendants at the Castle were in the upper rooms at Frogmore last night with Madame Beckersdorff. Thirteen hundred tickets were issued for the gardens. The Queen’s party was about ninety, consisting, for the most part, of the ladies and gentlemen of the neighbourhood who visit their Majesties at the Castle, or those who are in the habit of spending a few days with them. The Archbishop of Canterbury was at chapel in the morning. The Queen desired I would write an inscription[125] for the illuminated building, and I gave the following one: “Britannia, grateful to Providence, celebrates the fiftieth year of a reign sacred to piety and virtue.”

November 7.—Princess Amelia returned from Weymouth about three, in the Prince of Wales’s carriage, in which a cot had been slung by Sir H. Neale. The Duke of Clarence, Princess Mary, and Lady George Murray with her. The Duke of Cambridge rode in before them. She is in a sad state of weakness and suffering.

[1810.]

October 30.—Bulletins given out of the King’s illness, which it is, however, hoped will be more favourable than formerly, as he submits to whatever is ordered. Mr. Perceval and the Chancellor came down, but could not see him: they saw the Queen. He is attended by Sir H. Halford and Dr. Baillie; and Messrs. Dundas and Battiscombe.

November 2.—Parliament met yesterday, and only adjourned for a fortnight, as Ministers could not obtain a signature from the King. I went to the Queen at eleven; about twelve, dear Princess Amelia expired, after a confinement of a year and eight months, and the most dreadful sufferings, of which her exemplary piety alone afforded any alleviation. Mr. Charles Digby often read prayers by her side, and she received the Sacrament three times within the last month. The Prince of Wales and all his brothers have been here constantly for the last three weeks.

3rd.—Went to inquire after the King; the bulletin says he had a better night, but no diminution of fever.

4th.—In the morning went to Princess Augusta—and also on the 7th. Passed the week in calling on Lady Ilchester, Lady Ely, and at home. Sir Henry and Lady Halford in the Lane. Received a letter from the Vice-Chamberlain (Lord Dartmouth being dead) to invite me to the funeral in the name of her Majesty. Princess Augusta had before told me that the King had named me to be at it on account of dear Princess Amelia’s regard for me.

On the Wednesday evening, November 7th, sat up with Lady George Murray to watch the remains of dear Princess Amelia in the room adjoining. The King continues very ill, and Francis Willis was sent for, in addition to the physicians, three days since.

10th.—Sir H. Halford seems to think the King better. His lucid intervals are more frequent and longer.

11th.—Sir H. Halford says the King was quite rational this morning, and aware of the death of Princess Amelia. He shed tears, and mentioned a letter he had sent to her, and asked for the answer.

Ministers have been very cruelly impatient, and their desire of getting his signature for proroguing the House occasioned sad scenes with the physicians, who boldly withstood them. They could not, however, prevent their sending down Willis, which will be a great affliction to the King when he knows it, which he now must. He had made the Queen and all the family swear he should never see the Willises more.

13th.—At four, went by the Queen’s desire to dine at the Castle with the ladies, as did Lady Halford. The Queen and Royal Family dined by themselves. Between six and seven we went in three carriages to the cloisters. Lady Chesterfield, chief mourner, with Ladies Ilchester and Macclesfield, her supporters, and Lady Halford, trainbearer, in the first. In the second, Ladies Ely, Cranley, Isabella Thynne, and George Murray, supporters of the pall; in the third, Mrs. Egerton, Mrs. Feilding, and myself. (Miss Townshend was not well enough to come.) Lady Albinia Cumberland, as senior lady of the Princesses, went to Augusta Lodge with Miss Goldsworthy and Mrs. Williams, and Mrs. Adams went in the carriage with them, following the Prince and the Duke of Cambridge, the executors, to attend the hearse to the church. We went to Dr. Heath’s, where the equerries and grooms of the bedchamber were to wait for being called. The Princes and chief mourners were in the Garter-room. They were in black veils and gloves, we in long white crape veils and gloves, the Blues and Staffords on duty; the Blues holding torches every fifth man. Madame and Mademoiselle Beckersdorff, Miss Planta, and Mademoiselle Montmellin also walked in the procession, and the housekeepers and dressers; the soldiers were in ranks, through which we passed. The service chanted. The church looked awfully fine, and the choir where the first part of the service was performed still and sublime. The Dean, who had just lost his brother (Lord Dartmouth, Lord Chamberlain), performed the service. The anthem, chosen by the King, was part of the 16th Psalm, from the ninth verse to the end. It used to be sung by the Royal Family. The body was buried in a vault dug behind the altar. The whole was very fine, and respectfully attended to by the spectators. I felt an elevation of mind, which supported me, and a sincere trust that the dear sufferer is now happy. We got home about half-past ten. A great number of gentlemen and noblemen attached to the Court, and all the Ministers, attended.

14th.—Was sent for by Princess Elizabeth to go to the Queen, who was calm and tolerably well; afterwards went to Princess Elizabeth’s and to Dr. Hallam’s. The King was asleep last night during the funeral; he afterwards sent a kind message to the Queen and Princesses, and said he was resigned, but has cried much, and continues so to do. This morning he wished to settle everything for the payment of the people at Augusta Lodge. Lady and Miss Halford, Mrs. and Miss Baillie, dined with me. Sir Henry and Dr. B. drank tea—they are in almost constant attendance on the King, and sit up in their turn.

16th.—Parliament met yesterday, and was prorogued for a fortnight longer. The physicians were previously examined by Ministers. The King was at that time better, but in the evening had much fever; this evening he is again rather better.

22nd.—The King has been very ill for several days, and has scarcely any sleep.

26th.—The King not so well last night; much the same this morning.

29th.—The physicians were examined at the Cockpit, by an open meeting of Privy Councillors, yesterday and to-day.

30th.—Walked in the court. Sir Henry Halford. He, and Lady and Miss Halford, dined with me. Yesterday the majority for an adjournment of a fortnight was more than a hundred in the House of Commons; not so considerable in that of the Lords. The Dukes of York and Cambridge voted for Government; Clarence and Sussex against; Kent and Cumberland stayed away.

December 6th.—In the morning the King not so well as he has been for the last four or five days.

7th.—The King very ill, but rather better than yesterday.

8th.—The King continues very ill.

14th.—Went to the Queen, and to Princess Augusta. Both Houses of Parliament met yesterday, and Ministers, having stated that the King was not yet well enough for business, proposed a committee of twenty-one in each House, for examining the physicians on the 14th and 15th; their reports to be printed on Monday, the 17th, and the House to meet on the 19th for debate.

25th.—Christmas-day. A most dreadfully tempestuous night. The King was very ill in the evening—a violent attack—and I believe in danger. The Prince and Duke of Cumberland came in the night. All the Princes are here. The King’s fever is greatly abated; but he was in serious danger last night; his pulse was at 125.

26th.—In the morning went to Frogmore with the Queen, Princess Elizabeth, and Lady Aylesbury; afterwards with the Queen at the Castle, and with Lady A. The King much the same as before his late attack.

27th.—The Regency will be proposed in the House of Lords. The amendment for an address lost by 26: 100 against 74. The Dukes of York and Sussex spoke in favour of the amendment. Lord Grenville for the bill, but against the conduct of Ministers, accusing them of high treason.

[1811.]

January 2nd.—Yesterday Ministers were left in a minority by 13, on the question of the household, the amendment conferring part of the patronage on the Prince of Wales, the rest on the Queen, with the care of his Majesty’s person. Evening at Miss Goldsworthy’s and Lady Aylesbury’s.

3rd.—Ministry yesterday left in a minority of 3, on the restrictions they intended to impose on the Regent. Lord Porchester proposed the amendment.

5th.—The Peers sat till five this morning. Opposition carried every question except the right of granting peerages. Majorities of 3.

18th.—The King walked on the terrace yesterday with Willis and Heberden, and was joined by Baillie. The fact is, Willis told him he might go, and he was delighted; Heberden consented through weakness; and the key of a tower staircase was procured before the page (Bolt) could refuse it. Sir H. Halford was in Town, and Baillie did not know it, until, coming into the apartment soon after, he missed his patient, and went down to him. The Queen did not know it till the evening. The effect was hurtful, as the irritation increased in consequence of the walks not being continued, which, considering the cold and damp of the north terrace (the only one not overlooked), and other inconveniences, it was impossible to allow. It was probably a manœuvre of Willis to please Ministers (and perhaps ordered by them), to make people suppose the King better, and to get more votes on the Regency Bill question, which came on that day; and they had a majority of 27.

25th.—The Chancellor and Mr. Perceval could not see the King yesterday, though the Chancellor had declared he would see him, as he would not put the Great Seal to the Bill without it; but though the physicians all declared he might, they would not either of them; probably not being satisfied with what they heard of his Majesty’s state; they say they will to-morrow; in the mean while a debate of importance will have taken place. Lord Moira carried (by two) the adjournment against proxies on Wednesday; his speech was uncommonly animated, and he very severely reprehended the Ministers, said the Chancellor had come as a champion, but in rusty armour, called them a nest of scorpions, and said the nation was not so stultified by the oppressions of late years as not to take notice of their proceedings.

26th.—The Chancellor and Mr. Perceval saw the King this morning, and the Great Seal is to be put to the Regency Bill, as they can now have no doubt of the unfortunate state of his mind.

30th.—Mr. Perceval saw the King this morning, and told him of the Regency, which he bore very well; indeed, he continues in high spirits—some delusions.

February 1.—The King saw Lord Liverpool and another of the Ministers this morning, and they say he had no delusions—talked over the Regency—very happy. The Prince sent a kind and dutiful message to the King by Sir H. Halford, saying he should be happy to give up power to him again, &c.

3rd.—The Prince does not change the administration; at least till he sees whether the King recovers in a short time.

5th.—The Prince made known to the Ministers that he only kept them as his father’s servants. It is said the King is really recovering.

9th.—The King saw the Queen yesterday and to-day, is much better, and walks on the terrace.

11th.—The King told the Queen the first day he saw her, that never son had made greater sacrifices to a father than the Prince had to him.

12th.—The Prince Regent saw the King this morning.

13th.—The Queen held her first Council to-day, and the physicians were examined.

April 11th.—Saw the Queen and Princess Augusta. The King much the same.

17th.—The Queen’s Council, who come every Wednesday and Saturday, made a good report of the King to-day.

20th.—This morning the King was thought to be much better; and in the afternoon, while he was walking with the Dukes of York and Kent, they thought him so far well, that it was found necessary to acquaint the Queen’s Council, that no new arrangement might be made.

23rd.—Went with the Queen and the Princesses Elizabeth and Mary to Frogmore, and went round the fields. The Duke of Sussex came at one.

27th.—The King walks on the terrace twice a day, but his mind is still subject to many delusions, and it is a sad time for all the family.

20th.—The King rode out to-day for the first time since his illness.

30th.—The King was not out this morning, and none of his family have seen him. The physicians were all here yesterday, and the Queen’s Council.

July 13.—I went every evening this week (except this) to Frogmore with the Queen and the Princesses Elizabeth and Mary. The King has been very ill the whole week, and continues so.

14th.—A bad bulletin, and the most attached seem hopeless of the King’s recovery.

15th.—The King has been dangerously ill all to-day, and has taken no nourishment—his mind more distracted than ever, and his fever very high. Willis was up with him all last night, and Sir Henry Halford stays. I was at Lady Ilchester’s in the evening.

16th.—The King took three jellies, and had a little sleep this morning. The account in the evening was the same, and that no new symptoms had appeared.

17th.—I was with the Queen, the Princesses Elizabeth and Mary, the Dukes of Cambridge and Cumberland, at Frogmore. The King a little, but very little, better; all the physicians remain. Great alarm in London.

18th.—The Prince came to Windsor for a short time, and had a conversation with the Queen. There seems to be no amendment.

19th.—The Prince will not give away anything vacant by death or resignation. The Ministers complain that Government cannot go on without it. He tells them he reserves them for the King to fill up on his recovery, and that it was their fault that these difficulties occurred, from the restraints they laid. He has sent Tucker to get money from his Duchy of Cornwall, that he may not be obliged to Ministers.

29th.—During the last week nothing very material has taken place. The King has been as ill as ever, and takes so little nourishment that it is scarcely possible he can recover any strength—his mind as much deranged as ever. I have been almost every evening with the Queen and Princesses Elizabeth and Mary at Frogmore. Yesterday the King was taken up, and put on his flannel gown; he took four basins of milk; and he was thought to be not so weak as was apprehended.

August 5.—The last week passed nearly like the former. I went several evenings with the Queen and Princesses Mary and Elizabeth to Frogmore. The Queen read Thomson’s “Seasons;” but on Thursday the Queen’s Council came unexpectedly to propose calling in more physicians, or, at least, that a consultation might be held. The Prince came down several times. The King had another paroxysm, and is still in a dreadful state of mind; and will take nothing now but water and biscuit. A consultation was held yesterday at Sir Henry Halford’s. John Willis, Munro, and Simmons were the additional members. Simmons, however, would not give his opinion, as he said he could not, without having seen the patient. He came from Oxfordshire, through Windsor, for that purpose; but it was not permitted, as the other two, J. Willis and Munro, had not seen his Majesty.

7th.—Yesterday, Sir Henry Halford called and told me that when Lords Aylesbury, Winchilsea, and the Archbishop of Canterbury came to propose John Willis, the Queen, by the advice of the Prince, to whom she sent at Sir Henry’s request, answered that she and all the family had taken a solemn oath by which they promised the King that they never would admit J. Willis to attend him again, and that from the information given in 1804, during his Majesty’s last illness, the Privy Council had declared that the King’s objections were not without a foundation, in consequence of which the then Ministers (Lord Sidmouth’s Administration) had sent Simmons, a new person. Her Majesty, however, to prove that she had no personal prejudice against J. Willis, and did not wish to exclude any advice which might be supposed beneficial to the King, consented that a consultation might be held, at which J. Willis, with the addition of Drs. Simmons and Munro, might be present. This was held at Sir H. Halford’s, and last night the answers were given. Princess Mary told me this morning they only recommended acting as circumstances might require, and suggested nothing new. The King was dreadfully ill last night; and Willis even said they never attended one so ill, except a gentleman who died within forty-eight hours after. Yesterday, amidst much incoherent matter, he said, on a sudden: “The King is dying;” but then went on to other ravings. This was told me last night by Miss Goldsworthy. He is grown exceedingly thin, and scarcely takes any nourishment.

14th.—The King has been nearly in the same state in which he was a week ago. He takes more nourishment, but his mind is in as bad a state as ever; and the worse the more food he takes. The Queen’s Council answered that for the present they would not insist on J. Willis being admitted. They seem to have a notion of a right to more than giving advice. The Prince spent his birthday (the 12th) here. He came the day before, and stayed till the 13th. He rode out with Princesses Sophia and Augusta in the morning, and afterwards came to Frogmore, where the Queen was with Princesses Elizabeth and Mary, and the Duke of Clarence; and I was with her. The Duke of Cumberland came with the Prince. We sat long at luncheon, and the Prince was very attentive. The Duchess of York came to dinner, and all the Dukes were there, except the Duke of Sussex, who is ill. I was with Princess Sophia one evening, and twice with Princess Augusta. It seems the King has made no will, but it is thought he has made two or three memorandums. The Prince has informed his sisters that he means, in case of the King’s death, to have their incomes increased, and to give them apartments at St. James’s, as also to keep a table for them.

I went almost every morning to Frogmore with the Queen and Princesses Elizabeth and Mary. The Queen read Rogers’s “Pleasures of Memory” and Cowper’s “Task,” and planted little oaks and geraniums.

19th.—The King’s bodily health seems to be improved, but his mind remains in as bad a state as ever. The Queen’s Council (which seems to be very despotically inclined) insisted on bark being given him. The Prince spent the Duke of York’s birthday here, as did all the family. Was every morning with the Queen, except Saturday and Sunday, and she read Cowper’s “Task.”

26th.—The King is certainly rather better; for he sleeps, takes nourishment, is not always so violent, and sometimes talks a little rationally, at least within the last three days. Great apprehensions have been entertained for the Duke of Sussex; and, though better, he is thought to be in a very bad way. All the family met to spend the Duke of Clarence’s birthday (the 21st) here. I was with the Queen and Princesses Mary and Elizabeth most mornings at Frogmore. The Queen read Cowper and Cicero’s “Letters,” and took me with her in the little carriage, drawn by a pony.

September 3.—There seems to be little if any difference in the state of the King. On Saturday the Queen’s Council presented a petition, signed by all but Lord Winchilsea and the Bishop of York, requesting that her Majesty would send for Simmons. Her reply was that she had promised the King he should neither have Simmons nor Willis. Lord Winchilsea wanted John Willis. I was every morning with the Queen and Princesses Elizabeth and Mary at Frogmore, except Saturday and Sunday. The Queen read Cicero’s “Epistles.” I was also with Princesses Augusta and Sophia.

9th.—Still the same uncomfortable state, and certainly no amendment. I was with the Queen and Princesses as usual.

Yesterday, the 8th, was the fiftieth anniversary of the Queen’s wedding-day. The Duke and Duchess of York, Duke of Clarence, and Duke of Kent, dined with her. The Prince was prevented by business: he is just returned from Lord Hertford’s.

16th.—Heberden and the other physicians quarrelling; the former thinking the King better. It does not appear that there is any improvement. I was not out much with the Queen this week. Looked over a manuscript of English history for Princess Elizabeth. Went to Princess Augusta, &c.

Nothing very remarkable happened here in the last three months of 1811. The King rather recovered his bodily health, but his mind remained the same. No one allowed to speak to him but John Willis. The Queen began to have small parties in her own drawing-room, consisting of the ladies and gentlemen in waiting, on the week-days; on the Sundays only her lady of the bedchamber and myself. On Christmas evening the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Walsingham. The Prince fell down at Oatlands, and hurt his foot and hand, which confined him a long while, and he took too much laudanum.

[1812.]

On the 18th of February the Regency Act expired, and the Prince of Wales became unfettered by Parliament, but continued the same Ministers in office, and only wrote a letter to the Duke of York, desiring he would offer to Lord Grey to join this Administration, and to communicate the same to Lord Grenville. They refused to join, and those of his former friends to whom the vacant Garters were offered, refused them, as they did all places and honours. Lord Cholmondeley alone accepted a place. Lord Hertford was made Chamberlain; and his son, Lord Yarmouth, Vice-Chamberlain. Scandal very busy about the Prince and Lady Hertford. Ten thousand pounds a year was added by Parliament to the Queen’s income, and 3000l. to each of the Princesses, on which they were to have an establishment of their own. They appointed one lady each: Princess Augusta, Miss C. Onslow, getting for her the title of Lady; Princess Elizabeth, the Dowager Lady Rosslyn; Princess Mary, Lady Isabella Thynne; and Princess Sophia, Lady Mary Powlett. They at the same time announced to the Queen their intention of sometimes making visits to their brothers. They also took servants, and ordered carriages for themselves. The Queen began to see a little more company, but only those belonging to her, or very intimate friends. I asked leave to go to Town, and into Essex and Suffolk for seven weeks, to return for the Queen’s birthday. I went on Monday, the 30th of March, and stayed a week in Town, four days with Lady Nepean, at Fulham, and on the 10th went to Lord St. Vincent’s, at Rochetts, where I dined and slept that night. The next day I went on to Harwich (dining at Colchester), and stayed two days at Mrs. Deane’s, at Harwich. I went from thence on the 14th to Dr. Norgate’s, at Ashfield, in Suffolk, and stayed a week there. On the 21st I went to Bury, where I dined at Miss Norgate’s, and from thence came to Halsted, and slept at Mrs. Urquhart’s. Next day arrived at Rochetts, and stayed there till the 9th of May, when I came to Town. On the 11th, Bellingham shot Mr. Perceval. I returned to Windsor on the 18th, and on the following evening was at the Queen’s party. Princess Charlotte of Wales, the Duchess of York, and Princess Sophia of Gloucester there.

ANECDOTES.

[The following anecdotes are selected from a large number, recorded by Miss Knight mostly at the end of her journals. They were either written from her own personal knowledge, or picked up by her in society, and set down at the time in her note-books. They are of unequal interest, and if not all new, are, at all events, authentic.]

Mr. Boswell being asked by Burke why he put so many absurdities into his Life of Dr. Johnson, replied: “You, sir, have been guilty of greater absurdities.” The other defied him to point them out. “Do you remember,” asked Boswell, “when you said in Parliament, ‘We have the best of Kings and the most grateful people?’” Burke replied, “You have reason.”

Boswell was asked by the King how he would ever get through his work on Dr. Johnson. “Sire,” said he, “I have a more difficult task than that—how to call the unfortunate grandson of James II., whose adventures in Scotland I propose to narrate.” “Why,” replied the King, “call him the unfortunate grandson of James II.”[126]

Mrs. Piozzi says she has been punished, like a vagabond, by hard labour and a month’s confinement; and nine times in her life she has suffered the same fate.

Lord Nelson says, that when he was seventeen years of age, he won 300l. at a gaming-table; but he was so shocked on reflecting that, had he lost them, he should not have known how to pay them, that from that time to this he has never played again.

When Admiral Nelson’s arm was cut off, the surgeon asked if he should not embalm it, to send it to England to be buried; but he said, “Throw it into the hammock with the brave fellow that was killed beside me”—a common seaman.

As we were going in the Admiral’s barge the other day, looking at the ships and talking of the victory (of the Nile), Sir William Hamilton could not be pacified for the French calling it a drawn battle: “Nay, it was a drawn battle,” said the Admiral, “for they drew the blanks and we the prizes.”

The Queen of Naples desired to have a portrait of Nelson. Little Prince Leopold said he would get a copy, and stand continually opposite to it, saying, “Dear Nelson, teach me to become like you.”

Captain Troubridge wrote to condole with Captain Darby, of the Bellerophon, for his wounds and the number of people killed in his ship; but added, that had his sufferings been fifty times as much, he had rather have been in his place than have borne the anguish he felt from running aground and being kept out of the action; that he had found great difficulty in keeping from shooting himself; and that he even then frequently shed tears. Captain Darby and Captain Gould, who was present when he received the letter, both wept.

The estate of Bronté, near Mount Etna, so called from one of the Cyclops, was given by the King to Lord Nelson. It is a Dukedom, with estates valued at between two and three thousand pounds sterling per annum. His Majesty also presented him with a sword set with diamonds which had belonged to his father, the King of Spain, accompanied by a letter, saying, that as this was the sword with which his father had conquered Naples, it ought to belong to Lord Nelson, who had recovered that kingdom. Every officer who came in with good news received a present from the Queen, of greater or less value, according to the circumstances and his rank in our service. She also gave some very valuable jewels to Lady Hamilton. The Order of St. Ferdinand was instituted by the King for the recovery of his Italian States, and crosses were bestowed upon our officers, and upon the Neapolitan Ministers, and others attached to the Court who had followed the Royal Family to Palermo. A Neapolitan one day remarked that this Order had not been conferred on a single Sicilian. A gentleman of the island being present, and thinking this was said in an invidious manner, replied, “His Majesty is perfectly right to give his new Order to the few Neapolitans who have remained faithful. Had he given it to us, it must have been to every inhabitant of the island, for all have been true to him.” The Sicilians certainly did show great loyalty, and were delighted with the presence of their sovereign, but it must also be remembered that they had a deep-rooted and hereditary dislike to the French. They always spoke with pride of the Sicilian Vespers, and would at any time have been ready to repeat them. Similar feelings prevailed in Sardinia and Malta, without any historical motive, but there is an independence in the character of islanders which is not easily overcome, unless biased by commercial speculations.

The Turkish squadron, commanded by Cadir Bey, came to Palermo (1799), with two other ships of the line beside his own, under the orders of a Vice and a Rear-Admiral, and a frigate called the Eagle of the Sea, the Captain of which was a young man related to the Grand Seignior, whom the Turks called “the mad Prince,” because he was very romantic. I recollect that one day, while walking in the garden, he happened to see my little dog, which he took up in his arms, and recited some verses to it, apparently with great affection. There was a Greek, who kept a coffee-house at Palermo, and served as interpreter to the Turkish officers, but he could not exactly translate these verses, and all I could learn was that they were “extempore.” He then told me that the Prince had desired him to say that one day, as he was riding along the shore of the Bosphorus, a spirited horse threw him into the sea, when a dog jumped in after and saved him; for which reason he had imposed on himself the duty of paying a compliment in verse to those animals whenever he found a proper opportunity for so doing. A beautiful fête was given at the palace for the recovery of the kingdom of Naples, in the name of Prince Leopold, who was then about nine years of age. His tutor and the Queen made all the arrangements, and the former composed a very pretty cantata on the occasion. The Turkish Admiral went in the carriage with us; the Vice and Rear-Admirals, with the Captain of the Eagle of the Sea, in another, but we could not persuade the latter to put on a caftan like the others. He insisted on going in his short dress and trousers, with bare arms and ankles, declaring that it was disrespectful to appear before the Queen in “a great coat;” just as we should think it wrong to wear a shawl in the presence of their Majesties. His turban was adorned with fine jewels. His dress was of purple silk, richly embroidered with silver, and his slippers of the same colour, which exclusively belongs to members of the imperial family. His linen was remarkably fine, and beautifully washed; his trousers were equally recherché, and without doubt he was the model of a Constantinopolitan dandy.

After the performance of the concert there was a magnificent firework, representing the blowing up of L’Orient at the battle of the Nile. The Turks were delighted with this compliment to our navy, but the Russians did not appear equally well pleased. The gardens were beautifully illuminated.

The Honourable Samuel Barrington, the younger son of an Irish Peer, was sent into the Navy in his extreme youth, and at an early age was made a post-captain. He was one of those very few persons who have many friends and scarcely one enemy. He was not brilliant in understanding, and his appearance was plain, but his heart was excellent. He loved his friends, was charitable and humane to an extensive circle, and constantly kind and liberal to his family.

He was a good officer, and of the right school. Not ambitious, neither was he eager after fame. He wished to do his duty, and he did it well. If he had ambition in any the slightest degree, it was to get on in the service without making use of the powerful interest of his brother, who was for many years in the Ministry; and for this purpose he endeavoured to have his ship better manned, to get under weigh sooner, be sooner out of dock, &c. &c., than other people. It is not impossible that his rank in life was often of service to him on these occasions, but it was not his intention to avail himself of that advantage. He was a father to his officers and seamen, and was so generally liked in the Navy, that it was remarked that no company of sea-officers ever met without drinking his health.

When he was an Admiral he never desired to be a commander-in-chief, for he did not like responsibility, and he was envious of no man. He spent his fortune in hospitality and acts of charity, avoiding all ostentation, not only because he had no taste for it, but because he would not hurt the feelings of his brother officers by living in a manner which those of more limited incomes could not have imitated without distressing themselves.[127] He was never violent in politics, and hatred seemed banished from his nature. I believe Admiral Barrington to have been a sincere Christian.

His conduct at Santa Lucia, both in taking the island and afterwards in defending it against the infinitely superior force of D’Estaing, was greatly applauded. In answer to the haughty letter in which the French commander exhorted him to give up a place which he could not defend against such inequality of force, he only returned him his letter, crossed over with two long scratches of his pen, and defeated him completely.

Admiral Barrington was desired by my mother to be her executor and my guardian, with the two Admirals Drake, in case she died before I was of age. But though he survived my mother, her life was mercifully spared to me for many years after that period; and he died before my return to England, after a long illness, which kept him chiefly at Bath during the last years of his existence.

I remember a young officer of the French Navy saying one day: “I should like to be an English Peer until I reached thirty-five. I would then be a Marshal of France till fifty, and afterwards come to Rome, be a Cardinal, and never die.” The same officer, looking at the fine picture of the “Magdalen,” by Guido, exclaimed: “Oh, what a lovely picture! I have always liked Magdalens in every stage of their existence.”

Signor Balbi was surprised to find that there was no Burgundy left in his cellar, when he wanted to place some before a party of friends who were dining with him at his country villa. “Ah!” said he, “it must have been that Englishman, Lord Fortrose, who has been staying here some days with my wife, that has drank it. Ah! I never thought of my wine.”

The Bishop of Parma said, that in that climate they had “nove mesi d’inverno, e tre d’inferno.”

It often happened in Genoa that, when any one was building, or repairing his house, his opposite neighbour, if he thought it so high as to be inconvenient to himself, or disagreeable for any other reason, had it fired at with musket-shot, or at least pelted with stones. This occurred, whilst we were there, to the house of Signor Negroni.

The Archbishop of Genoa hearing an Abbé say that the earth moved round the sun, told him he was astonished at his impiety in flatly contradicting the Scriptures, which say, “Terra autem stat.”

Madame de Staël, daughter of M. Necker, being at a ball with a lady, daughter of the late M. de Guichen, Lieutenant-General of the Marine, for whom she was in mourning, kept tormenting the latter to dance. The lady replied that she could not dance while she was in mourning for her father; but Madame de Staël still importuned her, until she said: “Consider, madam, if you had had the misfortune to lose your father, could you think of dancing so soon?” “Oh!” returned the other, with a haughty air, “there is such a difference between fathers and fathers.” “True, madam,” replied her companion, “there is a great difference. My father served his king and his country during sixty years—yours in a fortnight has ruined both.”

Two Frenchmen of the lowest order, talking of the present condition of their country as they were crossing the Rhône, one of them said it was delightful to be equal to the nobility and gentry. “True,” replied the other, “it would have been pleasant to have been upon an equality with them while they were something; but now we have brought them down and ruined them, I do not see what we have gained by being equal to them.”

The Princess of Monaco stayed here a few days after the Prince’s departure, in the hope that the revolution aimed at by the aristocratic party would take place. When she received an express from the Prince, she wept bitterly while she read his letter, and then immediately ordered post-horses and set off, exclaiming: “Adieu, mon palais! adieu, mes honneurs! Je ne suis plus rien.”

The Corsicans having lately heard that they were to be restored to Genoa, represented to the Government that, rather than be given to their former masters, they begged that France would bestow them on the person to whom Louis XI. formerly gave the Genoese. During the reign of that monarch the Genoese sent Ambassadors to his Court, with instructions to place the republic under the protection of France. “Les Gênois,” said they, “se donnent à votre Majesté.” “Et moi,” answered the King, “je les donne au diable.”

A Venetian, being asked by a German where his countrymen got their lion with wings, replied: “We caught him in the same forest where you found your two-headed eagle.”

Linnæus hated Buffon. He used to say that Buffon’s eloquence would mislead the world so as to make it believe his lies. One day, being at dinner with the mother of the present King of Sweden (Gustavus III.), at her country-house at Drottningholm, he saw a portrait of himself and one of Buffon in the room. He rose from table, and begged she would take away one or the other, for he would not have his portrait in such company. When very old, he used to go out herborising with several hundred students of the University of Upsal. He had a trumpet with him, by which the signal was given to call his scholars around him when he found any plant particularly curious. They also brought to him all that they had collected, which he classified and explained to them, sitting down upon the grass. He was simple in his habits and behaviour. He could speak French very well, but would not, because he hated the nation. He also spoke German, and a little English. He was much beloved. When the funeral service was performed over him, the man who had been gardener for twenty years of the botanical nursery he had established, came and strewed his grave with boughs of cypress—which Linnæus had introduced into Sweden—and with the most curious exotics in the garden.

The Piedmontese called all the Genoese “Bacciacini,” that being a common name at Genoa. When they met any of the inhabitants of that city in the streets of Turin, they plagued them by calling out: “Bacciacini, dom, dom, dom”—imitating the sound of the great bell for assembling the Consiglietto.

An Italian at Vienna was telling a lady how long he had been travelling, and pronouncing French according to the manner of his nation, he said: “J’ai été un âne à Paris et un âne à Rome.” “Mon cher Abbé,” replied the lady, “il paraît que vous avez été un âne partout.”

M. Lageswärd said, in the presence of Baron de Wrangel, that the latter had the reputation in Sweden of being very fertile in point of gallantry. “Why, no, indeed, my dear friend,” answered the Baron; “I have really been very constant; but consider, when a man has been making love near sixty-five years, how many mistresses he must necessarily have had.”

Signor Michel Angelo Cambiaso, who was long a prelate in Rome, said that in that city two things are eternal—the women and the friendships.

A few years since a Russian lady of high rank—who had escaped from her own country, either on account of her being acquainted with some circumstances relative to the death of the late Emperor (Peter III.), or because she had some right to the crown by inheritance—stayed a few months in Italy, and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany told her he would answer for her safety so long as she remained at Florence, but that he would not advise her to trust to any Russian. Count Orloff, however, became intimately acquainted with her, and paid great court to her, till at last he persuaded her to partake of an entertainment on board the Russian fleet, at that time anchored off Leghorn. Notwithstanding the advice of many persons, she went on board, and has never since been heard of. It is supposed that she was thrown into the sea. Count Orloff despatched a messenger to his imperial accomplice as soon as he had secured his prisoner.[128]

When Lord Bruce and Mr. Brand were at Paris, arms and liveries had been abolished about three weeks. The people came and stared at the coronet on Lord Bruce’s carriage, and at the motto, “Fuimus.” Luckily, said Mr. B., none of the Dames de la Halle understood Latin. The populace looked at the Ambassadress’s footmen in livery as the most extraordinary sight in the world, though so short a time had elapsed since they had been accustomed to see everybody’s servants dressed after that fashion.

Mr. B. going to make a visit at Cambridge to Prince William, son of the Duke of Gloucester, saw a fiddle on the table, and, taking it up, asked the tutor if his Royal Highness played. “Not much,” said the other; “only God save his uncle, and such little things.”

Signor Stefano Lassagna said the war of ’46 spoiled all the etiquette of Genoese society. Formerly the gentlemen behaved much more politely to the ladies, and he himself remembered the time when Prince Doria walked beside the chair of Madame Morando with his hat off, in a great fall of snow, though he had his own chair following behind.

A general reform having been instituted at Genoa in the signs of inns and taverns, no saints or foreign sovereigns were to be allowed. The man who kept the “Santa Marta” being ordered to take down that sign, put up “Albergo Imperiale” in its stead. He was then told that the Emperor did not rule in Genoa, and so he next stuck up the arms of the republic, with the motto “Libertas,” and he calls his inn “La Libertà.”

Prince Chigi, who was condemned to perpetual imprisonment for attempting to poison Cardinal Carandini, resided at Genoa, and went by his own name. He paid a visit to Signor Bernardo Pallavicini, brother of the Doge, and was lodged at the “Santa Marta” (La Libertà). His servants cooked for him in his own apartments. Mr. Devonport, who had rooms near his, complained of the noise of scraping pots and dishes, and was answered by the people of the house that they had made the same objections, but had been told that the Prince had hired the rooms and would cook as he pleased.

Signora Marina Spinola having arranged to marry her daughter to the son of Signor Dominico Serra, said she did not mention the circumstance to her till all was settled, because the young man is agreeable; but had he been ugly, she would have told her at once, to accustom her to the idea. One Sunday the bridegroom went with his father and mother and all their family, even to nephews and nieces, to visit the bride, Signora Spinola having also invited her relations to be present on the occasion. The visitors arrived about half-past five, when the young lady was to kiss the hand of her future mother-in-law, which the latter was to endeavour to prevent: however, she succeeded very dexterously in doing it. Signora Serra went away early, but left the sposo, telling Signora Spinola that he would stay till she sent him away. This puzzled Signora Spinola, but she arranged the matter with Signor Cheeco Viale, who, at half-past seven, told the young man it was time to walk home. All the time of the visit the latter sat on a sofa beside the young lady, talking to her on indifferent subjects. The next day Signora Spinola, her husband, and a friend, went to return the visit of Signora Serra, when the latter requested her to charge herself with the care of providing the marriage outfit—which is always furnished by the parents of the bridegroom—excusing herself on the plea of ill health and the absence of her daughter. She added, that she intended to spend as much as she had done for the daughter of Prince Doria, who was married to another of her sons. Signora Spinola at first demurred to spending another person’s money, but finally accepted the commission. In the contract it was to be inserted that the marriage should take place before September, and the Serra family wished it to be in June. The young man was to be dispensed from the ancient custom of watching to meet the young lady whenever she went out with her mother, and he was to be allowed now and then to visit at the house. They were to live with Signora Spinola for a year and a half, or two years, until a house could be fitted up for them.

The King and Queen of Naples were wonderfully pleased with Rome, though they had taken a prejudice against it. They were magnificently treated at the Pontine Marshes at the Pope’s expense. The carriage of the gold plate, provisions, &c., alone cost 150 crowns, and the dinner itself not less than 600 crowns. When General Acton met the King on the frontier, he asked if his Majesty would take any refreshment, but the King declined, saying that he had eaten enough for three days. At Rome they invented a conversation, supposed to have taken place between the Pope, the King and Queen of Naples, General Acton, and the Queen’s Confessor. The Pope says, “Io concedo tutto;” the King, “Io voglio tutto quel che vuole la Regina;” the Queen, “Io voglio tutto;” Acton, “Io rubo tutto;” the Confessor, “Io assolvo tutto;” and the Devil, in a corner of the picture, “Io porto via tutti.”

The marriage contract of Signora Costanza Falconieri and Count Onesti was signed on Thursday, the 31st of May. There were twenty-four Cardinals present, chiefly creations of this Pope, the four prelates in the principal charges that lead to the red hat—that is, the Governor, the Maggiordomo, the Auditore della Camera, and the Treasurer, but as the latter was already a Cardinal, he could not sign the contract, and therefore deputed Monsignor Doria to do so in his place. Twenty-two o’clock (six P.M.) was the hour, and Signora Mobilia had the candles lighted, that the ceremony might be more imposing. * * * Early on the morning of Monday, June 4, the sposa, accompanied by her mother and grandmother, &c. &c., went to the Vatican, where the Pope said mass in the Chapel Sestina. After hearing a second mass, he married his nephew and the young lady, making an exhortation twenty-two minutes in length. He began by giving good advice to the sposa, and then addressed the sposo, and afterwards himself, saying that it was in that place (the Sestine Chapel) he was first married to the Church, and lamenting the many errors he had committed since he was Pope, notwithstanding his most ardent desires for the good of the Church. There were no ladies present but those of the family, many of whom were of all conditions. After the ceremony they went down to the Maggiordomo’s apartments, where a collation had been prepared, and then proceeded to the church of San Marcello, in the Corso, to pay their devotions in the chapel of the Beata Giulia Falconieri, an ancestor of the family, and a considerable saint. They next made their devotions at the little church of the Bergamaschi, in the Piazza Colonna, and thence repaired to the house of the sposo, Palazzo Braschi, where they all remained an hour and a half, and afterwards dined at the Palazzo Falconieri. The Senatress told the sposa she gave her joy on her wedding, and also on the presents she had received. “I had not so many when I married the Pope’s nephew; but then,” added she, “I did not want them.” An Abbé, standing at Count Braschi Onesti’s door when they came home from the marriage, exclaimed: “What a fine breed of horses he has brought with him from Cesena!” They were so enraged at this speech that they had him arrested and sent to prison. The Prince Borghese presented Count Onesti with a pair of fine horses. Some said that the latter asked for them, and others that he offered to buy them, but that the Prince answered they were for his own use. However, he understood the Count’s meaning, and sent them off to the Maggiordomo.

François Joachim de Pierre de Bernis was of an old family of gentle blood, whose hereditary estate was near Pont St. Esprit, in Languedoc. He had great taste and talent for Anacreontic poetry. His compositions were lively and elegant, but rather too highly coloured, and by no means instructive for youthful readers. It was, no doubt, the error of the times and of the nation. He was of a short stature, and I do not think that either his features or person could ever have been remarkable for beauty, and yet he was universally known in his youth as “le joli petit abbé,” and “l’aimable abbé.” His mind was very liberal, and his temper generous and disinterested, but he seems to have been always somewhat too indiscriminate, or too tolerant, in the choice of his acquaintance. His circumstances were limited, so that during his early years he was often subjected to great pecuniary embarrassments; but he was always cheerful, always the gentleman, and always well received. He established the necessary proofs of ancestry for becoming a Canon of the Noble Chapter of St. Jean de Lion, of which he wore the cross to the last day of his life, with more pleasure than any other of his numerous decorations, for the consciousness of birth made his other honours sit easy on him. He gained the favour of Madame de Pompadour by his verses and the charms of his society, for no one ever said more amiable things in fewer words, or more to the purpose. She was not, however, his only friend, or the sole cause of his promotion, as it has been often reported. A memoir he wrote on the dispute be tween the Jesuits and Parliament pleased the King (Louis XV.), and, besides, he was generally popular, and had great and powerful protectors, through whom he was sent Minister to Venice. While he was there, the husband of the beautiful Princess de Rohan died. The Princess and he had long been attached to each other, and he knew that she would propose to marry him, but he felt that he would be regarded as too much her inferior with respect to rank and fortune to make a graceful figure in the world. He therefore took priest’s orders when he heard that the Prince was so ill that the next courier might bring tidings of his death. This does not sound well; but it did not forfeit him the friendship of the Princess, for, when she died, she left him her whole fortune, which he nobly gave up to the Rohans, merely reserving for himself a ring, on which was a Moor’s head, and this he wore until his death in remembrance of her. At his return from Venice he was made Prime Minister, but was soon displaced by the Choiseul party, when he was created a Cardinal, but exiled to one of his abbeys; subsequently he was allowed to live at his archbishopric of Alby. Restored to some degree of favour when Louis XVI. ascended the throne, he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of His Most Christian Majesty at the Court of Rome, whither he had gone for the Conclave of Ganganelli. There he shone with the greatest splendour. His revenues were enormous, and he expended them most generously. Indeed, his liberality to his own countrymen, his hospitality to the natives and to travellers, his charity to the poor, and his beneficence to his own family, were only limited by his income. He never wished to save, but could not bear the idea of debt. His house and table were sumptuous, his conversation lively and animated, his manners polished, his expressions guarded, and his behaviour dignified and correct.

We had letters of recommendation to Cardinal de Bernis when we first went to Rome, and were intimately acquainted with him and his family, particularly with his amiable niece, the Marchioness du Puy-Montbrun, and his adopted nephew and coadjutor, M. de Bernis, who was afterwards his successor. The Cardinal was dismissed from his post at Rome, on refusing to take the oath exacted by the Revolutionists, and deprived of his benefices in France. He had a pension, however, from Spain, and received into his house at Rome, where he continued to reside, Mesdames Adelaide and Victoire, the sisters of Louis XVI. He bore his change of fortune with dignity and temper, and died about eighteen months before the French took possession of Rome. He left behind him a poem on religion, which he gave orders to have printed after his death; and Memoirs of the most active period of his life, intended only for the gratification of his own family, with positive instructions that they should never be made public. The following lines were written by a lady of Alby, to be placed beneath two small medallions, representing the Cardinal and his nephew, the coadjutor:

Alby! tes deux prélats au temple de Mémoire
Attesteront du ciel la plus rare faveur;
Quand il eut fait l’un pour la gloire,
Il fit l’autre pour ton bonheur.

When the Cardinal de Bernis was to receive the red hat, he knew that eight days afterwards he would be exiled from the Court. He was then Prime Minister. The morning he was to go to the King he got up at two, and wrote till eight, when he went to the palace and received the hat, and addressed complimentary discourses to all the Royal Family. He then returned to his own house, and had five tables set out for company, consisting of all the Ministers and clergy. After dinner the King sent for him to the Council, which he left late at night, and went home and wrote till two in the morning. The pomp with which he was surrounded was immensely magnificent—all the royal carriages attending him. The Duke of Fitzjames, who was standing with him at the entrance of his house, remarked: “Quel beau jour pour vous, Monseigneur!” “C’est plutôt un beau parapluie,” replied the Cardinal; but the Duke being ignorant of his approaching downfall did not understand him. The Cardinal said, he remarked, while he was pronouncing his discourses, that the courtiers were endeavouring to find expressions that they could lay hold of, to bring up against him afterwards. Eight days later he was exiled to his abbey of Visurenne, where for the space of one year he was not permitted to see any one but the members of his own family. During the two following years he was allowed to see company, and then sent to his archbishopric of Alby. The greatest demonstrations of joy, such as the ringing of bells, the firing of guns, troops drawn up to salute, &c., were exhibited all along his journey through Languedoc. While at Visurenne he used to dress in grey, lined with red, with a white hat and a red riband round it, like a shepherd.

After the Cardinal de Bernis was recalled from exile he went to Paris, and happened to be in company with the Duchess de Grammont, sister of M. de Choiseul, who was then Minister. She took occasion to introduce the subject of exile, and said it must be the most disagreeable thing in the world. “Madam,” replied the Cardinal, “it is the most disagreeable thing possible when you are expecting it, but the most agreeable when it is over.”

The Venetian Ambassador wrote the other day to the Vicegerent (substitute of the Cardinal-Vicar), requesting him to make inquiries about a young couple who had run away from Venice, and who, the Senate informed him, were concealed in Rome. The Vicegerent sent back the Ambassador’s letter with these words at the bottom of it: “Si burla di me il Signore Ambasciadore” (Monsieur l’Ambassadeur se moque de moi). The latter again wrote to the Vicegerent, and more urgently than before, but received only the same answer. Whereupon he called in person upon the prelate, who told him that the young couple were in the palace at Venice.

The Count d’Artois carried his little son, the Duke d’Angoulême, to see the young Dauphin. The child, expecting to see something extraordinary, looked disappointed, and exclaimed: “Mon papa, comme il est petit!” “Tu le trouveras un jour beaucoup trop grand,” replied the Count.

The Père Procureur of the Order of Doctrinaires came to make us a visit, and said that he was trying to get the founder of his order canonised, provided it did not cost too much. He had already expended six hundred crowns on the congregations before whom the question has to be laid. These are composed of prelates, heads of orders, and cardinals; but he believes the last do not receive anything. Every congregation costs a hundred and fifty crowns in chocolate; the lawyer gets twenty more for his carriage and other expenses; and the rest goes in mancias to the servants. The Prelate Promoter of the Faith is usually styled “Avvocato del Diavolo,” his business being to raise objections to the proposed saint. The present candidate for canonisation is of an ancient family of Avignon. His brother was a “chef d’escadre,” and he himself was in the army of Henri IV. At that time he used to make verses to the ladies, and was a man of the world; but he afterwards turned abbé, and founded an order for the instruction of children. His name was César de Busse. They are now trying to prove his virtues to “an heroic degree,” and afterwards they will come to his miracles, without which he cannot be beatified. It is somewhat difficult to find proofs of these, but they hope to succeed, provided the order in France find money enough; but there seems to be some reluctance to spend much for these purposes. Connected with this, the Père Procureur related to us an anecdote of one of the Boromeo family, who told us his son need not give himself so much trouble, for they would never try to make a saint of him, as his uncle’s canonisation had already ruined them. The feast of a beatified saint is not observed by the Church in general, but only by his own order.

When Marshal Richelieu went to Bordeaux he was tired out with harangues from all sorts of people. At last they told him that the Gardien of the Capucins wanted to address him, but the Marshal vowed he would hear no more. Being prevailed on, however, by the people about him not to mortify the poor man, he said he would receive him provided his discourse were brief. The Capucin, then entering, said: “Monsieur le Maréchal, nous vous souhaitons autant de bien dans l’autre monde que vous en avez eu dans celui-ci.”

When Marshal Villars was going to give battle to the allied army, he looked at his troops, whose uniforms had become very shabby, and said to them, pointing to the new regimentals of the enemy: “Habillez-vous, mes amis.”

The harlequin at the Comédie Italienne at Paris called for a seat, and they brought him a chair. “Non, non,” said he, “ce siége n’est pas assez long. Je voudrais m’appuyer. Donnez-moi un autre siége: donnez-moi un siége comme celui de Port-Mahon.”

A Neapolitan Prince, being on his death-bed, sent for his confessor, and, after making a long confession, he said there was one thing he had omitted because he had not courage to tell it. After much difficulty and many exhortations, the friar prevailed upon him to impart the secret. “Father,” said he, “I can never hope to be saved, for I have fought a duel.” The confessor reproved him in suitable terms, but added, that his repentance would ensure his pardon. “Oh, father!” exclaimed the Prince, “there were aggravating circumstances. The dispute was occasioned by my saying that Tasso was superior to Ariosto, and we fought three times on that account.” “It was very improper, to be sure,” replied the friar, “to have risked your own life and that of a fellow-creature for so slight a reason, but you may hope to be forgiven.” “It is impossible, father,” persisted the Prince, “for though I disputed so vehemently, I have never read a line of either Tasso or Ariosto.”

When the Archduke Maximilian was at Paris, he went to see the Cabinet du Roi. M. de Buffon was there to receive him, and presented his Imperial Highness with a copy of his works, elegantly bound; but the Archduke said, he could not think of robbing him. He went likewise to the Ecole Militaire, where the young gentlemen were going to be put through their exercises for his amusement, but he said he did not wish to fatigue them. The Parisians called him the “Archi-bête d’Autriche.”

When Pope Lambertini went to see the Opera House fitted up for the cantata which the Duke de Nivernois gave on the birth of the present King of France (Louis XVI.), the prelate who was in attendance wanted to take off the “stola,” thinking! that it was not decent so sacred a habit should appear in a theatre, but the Pope prevented him, calling him a “minchione” (a blockhead). Somebody wrote over the door, “Indulgenza pleniaria.”

When the Bishop of Derry was at Rome, he refused to help a French gentleman at Cardinal de Bernis’ table to some olives, saying he “would not give the olive to France.” The Marquis de Fortia replied, “And yet it is the duty of your profession to do so, milord.”

On the road from Naples to Rome the Cavaliere Lascaris was much annoyed at the slow pace the postilion went. He called out to him several times to go quicker, but the man always excused himself by abusing the Pope for keeping such bad roads. On reaching the end of the stage the Cavalier caned him handsomely; and, that the people around might not take the postilion’s part, he went on saying what a rascal he was to abuse his sovereign, such a good prince, too, &c. &c. The other then protested that he did not mean the present Pope, he meant Pope Rezzonico. “Worse and worse,” cried the Cavalier, “for he was a saint. I must beat you all the more.”

When the Duke of Arcas was sent by the King of Spain to congratulate the King and Queen of Naples on the birth of their eldest child, Ganganelli, who was then Pope, knew that the Duke had received instructions from his sovereign to press for the extinction of the Order of Jesuits. He resolved, therefore, to give the envoy no opportunity of addressing him on the subject. The Spanish Ambassador at Rome mentioned to the Pope’s confidant, Padre Bontempi, that he hoped his Holiness would treat the Duke with distinguished civility, as he was charged with a special mission. To which the Padre replied, that he could assure him the Duke should be received in a manner that would fully content him. When he arrived, the Pope was staying at the Castle Gandolpho, and he sent the Maestro di Camera and the Maggiordomo to receive the Duke at the door, the greatest compliment that can be shown even to a sovereign. The Pope was standing when he entered the room, and when he was about to kneel to kiss the feet of his Holiness, the latter prevented him, took him in his arms and embraced him, and seated him on a sofa beside himself. As the Duke made some difficulty about this, he said, “Do not look upon me as the Pope, but as a friar.” He then conversed with the envoy on various subjects, and kept up the conversation for half an hour, without allowing him the slightest opportunity to speak upon his real business. Padre Bontempi, according to previous arrangement, having made a sign that it was dinner-time, the Pope said that he had already observed that he was only a friar, and he lived like one, dining at twelve o’clock, but the Maggiordomo would take care of him (the Ambassador), though probably he would not fare so well as at the court of other sovereigns. He then rose, accompanied the Duke to the door, and as he was going out, said, “Remember me to Carluccio” (so he called the King of Spain), “and tell him that I am a man of honour, and will keep my promise to him, but he must give me time enough.” The Ambassador then took his leave, enchanted with his reception.

As Mr. Hewetson was putting up a bust in the Pantheon one day, three persons who had taken refuge in the church offered to help him. One of them said he had done nothing wrong, but the corporal of the sbirri owed him a grudge; and another declared that he was an honest man, he had never stolen anything, he had only killed a man. When any one here is taken up for a crime, the judge asks him his name, and some have been cunning enough to reply, “Chiesa” (Church). The judge then says, “I have taken an oath that I would never attempt anything against the Church, and therefore, as that is your name, you must go before the tribunal of Ecclesiastical Immunities.” The man is accordingly sent there, and soon afterwards returned to the judge, with a message, telling him that he may do what he pleases, he will not offend the Church. But if the prisoner persists in saying that his name is Chiesa, the judge will have nothing to do with him, and again refers him to the tribunal, and so the affair drags on for ever. No man, besides, is ever condemned to death unless he confesses his crime, but the torture is applied to extort the confession. One poor wretch made a likeness of the gallows, and stuck it on his foot, that he might remember in the midst of his sufferings that it was worse to be hanged. Many outlaws are living at Ostia, but all for homicide and assassination. They would think it a disgrace to their society to allow a robber to live amongst them.

The following was one of the addresses to the young Dauphin: “Monseigneur, votre naissance fait notre joie, votre éducation fera nos espérances, et vos vertus feront notre bonheur.”

The little Prince Santa Croce, about five or six years of age, had got little Prince Giustiniani down, and kicked him most unmercifully. The latter took refuge in a corner, but the other ordered him to come out, that he might kick him again: “If you do not,” he added, “I’ll give you a coltellata” (a stab).

As some officers of the Guards were showing off their troops to General Elliot, with their fine feathers, pink stocks, &c. &c., he said they only wanted one thing, which he had seen in Italy, and thought would be a great improvement to them. Upon being asked what this was, replied, “An umbrella;” which the Pope’s soldiers always carried.

Cardinal de Bernis said that Count Alfieri was very prodigal of reflections, but very covetous of words.

The Chevalier du Theil remarked to us, in speaking of a Minister who was giving fêtes on some public occasion, “On s’ennuie à les préparer, on se ruine à les faire, on est critiqué quand on les a faites.”

The expense of Monseigneur de Bernis’ bishopric, including expedition of bulls, presents, &c., amounted to about 480 Roman crowns. The Pope would not take the price of the bulls, as he was entitled to do.

The King of Prussia called the Emperor Joseph II. the Quixote of the North.

The Marquis Castiglioni, as he was going to Naples, scolded his wife because the cook’s carriage had broken down, which, he said, was owing to her not having gone to mass in the morning before they set out. He afterwards said it was the fault of the “femme de chambre,” whom he abused dreadfully, but a few hours after desired the Marchioness to give her two sequins.

A Jew of Pisa being very ill, ordered two Jew attendants to call in a curate to baptise him, for that his conscience would not allow him to die in peace without he became a Christian. He said he heard them in the next room agree that they had better kill him than let him change his religion. Upon that he desired so earnestly to be baptised, that an angel, dressed in white, came down and christened him; and from that moment he grew better. On his recovery he informed the Archbishop of Pisa of the miracle, and the Archbishop wrote to Rome to know if the man ought to be christened a second time. A Congregation was accordingly appointed, at the head of which was the Vicegerent, Monseigneur Contesini, and the Bishop of Carpentras went to Cardinal de Bernis, to inquire if he thought that baptism by an angel was canonical. The Cardinal replied, as gravely as he could, that perhaps it would be better to rechristen the Jew, conditionally; and that as he had never heard of any one being baptised by an angel, he could not say whether it was canonical. He then asked them if they were certain that the angel had really appeared; and they answered that there could be no doubt about it, for the man had told it himself.

The Duke de Chartres built some houses round the gardens of the Palais Royal, with shops under them, in order to get money by letting them. He was talking to the King of the beauty of one of his gardens, describing the summer-houses, canals, &c.: “Y a-t-il des boutiques aussi?” asked his Majesty. The people were so enraged at seeing the trees cut down and the beauty of the gardens spoiled to build these houses, that they hissed the Duke as he passed, and to escape the populace he ran through a coffee-house and got away. Some one remarking his blue ribbon, called out, “Est-ce la première fois qu’on a vu fuir le Saint-Esprit?” that being the name of the ship he commanded in the engagement with Admiral Keppel. A caricature was printed of a man picking up rags in the dirt, and beneath it was written, “M. le Duc de Chartres, qui cherche des loques à terre” (locataires). One day, while talking to a lady, he described a friend of hers by various ill-natured signs, to which she replied, “Je vois bien, Monseigneur, que vous vous entendez mieux aux signalements qu’aux signaux.”

The Duchess de Chabot told me nothing struck her more disagreeably than to see, at the end of a sentence of death, the King’s signature following the words, “Tel est notre bon plaisir.”

Pope Lambertini having heard that Ghezzi, the painter, had drawn caricatures of him and of all the Sacred College, insisted on seeing his book. The painter, in great terror, was obliged to comply; but the Pope was so much pleased with his talent that he gave him an employment of twelve crowns a month, and kept the book. Whenever a Cardinal came to see him he would show him his portrait, and if it caused any displeasure, he would say: “Do not be angry—here is my likeness also.” The same Pope was told that a person had taken the liberty to publish a book of his “bons mots,” and was urged to punish the fellow. He replied that he would certainly do so, and would inflict a very severe punishment, for, said he, “I will have a new edition printed with great additions, and then nobody will buy the book he has been at the expense of publishing.”

Princess Dashkoff being at Cardinal de Bernis’ in carnival time, boasted that she would not fear to face forty cannons, and yet started when the petards were fired to give the signal for the race. She was asked if she felt cold, and she answered that her imagination was colder than her person. The Grand-Duke Paul of Russia told the young Prince Dashkoff that he had already given him half of his friendship on his mother’s account, and would give him the other half when he knew him better. He agreed with the Princess to forget past times, and to think only of the present. When he was in St. Peter’s, he said that such a church gave a higher idea of the Divinity than any other temple he had ever entered. He thought the columns were not perfectly proper for the support of so noble an edifice, but he was too much struck with the general effect of the building to examine its details. The city of Rome, he remarked, offered the most august, and, at the same time, the most humiliating spectacle in the world, as it showed to what a height men could attain, and also how low they could descend.

Mr. Bagnall remarked, that, on meeting the Senator on the first day of carnival in his state coach surrounded by his guards, and with pieces of silk carried before him, it seemed to him as if the Romans wished to perpetuate the memory of their disgrace, and show how far they had sunk from their former position. If Cato could return on earth, what, he asked, would be his idea on encountering Prince Rezzonico as the representative of the Roman Senate, and Princess Santa Croce as the representative of the Roman matrons—particularly at Carnival time?

Countess Kaunitz, at Vienna, cheated intolerably at cards. As she was walking one day with Lord Finlater, a beggar asked alms of her, and she desired his Lordship to give the man a sequin. Lord F. demurred to such a large sum, but the lady insisted on his showing his generosity. “Ah! je vois, madame,” said he, “que c’est un cousin de Pam.”

When the Prince of Hepenstein was at Paris, he was one day at Madame de Barri’s toilette, surrounded with courtiers. She was saying how much she wished to have a little tiger, and every one was recommending how it should be fed. Some said with biscuits, others with macaroons, till the Prince, tired of all this nonsense, suggested: “Give him, madam, a courtier a day.”

Princess Dashkoff said she thought the Polish nation the most servile in the world till she saw the Italians.

Cardinal Zelada said that, when he was in the Conclave, another Cardinal sent him an artichoke, which he presented to another Cardinal, who passed it on to a third, until it came back to Cardinal Zelada. After this had happened six times the latter terminated its travels by throwing it out of the window, but not before it had cost him twenty-five crowns. For it is customary when a Cardinal makes a present to a “confrère,” to give at least two sequins to the secretary of the donor, or to some other member of his household.

Of the innumerable friars secularised by the Emperor Joseph II., only two hundred have proved fit to be employed as parish priests. The nuns of the convents destroyed by his Majesty had permission to enter other convents if they voluntarily chose to continue a monastic life. Scarcely any of the German nuns have confined themselves a second time, and only one in Lombardy, who has come to Rome for that purpose. The Pope has allowed her a few days to see the city.

The King of Spain has been very anxious of late for the canonisation of a lady who died about a hundred and fifty years ago. Two miracles are necessary for this purpose, and only one could be proved to have been performed during her lifetime. It was therefore proposed to supply the other by the fact of her body having remained uncorrupted for such a length of time. Accordingly the tomb was opened, in order to ascertain whether the body had been preserved naturally or by being embalmed. Unfortunately, it crumbled into dust as soon as it was exposed to the air, which was held to be decisive against her sanctity. The King, however, was so determined to have his way, that he caused a second congregation to be convened, but the result has been as unfavourable to his wishes as before.

It is said of the Duke de Chartres (afterwards Duke of Orleans, commonly known as Philippe Egalité), that he was “paresseux sur mer, poltron sur terre, polisson partout.”

Two instances of the cruelty practised in convents came under the Countess de Château Dauphin’s personal knowledge. One was of a friar belonging to one of the mendicant orders at Turin, who was chained under the cellar-stairs for ten years, fed upon bread and water, and kept in a most shocking state. The other was of a friar who was confined for twenty-five years in a room of a convent near her country house, where he was deprived of the sight of a single human being—his food being passed to him through a hole. Through the Count’s influence he was at length set at liberty, and permitted to walk about the convent.

The Emperor Joseph II. is called every morning before six, and rises immediately, though he may have been sound asleep just before. While dressing he reads papers, and by seven he receives the Council of State; after which the Archduke Maximilian, if in Vienna, makes him a visit of a few minutes, and they go together to church. The Emperor then proceeds to his Chancellerie, where he dictates to several secretaries, keeping them fully employed until twelve or one, when he holds a levee. About half-past one, or two, he drives a calèche and pair to one of the gates of the town, where a horse is awaiting him. He mounts and rides round to see fortifications, buildings, gardens, &c., and, after using violent exercise, returns home about half-past four, when the signal for the Guards to salute him is also the signal to serve up the dinner. While this is being done, which usually occupies seven minutes, the Emperor dresses himself—he is always in uniform—and he remains less than half an hour at table. He eats of the simplest dishes, and of not more than two or three, talking all the time to architects, directors of his gardens, &c. After dinner he walks about the room for a short time, when he returns to the Chancellerie, and works assiduously till ten or eleven. He then visits at one of about a dozen houses, to which he goes by turns, almost all of them belonging to widows of general officers, and the greater part Protestants. They are all elderly women, with the exception of two—the Princess of Lichtenstein, wife of the General who is his personal friend; and another lady, whose husband likewise is particularly intimate with his Majesty, and works nearly as hard. About midnight the Emperor returns to the palace, and as he passes through his apartments sits down to the harpsichord for a quarter of an hour, his valet de chambre accompanying him on the violin. He both plays and sings, and the music is changed every night. He then goes to bed. Such is his usual life at Vienna, but when he is with his troops he surpasses them all in activity. Rain, tempests, long and fatiguing marches, are alike disregarded.

M. de Chevert, who died a lieutenant-general of the French army, being about to take a fortress by assault, gave the following instructions to a soldier: “Tu monteras l’échelle; la sentinelle te criera ‘Qui est là?’ tu ne répondras rien; il te criera une autre fois; tu ne diras rien; il te tirera, il te manquera; tu le tueras et moi je serai derrière toi.” The soldier took his commander’s word, did as he was bid, and everything happened precisely as M. de Chevert had stated.

A son of Count Sambuca, Prime Minister of the King of Naples, not long since had a person assassinated. His father sent him off to Sicily, and it is probable that no further notice will be taken of the murder. Another son of the same Minister, as he was going to a conversazione at Rome, observed that Cardinal Visconti’s carriage was in front of him, and immediately ordered his coachman to drive past it. The man excused himself by saying that it was not customary to pass a Cardinal; but Signor Sambuca insisted, and gained his point. Cardinal Visconti, when he alighted, unaware of the real state of the case, and being, besides, a very civil man, told the other that he was exceedingly sorry for the dispute between their coachmen, but that it was impossible to answer for the behaviour of those people. “You are mistaken, Sir,” replied the Neapolitan, “I ordered my man to pass you; ‘voi altri Cardinali ci volete soverchiare in tutto.’”[129] However, he was soon afterwards recalled to Naples by his father.

It was mentioned lately at a conversazione of the second class that some one had been murdered by a servant. An Abbé, who was one of the guests, being accompanied by his servant on his way home, was asked by the man if he knew whose servant it was, and he replied in the negative. “Why, it was I, Sir,” said the fellow—“I killed the man myself.” The poor Abbé was so much frightened at the intelligence that he ordered him to take himself off, with his livery and lantern.

In Italy, they call people who hurt their health by painting, tight-lacing, &c., “martiri del diavolo.”

Prince Borghese gave a ball about a fortnight after his sister’s death; whereupon it was written over his door next morning: “Dignum sororis funus.” His mother has been dead about a month, and he is not yet in mourning. Next month he proposes to give dances at his villa twice a week.

Lord Lucan said that the Ambassador from Malta spoke amazingly good French for an African.

Cardinal Hertzan, Minister of the Empire, having taken a palace through the interest of the Empress Queen (Maria Theresa), wanted to turn out the keeper of a coffee-house who lived in the palace. The man went to consult a Friar Felice to know how he could manage to resist the Cardinal. The friar told him that he saw no human means whereby he could avoid his loss, but that God Almighty would perhaps prevent it. The Cardinal being afterwards in danger of losing great part of his income through the death of the Empress Queen, Friar Felice passed for a saint.

Prince Doria gave to the (newly-made) Cardinal Altimari a fine carriage, with a pair of beautiful horses. Prince Borghese sent his tailor and his merchant to the same Cardinal, desiring him to order as many suits for himself, and as many liveries for his servants, as he thought proper. A woman of the second order, the widow of an “expéditionnaire,” likewise presented him with one thousand crowns in papetti, to give away as “mancia” (“pour boire”—drinking-money), and defrayed all his briefs, &c., for his new bishopric.

The Romans called Signora Giulia Falconieri, “Papa Giulia.” The Pope’s nephews being at the Opera with that lady, it was said, “Tutti li Santissimi erano ad Aliberti.”

At La Valle, a guardian was introduced on the stage, who advised his ward to keep good company, and to receive the nobility at her house, but to have nothing to do with painters. Monsignor Ferretti, cavaliere servente to the Baroness G., told her of this, and advised her to take the hint with regard to a painter who is continually at her house. Upon this a friend of hers went to the Governor and complained that the comedians of La Valle had insulted Madame G.

Signor Pisani, a Venetian, having had great flirtations with a woman of the second order at Rome, was told that he would not dare to continue them when her cavaliere servente was present. He therefore went and sat down upon the lady’s knees, and the cavaliere servente gave him three boxes on the ear, which he took very quietly—merely remarking that he was unfortunate in not having his pistols in his pocket. He afterwards complained of the affront to the Venetian Ambassador, but a Roman lady said to him that she wondered how he dared to enter the company of ladies after an affair of that kind. The Viscount de la Rochefoucault remarked that in Rome a man who gives a blow is generally considered “un brutal,” and that he who receives it is pitied. The cavaliere servente was said to be the gentleman of I forget what Prince; while Signor Pisani belonged to the illustrious family which gave so many heroes to the republic of Venice.

An Italian Countess was about to be interred one day, when an order arrived from the Secretary of State for the body to be opened, on suspicion of her death having been caused by poison. On examination it was found to be so, and it was supposed that she was poisoned by a servant who was bribed by her relations; for the deceased had been a great devotee, and it was feared that, if she made a will, she would leave all her money to the Church.

The Elector-Palatine, after talking some time to the Princess Santa Croce, went to pay his compliments to some other lady. Whereupon Signora Mobilia Falconieri, the mother of the Princess, flew into a violent passion, and told her daughter she wondered how she could submit to such an affront. When she was young, she would never have permitted a gentleman to leave her to speak to any one else.

The following story was circulated in Rome, but it was denied by Prince Chigi. While the Prince was hunting on one of his estates, about twenty miles from Rome, a wild boar made great ravages on the lands of a poor man, his vassal. The latter complained several times, but always in vain, and at last one day shot the boar himself. The Prince’s gamekeeper, who saw him do this, raised his gun, fired, and killed the poor fellow on the spot. His widow presented a memorial to the Prince, begging redress of her wrongs, but he sent it back to her, with this answer, “Ci rimedia in cinghiale” (Give me redress in the matter of the wild boar). She then came to Rome and appealed to the Pope, who ordered the gamekeeper to be imprisoned, and the Prince to pay the woman fifteen crowns a month as long as she lived.

When the Constable de Bourbon’s troops sacked Rome, they carried away with them a large quantity of papers, among which were several notes showing where people had buried their money and plate. Many of the French afterwards returned, and by means of this information found much hidden property. This circumstance may have given rise to the common belief of the Italians that the French are magicians.

At one time devout plays representing Paradise, Purgatory, and Hell, were acted in the theatre of Chaumont, a small town in Champagne. But by an unfortunate accident Paradise fell into Purgatory, and Purgatory into Hell, since which no more representations have been given, and the affair is known as “La Diablerie de Chaumont.”

A Polish Prince having said something impertinent to a lady at Rome, she answered: “Allez-vous-en; vous êtes un bel enfant.” “Madame,” he replied, “vous n’êtes ni l’un ni l’autre.” This happened some years ago.

Pope Rezzonico wanted to establish a feast in a little village, on the canonisation of St. Barbarigo, a relative of his family. As the villagers did not choose to go to the expense of a new picture, they stuck a portrait of the new saint with wax over a painting of St. Charles Borromée. But the candles being lighted and the church growing warm, the wax melted in the middle of the service, and the temporary saint tumbled down, leaving St. Charles triumphant. On which some of the people exclaimed, “A miracle!” and declared that the Pope had wanted to impose a saint upon them, but the miracle proved that he was not a true saint.

When Cardinal Cornaro was Governor, a message was brought to him while attending the Pope at a function, stating that, in a quarrel between his coachman and another, Prince Borghese had cut to pieces the harness belonging to the latter. The Pope asked what was the matter, and Monseigneur Cornaro being taken by surprise, told the whole affair, and was ordered by his Holiness to confine the Prince to his own house. This was done; but the accusation was soon proved to be entirely false, and to have been got up to injure the Governor with the Prince, who only a few days before had sent him a pair of horses as a present. No apology was made to the Prince; only Cardinal Giraud was sent to him to say that Sovereigns might sometimes make mistakes, but their mistakes were not to be called in question.

The Abbess of the monastery of San Cesimato told us, after making many apologies for fear of scandalising Père Jacquier, who was with us, that she had dreamt that morning that the three years for her being abbess had terminated, and that all the nuns came to desire her to continue in that office. Upon which she was in such a passion that she wished them all at the devil, and so loud that the whole dormitory heard her. She was very lively, and said that she took the veil at the age of fifteen, when she was so thin that everybody thought her in a consumption. She is now upwards of sixty, and blessed with quite sufficient “en bon point.”

The coachman of Monseigneur Gregori, who was about to be made a Cardinal, wounded his wife in a quarrel, and the poor woman was carried to an hospital. He insisted upon going in to see her—a thing never permitted in the part of the building allotted to women. Having a knife in his hand he tried to get in by force, but one of the people of the house picked up a big stone and frightened him away, at the same time calling to the sbirri to take him up. They were afraid, however, to do so when they heard that he was Monseigneur Gregori’s coachman, until the directors of the hospital told them that they would be answerable. They then carried him off to the prison at the Governo. Monseigneur Gregori sent immediately to the Governor, to say that he was going out and wanted his coachman, but the Governor returned for answer that he, too, wanted him.

Count Scutellari being with the Pope, his Holiness, to give more weight to an assertion, said, “Da galantuomo è vero.” The Count assured his Holiness that he need not have used so strong an expression, as he was obliged to believe him on half a word.

When the Governor (Spinelli) was very ill, a physician was sent for from Naples, who had been recommended as the head of the profession in that city. He said he wanted a man who was not afraid to deal with the Roman doctors. When he came they began, as usual, to give him an account of all the bleedings, &c., with which they had treated their patient. The Neapolitan, without waiting to hear the end of their story, ran up, caught Monseigneur Spinelli by the hand, and exclaimed, “Séi vive ancora!” The physicians, disconcerted at the expression, left the case in his hands, and the Governor has himself told us that he believes he owes his life entirely to this man. The Princess of Palestrine went to see him one day when he was at the worst, and as she was going out his people asked her what she thought of his state: “Why,” said she, “he appears to me beyond all hope of recovery; but he is Spinelli, and till you give him the last blow on the nose, like the cats he will escape.”

The learned and excellent Abbate Cunich was a native of Ragusa, and entered at an early age into the order of Jesuits; after the extinction of which he was Professor of the Greek language at the Roman College for a long series of years. His translation of Homer’s Iliad into Latin verse is esteemed as one of the most faithful, and, at the same time, one of the finest, versions as to style and purity of language which it is possible to imagine. He also translated many beautiful Greek epigrams from the Anthologia with equal success, and composed several himself, remarkable for their elegance, and chiefly encomiastic. The purity of mind, sanctity of manners, and innocent cheerfulness which were conspicuous in the character of Cunich, rendered him universally beloved and respected. He had warm feelings, and naturally great quickness of temper; but the deep sense of religion which influenced his life and behaviour gave him great power of self-government, which was further strengthened by his unaffected humility and singular moderation. At the advanced period of life when I knew him, his form and features were still beautiful, and his imagination as active and poetical as it could have been at twenty-five. He died, as far as I recollect, in 1796, of a long and painful illness, which he had concealed and borne with the greatest patience and resignation, not being confined to his room till within a very short time of his death. His affections, being by his profession confined to friendships, were, in their warmth and sincerity, more like those of ancient than of modern times; and he was so disinterested that, although he counted amongst his friends many persons of high rank and considerable influence, he never solicited, or even wished, for riches or distinctions. He associated only with worthy characters, and, not having the desire of celebrity, rather withdrew from the world than encouraged the advances of new acquaintances who admired his talents. But this retirement from the world in general was not owing to any dislike of it. He was singularly candid, charitable in his opinion of others, and really, I believe, imagined that others possessed the same virtues, or, perhaps, greater than those which his serenity of mind must have made him conscious of possessing.

The Abbé Boscovich was also a native of Ragusa, a small republic in Dalmatia, on the shores of the Adriatic, celebrated for the industry of its inhabitants, and for the singularity of its political situation. I never yet knew a Ragusan who did not possess genius and learning. Boscovich was a great mathematician, and a man of probity. He had a remarkable talent for making extempore Latin verses. His epigram on the planets is deservedly admired, as it scatters flowers on a subject which did not appear susceptible of them. “As in the order of succession in their orbits round the Sun, our Earth,” says he, “is between Mars and Venus, no wonder that love and war govern the world.”

At the extinction of the order of Jesuits, Boscovich took refuge in France, and was much beloved there. A place was created on purpose for him, the “Inspection of the Optics for the Marine.” He was intimate with many of the first families of France, but no sycophant. At an advanced age he took the resolution of paying a visit to his own country to see his mother, who was still alive and in the enjoyment of her faculties. His voluminous works he printed at Bassano, in the Venetian States. He became childish at last, but fortunately died before the French Revolution, which would have deprived him of many comforts.

[Among the last of the memoranda collected by Miss Knight is one bearing the initial letters C. S., which purports to describe the characteristic features of the last three reigns:]

“The reign of George the Third was that of public and private virtue. The reign of George the Fourth was that of national fame and glory. The reign of William the Fourth was that of domestic kindness and happiness. We humbly advise our young Queen to take the first for her model, in which we trust that she will be rewarded by the two others.”

On this hint Miss Knight composed the following verses, dated July, 1837, and therefore within six months of her death:

Of George the Third the long and arduous sway,

The reign of worth and virtue we may name.

With George the Fourth we see our isle display

The brilliant scenes of victory and fame.
Affection’s kind, domestic joys we view
In our late William’s short, benignant reign.
O may our Queen her Grandsire’s steps pursue,
And love and glory as reward obtain!
Possessing in all British hearts the place
Her noble ancestors so justly won;
And may the honours of the Brunswick race
Resplendent shine coeval with the sun!

On the back of a card, on which Queen Charlotte had copied a short sacred poem, Miss Knight has written:—“Copied by the Queen, and given by her to E. C. K., December 10, 1805. God Almighty grant, through the mediation of our Lord Jesus Christ, that my sins may be forgiven, and that His will may be the dearest wish of my heart, with gratitude (however imperfect) for the blessings He has deigned to bestow on me!”

APPENDIX.

EXCLUSION OF THE PRINCESS OF WALES PROM THE QUEEN’S DRAWING

ROOM—DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.

APPENDIX.

[The following is the correspondence relative to the exclusion of the Princess of Wales from the Queen’s Drawing-room, to which reference is made at the end of the first and commencement of this volume:]

LETTER OF THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO THE

PRINCE REGENT.

“Sir,—I am once more reluctantly compelled to address your Royal Highness, and to enclose, for your inspection, copies of a note which I have had the honour to receive from the Queen, and of the answer which I have thought it my duty to return to her Majesty. It would be in vain for me to inquire into the reasons of the alarming declaration made by your Royal Highness, that you have taken the fixed and unalterable determination never to meet me, upon any occasion, either in public or private. Of these, your Royal Highness is pleased to state yourself to be the only judge. You will perceive by my answer to her Majesty, that I have only been restrained by motives of personal consideration towards her Majesty, from exercising my right of appearing before her Majesty at the public drawing-rooms to be held in the ensuing month.

“But, Sir, lest it should be by possibility supposed that the words of your Royal Highness can convey any insinuation from which I shrink, I am bound to demand of your Royal Highness, what circumstances can justify the proceedings you have thus thought fit to adopt?

“I owe it to myself, to my daughter, and to the nation, to which I am deeply indebted for the vindication of my honour, to remind your Royal Highness of what you know: that after open persecution and mysterious inquiries, upon undefined charges, the malice of my enemies fell entirely upon themselves; and that I was restored by the King, with the advice of his Ministers, to the full enjoyment of my rank in his court, upon my complete acquittal. Since his Majesty’s lamented illness, I have demanded, in the face of Parliament and the country, to be proved guilty or to be treated as innocent. I have been declared innocent; I will not submit to be treated as guilty.

“Sir, your Royal Highness may possibly refuse to read this letter. But the world must know that I have written it: and they will see my real motives for foregoing, in this instance, the rights of my rank. Occasions, however, may arise (one, I trust, is far distant) when I must appear in public, and your Royal Highness must be present also. Can your Royal Highness have contemplated the full extent of your declaration? Has your Royal Highness forgotten the approaching marriage of our daughter, and the possibility of our coronation?

“I waive my rights in a case where I am not absolutely bound to assert them, in order to relieve the Queen, as far as I can, from the painful situation in which she is placed by your Royal Highness; not from any consciousness of blame, not from any doubt of the existence of those rights, or of my own worthiness to enjoy them.

“Sir, the time you have selected for this proceeding is calculated to make it peculiarly galling. Many illustrious strangers are already arrived in England; among others, as I am informed, the illustrious heir of the House of Orange, who has announced himself to me as my future son-in-law. From their society I am unjustly excluded. Others are expected of rank equal to your own, to rejoice with your Royal Highness in the peace of Europe. My daughter will, for the first time, appear in the splendour and publicity becoming the approaching nuptials of the presumptive Heiress of this Empire. This season your Royal Highness has chosen for treating me with fresh and unprovoked indignity: and of all his Majesty’s subjects, I alone am prevented by your Royal Highness from appearing in my place to partake of the general joy, and am deprived of the indulgence in those feelings of pride and affection permitted to every mother but me.

“I am, Sir,

“Your Royal Highness’s

“Faithful wife,

“Caroline P.”

“Connaught House, May 26, 1814.”

(Enclosures.)

THE QUEEN TO THE PRINCESS OF WALES.

“Windsor Castle, May 23, 1814.

“The Queen considers it to be her duty to lose no time in acquainting the Princess of Wales, that she has received a communication from her son, the Prince Regent, in which he states, that her Majesty’s intention of holding two drawing-rooms in the ensuing month having been notified to the public, he must declare that he considers that his own presence at her court cannot be dispensed with; and that he desires it may be distinctly understood, for reasons of which he alone can be the judge, to be his fixed and unalterable determination not to meet the Princess of Wales upon any occasion, either in public or private.

“The Queen is thus placed under the painful necessity of intimating to the Princess of Wales the impossibility of her Majesty’s receiving her Royal Highness at her drawing-rooms.

“Charlotte R.”

ANSWER OF THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO THE QUEEN.

“Madam,—I have received the letter which your Majesty has done me the honour to address to me, prohibiting my appearance at the public drawing-rooms which will be held by your Majesty in the ensuing month, with great surprise and regret.

“I will not presume to discuss with your Majesty topics which must be as painful to your Majesty as to myself.

“Your Majesty is well acquainted with the affectionate regard with which the King was so kind as to honour me up to the period of his Majesty’s indisposition, which no one of his Majesty’s subjects has so much cause to lament as myself: and that his Majesty was graciously pleased to bestow upon me the most unequivocal and gratifying proof of his attachment and approbation, by his public reception of me at his court at a season of severe and unmerited affliction, when his protection was most necessary to me. There I have since uninterruptedly paid my respects to your Majesty. I am now without appeal or protection. But I cannot so far forget my duty to the King, and to myself, as to surrender my right to appear at any public drawing-room to be held by your Majesty.

“That I may not, however, add to the difficulty and uneasiness of your Majesty’s situation, I yield in the present instance to the will of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, announced to me by your Majesty, and shall not present myself at the drawing-rooms of the next month.

“It would be presumptuous in me to attempt to inquire of your Majesty the reasons of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent for this harsh proceeding, of which his Royal Highness can alone be the judge. I am unconscious of offence; and in that reflection I must endeavour to find consolation for all the mortifications I experience; even for this, the last, the most unexpected, and the most severe; the prohibition given to me alone, to appear before your Majesty, to offer my congratulations upon the happy termination of those calamities with which Europe has been so long afflicted, in the presence of the illustrious personages who will in all probability be assembled at your Majesty’s court, with whom I am so closely connected by birth and marriage.

“I beseech your Majesty to do me an act of justice, to which, in the present circumstances, your Majesty is the only person competent, by acquainting those illustrious strangers with the motives of personal consideration towards your Majesty which alone induce me to abstain from the exercise of my right to appear before your Majesty: and that I do now, as I have done at all times, defy the malice of my enemies to fix upon me the shadow of any one imputation which could render me unworthy of their society or regard.

“Your Majesty will, I am sure, not be displeased that I should relieve myself from a suspicion of disrespect towards your Majesty, by making public the cause of my absence from court at a time when the duties of my station would otherwise peculiarly demand my attendance.

“I have the honour to be,

“Your Majesty’s most obedient

“Daughter-in-law and servant,

“P. Caroline.

“Connaught House, May 24, 1814.”

THE QUEEN TO THE PRINCESS OF WALES.

“Windsor Castle, May 25, 1814.

“The Queen has received, this afternoon, the Princess of Wales’s letter of yesterday, in reply to the communication which she was desired by the Prince Regent to make to her; and she is sensible of the disposition expressed by her Royal Highness, not to discuss with her topics which must be painful to both.

“The Queen considers it incumbent upon her to send a copy of the Princess of Wales’s letter to the Prince Regent; and her Majesty could have felt no hesitation in communicating to the illustrious strangers who may possibly be present at her court, the circumstances which will prevent the Princess of Wales from appearing there, if her Royal Highness had not rendered a compliance with her wish to this effect unnecessary, by intimating her intention of making public the cause of her absence.

“Charlotte R.”

THE ANSWER OF THE PRINCESS OF WALES TO THE QUEEN.

“The Princess of Wales has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a note from the Queen, dated yesterday; and begs permission to return her best thanks to her Majesty, for her gracious condescension in the willingness expressed by her Majesty to have communicated to the illustrious strangers, who will in all probability be present at her Majesty’s court, the reasons which have induced her Royal Highness not to be present.

“Such communication, as it appears to her Royal Highness, cannot be the less necessary on account of any publicity which it may be in the power of her Royal Highness to give to her motives; and the Princess of Wales, therefore, entreats the active good offices of her Majesty, upon an occasion wherein the Princess of Wales feels it so essential to her that she should not be misunderstood.

“Caroline, P.

“Connaught Place, May 26.”

THE QUEEN TO THE PRINCESS OF WALES.

“The Queen cannot omit to acknowledge the receipt of the Princess of Wales’s note, of yesterday, although it does not appear to her Majesty to require any other reply than that conveyed to her Royal Highness’s preceding letter.

“Charlotte, R.”

DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.

[The following details of the Princess’s death are taken from a letter, addressed by Mr. H. F. Cooke to Mr. Thomas Raikes (under date November 6, 1817), and published in the interesting volume entitled “Correspondence of Thomas Raikes with the Duke of Wellington and other Distinguished Contemporaries.”]

“The Princess Charlotte’s death has caused a general gloom throughout the country. The particulars of this truly melancholy event will be made known to you through the papers, with all the accuracy of official report.

“There are some few circumstances as attending the death of this interesting woman that may not find their way abroad; for example, the courage with which she suffered, and the resignation which she displayed in death.

“The faculty of mind never abandoned her. She asked, about an hour previous to death, whether there was any danger: the difficulty of breathing from about that time prevented her speaking much. When Baillie and Croft administered brandy, hot wine, sal-volatile, &c., she said, ‘You make me drunk. Pray leave me quiet. I find it affects my head.’ And shortly after this, raising herself in the bed, she heaved a deep sigh, fell back, and expired.

“The act of dying was not painful. There certainly must have been spasm, but I have not heard that it was at the heart. Neither do I believe the family conceived that she was in danger, even an hour before she died. It is a blow which the nation really appears to feel acutely, as much as it is possible to suppose the fate of any one not materially connected with one could be felt.

“The Regent is terribly shook by this blow; so unexpected that he was completely overset when he was told of it.

“He had left Sudbourn upon hearing of the protracted labour, but was in London informed that the child was dead and she remarkably well.”

FOOTNOTES.

1.  “Aware of this unnatural rebellion, the Royal parent, as might be expected, became anxious to ascertain the description of persons by whom his daughter was immediately surrounded, and by means of one of the most pious and virtuous characters of the land, it was soon discovered that many of her associates were persons possessing pernicious sentiments alike hostile to the peace of the daughter, the father, and the country. Under these circumstances there was but one safe or advisable course to pursue; the determination was prompt, and the whole of the obnoxious associates were dismissed by order of the Regent from Warwick House.”—Morning Post, July 14, 1814.

2.  “The Princess Charlotte came to town on Saturday, attended by her ladies-in-waiting, in the Prince Regent’s open carriage and four, with three of the Prince Regent’s footmen as outriders, to visit the Princess of Wales at Connaught House, and after dinner, her Royal Highness returned to Cranbourne Lodge. This visit was to take leave previous to the Princess of Wales leaving town for Worthing, where her Royal Highness has taken a house. It is said that the Princess of Wales does not return to London from thence, but proceeds from that place to leave England for a short time to visit her native country. The Princess Charlotte’s visit to Connaught House was occasioned by a message of the Princess of Wales to the Minister, stating that she intended to go to Cranbourne Lodge to see her daughter, and expected to be admitted. The answer was, that the Princess Charlotte would be allowed to come to Connaught House on Saturday. Miss Mercer was allowed to go to Cranbourne Lodge to visit the Princess Charlotte on Sunday, and to remain with her Royal Highness till to-morrow.”—Morning Chronicle, July 26, 1814.

“Sompting Abbey, Sussex. July 29, 1814.... I saw Princess Charlotte on Saturday, two days before I set out; she seems much more calm and resigned to her prison at Cranbourne Lodge than I expected. She is to go afterwards to the sea-side. Warwick House is to be demolished, and a new wing built to Carlton House; and the Regent is to remove to the Duke of Cumberland’s apartments in St. James’s Palace.”—Extract of Letter from Princess of Wales, given in Lady Campbell’s Diary, vol. i.

3.  “The Princess of Wales arrived at her house near Worthing on Tuesday night, and next evening she walked to Worthing, accompanied by her lady-in-waiting and attendants. Chairs were immediately placed on the beach, where her Royal Highness sat two hours. The moonbeams danced on the waves, and the pleasure-boats glided at her feet, forming a most delightful scene. The company is now select and numerous, and the packet which regularly sails to and from Dieppe is a great convenience, as it enables parties to drink champagne at Worthing in the evening, and old port on the French coast the next morning.”—Morning Chronicle, August 3, 1814.

4.  “We understand that Princess Charlotte is going this day to Cranbourne Lodge, from whence, we trust, she will be permitted to repair to the sea-coast, bathing having been recommended by three eminent professional men as indispensably necessary for her general health, as well as for a local affection in the knee. Health and peace be with her!”—Morning Chronicle, August 18, 1814.

5.  “The removal of the Princess Charlotte from Cranbourne Lodge to the King’s house at Weymouth is expected to take place this day or to-morrow. Her Royal Highness will be accompanied by the Countesses of Ilchester and Rosslyn, the Misses Coutts (Coates), Mrs. Campbell, General Garth, Major Price,” &c.—Morning Chronicle, August 24.

The names of General Garth and Major Price will be familiar to the readers of Madame D’Arblay’s Diary, with whom the Major was an especial favourite.

6.  The fourth Viscount Ashbrook. Lady Ashbrook, his second wife, was sister of the late Lord Metcalfe, and daughter of Sir Theophilus Metcalfe, Bart.

7.  The following are the letters to which Miss Knight refers:—

“My dearest Madam,—To suffer the 7th January to pass entirely without notice is a self-denial of which I do not feel myself capable, although I have not ventured to ask permission for paying my personal respects.

“That every blessing may attend your Royal Highness, in this and many succeeding years, is the constant, and will be among the latest, prayers of

“My dearest madam,

“Your Royal Highness’s

“Most dutifully attached servant.”

“To H.R.H. the Princess Charlotte.”

“My dear Madam,—The liberty I take in enclosing a letter for Princess Charlotte, merely to offer my dutiful respects, will, I trust, be mitigated by the assurance that I leave it entirely to the discretion of your Royal Highness whether it should be given or not.

“Nothing can ever alter the sentiments of respectful attachment with which I have the honour to be,

“My dear madam,

“Your Royal Highness’s

“Most obliged and obedient servant.

“To H.R.H. the Princess Mary.”

8.  “Madame de Lieven is a Livonian by birth, and is remarkable for the distinction of her appearance as well as for her general talents. She is the only foreigner who was ever made a patroness of Almack’s, into the tracasseries of which establishment she entered very cordially, and as her manner at times is tinctured with a certain degree of hauteur, she has not failed to make many enemies. Madame de Lieven is, however, in every sense of the word, a très grande dame, and has formed friendships and intimacies with the highest persons of all parties in England.”—Raikes’s Journal, vol. i.

9.  See extract in Appendix from the Duke of Buckingham’s “Memoirs of the Regency.”

10.  March 9th, but it was subsequently postponed to the 13th, on which occasion Miss Knight was present, and her dress is thus described in the Morning Post of the following day:—“A petticoat of white satin with draperies of peach-blossom silver gauze, most tastefully disposed with silver trimming, which formed a lacing between each to display the petticoat underneath, and ornamented with silver cords and tassels. Robe to correspond, trimmed with point lace. Head-dress, feathers, and diamonds.”

11.  Mr. Robinson’s bill to prohibit the importation of corn, except for bonding purposes, until the average price of wheat had reached 80s. a quarter.

12.  Probably the Duke of Cumberland, whose marriage with the Dowager Princess of Salms was several times announced in the Morning Chronicle—and it did ultimately take place.

13.  “The Princess of Wales has asked for a ship of war to convey her home to Great Britain from Naples, and has been informed that no vessel could be conveniently spared at this time from the Mediterranean station to accommodate her Royal Highness.”—Morning Chronicle, February 25.

14.  Prince Castelcicala died at Paris of cholera in 1832, at which time he was Neapolitan Ambassador at the Court of France. He was in the eightieth year of his age, and “had long been known,” pleasantly observes Mr. Raikes, “for his self-indulgent mode of life.”

15.  On the occasion of the chairing of Mr. Barclay, who was compelled to take refuge in the Horns Tavern, Kennington. The tumult arose from a misapprehension with respect to Mr. Barclay’s vote on the Corn-law Question.

16.  Widow of Mr. Perceval, the Prime Minister, assassinated by Bellingham, May 11, 1812.

17.  It was said, because the rooms were being gilded and redecorated.

18.  “The new favourite grand ballet composed by Monsieur A. Vestris, entitled, ‘Le Prince Troubadour, ou la Double Epreuve.’ The music by F. Venua.”—The plot was taken from the opera of “Joconde,” and the principal performers were the two Vestrises, M. Baptiste, Mesdames Leon and Del Caro, and Mademoiselle Mélanie. It was highly praised in the morning papers.

19.  Son and daughter of the Countess Charleville, by her first husband, James Tisdall, Esq.

20.  Lord Ellenborough’s, in Saint James’s-square; Lord Eldon’s, in Bedford-square; Mr. Robinson’s, in Burlington-street; Lord Darnley’s, in Berkeley-square; Mr. Yorke’s, in Bruton-street.

21.  Mr. Robinson, as proposer of the Corn Regulations, was especially obnoxious to the mob. The railings in front of his house were torn up, the windows and parlour shutters demolished, and the street door split open. Some soldiers who were in the house then fired into the street at random, and a man fell shot through the head. From the buttons on his coat it was conjectured that he was a naval officer; he proved to be a midshipman, named Edward Vyse—several other persons being wounded.

22.  In addition to the household troops, the 10th Dragoons occupied the King’s Mews, the 16th Dragoons the Queen’s Riding-house, the 5th Dragoon Guards were at Romford, the 7th Hussars at Putney, the 18th in Lambeth, the 5th Foot at Knightsbridge, and the South Lincoln Militia in the Tower.

23.  The attack on New Orleans on the 8th January, when the British were repulsed, with the loss of 2454 men, killed, wounded, and made prisoners.

24.  “March 8.—They next proceeded to Mr. Ponsonby’s house, No. 19, in Curzon-street, May-Fair, with their numbers increasing on their way. On their arrival at Mr. Ponsonby’s, they presented a very formidable force. They instantly commenced a furious attack upon the house, demolished the windows, and broke the iron palisades in front. During this, some firing began from the inside of the house, through the door, while the mob were endeavouring to break it open. The door is much injured by the bullets which were fired through it, but we have not heard that any person was hurt. The house of Mr. Quentin Dick, next door to Mr. Ponsonby’s, is also considerably injured from the misdirection of the stone-throwers. In a few minutes the cavalry made their appearance, and the populace immediately dispersed in various directions.”—Annual Register, 1814, p. 23.

25.  The French Ambassador, M. de la Châtre, in a letter to the editor of the Anti-Gallican, denied that M. Rayneval was ever private secretary to Caulincourt. He was merely chargé d’affaires at St. Petersburg until the arrival of the latter. The editor, Mr. Goldsmith, rejoined that, however that might be, M. Rayneval was with Caulincourt at Châtillon, and remained with him until Napoleon’s abdication, adding, “in fact, it was M. Rayneval who drew up the treaty of Fontainebleau.”

26.  This “man” was the celebrated pianist Frederick Kalkbrenner, son of the equally well-known composer, Christian Kalkbrenner. Frederick Kalkbrenner visited London for the first time in 1814, and excited the greatest enthusiasm, eclipsing even the long-established reputation of Cramer. He resided in England ten years, and made a very handsome fortune.

27.  The first notice of this event was received by Mr. Rothschild, who immediately sold out stock to the amount of 600,000l. before the news was generally known.

28.  The Chancellor, Lord Eldon, lived at No. 6, which was attacked by the mob on the 6th, the iron railings torn up, and every pane of glass and much furniture broken and destroyed. The windows being broken, it was facetiously remarked that his Lordship at last kept open house. The mob was kept at bay by a party of soldiers sent from the British Museum, until a troop of the Horse Guards arrived and cleared the square.

29.  “Napoleon Bonaparte is declared a traitor and a rebel for having appeared with arms in his hands in the Department of the Var.”—Art. IV. of the Ordonnance du Roi.

30.  Richard II., Mr. Kean; John of Gaunt, Mr. Pope; Bolingbroke, Mr. Elliston; Duke of Norfolk, Mr. Rae; the Queen, Mrs. Bartley.

31.  “‘Messieurs,’ said the King, ‘you see me suffering, but do not deceive yourselves: it is not disquietude, but gout which causes it. Assure your Sovereigns, with respect to what is passing in France, that the repose of Europe will be no more disturbed than that of France.’”—Morning Chronicle, March 13, 1815.

32.  General Clarke, Duc de Feltre, formerly war minister under the Emperor.

33.  “Four persons literally carried his Lordship out of the House, he, however, kicking and struggling somewhat violently.”—Morning Chronicle, March 22, 1815.

34.  Louis XVIII. left Paris at 8 P.M. of the 19th, and slept at Abbeville on the 20th. Napoleon entered Paris at 9 P.M. on the 20th.

35.  This was not the case. Lord Fitzroy Somerset left Paris with the King.

36.  Madame Adelaide.

37.  Colonel the Baron Labadayse, who reported that six thousand National Guards and four thousand troops of the line had sworn to remain faithful, but their defection took place a few days later.

38.  “G. P. R.—The Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House of Lords, that the events which have recently occurred in France, in direct contravention of the engagements concluded with the allied powers, at Paris, in the month of April last, and which threaten consequences highly dangerous to the tranquillity and independence of Europe, have induced his Royal Highness to give directions for the augmentation of his Majesty’s land and sea forces.

“The Prince Regent has likewise deemed it incumbent upon him to lose no time in entering into communications with his Majesty’s allies, for the purpose of forming such a concert as may most effectually provide for the general and permanent security of Europe.

“And his Royal Highness confidently relies on the support of the House of Lords in all measures which may be necessary for the accomplishment of this important object.”

39.  General Clausel entered Bordeaux on the 2nd April, the Duchess having embarked at Pouillac on board an English frigate, the Wanderer, on the previous day, and landed at Plymouth on the 19th.

40.  There were two armed yachts in attendance on the Princess Charlotte at Weymouth, the Royal Charlotte and the Royal Sovereign.

41.  “The lady has rather produced a dramatic poem than a regular drama. The versification is sweet and harmonious, the sentiments just and impressive, the images poetical, and, though not recommended by their actual novelty, were rendered so by their dress and elegance. It was a poem, then, which will be read with delight, but which wanted situation, incident, and passion to give it dramatic effect on the stage.”—Morning Chronicle, April 24, 1815.

Mrs. Wilmot, the authoress of “Ina,” was sister of Lady Asgill, and, therefore, first cousin of Mrs. Sheridan.

42.  Lord Tullamore, born April 28, 1801, afterwards second Earl of Charleville.

43.  Born King of Rome, died Duke de Reichstadt, a colonel in the Austrian service.

44.  Coriolanus, Mr. Kemble; Sicinius, Mr. Barrymore; Brutus, Mr. Murray; Volumnia, Mrs. Renaud.

45.  “Covent Garden Theatre. The beautiful masque of ‘Comus’ was revived last night (April 28) at this theatre with great splendour. All the music of Handel and Arne was retained, with some additions by Bishop. Miss Stephens sung the Echo song with the most fascinating effect. Mrs. Liston was encored in the fine song, “By dimpled brook.” Mrs. Faucit in The Lady, and Mr. Abbot in the Elder Brother, gave strong effect to the beautiful poetry, and Mr. Conway was, at least, a very grand figure in Comus. It was received throughout with rapturous applause.”—Morning Chronicle, April 29.

46.  The present Countess of Essex.

47.  “We have great pleasure in announcing that the marriage is settled between the Duke of Devonshire and Miss Mercer, daughter of Lord Keith. It is to take place next week.”—Morning Chronicle, May 11, 1815.

48.  “We are desired to contradict, from authority, the report of the Honourable Miss Mercer Elphinstone’s marriage with the Duke of Devonshire.”—Ibid., May 12.

49.  “Mr. Naldi’s last concert for the season was given at the superb mansion of Mrs. Maitland, in Grosvenor-place, on Monday last. The numerous suite of rooms were crowded, and the splendours of the ladies made it a grand coup d’œil. The concert was chiefly vocal, there being only two instrumental pieces. Mr. Naldi had the assistance of Mrs. Dickons, Mrs. Salmon, Miss Mortimer, Miss Griglietti, Mr. Braham, Mr. Ledesma, and other artists. Miss Mortimer sang a duet, by Zingarelli, with Mr. Ledesma, and an aria by Meyer. In these she displayed a highly cultivated taste and extensive power of voice. Her musical education has evidently been adapted to the theatre rather than to the orchestra, as was manifested in the theatrical air by Meyer, which demanded considerable execution, and in which, therefore, we were able to distinguish the character and style of this native songster, who, for ten years past, has performed in all the principal theatres of Italy. She will be a great acquisition to the British stage.”—Morning Chronicle, May 25, 1815.

50.  Fifteen thousand stand of arms taken over by M. Larochejaquelin.

51.  “The Duke de Gallo surrendered two sail of the line, and the whole arsenal of Naples, by capitulation, to Captain Campbell, of the Tremendous, on his threatening to bombard the city.”—London Gazette, June 5.

52.  “We hear the Duke of Cumberland has signified his intention of coming to England, for a very short time, after his marriage, but that the Duchess was not expected to accompany him on the present occasion.”—Morning Chronicle, June 10.

His Royal Highness arrived in London on the 18th, and alone.

53.  The Duke of Cumberland married a daughter of the reigning Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz, niece of Queen Charlotte, and widow of the Prince Salms Brauenfels. The marriage was first solemnised at Berlin, but owing to some informality the ceremony was repeated at Carlton House on the 29th August, in a very private manner, the old Queen refusing to be present.

54.  The news of the occupation of Paris was announced by Mr. Elliston on the 6th at the King’s Theatre, where a mixed performance was being given for the benefit of the widows and orphans of those who fell at Waterloo. In answer to a question, he said he had it in command from Carlton House to announce the tidings, which were fully given in the morning papers of the 7th.

55.  He was found dead in his dressing-room, about 10 A.M., July 6.

56.  Daughter of Count Dillon, guillotined at Paris in 1794 for his adherence to the Bourbons. Her mother was the Countess Latouche, of Martinique.

57.  Her Royal Highness left London on the 26th July in a carriage and four, attended by Lady Ilchester and Colonel Addenbroke, Dr. Short, and Mrs. Campbell.

58.  Owing to an affection of the eyes, Miss Knight discontinued her journal until the commencement of the ensuing year.

59.  “The morn (of January 7) was ushered in by the ringing of bells, and preparations were making in the early part of the day for a general illumination in the evening, in compliment to the Princess Charlotte, whose natal day it was; but a desire was expressed that this mark of respect and loyalty from the town might be dispensed with.”—Morning Post, January 10, 1816.

There was a grand ball at the Pavilion, attended by “all the families of rank and fashion” at Brighton.

60.  Mr. Ward, afterwards Lord Dudley, was a great favourite with the Princess of Wales. “How melancholy are all the recollections attached to his name! A person endowed with such supremacy of talent and situation, and yet so blasted by an invisible hand, that none of the former availed to his happiness. No one, it is said (either for his own sake, or, alas! more probably, for his brilliant position in life), was ever more courted by the fair sex, in despite of a very plain exterior and coarseness of manner. He was accounted one of the most agreeable and seductive of men. The beautiful Mrs. B. was one of those reported to have been not insensible to his attentions. Her melancholy death was, it is said, the actual cause of finally confirming his mental derangement.”—Lady C. Campbell’s Diary, vol. ii. p. 117.

61.  Major-General Sir Robert Thomas Wilson, Michael Bruce, Esq., and Captain John Hely Hutchinson, were tried before the Court of Assize for the Department of the Seine, found guilty of being accessory to the concealment and escape of General Lavalette, and sentenced to three months’ imprisonment. The trial took place on the 22nd of April. In the first instance, they were accused of plotting against the political system of Europe in general, and the French monarchy in particular, but these charges were subsequently withdrawn.

62.  A message was sent from the Prince Regent to each House of Parliament on the 14th of March, announcing the forthcoming marriage of his daughter, Princess Charlotte Augusta, with his Serene Highness Leopold George Frederick Prince of Coburg of Saalfeld. The Commons granted the illustrious pair the annual sum of 60,000l., of which 10,000l. were for the exclusive use of the Princess. They also voted the sums of 40,000l. to purchase furniture, plate, equipages, &c., 10,000l. for the Princess’s dresses, and 10,000l. for jewels.

63.  “Notwithstanding some disadvantages, the Princess (Charlotte) had grown up to womanhood with many attractions, both mental and personal. Her Royal Highness possessed, also, a nature susceptible of every generous impression; unsuspicious and trusting, she readily became the dupe of persons who sought for their own objects to influence her through her sympathies, but when the influence was removed, the natural good sense of the Princess suggested a line of conduct becoming her sex and position. During the period when the society of her mother was least restricted, there is nothing to prove that her Royal Highness testified for it a very decided partiality; and it was scarcely possible for her to have been a frequent visitor at Blackheath and Kensington, without obtaining a knowledge that must have circumscribed her affection. Her disposition was extremely amiable, notwithstanding an impulsiveness that, under peculiar provocation, may have led her on one or two occasions into error; a pleasing proof of which was exhibited in her conduct to Lord Eldon, after he had brought her home, subsequently to her elopement from Warwick House. In her communications with, or observations on her mother, after the latter had left England, there are quite sufficient evidences of filial interest, tempered with a reserve naturally arising out of a sense of her objectionable conduct.”—Duke of Buckingham’s Memoirs of the Court of the Regency, vol. ii. p. 156.

64.  The Princess Charlotte in 1811. “She is grown excessively, and has all the fulness of a person of five-and-twenty. She is neither graceful nor elegant; yet she has a peculiar air et tous les prestiges de la royauté et du pouvoir. The Princess is above the middle height, extremely spread for her age; her bosom full, but finely shaped; her shoulders large, and her whole person voluptuous, but of a nature to become soon spoiled; and without much care and exercise, she will shortly lose all beauty in fat and clumsiness. Her skin is white, but not a transparent white. There is little or no shade in her face, but her features are very fine. Their expression, like that of her general demeanour, is noble. Her feet are rather small, and her hands and arms are finely moulded. She has a hesitation in her speech amounting almost to a stammer—an additional proof, if any were wanting, of her being her father’s own child; but in everything she is his very image. Her voice is flexible, and its tones dulcet, except when she laughs, then it becomes too loud, but is never unmusical. She seems to wish to be admired more as a lovely woman than as a Queen. Yet she has quickness both of penetration and fancy, and would fain reign despotically, or I am much mistaken. I fear she is capricious, self-willed, and obstinate. I think she is kind-hearted, clever, and enthusiastic. Her faults have evidently never been checked, nor her virtues fostered.”—Lady C. Campbell’s Diary, vol. i. p. 65.

65.  “I received a visit from Miss Knight. Her presence recalled Kensington and the poor Princess to my mind. She conversed with sense and kindliness on these topics, but her exceeding prudence always restrains the expression of her feelings, and she appeared averse to dwelling on the subject. The only remark she made which struck me as singular was that, in speaking of the King’s illness and probable decease, she said she conceived it would be a fortunate event for the country. Miss Knight has a very refined mind, and takes delight in every subject connected with literature and the arts. She is exceedingly well read, and has an excellent judgment in these matters.... I alluded once to the poor Princess Charlotte’s death, but Miss Knight only replied, ‘Ah, that was a melancholy event!’ and passed on to other subjects. She did not impress me with the idea of lamenting the Princess so much as I should have supposed she would have done. But perhaps she may, in reality, mourn her melancholy fate, and that she only forbears speaking of her lest she should say too much. Certainly Miss Knight was very ill-used by the Queen and the Regent, and I do not think Princess Charlotte liked, although she esteemed her. Miss Knight was not sufficiently gay, or of a style of character suited to her Royal Highness.”—Lady C. Campbell’s Diary, vol. iii. p. 7.

66.  Louis Philippe, son of Philippe l’Egalité, Duke of Orleans: afterwards King of the French.

67.  George Hammond, Esq., and David R. Morier, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul-General in France, were gazetted December 20, 1815, as his Majesty’s Commissioners of Arbitration.

68.  Probably wife of M. de Fontanes, who translated into French Pope’s “Essay on Man.” By the Emperor he was created Count of the Empire, Commandant of the Legion of Honour, and Grand Master of the Imperial University; and by Louis XVIII. he was subsequently created Peer of France and Officer of the Legion of Honour.

69.  Lady Morgan’s “chef d’un magasin de blanchissage” was willing to “pardon the King much for giving ‘la nation une princesse blanche comme la neige.’”—Lady Morgan’s France in 1816, vol. i. p. 105.

70.  The Duke of Wellington occupied the Hôtel de la Regnière. “It was in this hotel that his Grace gave a splendid ball, on the occasion of the marriage of the Duc de Berri, which, from the circumstance of all the guests coming fresh from the grand couvert at the Tuileries in their splendid court dresses, together with the illuminations of the hotel and gardens in honour of the event, produced an effect of brilliancy and magnificence to which description can do no possible justice.... It was curious to see in this congress of beauty and fashion, to which so many countries lent some of their lovely representatives, the belles of Berlin, Petersburg, Rome, London, Paris, Edinburgh, and Dublin, all assembled under the same roof; Bonapartist generals waltzing in close embrace with pretty royalistes enragées, and revolutionary senators linked in a chaîne-entière with ultra partners, formed the best illustration of the ‘Holy Alliance’ that could possibly be given.”—Lady Morgan’s France in 1816, vol. ii. p. 81.

71.  “The arrangements of this comparatively small theatre combine all that is chaste, elegant, light, and splendid in architecture and decoration. Illuminated with its thousand lights reflected from their crystal branches, it appears some fairy palace of Parian marble and burnished gold, at once noble and simple, magnificent and tasteful. To this splendid theatre no one was admitted who had not been presented at Court, and received a special invitation through the ‘premier gentilhomme de la chambre,’ or through their own ambassador. Every one appeared in full court dress, and the boxes, or rather the gallery which was round the theatre, is so constructed that every individual is distinctly seen. The King and the Royal Family occupy a centre box on one side; the ministers and ambassadors occupied a box on the left-hand of the King, the French Duchesses on the right, for the women do not mingle with the men under the present régime in the Court of the most gallant country in the world. The ‘parterre’ was exclusively occupied by the male part of the audience,” &c. &c.—Lady Morgan’s France in 1816, vol. i. p. 221.

72.  And not without reason, as the following extracts will show. It must be remembered, too, that the Duke of Wellington and many of the Waterloo heroes were in the house by special invitation:

“Je prévois que bientôt cette guerre fatale,
Ces troubles intestins de la maison royale,
Ces tristes factions cèderont au danger
D’abandonner la France au fils de l’étranger.

Je vois que de l’Anglais la race est peu chérie,

Que leur joug est pesant! qu’on n’aime leur patrie.

... n’acceptera pour maître,

L’allié des Anglais, quelque grand qu’il puisse être.

... Je ne veux pas que l’Anglais en ces lieux,

Protecteur insolent, commande sous mes yeux;

Les Anglais avec moi pourraient mal s’accorder,

Jusqu’au dernier moment je veux seul commander,” &c. &c.

73.  Then residing at Camelford House.

74.  The Dukes of York and Sussex were chief mourners, while the pall was supported by the Dukes of Bedford and Argyle, the Earl of Lauderdale, Lords Mulgrave and Holland, and the Bishop of London. “The coffin,” says a writer in the Universal Review for January, 1860, “was borne to its resting-place in Westminster Abbey by a crowd of titled and illustrious mourners, whose homage to departed genius offered rather a suggestive contrast to their late neglect of its living owner:

‘How proud they can press to the funeral array

Of him whom they shunned in his sickness and sorrow.’

No circumstance of splendid woe was wanting to the burial of him whose last illness had been embittered by the falling away of friends, and the growing pressure of pecuniary troubles, and whose last hours were passed under his own roof only through the kindness or calculating fears of a sheriff’s officer.”

75.  New Hall originally belonged to Waltham Abbey, but in the reign of Edward III. passed by exchange into the possession of Sir John Shardelowe. During the wars of the Roses it was bestowed upon Bortello, Earl of Ormond, a zealous Lancastrian, who was taken prisoner at Towton, and beheaded. The Manor House was fortified by his brother, by permission of Henry VII. It was obtained, by exchange, by Henry VIII., who erected it into an Honour, gave it the name of Beaulieu, and frequently resided there. After various vicissitudes, New Hall was sold to Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, who was assassinated by Felton. At a later period it was purchased by Oliver Cromwell for five shillings, though yielding a rental of 1300l. a year. Soon afterwards, however, he gave New Hall, together with a considerable sum of money, in exchange for Hampton Court. Some years later it was the residence of Monk, Duke of Albemarle, after whose time the glories of the place gradually faded away, until the house, fast falling to decay, was converted into a convent for English nuns of good family.

76.  Buckden Palace, in Huntingdonshire, was granted to the Bishop of Lincoln by the Abbot of Ely, in the reign of Henry I.

77.  George Prettyman Tomline, D.D., consecrated Bishop of Lincoln in 1787, and promoted to the Bishopric of Winchester in 1820. Mrs. Maltby was wife of the Rev. Dr. Maltby, who held the living of Buckden.

78.  Thorndon Hall, the seat of Lord Petrie, about two miles from Brentwood.

79.  “Mrs. Lutwyche,” says Madame Piozzi, “has written from Rome; says her husband can walk now seven miles a day. They spend their time in seeing sights, under the direction of the far-famed Cornelia Knight, and rejoicing in the society of the first society of the first city in Europe.—January, 1817.” See the second of Mr. Hayward’s very pleasant volumes. The date should be 1818, not 1817.

80.  See letter in Appendix—“Death of the Princess Charlotte.]”

In 1821, Miss Knight again went abroad, and arrived in Paris on the 12th of May.

81.  Now Count de Chambord. He was born on the 29th of September, 1820. His father, the Duke de Berri, was assassinated on the 14th of February in the same year, as he was leaving the Opera. The assassin was a journeyman saddler, named Louvel, who had previously been a soldier in the old Imperial Guard, and who for four years had meditated this crime.

82.  The conspiracy of the 19th August, 1820, having for its object the overthrow of the Government and the expulsion of the Bourbons. The trials of the conspirators terminated on the 17th July, 1821, when three of them were condemned to death, and six others to various terms of imprisonment, with or without fines.

83.  Marie Amélie, daughter of Ferdinand IV., King of the Two Sicilies, by Caroline of Austria, Queen of the French from 1830 to 1848. In the revolution of February the Château de Neuilly was sacked and fired by the mob. The Duke de Chartres here mentioned was afterwards Duke of Orleans, killed by leaping from his carriage whilst his horses were running away.

84.  The Congress at Laybach.

85.  Described in Lord Holland’s “Foreign Reminiscences” as “a man of strict veracity and accurate memory.” He had a very confidential interview with the Emperor Napoleon at the island of Elba.

86.  The celebrated Baron Denon, Directeur-Général des Musées under the first Empire, and author of a remarkable work upon the monuments of Egypt.

87.  The St. Swithin of the French calendar. His festival falls on the 8th of June.

88.  The Abbé de Montesquiou-Fénezac was born in 1757, and was the chief author of the Charter of 1814. In the following month of July he was appointed Minister of the Interior, and rendered himself unpopular to the ultra-Royalists by his moderation and liberality. On one occasion, after he had been violently abused for his impartiality, which was called favouring the Revolutionists, he quietly remarked “que le Roi ne connaissait point de révolutionnaires; qu’il ne venait pas pour punir la révolution, mais pour la faire oublier.” During the Hundred Days he took refuge in England, and after the second restoration he was created a Peer of France, and allowed to retain the title of Minister of State, but he took no further part in public affairs.

89.  Stanislas, Marquis de Boufflers, was born at Lunéville in 1737, and was named after the unfortunate King of Poland, his godfather. He was educated for the Church, hence he was at first known as L’Abbé de Boufflers. But he gave up the Church for the Army, and became a Knight of Malta and captain of hussars. In 1791 he fled with Madame de Sabran and her son to Berlin, where he soon afterwards married her. In 1800 he returned to France and published a book entitled “Libre Arbitre,” and in 1804 was elected member of the French Academy, as successor to Marshal Noailles. The Chevalier died in 1815. He has been described as “abbé libertin; militaire philosophe; diplomate chansonnier; émigré patriote; républicain courtisan.” His stepson, Count Elzéar Louis Marie de Sabran, at a very early age gave proof of uncommon talents. He was warmly attached to Madame de Staël, and consequently incurred the anger of Napoleon. In 1820 he composed a dithyrambic poem on the assassination of the Duke de Berri, which was much thought of at the time. His death took place in 1846, in the seventieth year of his age.

90.  The Emperor Napoleon died at St. Helena on the 5th of May, 1821. The intelligence was conveyed from Calais to Paris by telegraph. “There was a disposition,” says Lord Holland, “in the people of Paris to disbelieve in the death of Napoleon, there was more in the middling classes to attribute it to poison, and there was some in the Court to affect the magnanimity of stifling all resentment towards the departed hero. Mourning was worn by many, especially on the 15th August, the festival of St. Napoleon. Publications on his character, life, and death, were numerous, and generally more full of commendation than of censure. Portraits, engravings, and prints in allusion to his exile and death were bought up with an avidity which alarmed the police, and led to the temporary suppression of the exhibition of such articles in the shops.”—Foreign Reminiscences, p. 205.

91.  The coronation of George IV. took place on the 19th July, and the Queen died on the 7th of August following. A riot took place on the 15th, when her body was removed from Brandenburg House to be taken to Harwich for embarkation, the populace being determined that the funeral procession should pass through the City of London, against the wishes of the Government. Queen Caroline was buried at Brunswick on the 24th, between her father and her brother.

92.  Larive, a celebrated French tragedian, born at La Rochelle in 1749. He was a pupil of Mademoiselle Clairon, and was considered inferior only to Lekain and Talma. He retired from the stage at a comparatively early age, and settled down on his beautiful little property at Monlignon, in the valley of Montmorency.

93.  The change of Ministry took place on the 14th. M. Villèle continued in power till January, 1828, when he was created a Peer of France, and retired into private life.

94.  Princess Elizabeth, third daughter Of George III., born May 22, 1770, married the Landgrave of Hesse Homburg, April 7, 1818.

95.  Princess Charlotte Augusta Matilda, eldest daughter of George III., born September 29, 1766, married May 18, 1797, to Frederick Charles William, Hereditary Prince of Würtemberg, who, by the treaty of Lunéville, was raised to the dignity of Elector in 1803. Through the favour of Napoleon, and by virtue of the Convention of Presburg, he was declared King of Würtemberg on January 1, 1806. He died in 1816. His widow, by reason of her universal benevolence, was called “the good Queen-Dowager.” She died October 6, 1828.

96.  Lady Mary was the only daughter of Charles, third Earl of Aylesbury, by his third wife, Caroline, daughter of John Campbell, Duke of Argyle, who survived him and married, not General Conway, but General Henry Seymour, brother of the first Marquis of Hertford. Lady Mary Bruce married Charles, third Duke of Richmond, and died without issue. Thomas Brudenell took the name and arms of Bruce in addition to his own, and in 1776 was created Earl of Aylesbury, the title having become extinct at the death of his uncle. The Count of Horn married Charlotte, daughter of Thomas, third Earl of Elgin and second of Aylesbury, by his second wife, Charlotte Countess of Samm, of the House of Argenteau in Brabant. It was Robert, second Earl of Elgin, who, for his devoted loyalty to Charles I. and Charles II., was created Earl of Aylesbury.

97.  Afterwards Lord High Admiral of Prussia. He distinguished himself in an attack on the Riff pirates. His brother, Prince Waldemar, travelled in India, and was present at the battle of Ferozeshuhur, under the incognito of Count Ravensburg.

98.  The present Duke of Cambridge, Commander-in-Chief of her Majesty’s Forces. Princess Augusta was then only two years old, and is described in Miss Knight’s Diary as being “very pretty;” “they are both fine children.”

99.  Sophia Dorothea, daughter of the Duke of Zell. After the assassination of her paramour, Count Philip de Kœnigsmark, she was confined in the Castle of Dahlen. She died in 1727, only a few months before George I.

100.  His first wife was the Princess Augusta Carolina Frederica Louisa of Brunswick, married 1780, died 1787.

101.  Lord Prudoe, Lord Caermarthen, Lord Pelham, Lord Hopetoun, Lord Hervey, and Lord Strathmore. Sir W. W. Wynne, Colonel Clive, and Captain Perry were also attached to the Duke of Northumberland.

102.  These riots were speedily suppressed by the resolute daring of the Emperor Nicholas, who ascended the throne December 26, 1825.

103.  Married in 1831 to M. Emile de Girardin. Mademoiselle Delphine Gay was born at Aix-la-Chapelle about the year 1800, and in 1822 competed for the prize offered by the Academy for the best poem “Sur le Dévouement des Médecins Français et des Sœurs de Sainte Camille pendant l’Epidémie de Barcelone.” Had she conformed to the conditions, she would have gained the prize; as it was, it was read aloud by M. Alexandre Duval, and created a great sensation. The consecration of Charles X., the deaths of General Foy and of Mathieu de Montmorency, and other subjects, furnished themes for this accomplished poetess. After her marriage she frequently contributed feuilletons to the Presse under the name of Vicomte Delaunay, and also published some novels of considerable merit. Her last literary work was the popular drama, “La Joie fait Peur.”

104.  Count Alexis de Saint Priest, author of several tragedies, and also of historical works of more than average merit.

105.  It is amusing to contrast the well-bred kindliness of feeling with which Miss Knight accepts the dresses presented to her by the Queen-Dowager of Würtemberg, with the under-bred fussiness displayed by Miss Burney, when Queen Charlotte presumed to send her a gown by the hands of Madame Schwellenburg.

106.  In conformity with diplomatic usage, Russia being the youngest member of the great European family. The Duke of Wellington it will be remembered, called the battle of Navarino an “untoward accident.” It was fought on the 20th October, 1827.

107.  M. de Vathnesuil, one of the six Advocates-General of the Court of Cassation.

108.  During the greater part of March, Miss Knight had been confined to her room by severe illness.

109.  Diebitch’s army had melted “like snow at the glance of the Lord” by the time he reached Adrianople. The Treaty of Adrianople saved the remnants of the Russian forces rather than Constantinople.

110.  “It has been asserted” (says Lord Holland in his “Foreign Reminiscences,” p. 87) “that his (Manuel Godoy’s) marriage with the daughter of the Infant Don Luis originated in a malicious trait of jealousy of the Queen. The story goes, that she brought the King unexpectedly to the apartment of the favourite, and surprised him when supping tête-à-tête with Mademoiselle Tudo (the daughter of an artillery officer), a lady of extraordinary beauty, to whom he was clandestinely married, though some say by a contract which the laws would consider as invalid; that the King was partly shocked and partly diverted at the discovery; that he shortly afterwards, at the suggestion of the Queen, with a view of providing, without the peril of a deadly sin, for the incontinence of his favourite, insisted on matrimony, and condescended to offer his young and recently acknowledged cousin for a bride; that the Prince of the Peace, not daring to acknowledge his union with the Tudo, and still less to decline the royal alliance without alleging some such insurmountable bar, prevailed on the wife of his affections to suppress the truth, and allowed Charles, in his zeal to rescue him from more venial and ordinary vices, to involve him in the heinous and troublesome sin of bigamy. I do not vouch for the truth of the tale. Well-informed persons believed it, and related it to me. It is certain that the ostensible marriage with the Princess, which took place in 1797, never interrupted his connexion with the Tudo. During his prosperity, she was generally lodged in a royal palace, or in an adjoining apartment. After his exile and adversity, she followed him to Rome, and has always been treated by him, his friends, and even the Royal Family, as a personage in some sort legitimately entitled to the society, tenderness, and protection of the Prince of Peace.”

111.  Signor Horatio Pallavicini quitted his native country and settled in the Netherlands, where he married a woman of low extraction. On her death, he crossed over into England, and was appointed by Queen Mary collector of the papal taxes gathered in the kingdom. At Mary’s decease he happened to have thus a large sum of money in his possession, and accordingly turned Protestant. His talents and knowledge of continental languages rendered him very useful to Queen Elizabeth, who conferred upon him the honour of knighthood. In the following year he fitted out and commanded a ship against the Spanish Armada, and his portrait was placed among those of the patriots who distinguished themselves on that occasion in the tapestry that hung in the old House of Lords. He died in 1600, leaving his second wife, daughter of Egidius Hooftman of Antwerp, in possession of immense wealth. In the following year she married Sir Oliver Cromwell, uncle and godfather of the Protector. Two sons and a daughter by her former husband, Sir Horatio Pallavicini, married two daughters and a son of her second husband by his former wife. It does not appear that Lady Cromwell ever visited Genoa at all. Her son Oliver may have done so, as he was certainly a student at Padua. He was killed by the fall of some buildings at Rome. There is no mention of any other member of the family going to Italy. See the Rev. Mark Noble’s “Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell.”

112.  This story is told on the authority of the Countess d’Uglas.

113.  “Massacre them!”

114.  The Princess Dashkoff, who had been the chief instigator of the conspiracy against Peter III. The ribbon worn by the Princess was torn, it is said by her own hands, from the person of her sister, the Countess Woronzow, the mistress of the unfortunate monarch; both of them being the daughters of Chancellor Woronzow.

115.  The murder of the Czar did not take place for some days after his dethronement. If there be any truth in this story, which is questionable, it must have been the tidings of the success of the conspiracy that the Princess was so anxiously expecting.

116.  At a later period, Paul was by no means remarkable for his conjugal fidelity. Of his personal appearance the following mention is made in Masson’s “Memoires Secrètes,” quoted by Mr. Kelly in his “History of Russia,” vol. ii. p. 154: “It is said that the people of Paris, crowding to see Paul, then a youth, cried, ‘My God, how ugly he is!’ and that he had the good sense to laugh at it. He is not improved since he is grown old, bald, and wrinkled. The Empress appears by his side like one of those beautiful women who are painted with a little deformed blackamoor near them, as a contrast to their dignity and grace. The singularity which he affects in his dress, and the severity of his manners, add greatly to his deformity. Without excepting even the Kalmuks and the Kirghaz, Paul is the ugliest man in his extensive dominions; and he himself considers his countenance as so shocking, that he dares not impress it upon his coin.” Miss Knight herself describes the Grand-Duke, in one place, as “the ugliest man I ever saw;” but this was before he had spoken to her.

117.  Told on the authority of the Abbé Gabriel.

118.  Père Jacquier died at Rome in 1787.

119.  At the time of the flight to Varennes.

120.  Through Miss Knight’s influence with Sir William Hamilton he was shortly afterwards restored to liberty. His family showed her the most grateful attentions when, in after years, she much frequented Paris.

121.  This is explained elsewhere.

122.  In inducing the King of Prussia to join the Allies against France.

123.  The Viscount de Materosa and Don Diego de la Vega.

124.  As the ship conveying the Queen of France and the Duchess d’Angoulême and suite passed Admiral Russell’s fleet, “the gallant veteran saluted the illustrious visitors with a royal salute.” Her Majesty landed at Harwich on the 29th August.

125.  In the Annual Register for 1809, this inscription is ascribed to her Royal Highness the Princess Elizabeth.

126.  The anecdotes relating to Boswell were given to Miss Knight by Mrs. Piozzi.

127.  This is also stated in the Autobiography, vol. i. page 19.

128.  This anecdote is related on the authority of Baron Wrangel, and is also mentioned in Wraxall’s “Memoirs of his own Time.” It was said that this “Russian lady of high rank” was a daughter of the Empress Elizabeth by Alexis Ragumofsky, and that the English Consul, Mr. John Dick, assisted Count Alexis Orloff in luring her on board the Russian fleet. But Mr. Kelly states that she was “an adventurer who called herself Countess Tarakanoff: he allured her on board his ship and sent her to Petersburg.”—History of Russia, vol. ii. p. 57.

129.  “You cardinals want to give us the go-by in everything.”

THE END.

C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND.

- Transcriber’s Notes:

- Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.

- Typographical errors were silently corrected.

- Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant form was found in this book.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MISS CORNELIA KNIGHT, LADY COMPANION TO THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE OF WALES, VOLUME 2 (OF 2) ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg

Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

- AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MISS CORNELIA KNIGHT, Vol II

- CONTENTS TO VOL. II.

- EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S JOURNALS.

- EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S ANECDOTE BOOKS.

- APPENDIX.

- CHAPTER I.

- CHAPTER II.

- CHAPTER III.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED—1815.

- CHAPTER IV.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED.

- [1816.]

- CHAPTER V.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED.

- CHAPTER VI.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED.

- CHAPTER VII.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED—1822.

- CHAPTER VIII.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED—1825.

- [1826.]

- CHAPTER IX.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED—1827.

- [1828.]

- CHAPTER X.

- JOURNAL CONTINUED—1830.

- [1831.]

- [1833.]

- CHAPTER XI.

- EXTRACTS FROM MISS KNIGHT’S JOURNAL.

- Rome—1781.

- Rome—1782.

- [1783.]

- Naples—1785.

- Naples—1798.

- Windsor—1805.

- Windsor—1808.

- [1809.]

- [1810.]

- [1811.]

- [1812.]

- ANECDOTES.

- APPENDIX.

- FOOTNOTES.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE