Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 2 (of 2) / Or, Journal of a Voyage to the United States
Date: 2020-04-08T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: United States -- Description and travel; United States -- Social life and customs -- 19th century; United States -- Relations -- France; France -- Relations -- United States; Lafayette; Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier; marquis de; 1757-1834 -- Travel -- United States; 1757-1834 -- Friends and associates; Levasseur; Auguste; 1795-1878 -- Diaries; 1795-1878 -- Travel -- United States; United States -- History -- Revolution; 1775-1783 -- Anniversaries; etc.

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 2 (of 2)

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 2 (of 2)

Author: Auguste Levasseur

Translator: John D. Godman

Release date: April 8, 2020 [eBook #61778]
Most recently updated: October 17, 2024

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/61778

Credits: Produced by Richard Tonsing, Brian Wilson, MFR, and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
(This book was produced from scanned images of public
domain material from the Google Books project.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825, VOL. 2 (OF 2) ***

Transcriber’s Note:

The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA
IN 1824 AND 1825;
OR,
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE
TO THE
UNITED STATES:

BY A. LEVASSEUR,

SECRETARY TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE DURING HIS JOURNEY.

VOL. II.

PHILADELPHIA:

CAREY AND LEA.

1829.

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:

Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1829, Carey and Lea, of the said district, have deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors in the words following, to wit:

“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to the United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette during his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of the maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”

(Signed) D. CALDWELL,

Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

CONTENTS.

Chapter I.
| P.

Maryland Cattle Show—Indian Deputation introduced to Gen. Lafayette—President’s Message—Extraordinary honours paid to the Nation’s Guest—National recompense presented by Congress

9

Chapter II.

Election of the President—Public character of the President—Public Officers—Congress—Grand public dinner on the 1st of January

22

Chapter III.
Departure from Washington—American Feelings—Sea-Lion—Family of Free Negroes—Raleigh—Fayetteville—North Carolina | 29
Chapter IV.

Entrance into South Carolina—Route from Cheraw to Cambden—Monument erected to Baron de Kalb—Road from Cambden to Charleston—Rejoicing in Charleston—Colonel Huger—History, Institutions, and Manners, of the South Carolinians

38

Chapter V.
Fort Moultrie—Edisto Island—Alligators—Savannah—Funeral Monuments—Augusta—State of Georgia | 55
Chapter VI.

Departure from Milledgeville—Macon—Indian Agency—Meeting with Indians during a Storm—Hamley—M’Intosh’s Tribe—Uchee Creek—Big Warrior—Captain Lewis—Line Creek—Montgomery—Farewell of M’Intosh—Cahawba-State of Alabama—Mobile

70

Chapter VII.

Departure from Mobile—Gulf of Mexico—Passage of the Belize—Landing at the entrenchments near New Orleans—Entrance into the city—Entertainments and public Ceremonies—Battle of New Orleans

87

Chapter VIII.

History and Constitution of Louisiana—Baton-Rouge—Natchez—State of Mississippi—Voyage to St. Louis—Reception of General Lafayette in that city

102

Chapter IX.

Changes produced in the navigation of the Mississippi since the introduction of Steam—Arrival at Kaskaskia—The Canadians and Indians—Singular meeting with a young Indian educated among the Whites, and returned to savage life—Indian Ballad—State of Illinois—Departure from Kaskaskia—Separation of General Lafayette and the Louisiana deputation

129

Chapter X.

Cumberland River—Arrival at Nashville—Tennessee Militia—Residence of General Jackson—Shipwreck on the Ohio—Louisville—Journey from Louisville to Cincinnati by land—State of Kentucky—Anecdote

150

Chapter XI.

Arrival at Cincinnati—Entertainments given by that city—Swiss of Vevay—State of Ohio—The Vinton family—Journey from Wheeling to Uniontown—Speech of Mr. Gallatin—New Geneva—Braddock’s field—General Washington’s first feat of arms—Pittsburgh

172

Chapter XII.

Route from Pittsburg to Erie—Commodore Perry’s Victory—Night Scene at Fredonia—The Indian Chief at Buffalo—Falls of Niagara—Visit to Fort Niagara—Appearance of Lockport—Passage from Lockport to Rochester—Aqueduct over the Genessee River—Route by land from Rochester to Syracuse—Passage from Syracuse to Schenectady, Rome, and Utica—Grand Canal

184

Chapter XIII.

Return to Boston—Reception of Lafayette by the Legislature of Massachusetts—Celebration of the anniversary of Bunker’s hill—History of the Revolution familiar to the Americans—Departure from Boston

200

Chapter XIV.

Rapid and hasty visit to the states of New Hampshire, Maine, and Vermont—Return to New York—Celebration of the Anniversary of American Independence—American vessels of war—Patriotism and disinterestedness of the Seamen of New York

208

Chapter XV.

Letter of Mr. Keratry on the Anniversary of Bunker’s hill—Fair Mount Water Works at Philadelphia—Germantown—Mr. Watson’s Historical Box—Field of the Battle of Brandywine—Invocation of the Rev. William Latta—Clergy of Lancaster—Return to Baltimore, lighted by a fire

223

Chapter XVI.

Return to Washington—Character of the new President—Visit to the ex-president, become a farmer and justice of the peace—Government offers Lafayette a ship of war to return in to France—Presents made to Bolivar through Lafayette—New homage from the city of New York—Farewell of the President to the Nation’s Guest—Departure from Washington city—Embarkation in the Brandywine—Voyage—Testimonies of attachment and regret of the crew of the Brandywine to Lafayette—Reception at Havre—some hours at Rouen—Reception of Lafayette at La Grange by the inhabitants of his vicinity

241

LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

Maryland Cattle Show—Indian Deputation introduced to Gen. Lafayette—President’s Message—Extraordinary honours paid to the Nation’s Guest—National recompense presented by Congress.

On arriving at Washington, we went to dine with the president; and after reposing for twenty-four hours, we set out for Baltimore, where we were invited as members of the Agricultural Society to the annual meeting of the farmers of Maryland. The object of this society is the distribution of rewards and encouragements to all, who in the course of the year have made improvements in agriculture, or the arts of domestic utility. The different products are exhibited, without the names of their owners, and examined by a committee, upon whose report the society awards the prizes. The show appeared to be rich in products of every description. A great number of horses, cows, and sheep, remarkable for their beauty of form, proved how careful the Maryland farmers are in improving their stock. Models of agricultural implements, linen, cotton, canvass and woollen cloths, wines and grain, so arranged, as to be open to public examination, attested the spirit of investigation and improvement which pervades the industrious class of this rich state. General Harper opened the meeting by a very instructive discourse upon the progress and actual condition of agriculture in Maryland, and General Lafayette was charged with the distribution of the premiums. After these were delivered, the farmers were arranged in two lines, and General Lafayette passed between them, shaking hands with every one. We then gaily seated ourselves at table, where numerous toasts were drank, “to the nation’s guest,” “the farmer of La Grange,” &c. To these tributes of respect, the general replied by the following toast: “The seed of American liberty transplanted to other shores, smothered hitherto, but not destroyed by European weeds; may it germinate and grow afresh, more pure and vigorous, and cover the soil of both hemispheres.”

Before leaving Baltimore we visited several farms in the vicinity, at each of which General Lafayette took accurate notes of various improvements, whose application he thought would prove useful on his farm at La Grange. He especially admired a fine steam boiler,[1] at General Harper’s farm, by which numerous flocks could be more abundantly and economically fed. Mr. Patterson presented him a young bull and two heifers of rare elegance of form, said to be of the English Devonshire breed. We also received from several other agriculturists, wild turkeys for the improvement of the European breed, pigs of singular size, figure, &c.; in short, every one wished to present some of his produce to the farmer of La Grange, who accepted them the more gratefully, because he saw in each of these presents means of rendering service to French agriculture.

On returning to Washington, we found the city much more animated than before our departure. The number of strangers and citizens from all parts of the Union, which usually assemble at the opening of congress, were collected this season in much greater crowds, attracted by the wish of being there at the same time with the nation’s guest, and to witness the inauguration of the recently elected president. The European ambassadors and ministers of the new states of South America, had returned to their posts, which they left during the fine season; Indian deputations had also arrived from the most distant forests, to make known the wants of their brethren to the American government. These deputations came to visit General Lafayette the morning after our return; they were introduced by Major Pitchlynn, their interpreter; at their head were two chiefs whom we had previously seen at Mr. Jefferson’s table during our visit to Monticello. I recognised them by their ears cut into long straps and garnished with long plates of lead. One of them, named Mushulatubbee, made an address to General Lafayette in the Indian language; after he had concluded, Pushalamata, the first of their chiefs, also addressed the general, congratulating him on his return to the land for which he had fought and bled in his youth, &c. This chief expired a few days afterwards: feeling the approach of death, he called his companions around him, requested them to dress him in his est ornaments and give him his arms, that he might die like a man. He expressed a desire that the Americans would bury him with the honours of war, and fire a salute over his grave, which was promised. He then conversed with his friends until he gently expired. He was very old and of the Choctaw tribe, as well as part of those who came to see General Lafayette; the rest were Chickasaws.

On his return to Washington, the general found messages from all the southern and western states, expressing the desire and hope of the people of those parts of the Union that he would visit them: the representatives of the different states who had come to sit in congress, daily came to see him, and spoke with enthusiasm of the preparations which their fellow citizens were already making to receive the nation’s guest.

He felt that it would be difficult, not to say impossible, to refuse invitations so feelingly and honourably expressed, and determined to accept them all; but on account of the advanced state of the season he could not re-commence his journey till the end of the winter; during part of which he would remain at Washington, where he could attend to the debates in congress. As these debates would not begin for some days, he determined to profit by the intervening time to visit all the members of General Washington’s family, residing in the vicinity of the capital. We first went to the house of one of his nieces, Mrs. Lewis, at Wood Lawn; this lady was brought up at Mount Vernon with Mr. George Lafayette, and time had not destroyed the fraternal friendship existing between them. She received us with great kindness, as did her husband and family. We remained four days at Wood Lawn, receiving the most delicate attentions, and departed charged with little presents, of great value to us, because they were almost all objects which had belonged to the hero of liberty, the immortal Washington.

As Wood Lawn is but a division of the ancient property of Mount Vernon, we had but a short walk to Judge Bushrod Washington’s. We then revisited Arlington, the residence of Mr. Custis, of whom I have heretofore had occasion to speak. His house, built according to reduced plans of the temple of Theseus, stands upon one of the most beautiful situations imaginable; from the portico the eye takes in, at one view, the majestic course of the Potomac, the commercial movements of Georgetown, the rising city of Washington, and far beyond the vast horizon, beneath which lie the fertile plains of Maryland. If Mr. Custis, instead of the great number of indolent slaves, who devour his produce, and leave his roads in a bad condition, would employ a dozen well paid free labourers, I am sure that he would soon triple his revenues, and have one of the most delightful properties, not only of the District of Columbia, but of all Virginia.

While General Lafayette was visiting his friends, congress commenced its session on the 6th of December, according to custom. The president’s message was received by both houses on the 7th at noon; and, on our return to Washington on the 8th, we read this political paper, always so important in the United States, but still more interesting this year, because it was the last great administrative act of an honest man; and its influence, perhaps, saved the republics of South America, I do not say from the intrigues, but at least from the attacks of Europe. Those who wish to learn how, in a legitimate government, the chief magistrate elected by the people renders an account of the sacred trust they have confided to him, should read Mr. Monroe’s message of the 6th December, 1824. They will there see with what candour this wise magistrate informs congress of all the acts of his administration, with what simplicity he speaks of his treaties with all the kings of Europe; with what frankness he exposes the wants, the resources, the situation of the state; but also with what courage and dignity he declares to the whole world that the republic, faithful to its engagements, will regard as a personal offence all attacks directed against its allies, and will always repel, with its whole power, the unjust principle of foreign interference in the affairs of the nation.

After the reading of the message committees were immediately appointed by both houses upon the various articles it contained. The committee charged with what related to the general, was requested to report with as little delay as possible. Other committees were appointed to arrange the ceremonial of the general’s public reception by congress; and, on the 8th of December the joint committee reported by Mr. Barbour to the house of representatives, that, in order to avoid difficulties, each house of congress should separately receive the nation’s guest. The senate then determined upon the manner in which General Lafayette should be received, and the committee was authorized to act as intermediary to the senate and him.

On the 9th Mr. Mitchell, in the name of the committees, proposed resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, that General Lafayette should be publicly gratulated by the house of representatives on account of his accepting the invitation of congress, and assured of the profound respect felt for his eminent services during the revolution, as well as of the pleasure caused by his return, after so long an absence, to the theatre of his exploits.

As soon as these resolutions were made known, the troops wished to parade, to give the reception of the nation’s guest by congress all the brilliance of military pomp; but General Lafayette, having learned their intention, requested them to relinquish it, as he considered it inconsistent, both with his character and situation, to appear before the national representatives surrounded by the pomp of arms; the troops, always delighted to do what was most agreeable to him, immediately laid aside their project. At half past twelve we went in carriages with the committee of the senate to the capitol; at ten o’clock precisely the doors of the senate were thrown open, and General Lafayette was led into the midst of the assembly by Mr. Barbour, president of the committee. On arriving at the centre of the hall, Mr. Barbour said, in a loud voice, “We introduce General Lafayette to the senate of the United States.” The senators standing uncovered received this annunciation with the most profound silence. The committee then conducted the general to a seat on the right of Mr. Gailliard, president of the senate; a motion to adjourn was made immediately after, that each senator might individually pay his respects to the general. This motion being carried, the senators successively left their seats, and approached him for that purpose. Thus terminated the business of the day.

The next morning, the general was again conducted to the capitol, by a deputation of twenty-four members of the house of representatives. The procession consisted of merely twelve coaches, but without escort, pomp, or decorations; our progress through the city was slow and silent. At the sight of the first coach, which contained the general, the citizens halted, removed their hats, but uttered no exclamation. This silence, this simplicity, was really impressive. We were conducted into the committee room until the session commenced; the public galleries were crowded from early in the morning; the seats were occupied by foreign diplomatists and most distinguished persons of the city. That part of the hall which is not occupied by the representatives, was, on this occasion, alone filled by ladies.

When the members had taken their seats, Mr. Condict proposed that the senate should be invited to attend, and the motion was carried by a large majority. The speaker then requested the members to pass to the right, in order to give place to the senators. The senate then entered and took their seats; a few minutes after, two members came for Mr. George Lafayette and myself, and conducted us into the hall, to a seat occupied by the public officers. A signal being then given, the doors were thrown open, and General Lafayette entered between Messrs. Mitchell and Livingston, followed by the rest of the deputation: the whole assembly arose and stood uncovered in silence. When the general reached the centre of the hall, the speaker, Mr. Clay, thus addressed him:

“General—The house of representatives of the United States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole American people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, than that of presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occasion of your recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with the wishes of congress, and to assure you of the very high satisfaction which your presence affords on this early theatre of your glory and renown. Although but few of the members who compose this body shared with you in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial history or from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, and the sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the signal services, in America and in Europe, which you performed for an infant, a distant, and an alien people; and all feel and own the very great extent of the obligations under which you have placed our country. But the relations in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting and important as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of the respect and admiration which the house of representatives entertain for you. Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to regulated liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also commands its admiration. During all the recent convulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political storm, the people of the United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating, with your well known voice, the votaries of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last drop of that blood which here you so freely and nobly spilt, in the same holy cause.

“The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his country, and to contemplate the intermediate changes which had taken place—to view the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and the increase of population—General, your present visit to the United States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity. Every where, you must have been struck with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since you left us. Even this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered its site. In one respect, you behold us unaltered, and this is in the sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and in the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will be transmitted, with unabated vigour, down the tide of time, through the countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.”

The profound emotion experienced by the speaker, which had visibly agitated him throughout his address, rapidly extended to the hearts of the auditors, each of whom waited, with benevolent anxiety, for the answer they expected the general would have ready in writing, for so solemn an occasion. But every one was agreeably surprised, to see him advance a few steps towards the speaker, cast upon the assembly looks of feeling and gratitude, and, after a few instants of recollection, deliver, in a sonorous voice, distinctly audible throughout the house, the following extempore reply:

“Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives—While the people of the United States, and their honourable representatives in congress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the American veterans, to signify, in his person, their esteem for our joint services, and their attachment to the principles for which we have had the honour to fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those extraordinary favours with my dear revolutionary companions; yet it would be, on my part, uncandid and ungrateful, not to acknowledge my personal share in those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast emotions which no words are adequate to express.

“My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit I might claim; they date from the time when I have had the happiness to be adopted as a young soldier, a favoured son of America; they have been continued to me during almost a half a century of constant affection and confidence; and now, sir, thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of which would more than compensate for the public exertions and sufferings of a whole life.

“The approbation of the American people, and their representatives, for my conduct, during the vicissitudes of the European revolution, is the highest reward I could receive. Well may I stand firm and erect, when, in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared to have, in every instance, been faithful to those American principles of liberty, equality, and true social order, the devotion to which, as it has been from my earliest youth, so it shall continue to be to my latest breath.

“You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar felicity of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I am called to witness the immense improvements, the admirable communications, the prodigious creations, of which we find an example in this city, whose name itself is a venerated palladium; in a word, all the grandeur and prosperity of those happy United States, who, at the same time they nobly secure the complete assertion of American independence, reflect, on every part of the world, the light of a far superior political civilization.

“What better pledge can be given, of a persevering, national love of liberty, when these blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous resistance to oppression, and institutions founded on the rights of man, and the republican principle of self-government?

“No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since, in the sons of my companions and friends, I find the same public feelings; and, permit me to add, the same feelings in my behalf, which I have had the happiness to experience in their fathers.

“Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee of a congress of thirteen states, to express the fond wishes of an American heart; on this day, I have the honour and enjoy the delight, to congratulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged, on the realization of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation, and upon the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty anticipate; permit me, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the house of representatives, to join to the expression of those sentiments, a tribute of my lively gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound respect.”

I will not attempt to depict the deep impression produced by the reply of the general, and by this simple yet majestic scene on the spectators. I fear that it would be understood but by few. As regards my own feelings, I frankly avow, that I could not avoid drawing a comparison between this touching picture of national gratitude crowning the civic virtues, with those pompous ceremonies, in the midst of which the monarchs of Europe deign to show themselves, surrounded with the glitter of arms and the splendour of dress: the latter appeared to me only similar to some brilliant theatrical representation, which it would be gratifying to behold, if we could forget that they but add to the misery of the people.

After these testimonies of devotion and feeling, hitherto unknown in the history of nations, thus tendered by congress to General Lafayette, it might have been supposed, that all marks of national gratitude were exhausted. But, in compliance with the message of the president, and above all, with the expression of public opinion which was daily manifested in the public prints and in private letters addressed from all parts of the Union to the members, congress still conceived that more remained to be done, and hastened to appoint a committee to devise a mode of presenting to General Lafayette a recompense worthy of the nation which tendered it. This committee reported a bill on the 20th of December, in which, after detailing the services rendered by Lafayette to the American nation, and the sacrifices he had made in the achievement of its independence, they proposed that the sum of 200,000 dollars, and the fee simple of a tract of land of 24,000 acres, to be chosen in the most fertile part of the United States, should be offered as a compensation and testimony of gratitude. This proposition was received with enthusiasm by the senate, and it was believed that it would pass without discussion, when at the moment it was about to be sent to the house of representatives, a senator observed, “that he had no objections to make either to the sum about to be voted, or to the services for which it was given; that he yielded to no one in gratitude and friendship towards General Lafayette, whose virtues and services, he believed, could not be too highly recompensed; but thought that the proposed method was defective; that charged with the administration of the public revenues, he did not believe that congress was permitted to dispose of them otherwise than for the public service; he thought that each state might claim with justice, a right to testify its gratitude to Lafayette; finally, that he voted against the consideration of the proposition, to avoid establishing a precedent, the consequences of which might hereafter be fatal.”

The eloquence of Mr. Hayne easily triumphed over this opposition, arising from a scrupulous attention and care of the public finances, and the bill having been a third time read, was almost unanimously adopted. Seven votes only were in the negative; and it was universally known that even those who opposed the bill, were among the warmest friends and partizans of the general. Motives of public expediency, and, with some, the habit of opposing every novel measure of finance, were the only reasons for their course of conduct.

The proposition was received with equal warmth and good will in the house of representatives. As soon as the committee presented their report, all other business was postponed, and the consideration of the bill commenced. The discussion that ensued, as in the senate, fully recognized the rights of the general to national gratitude, and only turned on the legality of the proposed plan. After the third reading the bill was passed by an overwhelming majority.

During these discussions in congress, General Lafayette, who was wholly ignorant of their existence, was at Annapolis, whither he had been invited by the legislature of Maryland. It was not until the day after his return to Washington, that the two committees of the senate and the house of representatives waited on him, to acquaint him with the resolutions of congress.

Mr. Smith, the chairman, presented him the act, and observed that the congress of the United States, fully appreciating the great sacrifices made by the general in the cause of American Independence, had taken that opportunity of repaying a part of the vast debt owed to him by the country.

General Lafayette was greatly embarrassed on hearing this munificence of congress towards him. He was at first tempted to refuse it, as he thought the proofs of affection and popular gratitude which he had received from the moment of his arrival in the United States, were a sufficient recompense for all his services, and he had never desired any other. But he nevertheless felt, from the manner in which this offer was made, that he could not refuse it without offending the American nation, through its representatives, and he therefore immediately decided upon accepting it. He replied to the committee with his usual promptness and feeling, assuring them of the deep gratitude he felt, as an American soldier, and as an adopted son of the country, for this as well as other marks of affection that had been bestowed upon him.

This act of congress was soon spread, by means of the public journals, through all parts of the Union, and was every where received with unanimous approbation. Some states even wished to make an addition to these grants of congress. Thus, for example, Virginia, New York, and Maryland, were desirous to heap additional favours on the guest of the nation. It required all the determined moderation of the general to repress this excess of gratitude, which would have ended in placing at his disposal all the funds of the United States; for if the states had once engaged in this struggle of generosity, it is difficult to say where it would have ended.

Nevertheless, the newspapers, the organs of public opinion, in applauding these acts of congress, attacked, with a severity which distressed General Lafayette, those few members of the senate and house of representatives, who had voted against the national donation. These attacks, in fact, were the more unjust; for, as I have already said, the majority of the opponents of the measure were personal friends of the general, and wholly devoted to his interests; but in voting, not against the proposition, but against its form, they remained faithful to a principle they had always adopted, of not disposing of the public funds for other purposes than those of the public service. Some of them deemed it proper to explain this to the general. “Not only,” said they, “do we partake of the gratitude and admiration of our fellow citizens towards you for the services you have rendered us, but we also think that the nation can never repay them, and yet twenty-six of us voted against the proposition in congress.” “Well,” replied the general, in taking them cordially by the hand, “I can assure you, that if I had had the honour of being your colleague, we should have been twenty-seven, not only because I partake of the sentiments which determined your votes, but also because I think that the American nation has done too much for me.” This reply soon appeared in all the journals, and, as may be supposed, only added to the popularity of him who made it.

I have already observed that during the deliberations of congress, General Lafayette had accepted the invitation of the legislature of Maryland, who also wished to bestow on him the honour of a public reception. We left Washington on the 16th of December, accompanied by Dr. Kent, Mr. Mitchell, members of the house of representatives from Maryland, and a detachment of volunteer cavalry. On our route, we visited the family and beautiful farm of Capt. Sprigg, ex-governor of Maryland, and arrived at Annapolis in the afternoon. The deputies of the city met the general at a great distance from it, notwithstanding the badness of the weather, and the troops had advanced as far as Miller’s Hill. Another corps of militia had marched from Nottingham, which is thirty miles from Annapolis. The storm had retarded its arrival, but had not damped the zeal of the citizens. At Carrol’s Lane, about two miles from the city, the general, notwithstanding the remonstrances that were made, descended from the carriage, and with his head uncovered, returned thanks to the troops for the affection they testified towards him. “They have exposed themselves to the severity of the weather on my account, and I cannot permit it to deter me from returning them my thanks,” observed he. At the limits of the district an interesting meeting took place between him and some soldiers of the revolutionary army, several of whom had assisted in carrying him from the field of battle at Brandywine, where he had been wounded. Twenty-four discharges of cannon, and the display of the national flag on the state house, announced his arrival in the city.

Conducted into the hall of the legislature, which was filled with persons of distinction and soldiers of the revolution, he was led to a seat, where he listened to a discourse from the mayor in the name of the city. In his reply, he alluded to the fact, that Annapolis had been the scene of events for ever memorable in the annals of the United States; it was within its walls that Washington had laid down a power conferred on him by the nation; and the inhabitants of that city had always been worthy, by their patriotism, of being the witnesses and participators of this noble act.

The next day, Friday, 17th December, the militia of the county, the volunteer battalion of Annapolis, and the United States artillery were reviewed by him, displaying great discipline and soldierly precision in their manœuvres.

The following Monday, he received from the legislature of the state, a repetition of the same honours bestowed on him a few days previous by the congress of the United States. The day terminated by a public dinner, at which all the senators and representatives were present, and by a ball given by the mayor of the city.

Annapolis is a city of about 2500 inhabitants, handsomely situated on the river Severn, which empties into the Chesapeake Bay. It is the seat of government of the state of Maryland, but will never become an important place, at least from its commerce, which is wholly absorbed by the port of Baltimore.

In returning to Washington, we went by Fredericktown, where the general was received with enthusiasm by the population, and by a great number of his former companions in arms, among whom he recognized Colonel M‘Pherson, with whom we lodged. At the public banquet given him by the town, the table was lighted by a candelabra supporting an immense quantity of candles, the base of which was an enormous fragment of a bomb shell used at the siege of Yorktown.

Fredericktown is, next to Baltimore, the largest city in Maryland. It is situated in the heart of a fertile country, on the west bank of a small stream called the Monocacy. Its population, which does not amount to more than 3000, are generally engaged in manufactures.

CHAPTER II.

Election of the President—Public character of the President—Public officers—Congress—Grand public dinner on the 1st of January.

When we landed at New York, in the month of August, the people of the United States were occupied in the choice of a new political chief. This choice takes place every four years. It is always accompanied with much popular excitement, which may be readily conceived, as it equally interests every individual. Nevertheless, this excitement does not occasion any tumults. Since the adoption of the constitution, the nation has at nine different times elected a president, and always without the occurrence of any serious disturbance. The public prints, it is true, as organs of the opposing parties, become arsenals in which arms of all description and temper may be found, and which are oftentimes made use of in any thing but a courteous manner; but the exaggeration and violence of these journals are productive of no evil consequences, and never excite the people to transgress the laws.

The election of 1824 has, in common with the nine preceding, completely baffled the penetration of European politicians, who, with an assurance founded on ignorance and duplicity, predicted that the constitution of the United States was about to experience a shock, which it was impossible it could sustain, and that from the bosom of the turbulent democracy of America, would arise civil war and an overthrow of all civil order. These predictions were founded on the circumstance of the American nation having, until the present time, been able to restrict its choice to a few individuals, rendered dear to their country by their revolutionary services, whilst now it found itself obliged to enter on another list, and, consequently, to open the door to the ambitious and designing.

It was during the height of the excitement produced by the discussion of the presidential question that General Lafayette appeared on the American shores. This event, as if by enchantment, paralyzed all the electoral ardour. The newspapers, which, the evening before, were furiously combating for their favourite candidate, now closed their long columns on all party disputes, and only gave admission to the unanimous expression of the public joy and national gratitude. At the public dinners, instead of caustic toasts, intended to throw ridicule and odium on some potent adversary, none were heard but healths to the guest of the nation, around whom were amicably grouped the most violent of both parties. Finally, for nearly two months all the discord and excitement produced by this election, which, it was said, would engender the most disastrous consequences, were forgotten, and nothing was thought of but Lafayette and the heroes of the revolution.

On the evening of the day in which the president had received a notification that his successor had been appointed, there was a large party at his house. I had already been present at these parties, which are very striking from the numerous and various society there assembled, and by the amiable simplicity with which Mrs. Monroe and her daughters receive their guests. But, on this occasion, the crowd was so considerable that it was almost impossible to move. All the inhabitants of Washington were attracted by the desire of seeing the president elect and his competitors, who, it was taken for granted, would be present, and who, in fact, were so, with the exception of Mr. Crawford, who was detained at home by illness. After having made my bow to Mr. and Mrs. Monroe, to reach whom I found considerable difficulty, I looked with impatience for Mr. Adams and the other candidates. It appeared to me, that their being thus thrown together would prove extremely embarrassing to them, and I felt some curiosity to see how they would conduct themselves on the occasion. On entering one of the side rooms, I perceived Mr. Adams; he was alone in the midst of a large circle which was formed around him. His countenance was as open and modest as usual. Every instant persons pressed through the crowd to offer him their congratulations, which he received without embarrassment, and replied to by a cordial shake of the hand. At some distance, in the midst of a group of ladies, was Mrs. Adams. She appeared to be radiant with joy; but it was easy to be seen that she was more pleased at the personal triumph of her husband than for the advantages or pleasures that would result to herself. Whilst I was attentively looking at this interesting scene, a tumultuous movement was heard at the door, and a murmur of satisfaction arose from the whole party; I soon ascertained the cause, in seeing General Jackson make his appearance. Every one pressed forward to meet him, and endeavoured to be the first to salute him. To all these effusions of friendship he replied with frankness and cordiality. I alternately scrutinized both Mr. Adams and the general, being curious to see how these two men, who the morning before were rivals, would now meet. I was not kept long in expectation. The moment they perceived each other, they hastened to meet, taking each other cordially by the hand. The congratulations offered by General Jackson were open and sincere; Mr. Adams appeared to be deeply moved, and the numerous witnesses could not restrain the expression of their satisfaction. Mr. Clay arrived an instant afterwards, and the same scene was repeated. This, perhaps, produced less effect than the former, as Mr. Clay having had fewer chances of success, was supposed to make less effort to maintain his self-command; but it fully demonstrated the wisdom of the nation in its selection of candidates. The generosity of character manifested by General Jackson entirely satisfied me of the futility of the menaces of the Pennsylvania militia. Whilst these reflections were passing through my mind, I met in the crowd two officers with whom I had dined at York, and whom I had remarked particularly for their zeal and excitement. “Well,” said I, “the great question is decided, and in a manner contrary to your hopes, what do you intend to do? How soon do you lay siege to the capitol?” They began to laugh. “You recollect our threats, then,” said one of them. “We went, in truth, great lengths, but our opponents disregarded it, and they acted properly; they know us better than we wished them to do. Now that is settled, all we have to do is to obey. We will support Adams as zealously as if he were our candidate, but, at the same time, shall keep a close watch on his administration, and according as it is good or bad, we will defend or attack it. Four years are soon passed, and the consequences of a bad election are easily obviated.” “Yes,” said I, “much easier than that of legitimacy or hereditary succession.” They left me, laughing heartily, and the next day no body spoke of the election.

When the ardour and zeal of the parties in favour of their peculiar candidates are considered, it might be supposed that the president of the United States was an inexhaustible source of benefit to his friends, and that his power was such, that he could at will dispense favours, places, and riches. To remove this error it is only necessary to turn to that article of the constitution which fixes the duties of the head of the government, and any one will be convinced that it leaves fewer means of corruption in his hands than are with us bestowed on the lowest prefect.

It will be seen that the constitution, in fixing in a precise manner the duties and power of the chief magistrate, has rather kept in view the welfare and interests of the nation, than the gratification of one individual and his family. Hence, the president is placed in such a situation, that whatever may be his personal character, it is impossible for him to injure the liberty, right, or honour of his fellow citizens. He does not, like some kings on the old continent, enjoy several millions of revenue, and immense estates. The law only allows him 25,000 dollars as a salary, but it is not by the sumptuousness of his equipages, by the splendour of a numerous guard, or by the number of his courtiers, that he maintains the dignity of his station.

As he cannot entrench himself behind the responsibility of his ministers, nor protect himself under the infallibility of his character, or the inviolability of his person, which the constitution does not guarantee, the president of the United States is obliged to be extremely circumspect in all acts of executive power, which are delegated to him alone; and the people are so firmly persuaded, that the functions of a chief magistrate are only to be fulfilled by incessant attention and labour, that they would be exceedingly astonished, and, perhaps, indignant, if the newspapers sometimes announced, that the president had been occupied on a certain day for two or even for three hours with one of his ministers.

If the difference which exists between the president of the United States and the kings of Europe are striking, that between the ministers of that republic and ours is not less remarkable. A minister of the United States has but 3000 dollars salary, no hotel, no furniture nor train of servants paid by the nation, no sentries at his door, no servants in a ridiculous dress to attend him when he goes in public, no privileges unconnected with his office, but, at the same time, no responsibility for his actions. Chosen by the president, he is in fact his instrument, and owes him all his time. As he has not under his orders a host of directors general, chiefs of division, and clerks of all kinds, at high wages, he is obliged himself to put his hand to the wheel, and truly to earn his salary, which is too small, it is true, to enable him oftentimes to give sumptuous dinners to members of congress; but is sufficient, nevertheless, for a wise and conscientious man, who well knows that it is only by his activity and probity, and not by intrigues and corruption, that he will fulfil the duties of his station, and repay the confidence reposed in him.

The habits of the American ministers are so simple, and differ so little from those of their fellow citizens, that nothing, absolutely nothing, in their exterior serves to mark them in public. During our first visit to Washington, when we wished to return the visits they had had the politeness to pay us, we were several times obliged to ask, not for their hotels, for we should not have been understood, but for their residences, although situated in the same street in which we were living. Sometimes, when we had knocked at the door of their houses, they have themselves opened them. We have often met them with their port folios under their arms, returning on foot from their offices to their respective houses, where a modest family repast awaited them. All this, doubtless, would appear very bourgeois with us, but in the United States, where the people think more of a good administration than the luxury and splendour of its administrators, it is thought natural and proper, and, I believe, with reason.

This extreme simplicity of the ministers extends to all other public officers, and is the true secret of that economy of government we so highly praise, and which, in all probability, we shall never attain.

A senate, and a house of representatives form the legislative power of the United States, power which emanates immediately from the people, and which counterbalances the executive power, so that if it should happen that the people, in a moment of error, should bestow the presidency on an incompetent or ambitious candidate, the injurious influence of such a man would be neutralized by that of congress.

Congress assembles on the first Monday in the month of December of each year, and continues in session according to the importance of the business before it, but rarely beyond the month of May. From the middle of November, the senators and representatives of the different states begin to arrive in Washington. Among them there are many who, to fulfil the duties of their appointment, have been obliged to traverse hundreds of leagues of uninhabited forests, and over most perilous roads. On arriving they lodge at a hotel, where they are obliged, in some instances, to sleep in a room with four or five of their colleagues. The table is open to all who reside in the house. It is usually there, after a frugal meal, that those interesting conversations occur, in which most part of the questions likely to come before congress during the session are amicably discussed. When the first Monday in December arrives the session opens, and business commences immediately, for all are at their posts. During the whole time every day is conscientiously employed by the representatives of the nation in the discussion of the dearest interests of the people. As soon as the session closes, each member returns to his constituents, and finds, in the reception they give him, the dearest recompense he can hope for, if he should have fulfilled his duty to their satisfaction.

The first of January was fixed upon by the two houses, for a grand dinner to General Lafayette. The representatives of the people wished to consecrate American hospitality, by seating the guest of the nation at a table at which the whole people could be present in them. Mr. Gailliard, president pro tempore of the senate, and Mr. Clay, speaker of the house of representatives, presided at the dinner. Mr. Gailliard had General Lafayette on his left, and Mr. Monroe the president of the United States on his right; who, overlooking on this occasion the rule he had made of never attending any public dinner, had accepted the invitation; Mr. Clay had on each side of him, the secretaries of the different departments. Among the guests, were General Dearborn, minister of the United States to the court of Portugal; Generals Scott, Macomb, Jessup, and our worthy countryman Bernard, by whose side I had the honour to be placed; Commodores Bainbridge, Tingy, Steward and Morris, as well as many other public officers of highest rank. Among the guests, General Lafayette had the pleasure of finding some of his old companions in arms. Captain Allyn of the Cadmus, who had recently arrived from France, was also present. The hall was decorated with great splendour, and the guests were animated by a feeling of union, which demonstrated how completely they considered this ceremony as a family festival.

It is in such assemblies, that the public feeling of a people can be studied, particularly where its representatives, chosen freely, and having no reason to flatter those in power, or to dissimulate, give a free vent to all their sentiments. After a variety of toasts, highly complimentary to the general, and to which he replied with great felicity, the entertainment was concluded with a universal wish of the guests that all the American people could have been present at it.

CHAPTER III.

Departure from Washington—American Feelings—Sea-Lion—Family of Free Negroes—Raleigh—Fayetteville—North Carolina.

About the first of February, General Lafayette had received from all the southern and western states such pressing invitations, that he could no longer hesitate as to what course he should pursue; and immediately we were all actively employed in determining our order of march, and the means of surmounting the difficulties which every one assured us, would be very great in a journey of this nature and length. We had, indeed, a distance of more than twelve hundred leagues to pass over, in less than four months, to enable us to be in Boston on the seventeenth of June, where the general had promised to assist at the celebration of the anniversary of Bunker’s Hill; and a part of the country through which we were obliged to travel, was scarcely inhabited, and the roads, rough and difficult, were imperfectly laid out.

But thanks to the experience of General Bernard, to the information of the post master general (M’Lean,) and to the assistance of the members of congress who were in Washington, Mr. George Lafayette was enabled to trace out an such an excellent itinerary, that his father had no fear of neglecting in his course any places of importance in the various states we had to visit, although most of these places were often many miles to the right or left of our main line of march; and his time was so exactly proportioned, that, unless prevented by sickness or some serious accident, we were to arrive in Boston on the day promised.

We neglected no precaution adapted to aid us in surmounting the obstacles which, in the opinion of every one, threatened us in the course of this new journey. The general’s friends could not think without fear of the fatigues and dangers to which, they said, he was about to expose himself. Mrs. Eliza Custis, of the Washington family, pressed him to accept of her commodious and easy carriage. We purchased good saddle-horses to substitute for the coach on very bad roads; reduced our baggage as much as possible, and on the 23d of February, at nine o’clock in the evening embarked upon the Potomac, which we descended to its outlet in the Chesapeake Bay, and thence proceeded to Norfolk, where we landed early on the morning of the 25th, after a pleasant passage of two nights and one day. On the day following we went to dine at Suffolk, a small village, where they waited for the general with all the eagerness and kindness he had hitherto met with at every step.

Favoured by a good road and pleasant weather, our march was very rapid. A few miles from Norfolk we were obliged to stop some time before a small, solitary inn upon the road, for the purpose of refreshing our horses. We were sitting in our carriage when the landlord presented himself, asked to see the general, and eagerly pressed him to alight for a moment and come into his house. “If,” said he, “you have only five minutes to stay, do not refuse them, since to me they will be so many minutes of happiness.” The general yielded to his entreaty, and we followed him into a lower room, where we observed a plainness bordering on poverty, but a remarkable degree of cleanliness. Welcome Lafayette, was inscribed with charcoal upon the white wall, enwreathed with boughs from the fir trees of the neighbouring wood. Near the fire-place, where pine wood was crackling, stood a small table covered with a very clean napkin, and covered with some decanters containing brandy and whiskey; by the side of a plate covered with glasses was another plate filled with neatly arranged slices of bread. These modest refreshments were tendered with a kindness and cordiality which greatly enhanced their value. Whilst we were partaking of them the landlord disappeared, but returned a moment after accompanied by his wife, carrying her little boy, about three or four years of age, whose fresh and plump cheeks evinced the tenderness and care with which he had been cherished. The father, after first presenting his wife, next took his child in his arms, and, having placed one of his little hands in the hand of the general, made him repeat, with much emphasis, the following: “General Lafayette, I thank you for the liberty which you have won for my father, for my mother, for myself, and for my country!!” While the child was speaking, the father and mother eyed the general with the most tender regard: their hearts responded to the words of their boy, and tears they were unable to suppress, proved that their gratitude was vivid and profound. Were I to judge from what I myself felt on witnessing this simple and yet sublime scene, General Lafayette must have found this one of the most pleasing moments of his life. He could not conceal his emotions, but having tenderly embraced the child, took refuge in his carriage, bearing with him the blessings of this family, worthy of the freedom they enjoyed.

The same day, shortly before reaching Suffolk, some negroes stopped us with an invitation to enter their cabin, situated on the road side, to see a very extraordinary animal, which they told us was a sea-lion. It was about seven feet long, covered with a hairy skin of the colour of the fallow deer, spotted with black: the size of its body near the shoulders was about that of a calf, from whence it diminished gradually till it terminated at the tail in large fins; its head was small, round, and slightly flattened, resembling a little that of the tiger; its mouth was furnished with long, strong and sharp teeth; its extremities were very short and had the shape of a hand; the fingers were united by a membrane capable of great extension, and armed with very strong and sharp claws. The negroes told us that in walking along the shores of Elizabeth River at low water, they perceived this animal upon the sand, where it appeared to have been left by the tide. As soon as it saw these men it moved towards them, but without any apparent hostile intentions. The negroes, however, ran away at first, whilst it followed them for some time, but at a slow pace, as it is easy to conceive on examining its short extremities, which appeared better adapted for swimming than walking. After having retreated a hundred steps, one of the negroes, who was armed with a musket, turned and fired at the animal, which received the charge in the flank, and almost immediately expired.[2]

A few compliments accompanied with some small money made these poor negroes very happy, and we left them to go and visit a neighbouring habitation, which was said to belong to a large family of free blacks. The house was very well kept, both externally and internally; I was struck with the order and neatness which prevailed, as well as the fine appearance of the inhabitants, who seemed to enjoy a state of comfort and ease superior to that of most of our European peasantry. One of our travelling companions, a citizen of Norfolk, assured us that this family had more than doubled the value of their property some years, by their intelligence and industry. I invite those who still persist in believing that the negroes are incapable of providing for themselves in a state of freedom, to visit this family, which, however, is not the only one of the kind which could be found in the state of Virginia.

After stopping a few moments among the citizens of Suffolk, we continued on our route to Murfreesborough, where we were to lodge. Our late arrival had the appearance of a nocturnal journey. The bad condition and length of the road had tired our horses, and we thought for a while that we should be compelled to sleep at the foot of the hill on which the town is built. An enormous bonfire, lighted on a neighbouring mountain, whose light displayed our distressed situation; the illuminations of Murfreesborough, which exhibited the appearance of a city in flames; the noise of cannon resounding on our right, with the effect of battery on our flank; the cries of our escort; the whipping and swearing of our drivers, all was insufficient to stimulate our horses, which, sunk in the mud to their knees, appeared to have taken root, refusing to make the least exertion to draw us out of this sad situation, in which we remained about an hour. At length we arrived, and were very amply compensated by the cordial hospitality of the inhabitants of Murfreesborough, who neglected nothing to prove to General Lafayette that the citizens of North Carolina were not less sincerely attached to him than those of the other states.

From Murfreesborough, we went the next day to Halifax, where we crossed the Roanoak, in a ferry-boat, amidst the thunder of artillery which awaited the arrival of General Lafayette on the opposite shore. Halifax was formerly the head quarters of Cornwallis, during his campaign in North Carolina. It was there that the English chief adopted the resolution, which proved so unfortunate, of entering Virginia. We only slept at Halifax, and in two days, after travelling over frightful roads, reached Raleigh, a pretty little town, situated on the west bank of the river Neuse. It is the seat of government for North Carolina, and contains about two thousand seven hundred inhabitants, of which about fifteen hundred are blacks, both free and slaves. One of the most precious monuments of this town, is the superb statue of Washington, executed in marble by Canova. It is preserved, with the greatest care, in one of the halls of the capitol.

The governor of the state, officers of government, militia, and, in fine, all the population, were prepared to receive and entertain, with proper dignity, the guest of the nation. Such was the height of the prevailing enthusiasm, that, in spite of bad weather, a company of volunteer dragoons had marched nearly one hundred and fifty miles, to assist at this family festival. The gallant men who composed it, had solicited and obtained leave to perform, for this day, the duty of guard to Lafayette; and they had founded their pretensions upon the circumstance, that the county of Mecklinburg, to which they belonged, was the first in the state where independence was declared, during the revolution. “Whenever it becomes necessary to serve for liberty or Lafayette,” said they, “we shall always be found among the foremost.” Nothing was neglected by Governor Burton, in doing the honours of his dwelling to the national guest.

The morning of our arrival at Raleigh was near being marked by a very unfortunate accident. In one of the calashes which followed us, was General Daniel of the militia, and a young officer of his staff; their horses ran off, and, the driver not being able to guide them, dashed violently against the trunk of a tree. The force of the shock threw both the riders and the coachman to some distance, but the one most hurt was poor General Daniel, who lay almost senseless upon the spot. Our progress was immediately suspended, and General Lafayette, who, at the time, was a considerable distance in advance of the procession, hastily returned to assure himself of the nature of the accident. General Daniel already began to recover, when the hasty zeal of his friend, General Williams, was upon the point of placing him in greater danger than arose from the fall. This gentleman insisted upon his being immediately bled, and already held the fatal lancet in hand to proceed with the operation, when Mr. George Lafayette besought him seriously to forbear, representing that we had just left the table, and that a bleeding immediately after dinner might be attended with injurious consequences. After having rendered General Daniel the first attentions which his situation demanded, we had him carried to the house of a rich planter, whom we had visited in the morning, some miles off; and, the next day, our wounded friend joined us at Raleigh, entirely recovered from his fall, returning his warmest thanks to Mr. George Lafayette, for having averted the employment of the lancet.

I was, at first, much surprised to see this lancet drawn upon such an occasion, but one of our travelling companions informed me, that in the southern and western states, and especially in those where the population is widely scattered, the art of blood-letting is familiar to almost all the great planters. The difficulty of finding a surgeon at the moment of accident, often makes it necessary to bleed themselves, which they sometimes do so profusely, that the most hardy phlebotomists of the French school would be alarmed at the sight.

On the 4th of March, we arrived at the pretty little town of Fayetteville, situated on the western bank of Cape Fear river. The weather was dreadful, the rain pouring in torrents, notwithstanding which, the road for many miles in front of the town was covered with men and boys on horseback, and militia on foot. In the town, the streets were crowded with ladies elegantly dressed, hurrying, regardless of consequences, across the gutters, to approach the carriage of the general, and so occupied with the pleasure of beholding him, that they did not appear to notice the deluge which seemed ready to engulf them. This enthusiasm may be more readily conceived, when we consider that it was manifested by the inhabitants of a town, founded forty years ago, to perpetuate the recollection of services rendered by him whom they were this day honouring.

General Lafayette was conducted to the front of the town-house, where, upon an elevated platform, he was received and addressed by Chief Justice Troomer, on behalf of the town council. In the course of his harangue, the orator recapitulated, with enthusiasm, the obligations which America owed to Lafayette, retraced some of the persecutions to which he had been exposed in France and Austria, for having remained faithful to the cause of liberty and the rights of man, which he had been the first to proclaim in Europe, and concluded by drawing a forcible parallel between the young republics of the United States and the old monarchies of the ancient continent of Europe.

After General Lafayette had expressed his gratitude for the reception given him by the citizens of Fayetteville, and his sympathy for the sentiments of the orator, we were conducted to the residence of Mr. Duncan M‘Rae, where, by the attentions of Mrs. Duncan, our lodgings had been prepared in an elegant and commodious manner. The general was there received by the committee, appointed to supply all his wants. “You are here in your own town,” said the chairman of the committee to him, “in your own house, surrounded by your children. Dispose of all—every thing is yours.” Every moment of our short stay at Fayetteville was occupied by festivals of gratitude and friendship. Notwithstanding the bad weather, which never ceased to oppose us, the volunteer militia companies, assembled to render military honours to the last surviving major-general of the revolutionary army, would not quit the little camp which they had formed in front of the balcony of the house, whence the general could easily see them manœuvre. They were still under arms, on the morning of our departure, and we passed in front of their line on leaving the town. It was then that General Lafayette, wishing to give them an expression of his gratitude, alighted, and passing through the ranks, took each officer and soldier affectionately by the hand. This conduct excited the spectators to such a pitch of enthusiasm, that a great portion of the population, willing to prolong the pleasure of seeing him, accompanied his carrage a considerable distance on the road, and only quitted him when the sun was nearly set.

The commerce of Fayetteville is very flourishing, and must still increase from the vicinity of Cape Fear river, which is navigable to the sea. The products of the surrounding country consist principally of tobacco and grain. Its population is nearly four thousand souls, and increases with remarkable rapidity. Unfortunately more than a third of this population consists of slaves, who increase in the same proportion with the free inhabitants; a circumstance which will probably continue for some time to retard the full developement of its resources. What I here say of Fayetteville is applicable to the whole state of North Carolina, which, in a population of six hundred and forty thousand souls, has above two hundred thousand slaves.

The climate of North Carolina is said to be healthy, and very well adapted to every species of culture. Nevertheless, the part through which we passed did not present an agreeable aspect. We met with numerous pine forests overflown by the rivers which watered them; many sand plains, and but little cultivated ground; that which is cultivated producing only rice and indigo. The mountainous parts of the state are stated to produce abundant crops of wheat, rye, barley, oats, Indian corn, tobacco, hemp and cotton. This last article, when prepared for manufacturing, is produced in the proportion of one hundred and fifty pounds for each slave.

It is also in the highest grounds where native gold is found in considerable quantity. It is obtained by simply washing the earth. Its purity is very remarkable, having been found twenty-three carats fine, and superior in quality to the American or English gold coins. The pieces are of various weights. The heaviest yet found weighed nearly five pounds. In 1810, the mint of the United States received one thousand three hundred and forty-one ounces, the value of which amounted to twenty-four thousand six hundred and eighty-nine dollars. In Montgomery county, many persons live by hunting for this metal. Every one has permission to seek, upon condition that he gives half he finds to the owner of the soil.

Notwithstanding all its rich resources, North Carolina appeared to me one of the least advanced of all the states we have hitherto visited. Slavery, in my opinion, should be regarded as the principal cause of this condition. Its constitution, though in general founded upon those of the other states, differs from them in some points, and retains some traces of aristocracy. Thus, for example, to be elected a senator, a person must be owner of three hundred acres of land; to be a representative, he must possess one hundred: finally, no man can be elected governor unless he be the free proprietor of an estate yielding one thousand dollars. In the midst of promises of religious liberty, the constitution of North Carolina has nevertheless the misfortune to have preserved an unhappy distinction between sects: thus, any man who denies the truth of the protestant religion, can have no pretensions to any public employment.[3] I am well aware that in a government which supports no established order of clergy, the inconvenience of such a distinction is not so great, but it is nevertheless a serious blow aimed at the equality established and recognized by law. A wrong of still more consequence in this state, is that of having so long neglected the means of propagating primary instruction. In 1808 the legislature first ordered schools to be provided at the public expense. But in spite of the defects which I have pointed out, the inhabitants of North Carolina, from their patriotism, are unquestionably worthy to form a part of the great confederate family of the United States. To prove this, it will be sufficient to cite one fact, which is, that during the revolutionary war, the enemy could never procure a pilot upon the coast of this state. I might add, that the brilliant successes which attended the battles of Briar Creek in 1779, of Waxhaws in 1780, and of Guilford in 1781, were due to the militia of this state.

CHAPTER IV.

Entrance into South Carolina—Route from Cheraw to Cambden—Monument erected to Baron de Kalb—Road from Cambden to Charleston—Rejoicing in Charleston—Colonel Huger—History, Institutions, and Manners of the South Carolinians.

Twenty-four hours after our departure from Fayetteville, in the midst of a pine forest, we met the deputation of the state of South Carolina to General Lafayette. This meeting took place on the confines of the two states. Our kind and amiable travelling companions from North Carolina delivered us to their neighbours, with the most lively expressions of regret at a separation which cost us as much as them, and we continued our route in new carriages, with a new escort of friends, till we arrived at Cheraw, a pretty little town, which, three years previous, had not more than four houses built, and now contains about fifteen hundred inhabitants. The next day’s journey was long and difficult; sometimes, indeed, the road was almost impassable, being, in some places, entirely cut up by the overflow of rivers, whilst in others we could only cross the marshes by moving gently over a road formed of badly arranged trunks of trees. In fact, we travelled so slowly, that night overtook us on the road, and it soon became so dark that many of the gentlemen of our escort lost the road, and not being able to trace it in the sand, wandered into the forest. The carriages of the party also began to stray from each other, and towards ten o’clock Mr. George Lafayette and myself discovered that the one we rode in was at a great distance behind the others. A few minutes after we felt a violent shock, and heard a loud crash. Our carriage tongue was broken, and we were left in the midst of the marsh. Our situation was extremely disagreeable, and we should have had some difficulty to escape from it but for the assistance of two dragoons who had never left us, and who obliged us to mount their horses, which, after some minutes, brought us in sight of the fires of the guard surrounding the house that was to serve us for an asylum, where the general had arrived an hour before. In this house, which stood altogether alone in the midst of the woods, we were well accommodated. We had an excellent supper, and good beds, in which we might probably have slept soundly but for the trumpet, which was sounded all night for the purpose of rallying our scattered escort.

On arising, an entirely novel scene was presented to my view. We were in the midst of what is called in America a new settlement, that is to say, a clearing or erection of a new habitation in the woods. The house in which we had passed the night was the only dwelling in the place, and it was still unfinished. By its side they had begun to raise the frames of some other buildings, doubtless intended for granaries and stables. Numerous trunks of half hewn trees collected together showed that it was the intention of the owner soon to erect other buildings, and already the forest was prostrated to a considerable extent. But a few vast trees were standing in the clearing, whose branches were not only lopped off, but some of them were deprived of their bark, and blackened for their whole length by the action of the flames which had been employed to burn the brush about them. It is difficult to imagine any thing more desolate than such a scene. “It is, nevertheless, in this way,” said one of our travelling companions, “that all our little towns, which are so attractive and lively, begin. Cheraw, where you slept yesterday, and with which you were so much pleased, but a few years ago resembled this, and, perhaps, should you return in four or five years, you may here find another Cheraw. See,” continued he, taking me to a part of the forest which the axe and the fire had still spared, “with what care and skill the founder of this future city has laid the basis of a fortune which he anticipates enjoying in a short time. Look at this lot of several acres, surrounded by a strong fence, in which his cows, horses, and hogs are enclosed. These last named animals, raised thus at large, and in the enjoyment of abundance of food, soon multiply without number, and afford him a certain part of his subsistence. The next year, that portion of his land which comes to be cleared, will probably yield him a rich harvest of corn or rice; but the proprietor, whilst waiting for the growth of his crops, is obliged to obtain his bread by trading, and pays for it in turpentine, collected from the enormous pines which surround him. A small notch cut in the body of the tree, gives issue to a liquid which is received in a trough. Three thousand trees furnish annually seventy-five barrels of turpentine. But it is not only the young and vigorous trees which contribute to his wants; he has recourse also to those time has destroyed. From the dead trees he extracts tar, obtained by burning the wood upon a grate, a kettle being placed beneath to receive the boiling liquid. Sometimes from the plants which he clears away from around his house, he obtains a considerable quantity of potash, which still augments his wealth. Every year sees the cleared land increase around him, and soon other settlers, encouraged by his success, place themselves about him, and assist in erecting the new village, in which he may be permitted to enjoy the public employments conferred by his fellow citizens as a tribute to his talents and patriotism.”

Whilst we were thus engaged in casting a rapid glance over the resources of our host and his future destinies, General Lafayette concluded the preparations for his departure, and, at a signal given by the trumpets, we resumed our journey, passing through the sands and pines on our way to Cambden, where we were to lodge. The weather had changed during the night, and our march was now favoured by a clear sky. Although it was the month of March, we felt the heat of the sun considerably, and every thing around bore the appearance of advanced spring. On approaching Cambden, where we saw a considerable number of well cultivated gardens, we were a good deal surprised to find the trees in flower, and the balmy air perfumed by the plants, as in France during the month of June.

Cambden is not a large town, containing only about two hundred inhabitants. We nevertheless found there a very numerous population, collected from more than eighty miles around, to receive General Lafayette, and assist in laying the corner stone of a monument which they were about erecting to the memoir of Baron de Kalb. General Lafayette was received a little in advance of the town, near the old quarters of Cornwallis, by all the citizens under arms, and was conducted with great pomp, and in the midst of companies of young ladies, to the dwelling prepared for him, where he was addressed by Colonel Nixons, Jr. with a remarkable warmth of feeling. The attentive crowd applauded the orator with transports, when he told the general that his visit to the United States had added a new page to history, and that the splendour of Greek and Roman triumphs faded before the unanimity and harmony of this popular ovation.

On the morning of the next day, a long procession, formed chiefly of free masons, followed by the civil authorities and deputations from the different associations of South Carolina, came to the general’s lodgings, and conducted him with solemn music towards the spot where De Kalb’s funeral ceremony was to be performed. There the consecration of the monument raised by the generous inhabitants of South Carolina to unfortunate bravery, was performed. An inscription, in a style at once noble and unaffected, reminds the country of the services and glorious end of De Kalb.

It is well known that De Kalb was a German, who, after he had served a long time in France, came to America, like Lafayette and Pulaski, to offer his services in the cause of liberty. He was second in command in General Gates’s army during the unfortunate affair of Cambden, where the Americans were completely defeated. He had performed prodigies of valour at the head of the Delaware and Maryland troops, when, towards the close of the battle, he fell from his eleventh wound, an event which deprived the American cause of one of its most able and devoted defenders.

After his remains, which had been carefully preserved, were deposited in the monument, and had received military honours, the stone which was to cover them was laid by General Lafayette. It contained the following inscription:—This stone was placed over the remains of Baron De Kalb by General Lafayette, 1825.

The hand of the general resting upon the stone, followed it as it slowly and gradually descended, whilst the multitude, in religious silence, contemplated the French veteran, after almost half a century, rendering the last offices to the German soldier, in a land which they both had moistened with their blood, and which their arms had contributed to set free. How many glorious and painful recollections must this scene have awakened in the mind of Lafayette! Alas! during his long triumph, how many tombs was it his lot to visit, from that into which he descended at Mount Vernon, to the one soon to be raised at Bunker’s Hill!

The ceremony concluded by a discourse from the general, in which he paid to his old companion in arms, that tribute of esteem which was due to his civil virtues, his military talents, and undaunted courage, in defending the cause of freedom.

We left Cambden on the 11th, to go to Columbia, the capital of the state of South Carolina. This town is pleasantly situated upon a fertile and healthy plain, on the shore of the river Congaree. We found all the streets, through which the general and his escort were to pass, ornamented with flags and triumphal arches. Upon one of these, three young and beautiful girls supported flags, upon each of which were inscribed, in letters of gold, the names of Lafayette, De Kalb, and Pulaski. Under another, placed near the house we were to occupy, the general was met and addressed by the mayor of the town, a young man of distinguished talents, who, during our stay at Columbia, paid us the most kind and delicate attentions. Governor Manning also addressed the general, in the presence of the people assembled in the legislative hall of South Carolina, and both the evening and morning were devoted to public rejoicings.

The first evening, after having passed through the streets, which were brilliantly illuminated, we paid a visit to the academy, under the superintendence of the celebrated Dr. Cooper. We were agreeably entertained by the professors, who are all of the first merit. Two of them spoke French with great fluency. They informed us, that they had resided a long time in Paris, where they were proud to have acquired that knowledge which they were called upon to impart to their pupils. The next day, several companies of militia, among which a corps formed by the students of the academy, under the name of Lafayette Guards, were distinguished, came to exercise under the general’s windows. We passed the remainder of the day, in the midst of some of Lafayette’s veteran companions in arms, who took a pleasure in recalling to his memory, the times in which they had fought and suffered with him for the independence of their country. In the evening, at a ball, rendered remarkable by the beauty of the ladies gracing it, as well as for the good taste displayed in the arrangements, we made acquaintance with a young lady who inspired us with the most lively interest. She was the wife of one of the professors. Born in Paris, she had only been transplanted into this new soil about three months, in the midst of manners which at first were altogether strange, but with which she now appeared perfectly reconciled. She was introduced to the general, who received her with great kindness. Towards the close of the evening, her French and American feelings, strongly excited by the testimonials of friendship and admiration she saw lavished upon Lafayette, suddenly broke forth in transports which she was unable to suppress. “Heavens!” exclaimed she, “how proud and happy I feel, to-day, in being a native of France, and of the same country with General Lafayette!” Then, after having sprung towards the general and kissed his hands, she returned to me with great animation, and said: “Tell the general’s family, I beseech you, how happy we should be to receive them here as we have received him! And say to them, that for myself, I feel for the children of La Grange the friendship of a countrywoman, and for Lafayette himself the gratitude of an American.” This scene made a lively impression upon all who witnessed it, and the general thanked the young lady with all the ardour of a strongly agitated heart.

On the 14th of March, we set out for Charleston, intending to lodge some miles from this city, as General Lafayette was not to make his entry until the 15th. An escort of Columbia volunteer cavalry were formed in line before the door, at the moment of our departure, anxious to accompany the general all the way to Charleston; but he thanked them, and insisted that they should not leave the town, as the road he had to travel was both long and difficult, and there was moreover the appearance of a heavy rain. It was, in fact, at a very late hour that we arrived at our destination. The night and the rain caught us in the midst of a thick forest, across which it was difficult to find our narrow and devious way. About nine o’clock in the evening, the carriage I rode in broke down. That of the general, which went before with the governor and some officers of his staff, continued its route without perceiving the accident; but that of Mr. George Lafayette, which at this time happened to be in the rear, found its passage obstructed, and the horses taking fright, plunged amongst the trees, where it stuck fast. Mr. George, and his travelling companions, Colonel Preston and the Mayor of Columbia, immediately alighted, and, by main strength, dragged their carriage before mine. They offered me a seat along with them to continue the journey, directing the servants to mount the horses and go in search of light and assistance to repair the broken vehicle. I accepted their offer, but had scarcely joined them, when Colonel Preston, who had taken the reins, deceived by the darkness, carried us into the thickest of the woods, and in such a situation, that we must have infallibly upset had we proceeded a step further. Nothing was left for us now, but to remain nearly an hour, under a driving rain, for the return of the servants, who brought with them great pine torches. They now assisted us out of our embarrassment, and at eleven o’clock at night, wet and extremely fatigued, we reached the house of Mr. Izard, where we found the general and his companions, who had arrived a long time before. The hospitable table of Mr. Izard, his kind reception and that of his family, soon made us forget our misfortunes, at which we were the first to laugh over the dessert.

That the citizens of Charleston, who had made immense preparation to receive the guest of the nation, might not be kept waiting, we resumed our journey at a very early hour. At the moment when we were preparing to take leave of the family of Mr. Izard, we saw an escort of volunteer cavalry arrive from the city, with which we immediately set out. In proportion as we advanced towards Charleston, the monotony of pine forests disappeared. Our eyes now rested with pleasure upon clusters of verdant and beautifully shaped saplings, among which superb magnolias were majestically elevated. The entrance to the city appeared to us like a delicious garden. The coolness of the night had condensed the perfumes from the orange, peach, and almond trees, covered with flowers, and embalmed the air. We stopped a few minutes to change the carriage and allow the procession time to form, when, on a signal given by a cannon, we commenced our entrance into Charleston.

The inhabitants of Charleston, as residents of the city which had received the young Lafayette on his first arrival on American ground, in 1776, were eager to prove that no where more than among themselves, had a stronger recollection of his devotion to the cause of liberty been preserved. Accordingly, the reception which they gave him may be compared, for the splendour of its decorations and public enthusiasm, to the finest we had seen in the principal cities in the United States. The militia of Charleston were joined by the militia from the most distant parts of the state. Some companies of volunteer cavalry had, we were told, marched fifty miles a day to take the post assigned them by their patriotic gratitude.

Among the various corps which left the city to meet the general, there was one which particularly attracted our attention. Its uniform was precisely similar to that worn by the national guard of Paris at the time of the French revolution. The language in which the men composing this corps sounded forth their vivat, when the general passed before them, showed us that they were Frenchmen, and we experienced a pleasing emotion on hearing our countrymen unite their voices with those of liberty and gratitude.

The French company joined the procession, and, actuated by a sentiment of extreme delicacy, the Americans ceded to them the place of honour, near the carriage of the general. The procession was soon increased by a great number of parties, composed of the clergy, association of Cincinnati, veterans of the revolutionary army, students of the different faculties, officers of the United States army and navy, judges of the different courts, children of the public schools, German, French, Jewish, and Hibernian beneficent societies, the association of mechanics, &c. &c. All these detachments were distinguished by the form, colour, and devices of their flags; and the rest of the population following on foot and on horseback, made the air resound with cries of Welcome, Lafayette, which sounds, for nearly two hours without intermission, were mingled with the thunder of cannon from the shipping in port, and the ringing of all the bells. But amidst all these expressions of public affection, that which penetrated the general’s heart most was the touching and generous plan adopted by the citizens of Charleston to share the honours of his triumph with his brave and excellent friend Colonel Huger.

It is well known that during his imprisonment in the fortress of Olmutz, General Lafayette was upon the point of being liberated by the devotion of two men whom the same generous feelings had associated in this dangerous enterprize. These were Dr. Bollman, a German physician, and young Huger, an American, son of a descendant of a French family proscribed by the revocation of the edict of Nantes, in whose house Lafayette was received on his first landing in Charleston. A series of unfortunate incidents caused the failure of this generous attempt, which nearly cost them their lives, and occasioned Lafayette to be treated, by his keepers, with increased severity. Upon his release from the Austrian dungeons, young Huger returned to his country, where he found, in the esteem of the public, the reward of his noble and perilous enterprize. At present the father of a family, a planter, and colonel of militia, he lives retired and generally beloved, on a fine estate within a few leagues of Charleston. General Lafayette had already enjoyed the pleasure of pressing him to his grateful heart, upon his arrival at New York. When we entered Charleston, his fellow citizens insisted upon his taking a place by the side of the nation’s guest, in his triumphal car, where he shared the public felicitations and plaudits. At the feast, at the theatre, or ball, every where, in fact, the name of Huger was inscribed by the side of that of Lafayette, upon whom the citizens of Charleston could confer no greater favour, than by testifying such a high degree of gratitude for one who had formerly exposed himself in attempting to restore him to liberty.

After the procession had passed through all parts of the town, it halted at the court-house, where the mayor, at the head of the municipal authorities, and in the presence of the people, addressed General Lafayette.

The acclamations of the people followed the words of the orator, and the reply of the general, who, with an eloquence rendered more impressive by the grateful feelings of his heart, recalled the ancient obligations which he owed the citizens of Charleston, the noble devotion of the ladies of this patriotic city, and the courage of the Carolinians during the whole course of the revolution.

Colonel Drayton also addressed the general on behalf of the association of Cincinnati, after which we were conducted to the sumptuous lodgings prepared for us, where, during the whole of the next day, the general received the visits of all the corporations of the city. The company of French fusileers we had observed on entering the city, presented themselves first, the martial music at its head, saluting the general with the two patriotic airs of Yankee Doodle and the Marseillois. Mr. Labatut and one of his companions then addressed the object of their homage, after which the company filed off before him, blending with the military honours they paid him, testimonies of the most tender affection. When the general complimented the officers on the fineness of their discipline, and good taste of their uniform, “We could not,” said they, “have chosen one more honourable. Lafayette and our fathers wore it in the glorious days of liberty in our country, and it incessantly reminds us that the first duties of an armed citizen are, the maintenance of public order, and the defence of the rights of man.” We passed among these brave men some delicious moments, consecrated to the recollections of our country. All spoke of it with tenderness and enthusiasm, all expressed ardent wishes for her happiness. Among them were some exiles!

Shortly after the French company had retired, we saw all the members of the clergy arrive, assembled under the direction of the Rev. Dr. Farnham, whom they had chosen for their orator. Among them were seen Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Jews, Roman Catholics, and German and French Protestants. To witness their touching union, and the testimonies of their reciprocal liberality, one might have thought that they all belonged to the same communion. I cannot introduce here the long and eloquent discourse of Dr. Farnham, but I can assert, that, like that pronounced by Bishop White of Philadelphia, it confirmed what I had heard of the liberality of the clergy, which, without the support of a government that seems ignorant of their existence, feels the necessity of conciliating public esteem by the practice of true virtue.

I pass over the account of the balls, displays of artificial fire-works, and entertainments given during our stay in Charleston, since it would be nearly a repetition of what I have already said in relation to so many cities. But, leaving the general surrounded by his old fellow soldiers, at the head of whom he still found the worthy General Pinckney, to be entertained with the glorious recollections of their youthful days, I shall attempt a rapid sketch of the history of South Carolina.

This portion of the North American continent was explored for the first time by Jean Ponce de Leon, the Spanish governor of Porto-Rico. Struck with the beauty of the vegetation, and the smiling aspect of the country, he gave it the beautiful name of Florida. But not finding either gold or silver mines, he gave up the plan of forming a settlement. For a long time this country was coveted by the kings of France, England, and Spain; but it was not till the year 1562 that France decided upon asserting her claims. At the request of Admiral Coligny, who was desirous of finding an asylum for the protestant party, a naval officer named Ribaut, a native of Dieppe, was despatched with two vessels and troops to survey the coast and form a settlement. Jean Ribaut landed at the mouth of a river, under the thirtieth degree of latitude, and established the right of possession by the erection of a stone column, upon which he engraved the arms of France. After remaining some time upon the coast, during which he entered into treaties of peace with the natives of the country, he arrived at the mouth of Albemarle river, where he formed his first settlement, which he called Carolina, in honour of Charles IX. He raised for its protection a small fort, which he garrisoned with about forty men, and leaving it under the command of one of his officers named Albert, returned to France. This governor being very severe in carrying into effect the discipline he had established, was soon murdered by his soldiers, who, anxious to return to their country, very soon embarked, and sailed for France. But scarcely had they lost sight of the coast when they experienced such a dead calm as kept them so long at sea that their provisions became exhausted; and they had already begun to devour each other, when they were met by an English vessel, which carried them to England, where queen Elizabeth made them relate to her, with their own lips, the account of their horrible adventures.

Two years afterwards, a new expedition sailed under the command of Réné de Landonnière, to establish and protect the colony; but whether owing to misfortune, or want of knowledge in the leader, the expedition was attended with the most melancholy results. The complaints of the colonists against Landonnière reached France, and determined the government to send out Ribaut to take charge of their affairs. This person was surprised at the mouth of May river by a Spanish squadron of six vessels, which attacked him so fiercely that he could only escape by entering the river. Determined to resist the Spaniards with vigour, Ribaut landed his men, carefully entrenched them, and going in search of the best troops of Landonnière, whom he left in Fort Carolina, with all those who were unable to bear arms, embarked again to pursue the enemy. But he was assailed during the night by a violent storm which drove his vessels upon the rocks. It was with the greatest difficulty that he and his companions gained the shore to surrender themselves to the Spaniards, by whom they were basely murdered without mercy. The sick, together with the women and children who remained in the fort, met with the same fate. Landonnière, and a few of his family, were all that escaped, and after a long time, succeeded almost by a miracle in getting back to France, where they carried the news of the melancholy end of their companions. By the court of France the horrible event was treated with indifference, but the public did not conceal its indignation, and many of the most influential men demanded vengeance. One of these, named Dominic de Gourges, a gentleman of Gascony, resolved upon being the avenger of his countrymen. He fitted out three vessels at his own expense, took on board two hundred soldiers and eighty marines, arrived at the mouth of the river May, where he showed himself under the Spanish flag, landed under this disguise without being recognized, marched rapidly upon Fort Carolina, of which, with two others, aided by the natives, he soon obtained possession, conquered the Spanish garrisons, razed the fortifications, and returned in triumph to France laden with booty. This daring enterprise struck terror into the Spaniards, and for ever disgusted them of Carolina, which, until the reign of Charles II. of England, was abandoned to all the nations of Europe.

It was at this time that the English government, who had previously made a settlement at the mouth of May River, under pretext of protecting some families who had escaped the tomahawk of the Indians in Virginia, took possession of all the country, situated between the 31st and 36th degrees of latitude, and granted it to eight gentlemen of the court, the king, as proprietary of the royal castle of Greenwich, reserving to himself supreme authority, together with the fourth part of all the gold and silver which might be found within the bounds of the territory. The celebrated Locke was appointed to prepare a charter for the new colony. By this constitution a species of royalty was transferred to the oldest of the colonists, supported by an aristocracy which exhibited the whimsical assemblage of lords, barons, landgraves and caciques, whose powers and pretensions incessantly coming into collision, were soon subjected to the tyranny of the palatine, for such was the title of the superior officer whose precedence was derived entirely from his age. This constitution, the abortive conception of a great genius, was destroyed in 1720. The population of the colony soon increased rapidly, in consequence of the political and religious persecutions, which at that period desolated Europe. It received, almost at the same time, English royalists, the parliamentists, and the non-conformists. France sent the choicest of her citizens, proscribed by the edict of Nantes. In 1730, the mountains of Scotland saw their vanquished inhabitants going thither in search of an asylum; and in 1745, it was further enriched by the arrival of Swiss and German emigrants. From this time Carolina began to be sensible of its strength, and to resist the abuse of power manifested by the English government. She refused to pay taxes imposed without her consent, and gave her sanction to the resolutions of the colonial congress, to which she sent deputies in 1765. Nevertheless, when, in 1775, it was resolved to break the chain which united Carolina to the mother country, a division of opinion occurred among the colonists, a considerable number of whom armed in favour of the British government. A civil war was near breaking out, when a very extraordinary occurrence led to the reconciliation of the parties. On the same day that hostilities commenced at Lexington in Massachusetts, despatches from England arrived at Charleston. The revolutionary committee seized the mail containing the letters addressed to the governors of Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia and East Florida, by which they were directed to employ the force of arms to reduce the colonies to subjection. About the same time, intelligence was received at Savannah, of an act of parliament, authorising these governors to deprive the colonists of the protection of the law and royal privilege, and confiscate their property.

These various accounts having been published by the committee, inspired all the citizens with the same sentiments of indignation, and the councils being immediately called together, the question was proposed, Shall we die slaves, or live free? The reply could not be doubtful. All swore to take up arms and defend their rights. Some indiscreet tories, who attempted to maintain possession of the country by the assistance of Indians, whom they had taken into pay, were soon annihilated by the patriotic militia, who, after a long and painful struggle against the English troops of Savannah, at length secured the independence of Carolina by the celebrated victory gained at Eutau Spring, in the year 1781.

It was in the midst of the troubles of war, in the year 1778, that Carolina formed her first constitution. This, though very much in conformity with the principles of the revolution, perhaps exhibited some indications of the haste with which it was prepared. It was revised, modified, and adopted in its present form, at Columbia, on the 30th of June, 1790. Such as it now is, it would be considered in Europe highly democratic; but, compared with the constitution of Pennsylvania, for example, and those of some other states in the Union, it appears altogether aristocratic. The conditions imposed upon the candidates for governor, senators, and members of the assembly, restrict the eligible to a very small number. The senators, chosen every four years, to the number of forty-three, must be at least thirty years of age, have resided in the state five years previous to the election, and possess an unincumbered property worth three hundred pounds sterling. Should the candidate not dwell in the district by which he is supported, his property must be worth a thousand pounds sterling.

The representatives, to the number of twenty-four, are elected for two years. They must be free white men, at least twenty-one years of age, and the owners of property worth one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, or instead, a plantation containing five hundred acres, and ten slaves. Should the candidate not reside in the district where he is supported, the value of his property is required to be five hundred pounds. He must be a citizen of the state, in which he shall have lived at least three years previous to the election.

It is obvious that both houses of the legislature are composed of a portion of the richest proprietors only. It is from this legislative power, blemished as it is with aristocracy, that the executive authority springs; for it is by the union of the two houses that the governor, in whom this power resides, is chosen. The conditions of eligibility for governor are very high, and restrict the choice to a very small circle. Every candidate for this office must be thirty years of age, a citizen of the state, in which he must have resided at least ten years previous to the election, and possess a clear estate worth fifteen hundred pounds sterling. The powers of the governor only continue for two years. The worst condition in the constitution is that imposing an obligation on the senators to own slaves. I am well aware that it must necessarily disappear before the abolition of slavery takes place, but does it not appear to be placed there as an obstacle to abolition? And might not the repeal of this article prove a salutary effort in favour of abolition?

As in all the other states of the Union, religious organization is in no way connected with government, which only guarantees to the various sects the free exercise of their religious rites, so long as such a privilege is unattended by licentiousness, or is compatible with the peace and security of the state. Ministers of religion are ineligible to the office of governor, lieutenant-governor, and member of assembly, so long as they continue in the exercise of their pastoral functions. The sects are numerous and variable, as one may easily perceive from the composition of the religious body that waited upon General Lafayette. It may, perhaps, have been observed, that it was only whilst speaking of the sects in South Carolina, that I mentioned the Jews. It is, in fact, in this state alone, that they appear sufficiently numerous to attract attention. Their number is computed at about twelve hundred, of whom the city of Charleston contains about five hundred, who, during the late war, distinguished themselves by their courage and patriotism, furnishing a company of sixty volunteers for the defence of the country. The rest of the United States contains little more than five thousand Israelites, the most of whom are of English and German origin. Those of South Carolina are more particularly of French and Portuguese descent. The synagogue in Charleston was built in the year 1794. Previous to this time the Jewish congregation of this city had only a small place for the exercise of their religious rites. According to Dr. Theact’s description of Charleston, the Israelites began to form into a society about the year 1750. As soon as ten of them had united, (for this is the number required by the Hebrew law for the public exercise of their religion,) they procured a place convenient for their purpose. The present edifice is spacious and elegant. The society that built it is called Kalh kadosh beth Eloem, that is to say, the religious society of the house of God. Kalh, or society, is the name common to the whole Hebrew congregation. The actual number of subscribing members is about seventy, which gives rather more than three hundred persons having the privilege of the synagogue, as well as the other advantages connected with this privilege. The society of Reformists amount to about fifty members, which, with their families, make above two hundred of this order.

South Carolina is situated between the 32d and 33d degrees of latitude. Its superficies contains about twenty-nine thousand square miles, the soil being very variable. From the coast of the Atlantic to about twenty-four miles within the interior, the country is a vast plain rising imperceptibly about two hundred feet above the level of the sea; its surface is divided into forests of pine, which grow in a sandy soil of little value; extensive morasses, which render the air insalubrious during the autumn; savannas, which produce only grass; and higher lands, which are adapted to the growth of cotton. Rice is cultivated with success near the rivers, whose inundations fertilize their borders. Beyond the plain the country is mountainous, productive, and more healthy than the lower districts, where the humidity of the rivers, and the changeableness of temperature during the whole season, render diseases very common.

This state contains 502,741 inhabitants, who may be divided into three classes; 237,460 free whites, 6,806 free blacks, and 258,465 slaves. It appears, that the number of slaves considerably surpasses that of the free whites, so that this state has begun to feel the inconveniences of slavery to such a degree, that fear has induced them to adopt measures of safety, which infringe both the laws of humanity and the rights of property. By a recent law, every traveller, who enters Carolina with a black servant, finds that he is immediately taken from him, imprisoned, and only returned to him when he is about to leave the state. What is the utility of this measure, is a question I find myself very much embarrassed to answer. It is, say they, to prevent dangerous communications, between the slaves of that state and the free black strangers, who never fail to talk to them of liberty.

This state of things in relation to slavery in South Carolina, is the more distressing from its singular contrast with the character of the inhabitants of that state. The Carolinians are particularly distinguished for the cultivation of their minds, the elegance of their manners, their politeness and hospitality towards strangers. This last virtue is so common in Carolina, that one finds very few taverns out of the large towns. Travellers may boldly present themselves at the houses of the planters which they find on their road, and are sure of being well received. The disposition to assist the indigent is so great at Charleston, that besides a great many private associations, they have five public charitable societies, whose revenues, already very considerable, are still daily increased by the liberality of the citizens.

The three days which General Lafayette passed at Charleston were marked by entertainments whose brilliancy and refinement delighted him; but of all the delicate attentions that were paid him, the most touching, perhaps, was the gift, made him by the city, of a beautiful portrait of his friend Colonel Huger. This beautiful miniature, of an appropriate size, unites the merit of perfect likeness with the most admirable execution. It strongly resembles the style of our celebrated Isabey, and would not have been disowned by him. It was executed by Mr. Frazer of Charleston, who already enjoys a great reputation in the United States, but has probably surpassed himself in this work. The frame of solid gold, is more valuable for the elegance and delicacy of the workmanship than the richness of its material. It came from the workshop of two artists of Philadelphia, and would have done honour to our most experienced French jewellers.

The governor presented the general, in the name of the state, with a beautiful map of South Carolina, enclosed in a rich case of silver. Many other persons came also to offer handsome keepsakes, which he gratefully accepted.

On the 17th of March he left Charleston, carrying with him the regrets of his friends, and the blessings of the people.

CHAPTER V.

Fort Moultrie—Edisto Island—Alligators—Savannah—Funeral Monuments—Augusta—State of Georgia.

The roads of South Carolina being generally very bad, the Charleston committee resolved to conduct the general by sea to Savannah, where he had been expected for some time. We embarked on the 17th of March, on board of an elegant steam-boat, prepared and well provisioned by the attentions of the committee, and took leave of the inhabitants of Charleston, who, assembled on the wharf and crowding the vessels, responded, by their acclamations, to the parting salutations of their guest. Before losing sight of Charleston, we directed our course towards Sullivan’s Island, upon which stands Fort Moultrie, which saluted General Lafayette with all its guns. This fort, commanding the pass by which the vessels are obliged to enter the port of Charleston, was defended with extraordinary courage by the Carolinian militia, on the 28th of June, 1776, against the English forces, superior both in numbers and experience.

The militia were commanded by General Moultrie, who, during the revolutionary war, sustained the highest reputation for the valour and ability with which he defended this important post. We afterwards continued our navigation between the continent and the islands which border it, and extend as far as Savannah. We landed on one of these, called Edisto, where General Lafayette was expected; but, as it was impossible for him to remain there more than two or three hours, the inhabitants, who were collected at one of the principal proprietor’s, decided to offer him at once all the festivals they had prepared for several days. We had, at the same time, the harangue, the public dinner, the ball, and even the baptism of a charming little infant, to which the name of Lafayette was given. We then rapidly traversed the island in a carriage, to join our steam-boat, which awaited us on the side next the ocean. What we saw of the island, in this short ride, appeared to us enchanting; the vegetation was particularly striking from its variety; odoriferous shrubs of the most elegant form, were agreeably interspersed among large forest trees; and, in the downs which border the sea-shore, we saw some beautiful palm-trees, which gave to the small dwellings they shaded an aspect altogether picturesque. This island, which lies at the mouth of Edisto river, forty miles south-west of Charleston, is twelve miles in length and five broad. It has been inhabited since 1700.

During the rest of our voyage to Savannah, we coasted the islands of Hunting, Beaufort, Port Republican, Hilton Head, &c.; and often through passages so narrow, that our vessel almost touched the land on each side, and had rather the appearance of rolling on the surrounding meadows, than of gliding on the water which disappeared beneath us It was nearly midnight when we passed Beaufort, and all on board were asleep; but we were soon awakened by the acclamations of citizens, who were waiting on the shore, and General Lafayette having arisen, yielded with readiness to their desire that he would land for some moments among them.

At sunrise, as we approached the mouth of the Savannah river, we began to see some alligators extended on the shore, or swimming round our vessel. Our captain shot one, and sent the boat for it. It was about eight feet long, and we were assured that it was but of a middling size; some of them extend to twelve feet, and sometimes even, it is said, to fifteen or eighteen. The size of their body is then equal to that of a horse. When of this size, the alligator is a formidable animal, from its prodigious power and agility in the water. Its form is nearly like that of a lizard; it differs from it only by its cuneiform tail, flattened on the sides, and which, from the root to the extremity, diminishes insensibly. Like all the rest of the body, it is covered with a scaly coat, impenetrable to all arms, even to a musket-ball.[4] The head of an alligator of the largest size is about three feet; the opening of the jaws is of the same dimensions; its eyes are very small, sunken in the head, and covered; its nostrils are large, and so much developed at the summit, that, when it swims its head at the surface of the water resembles a large floating beam. Its upper jaw, only, is moveable; it opens perpendicularly, and forms a right angle with the lower jaw.[5] On each side of the upper jaw, immediately below the nostrils, are two long and strong teeth, slightly pointed and of a conical form. They have the whiteness and polish of ivory, and being always exposed, give to the animal a frightful aspect. In the under jaw, just opposite these two teeth, are two sockets proper to receive them. When the alligator strikes his jaws together, it produces a noise absolutely like that made by slapping a board violently against the ground, and which may be heard a great distance.

When, on the morning of the 19th, we arrived in sight of Savannah, we perceived all the population on the shore, and the militia assembled, who had waited during several hours. We soon heard the majestic salute of the artillery, and the acclamations of the people. We replied to them by a salute from the guns of our vessel, and by the patriotic airs with which our music caused to re-echo from the shore. To this first feeling of pleasure caused by the reception of the citizens of Savannah, a sentiment of painful regret suddenly succeeded. We had to separate from our travelling companions of South Carolina. Among them were the governor of this state, several general officers, and some members of the committee who had received us at Charleston. The governor, faithful to the laws which inhibited his passing beyond the limits of the state, resisted all entreaties to induce him to land, and bade farewell to the general with all the emotion of a child who separates himself from a parent he is to see no more. Some minutes after, we were in Georgia, at the entrance of Savannah, where the general was received and addressed by Governor Troup, in the midst of an eager crowd. The triumphal car and arches, the acclamations of the people, the wreaths and flowers scattered by the ladies, the sound of bells and cannon, every thing proved to Lafayette that though he had passed into another state, he was nevertheless among the same friendly and grateful people.

A commodious lodging had been prepared in the elegant mansion of Mrs. Maxwell; thither they conducted General Lafayette with a grand escort. After he had reposed some moments, the mayor and council of the city came to compliment him, and the day was terminated by a public repast, at which the civil and military authorities of the state and of Savannah, the members of the bar, the clergy, and a great number of citizens, were present. After the thirteen usual toasts, the company offered many volunteer toasts, all strongly indicative of the patriotic and republican character which always distinguishes American assemblies. General Lafayette replied to the toast addressed to him, by the following: “To the City of Savannah—May her youthful prosperity prove more and more to the old world, the superiority of republican institutions, and of the government of the people by themselves.” A hymn to liberty, to the air la Marseillaise, terminated the banquet, and we returned to our quarters by the light of an illumination which blazed over all the city.

The next day, Sunday, the general received, at an early hour, the visit of the French and the descendants of Frenchmen residing in Savannah. At their head was Mr. Petit de Villers, who spoke in their name, and who, in a discourse fully expressive of the sentiments of his compatriots towards Lafayette, portrayed with ardour the benefits of American hospitality towards proscribed Frenchmen, forced by every kind of despotism successively to demand an asylum in the United States.

To the visit of the French, succeeded those of the officers of the different bodies; the clergy came afterwards; at their head was the reverend Mr. Carter, who, in complimenting the general, felicitated him above all, that his efforts in favour of American independence had also resulted in the establishment of religious liberty.

To his acknowledgments, general Lafayette joined the expression of his satisfaction in seeing America giving so good an example of true religious liberty to old Europe, which still enjoys a very limited toleration. “In religious, as in political societies,” added he, “I am persuaded that the election by the people is the best guaranty of mutual confidence.”

The citizens of Savannah had for a long time cherished the intention of paying a tribute of gratitude to the memory of General Greene, justly considered as the southern hero of the revolutionary struggle; and to that of General Pulaski, the brave Pole, who, despairing of the cause of liberty in his own country, came to sacrifice his life in the cause of American independence. They thought that the presence of General Lafayette would add to the solemnity of the ceremony, and resolving to profit by his sojourn at Savannah, obtained his consent to lay the first stone of the funeral monuments they intended to raise. Consequently, every thing being ready, they made the proposition, which he accepted with the more readiness and ardour, as he was gratified to have an occasion of publicly testifying his esteem for the character of General Greene, to whom he had been particularly attached.

The ceremony was strongly characterized by the association of those exalted religious and patriotic feelings, which particularly distinguish the actions of the American people. Agreeably to the resolution adopted at a meeting of the citizens, of which Colonel John Shellman was president, the masonic society, which was charged with all the details relative to the construction of the monument, formed itself into a procession on the 21st March, at nine in the morning, and moved to the sound of music, to the lodgings of General Lafayette. The high priest, the king and other officers of the royal chapter of Georgia, were decorated with their finest apparel and richest masonic jewels. Before them was carried a banner elegantly embroidered. When they marched with the general, the procession was augmented by the militia and citizens.

On arriving at the site of the destined monument, the troops formed a line to the right and left to receive the procession between them. The children of the schools uniformly dressed, and carrying baskets filled with flowers, which they scattered beneath the steps of General Lafayette, were already assembled. The people, collected in a crowd behind them, seemed placed there to protect their feebleness, and to present them to the nation’s guest. After a silence the most profound was obtained among the attentive crowd, the masons, and the monument committee arranged themselves at the west of the foundation, and the other part of the procession occupied the east. General Lafayette then advanced to the place prepared to receive the corner stone. He was surrounded by the grand master, the grand keepers, the chaplain, the grand priest, the king, and the secretary of the chapter of Georgia, the governor, Colonel Huger, George Lafayette, &c. A national air, executed by a band of musicians, announced the commencement of the ceremony. Then the president of the monument committee advanced, and delivered a very impressive and appropriate address, which he concluded by the following words.

“Very respectable grand master, in conformity with the wishes of my fellow citizens, and in the name of the monument committee, I pray you to celebrate, according to the rites of the ancient fraternity to which you belong, the laying of the corner stone of the monument we are about to raise to the memory of General Greene.”

After the orator had made this invitation, General Lafayette made a sign that he wished to speak, and immediately the silence and attention of the multitude were redoubled, and all fixing their eyes upon him. He advanced a little, and said with a solemn voice—

“The great and good man to whose memory we this day pay a tribute of respect, of affection and profound regret, acquired in our revolutionary war a glory so true and so pure, that even now the name alone of Greene recalls all the virtues, all the talents which can adorn the patriot, the statesman, and the general; and yet it appertains to me, his brother in arms, and, I am proud to be able to say, his very sincere friend, to you, sir, his brave countryman and companion in arms, here to declare, that the kindness of his heart was equal to the force of his elevated, firm, and enlightened mind. The confidence and friendship which he obtained, were among the greatest proofs of the excellent judgment which characterized our paternal chief. By the affection of the state of Georgia towards him, the army also felt itself honoured; and I, sir, present myself before you, before new generations, as a representative of this army, of the deceased and absent friends of General Greene, to applaud the honours rendered to his memory, and to thank you for the testimonies of sympathy which you have accorded me in this touching and melancholy solemnity, and for the part which your wishes have caused me to take in it.”

When the aged companion of Greene had ceased to speak, a brother of Solomon’s Lodge, invested with masonic insignia, advanced from the crowd, and joining his voice to the grave tones of the music, sung a hymn, the last strophe of which was repeated in chorus by the assembled company, and the prayer of the people ascended to heaven with the solemn reports of the reverberating cannon.

During this time the corner stone had been prepared; and, before placing it, the grand chaplain, Mr. Carter, pronounced the prayer with a loud voice.

After this prayer, which was heard in religious silence, the grand master ordered the secretary of the committee to prepare the different objects which were to be placed in the foundation as memorials of the event. These were several medals with the portraits of the nation’s guest, of Washington, of General Greene, and Franklin; some pieces of money of the United States, struck at different periods, and also some paper money of the state of Georgia; some engravings, among which were the portraits of General Charles Pinckney, and Doctor Kollock, and all the details relative to the ceremony; lastly, a medal, on which were these words: “The corner stone of this monument, to the memory of General Nathaniel Greene, was laid by General Lafayette, at the request of the citizens of Savannah, the 21st of March, 1825.”

The stone was then lowered, amid strains of funeral music, to the bottom of the excavation. The general then descended to the stone, and struck it three times with a mallet; all the brethren came successively to render their duties, and the grand priest of the royal chapter of Georgia came, with the censor in his hand, to bless the corner stone. When all these ceremonies were ended, the grand master remitted to the principal architect all the objects requisite to be employed in the completion of the monument, charging him by all the ties which bound companions in masonry to acquit himself of his duty, in a manner honourable to his workmen and himself.

With these, and other ceremonies common on these occasions, the stone was then sealed while the music played a national air. The whole was terminated by a triple volley discharged by the United States’ troops.

The procession then marched back in the same order as before, and repaired to Chippeway place, where the ceremony was repeated in laying the corner stone of the monument of Pulaski.

Before returning to his lodgings, General Lafayette went to Brigadier-general Harden’s to assist at a presentation of colours embroidered by Mrs. Harden, and presented by her to the first regiment of the Georgia militia. On these colours, very richly worked, was the portrait of General Lafayette, and several inscriptions recalling various glorious epochs of the revolution. The burst of enthusiasm on receiving them extended alike to the officers and soldiers, who swore that under these colours, presented by beauty, and consecrated by Lafayette, they would ever be assured of vanquishing the enemies of liberty and their country.

Some hours after, notwithstanding the pressing entreaties of the citizens, and above all, the ladies, who had prepared a ball for the same evening, the general, pressed by time and his numerous engagements, was obliged to quit Savannah, and we embarked on board the steam-boat Alatamaha with the governor of Georgia, and the committee of arrangement, to visit Augusta, which is situated a hundred and eighty miles from the mouth of the river Savannah.

We found at Savannah a young man whose name and destiny were calculated to inspire us with a lively interest; this was Achille Murat, son of Joachim Murat, ex-king of Naples. On the earliest news of the arrival of General Lafayette in Georgia, he precipitately quitted Florida, where he has become a planter, and came to add his homage and felicitations to those of the Americans, whom he now regarded as his countrymen. Two days passed in his company, excited an esteem for his character and understanding, not to be withheld by any who may have the same opportunity of knowing him. Scarcely twenty-four years of age, he has had sufficient energy of mind to derive great advantages from an event which many others, in his place, would have regarded as an irreparable misfortune. Deprived of the hope of wearing the crown promised by his birth, he transported to the United States the trifling remains of his fortune, and sufficiently wise to appreciate the benefits of the liberty here enjoyed, he has become a naturalized citizen of the United States. Far from imitating so many fallen kings, who never learn how to console themselves for the loss of their former power, Achille Murat has become a cultivator, has preserved his name without any title, and by his frank, and altogether republican manners, has rapidly conciliated the regard of all who know him. He possesses a cultivated mind, and a heart filled with the most noble and generous emotions. For the memory of his father he cherishes a profound and melancholy veneration. Mr. George Lafayette, having cited in conversation some traits of that brilliant and chivalric bravery which Murat so eminently possessed, he appeared to be much affected by it; and, some moments after, when alone with me, he said with warm emotion, “Mr. George has caused me a great happiness; he has spoken well of my father to me.”

The conversation turning upon European politics, he explained himself with great freedom on the subject of the holy alliance, and, in general, upon every kind of despotism. I could not avoid saying to him, in pleasantry, that it was a very extraordinary circumstance to hear such discourse from the mouth of an hereditary prince. “Hereditary prince,” replied he with vivacity, “I have found the means to be more than such a thing—I am a freeman!” One circumstance, however, caused me pain and surprise, which was, that Achille Murat, free to choose his residence in the United States, should come to establish himself exactly in the country afflicted by slavery. This choice could only appear to me reasonable for a man who had decided to labour all in his power for the gradual emancipation of the blacks, and to give to his neighbours an example of justice and humanity, in preparing his slaves for liberty; but, I believe, this noble project has not entered into the thoughts of our young republican, who, to judge by some peculiarities of his conversation, seems but too well prepared to adopt the principles of some of his new fellow citizens as to the slavery of the blacks. Is it then, thus, that the original sin of royalty must always show the tip of its ear?[6]

Savannah is the most important city of the state of Georgia. It is situated on the right bank of Savannah river, and about seventeen miles from its mouth. Its large and straight streets cross at right angles, and are planted on each side with a row of delightful trees, called the Pride of India, and for which the inhabitants of the south have a marked predilection. Although elevated forty feet above the level of the river, the situation of Savannah is unhealthy; an autumn seldom passes without the yellow fever making cruel ravages. Commerce is notwithstanding very active there; its port, which can admit vessels drawing forty feet, annually exports more than six millions of dollars worth of cotton. Its population is 7523 inhabitants, divided thus: 3,557 white individuals, 582 free people of colour, and 3,075 slaves. The number of persons employed in the manufactories nearly equals that of those occupied in commerce, which is about six hundred.

On quitting Savannah, we sailed at first for more than sixty miles between low marshy grounds whence issued many rivulets, and which was covered by a vegetation the most rich and varied that it is possible to imagine. Among the tallest trees we observed four or five species of pines, nine of oak, tulip-trees, poplars, plantains, sassafras, &c., beneath which grew more than forty kinds of shrubs, of which the form, flower, foliage and perfume, constitute the delicacies of our most brilliant parterres. Beyond this plain, the soil rises rapidly about two hundred feet above the level of the sea, and presents at intervals fine table lands, on which are established rich cotton plantations.

As we approached Augusta, two steam-boats, crowded with a great many citizens of that town, came to meet us, and saluted General Lafayette with three cheers, and the discharge of artillery. We answered them by the patriotic air of Yankee Doodle, and by three rounds of our guns. They joining us we ascended the river together, each forcing the steam in rivalry of speed. There was something frightful in this contest; the three roaring vessels seemed to fly in the midst of black clouds of smoke, which prevented us from seeing each other. The Alatamaha was victorious, which produced a lively joy in our brave captain, who seemed to be a man who would blow up his vessel rather than be beaten on such an occasion.

The general, forced to adhere rigorously to his calculations for travelling, had at first resolved to pass but one day at Augusta; but it was impossible for him to resist the earnest solicitations of the inhabitants to remain two days, that the greater part of the preparations made for him should not become useless. He yielded, and the entertainments they gave him were so multiplied, that for the first time since the commencement of this prodigious journey, he suffered a fatigue which caused us a momentary inquietude.

Among the citizens who received the general on the wharf at Augusta, we again met our fellow-passenger in the Cadmus, Mr. King, a young lawyer much esteemed by his fellow citizens. This meeting was to us not only very agreeable, but also very useful; in leaving the river Savannah, our communications with the Atlantic would become more difficult; it was therefore important for us to transmit our despatches from Augusta, that our friends in Europe might once more have news from us before we should have entirely passed into the interior of the country; and Mr. King had the goodness to undertake to forward them after our departure, as well as some effects which we retrenched from our baggage, in order to lighten ourselves as much as possible, for we foresaw that we were going to travel the worst roads that we had yet encountered since leaving Washington.

The day after our arrival, the general was engaged to visit, on the other side of the Savannah river, a sort of prodigy, which proves to what extent good institutions favour the increase of population, the developement of industry, and the happiness of man. It is a village named Hamburg, composed of about a hundred houses, raised in the same day by a single proprietor, and all inhabited in less than two months by an active and industrious population. This village is not yet two years old, and its port is already filled with vessels, its wharves covered with merchandise, and its inhabitants assured of a constantly increasing prosperity. Hamburg being on the right bank of the Savannah, belongs to South Carolina.

On the 25th we left Augusta, which is well built and containing more than four thousand inhabitants, to visit Milledgeville, passing through Warrenton and Sparta. The general was very affectionately received in each of these small towns; but we found the roads every where in a bad condition, and so much broken up, that we were obliged to travel a part of the way on horseback. Happily the carriage in which the general rode, resisted all accidents, but it was near breaking down twenty times. The first day the jolts were so violent, that they occasioned General Lafayette a vomiting which at first alarmed us, but this entirely ceased after a good night passed at Warrenton.

We arrived on the 2d of March, on the banks of little river Oconee, near to which Milledgeville, the capital of Georgia, is built. This town, which, from the dispersion of its houses, and the multitude and extent of its beautiful gardens, rather resembles a fine village than a city, containing a population of two thousand five hundred souls, among whom General Lafayette was received as a father and friend. The citizens, conducted by their magistrates, came to receive him on the banks of the river, and the aids-de-camp of the governor conducted him with pomp to the state house, which claimed the honour of lodging him. The day was passed in the midst of honours and pleasures of every kind. After the official presentation in the state house, where the general was addressed by an American citizen of French descent, Mr. Jaillet, mayor of Milledgeville; after the visit which we made to the lodge of our masonic brethren, and the review of all the militia of the county, we dined with Governor Troup, who had assembled at his house all the public officers and principal citizens, with whom we spent the evening at the state house, where the ladies of the place had prepared a ball for General Lafayette; but at this ball there was neither possibility nor wish for any one to dance; each, anxious to entertain or hear the nation’s guest, kept near him, and seized with avidity the occasion to testify gratitude and attachment. Affected almost to tears with the kindness evinced towards him, the general completely forgot that Georgia was a new acquaintance. He also forgot, it seemed, that to-morrow we were to depart early in the morning, and that some hours of repose would be necessary, as he passed a great part of the night in conversing with his new friends.

Before continuing the narrative of the subsequent journey, which conducted us from the bosom of the most advanced civilization, into the centre of still savage tribes, the aboriginal children of America, I shall make some observations on the state of Georgia.

This state, situated between the 30th and 35th degrees of north latitude, and the 3d and 9th of longitude west from Washington, is bounded on the north by the state of Tennessee, to the north-east by South Carolina, to the south-east by the Atlantic ocean, to the south by Florida, and to the west by the state of Alabama. Its surface is 58,000 square miles, and its population 340,989 inhabitants, of which nearly 150,000 are slaves; a proportion truly alarming, and which will, some day, bring Georgia into an embarrassing situation, if its government does not adopt some measure to diminish the evil. Here, as in all the slave states, the blacks are goods and chattels, which are sold like any other property, and which may be inherited; but their introduction into the state as an object of commerce is severely prohibited. According to existing laws, a person who brings into the state a slave, which he sells or exposes to sale within the year immediately succeeding his introduction, is subjected to a penalty of one thousand dollars, and an imprisonment of five years in the state prison. The prejudices against the coloured race is very strong among the Georgians, and I have not remarked that they have made any great efforts for the abolition of slavery; the laws even interpose a barrier to gradual emancipation, for a proprietor cannot give liberty to his slave without the authority of the legislature. The ancient code of slavery introduced by the English, and which was a code of blood, is fallen into disuse, and has been supplied by some laws protective of the slaves. Thus, for example, whoever now designedly deprives a slave of life or limb, is condemned to the same punishment as if the crime had been committed on a white man, except in a case of insurrection; but we feel that this law is to be administered by judges who are themselves slave-holders, and under the influence of the same prejudices as their fellow citizens; thus may one say with truth, that if the slaves of Georgia do not perish under the whip of their master, as too often happens in the French colonies, it is owing solely to the naturally mild and humane dispositions of the Georgians, and not to the efficacy of the laws, which admit that a slave may accidentally die on receiving moderate correction, without the author of the infliction being guilty of murder.

Georgia, it is said, was that one of the ancient colonies in which the revolution obtained the fewest suffrages. The royal party, for a long time, preserved there a great influence, which, augmented by the presence of a numerous body of English, under the orders of Colonel Campbell, maintained the royal government until the end of the war; thus the patriots had more to suffer in Georgia than elsewhere.

It was not until 1798, that the constitution, which had been adopted in 1785 and amended in 1789, was definitively and vigorously enforced by a general assembly of the representatives. This constitution is very nearly similar to that of South Carolina.

If Georgia is not yet one of the richest states of the Union, by the abundance and variety of its productions, the cause should be attributed to the influence of slavery alone. No country, perhaps, is more favoured by nature than this, and all the products of the most opposite climates may be easily and abundantly drawn from its soil. The seashores and the adjacent islands produce six hundred pounds of long cotton per acre, of which the medium price is thirty cents per pound; and the same soil will produce four crops without manure. Sugar may be cultivated in the same soil, with an equal success. The white mulberry grows there in such quantities, that Georgia could easily liberate the United States from an annual tribute of several millions which they pay to Europe, if the culture of silk was confided to skilful and interested hands; that is to say, to the hands of freemen. Tea grows without culture in the neighbourhood of Savannah; in some choice places, three crops of indigo are annually produced; and, in the interior, the lands produce abundantly of grain and maize; finally, pulse and fruits of all kinds grow here with an unusual facility. But to fertilize the sources of such abundant riches, there are requisite an industry and activity, rarely possessed by men accustomed to confide the care of their existence to the devotedness of unhappy beings brutalised by slavery.[7]

CHAPTER VI.

Departure from Milledgeville—Macon—Indian Agency—Meeting with Indians during a Storm—Hamley—M’Intosh’s Tribe—Uchee Creek—Big Warrior—Captain Lewis—Line Creek—Montgomery—Farewell of M’Intosh—Cahawba—State of Alabama—Mobile.

On the 29th of March, after having taken leave of the citizens of Milledgeville, and expressed our thanks to the committee of arrangement, the authorities of the town and the state, for the kindnesses with which we had been loaded, we resumed our route with some aides-de-camp of Governor Troup, who, with a skilful foresight, had previously arranged every thing, so that the general should experience the inconveniences inevitably to be encountered, as little as possible, in a journey across a country without roads, towns, and almost without inhabitants; for, to enter the state of Alabama, we had to traverse that vast territory which separates it from Georgia, and which is inhabited by the Creek nation; a people which civilization has blighted with some of its vices, without having been able to win them from the habits of a wandering and savage life.

The first day, after travelling for some hours, we arrived at Macon to dinner, where the general was received with enthusiasm by the citizens, and a number of ladies, whose elegance and manners formed a singular contrast to the aspect of the country we had traversed. Macon, which is a small and handsome village, tolerably populous, did not exist eighteen months since; it has arisen from the midst of the forests as if by enchantment. It is a civilized speck lost in the yet immense domain of the original children of the soil. Within a league of this place, we are again in the bosom of virgin forests; the summits of these aged trees, which appear as records of the age of the world, waved above our heads, and, when agitated by the winds, gave rise alternately to that shrill or hollow tone, which Chateaubriand has termed the voice of the desert. The road we pursued was a kind of gulley or fissure, over the bottom of which the general’s carriage was with difficulty drawn, and often at the risk of being shattered in pieces; we followed on horseback, and arrived in the evening at the Indian agency.

This is an isolated habitation in the midst of the forests, built during the last year for the conferences between the Indian chiefs and the commissioners of the United States. It was there that the treaty was formed, by which the tribes inhabiting the left bank of the Mississippi consented to retire to the right bank, on the payment of a considerable sum of money to them. The year 1827 was assigned as the time for their evacuation, and it is not without sorrow that the Indians find that it is drawing near; they will relinquish with regret the neighbourhood of civilized man, although they detest him; and accuse their chiefs of having betrayed them in making this cession, which, it is said, has already cost the life of M’Intosh, one of the chiefs who signed the treaty.

We passed the night at the Indian agency; we had been expected the evening before by about a hundred Indians, among whom the name of Lafayette has existed by tradition for fifty years; but the delays we had met with had exhausted their patience, and they had gone to prepare for our reception elsewhere. On the second day we had to traverse thirty-two miles over a road which became more and more difficult. A storm, such as is never seen in Europe, and which, however, I cannot pause to describe, now assailed us, and forced us to halt for some hours. Happily we found a shelter in a cabin built by an American, not far distant from the road. Some Indian hunters, accustomed, no doubt, to seek refuge here, were drying their garments around a large fire; we took our place among them without being known, or attracting any particular attention. Mine, on the contrary, was strongly excited by this interview, the first of the kind I had met with. I had heard much of the manners of these sons of nature, and, like every inhabitant of a civilized country, I entertained such singular ideas respecting them, that the slightest of their gestures, and every minutiæ of their dress and accoutrements, induced an astonishment which the Indians did not appear to share in seeing us. As far as I could, by signs, I proposed a multitude of questions, to which they replied by a pantomime, which was at once expressive and laconic. I had heard much of the apathy of Indians as a natural faculty, but also singularly augmented in them by education. I wished to make a few experiments on this point, but did not know how they would receive them. I provoked one of them by hostile gestures; but my anger, though tolerably well assumed, did not appear to excite more emotion than the tricks of a child would have done. He continued his conversation without attending to me, and his countenance expressed neither fear nor contempt.

After some other trials of the same kind, always received with the same calm indifference, I recurred to signs of kindness; I offered to the Indians a glass of brandy: this succeeded better. They emptied it. I showed them some pieces of money, which they took without ceremony. I soon quitted them, and it appeared to me that we separated very good friends. The termination of the storm now permitted us to resume our route, and we arrived at a resting place rather better than that of the preceding evening. This was a group of cabins constructed of logs, and covered with bark. The owner was an American, whom a reverse of fortune had forced to take refuge here, where he carried on a lucrative trade with the Indians by exchanging goods from the coast for furs. His small farm was composed of some acres in tolerable cultivation, a well furnished poultry yard, and the dwelling I have spoken of above. On arrival, we found two Indians seated before his door, one young, the other middle aged, but both remarkable for their beauty and form. They were dressed in a short frock, of a light material, fastened around the body by a wampum belt. Their heads were wrapped with shawls of brilliant colours, their leggings of buckskin reached above the knee. They arose on the approach of the general, and saluted him, the youngest, to our great astonishment, complimenting him in very good English. We soon learnt that he had passed his youth in college in the United States, but that he had withdrawn several years before from his benefactor, to return among his brethren, whose mode of life he preferred to that of civilized man. The general questioned him much as to the state of the Indian nations. He replied with much clearness and precision. When the last treaty of the United States was spoken of, his countenance became sombre, he stamped on the ground, and, placing his hand upon his knife, murmured the name of M’Intosh in such a manner, as to make us tremble for the safety of that chief; and when we appeared to be astonished, “M’Intosh,” exclaimed he, “has sold the land of his fathers, and sacrificed us all to his avarice. The treaty he has concluded in our name, it is impossible to break, but the wretch!” He stopped on making this violent exclamation, and shortly afterwards quietly entered on some other topic of conversation.

Hamley, (the name of the young Indian,) when he found we were somewhat rested, proposed to us to visit his house, which he pointed out to us on the slope of a hill at a little distance. Two of the governor’s aides-de-camp and myself accepted the invitation, and followed the two Indians. On our route they showed to us a fenced enclosure, filled with deer and fawns, which they called their reserve, and which served them for food when they had been unsuccessful in the chase. Hamley’s cabin adjoined this enclosure. We entered it. There was a large fire on the hearth, and evening having commenced, the whole building was illuminated by the flame of the burning pine wood. The furniture consisted of two beds, a table, some rude chairs, whilst wicker baskets, fire arms, and bows and arrows, with a violin, were hanging on the walls. The whole arrangement indicated the presence of man in a half civilized state. Hamley’s companion took down the violin, and handling the instrument with vigour rather than lightness and grace, played some fragments of Indian airs, which induced a desire of dancing in Hamley, but whether from courtesy, or from a wish of inducing a comparison which would result to his own credit, he begged us to begin. The grave Americans who accompanied me, excused themselves. Being younger, or less reserved, I did not wait for a second invitation, and executed some steps of our national dances; this was all that Hamley desired. I saw him throw off every thing that might embarrass him, seize a large shawl, and triumphantly spring into the centre of the apartment, as if he would say, it is now my turn. His first movements, slow and impassioned, gradually became animated, his movements, incomparably bolder and more expressive than those of our opera dancers, soon became so rapid that the eye could scarcely follow them. In the intervals, or when he halted for breath, his steps softly beating time to the music, his head gently inclined, and gracefully following the movements of his pliant body, his eyes sparkling with an emotion which reddened the coppery hue of his complexion, the cries that he uttered when he awoke from this reverie in order to commence his rapid evolutions, had the most striking effect upon us, which it is impossible to describe.

Two Indian women, whom I afterwards learned were Hamley’s wives, approached the house, during the time that it resounded with his exertions, and our plaudits, but they did not enter, and I therefore merely saw them. They had the usual beauty of this race; their dress was composed of a long white tunic, and a scarlet drapery thrown over their shoulders; their long black hair was wholly unconfined. On their neck, they had a necklace of four or five strings of pearls, and in their ears, those immense silver rings so generally worn by Indian women. I believed, from their reserve, that Hamley had forbidden them to enter, and therefore made no inquiries respecting them. There were also some negroes about the house, but they did not appear to be slaves. They were fugitives to whom he had granted an asylum, and who repaid his hospitality by their labour.

I would willingly have remained several days as Hamley’s guest and companion in the chase; but we were obliged to continue our journey. We retired, and the next day, the 31st March, resumed our route. As we plunged deeper into this country of forests, the Indian soil seemed to efface from our minds those prejudices which induce civilized man to endeavour to impose his mode of life on all those nations who still adhere to primitive habits, and to consider the invasion of districts in which this pretended barbarity still exists, as a noble and legitimate conquest. It must, however, be stated, to the praise of the Americans, that it is not by extermination or war, but by treaties, in which their intellectual superiority, it is true, exercises a species of gentle violence, that they pursue their system of aggrandizement against the Indian tribes to the west and north. With them, civilization is not sullied by crimes to be compared with those of Great Britain in India, but in rendering this justice to them, we, at the same time, cannot help feeling a strong interest in the fate of the unhappy Indians. Thus, in meeting at every turn the bark cabin of the Creek hunter, now the habitation of peace and savage yet happy ignorance, we could not think without sorrow how soon it might be overthrown and replaced by the farm of the white settler. It was on the banks of the Chatahouche that we met with the first assemblage of Indians, in honour of the general. A great number of women and children were to be seen in the woods on the opposite bank, who uttered cries of joy on perceiving us. The warriors descended the side of a hill at a little distance, and hastened to that part of the shore at which we were to disembark. The variety and singular richness of their costumes presented a most picturesque appearance. Mr. George Lafayette, who was the first that landed, was immediately surrounded by men, women, and children, who danced and leaped around him, touched his hands and clothes with an air of surprise and astonishment, that caused him almost as much embarrassment as pleasure. All at once, as if they wished to give their joy a grave and more solemn expression, they retired, and the men ranged themselves in front. He who appeared to be the chief of the tribe, gave, by an acute and prolonged cry, the signal for a kind of salute, which was repeated by the whole troop, which again advanced towards the shore. At the moment the general prepared to step on shore, some of the most athletic seized the small carriage we had with us, and insisted that the general should seat himself in it, not willing, as they observed, that their father should step on the wet ground. The general was thus carried in a kind of palanquin a certain distance from the shore, when the Indian whom I have spoken of as the chief, approached him and said in English, that all his brothers were happy in being visited by one who, in his affection for the inhabitants of America, had never made a distinction of blood or colour; that he was the honoured father of all the races of men dwelling on that continent. After the chief had finished his speech, the other Indians all advanced and placed their right arm on that of the general, in token of friendship. They would not permit him to leave the carriage, but dragging it along, they slowly ascended the hill they had previously left, and on which one of their largest villages was situated.

During our progress I drew near to the Indian chief; I supposed that as he spoke English, that he, like Hamley, had been educated in the United States, and this I found to be the case. He was about 28 years of age, of a middle height; but the symmetry of his limbs was perfect, his physiognomy noble, his expression mournful; when he was not speaking he fixed his large black eyes, shaded by a heavy brow, steadfastly on the ground. When he told me that he was the eldest son of M’Intosh, I could not recall, without emotions of sorrow, the imprecations I had heard poured forth against this chief, on the preceding evening. This, in all probability, occasioned the air of depression and thoughtfulness I remarked in the young man; but what I afterwards learned in conversation with him explained it still more satisfactorily; his mind had been cultivated at the expense of his happiness. He appreciated the real situation of his nation, he saw it gradually becoming weaker, and foresaw its speedy destruction; he felt how much it was inferior to those which surrounded it, and was perfectly aware that it was impossible to overcome the wandering mode of life of his people. Their vicinity to civilization had been of no service to them; on the contrary, it had only been the means of introducing vices to which they had hitherto been strangers; he appeared to hope that the treaty which removed them to another and a desert country, would re-establish the ancient organization of the tribes, or at least preserve them in the state in which they now were.

When we arrived at the brow of the hill we perceived the glitter of helmets and swords; troops were drawn up in line along the road. These were not Indians; they were civilized men, sent by the state of Alabama to escort the general. The singular triumphal march to which he had been obliged to submit, now ceased. The Indians saw with some jealousy the American escort range themselves round the general; but we approached the village, and they ran on in order to precede us. We there found them on our arrival, with their garments thrown off, and prepared to afford us a sight of their warlike games.

We arrived on a large plain, around which were situated about an hundred Indian huts, crowned by the rich verdure of the dense thickets; one house was distinguished for its greater size, it was that of the American agent. He also kept an inn, and his wife superintended a school for the instruction of the Indian children. All the men were assembled, deprived of a part of their dress, their faces painted in a grotesque manner, and some wearing feathers in their hair, as a mark of distinction. They then announced to us that there would be a mock fight in honour of their white father. In fact, we soon perceived them separate into two divisions, and form two camps at the two extremities of the place, appoint two leaders, and make preparations for a combat. The cry that was uttered by each of these troops, and which we were told was the war-whoop of the Indian tribes, is, perhaps, the most extraordinary modulation of the human voice that can be conceived, and the effect it produced on the combatants of all ages, was still more so. The sport began. They explained the plan to us as follows: Each party endeavoured to drive a ball beyond a certain mark, and that which attained this object seven times would be the victor. We soon saw the combatants, each armed with two long rackets, rush after the light projectile, spring over each other in order to reach it, seize it in the air with incredible dexterity, and hurl it beyond the goal. When the ball was missed by a player, it fell to the ground, when every head was bent, a scene of great confusion ensued, and it was only after a severe struggle that the players succeeded in again throwing it up. In the midst of one of these long combats, whilst all the players were bent around the ball, an Indian detached himself from the group to some distance, returned on a run, sprung into the air, and after making several somersets, threw himself on the shoulders of the other players, leaped into the circle, seized the ball, and for the seventh time cast it beyond the mark. This player was M’Intosh. The victory was obtained by the camp which he commanded; he advanced to receive our congratulations under a shower of applause from a part of the Indian women, whilst the wives of the vanquished appeared to be endeavouring to console them.

The general, after this game, which much amused him, visited the interior of some of the huts, and the Indian school. When we were ready to resume our journey, young M’Intosh re-appeared dressed as an European. He requested permission from the general to accompany him to Montgomery, where he wished to carry his brother, who was about ten years of age, in order to place him under the care of a citizen of Alabama, who had generously offered to educate him. The general consented to it, and we all set out for Uchee Creek, an American tavern, situated on the banks of a creek of that name. We arrived at that place at an early hour, and visited the neighbourhood, which was charming. Accompanied by M’Intosh, I soon made an acquaintance with the Indians of that district. We found them exercising with the bow. I wished to try my skill, M’Intosh likewise armed himself; he had the arm and eye of William Tell. Some proofs of his skill would scarcely be credited were I to relate them. I was most struck with the skill, with which, whilst lying on the ground, he discharged an arrow, which, striking the ground at a few paces distance, made a slight rebound, and flew to an immense distance. This is the mode employed by the Indians when they wish to discharge their arrows to a great distance without discovering themselves. I tried in vain to accomplish it; each time my arrow, instead of rebounding, buried itself in the earth.

We returned to Uchee Creek, and met an Indian chief on his way to the tavern. He was on horseback, with a woman behind him. When he arrived within a few paces of the house, he dismounted and went forward to salute the general, and to make some purchases. During this time his wife remained with the horse, brought it to him when he wished to depart, held the bridle and stirrup when he mounted, and afterwards sprung up behind him. I asked my companions if this woman was the wife of the Indian, and if such was the condition of the females of the nation. They replied, that in general they were treated as we had seen; in the agricultural districts they cultivated the ground, among the hunters they carried the game, the culinary utensils, and other necessary articles, and thus loaded could travel great distances, that even maternal cares scarcely exonerated them from these laborious occupations. However, in the excursions I afterwards made in the environs of Uchee Creek, the condition of the women did not appear to me as unhappy as I was led to expect. I saw before almost all the houses the women sitting in circles, engaged in weaving baskets or mats, and amusing themselves with the games and exercises of the young men, and I never remarked any signs of harshness on the part of the men, or of servile dependence on the part of the women. I was so hospitably received in all the Indian cabins at Uchee Creek, and the country around was so beautiful, that it yet appears to me as the most beautiful spot I ever visited. From Uchee Creek to the cabin of Big Warrior, which is the nearest resting place, is about a day’s journey, through a country inhabited by Indians. We several times met parties of them, and were greatly assisted by them in extricating ourselves from dangerous places in the road, for the storm had encumbered them, and swelled the streams. On one of these occasions, the general received a touching specimen of the veneration these sons of nature held him in. One of the torrents we were to cross had risen above the unnailed wooden bridge over which the carriage of the general was to proceed. What was our astonishment, on arriving at the stream, to find a score of Indians, who, holding each other by the hand, and breast deep in water, marked the situation of the bridge by a double line. We were well pleased at receiving this succour, and the only recompense demanded by the Indians, was to have the honour of taking the general by the hand, whom they called their white father, the envoy of the Great Spirit, the great warrior from France, who came in former days to free them from the tyranny of the English. M’Intosh, who interpreted their discourse to us, also expressed to them the general’s and our own good wishes. The village of the Big Warrior is thus named on account of the extraordinary courage and great stature of the Indian who was its chief. We arrived there at a late hour; the chief had been dead some time; the council of old men had assembled to name his successor, and had designated one of his sons, remarkable for the same strength of body, as worthy of filling his place. This son had much conversation with Mr. George Lafayette; he expressed himself in English, and astonished us by the singular apathy with which he spoke of the death of his father. But the Indians have not the slightest idea of what we call grief and mourning. Death does not appear an evil to them, either as regards the person who has quitted this life, or those who are thus separated from him. The son of Big Warrior only appeared to regret that the death of his father, which had occurred a short time before, did not permit him to dispose of his inheritance, and to present one of the dresses of this celebrated chief to the general.

We only passed one night with the family of Big Warrior; the next day we arrived at Line Creek, that is to say, at the frontier of the Indian country. We were received there by an American who had married the daughter of a Creek chief, and had adopted the Indian mode of life. He was a Captain Lewis, formerly in the army of the United States; his house was commodious, and was furnished with elegance for an Indian cabin. Captain Lewis, who is distinguished for his knowledge and character, appeared to us to exercise great influence over the Indians; he had assembled a great number, well armed and mounted, to act as an escort to the general. One of the neighbouring chiefs came at the head of a deputation to compliment the general. His discourse, which appeared studied, was rather long, and was translated to us by an interpreter. He commenced by high eulogiums on the skill and courage the general had formerly displayed against the English; the most brilliant events of that war was recalled and recounted in a poetical and somewhat pompous strain. He terminated somewhat in these words: “Father, we had long since heard that you had returned to visit our forests and our cabins; you, whom the Great Spirit formerly sent over the great lake to destroy those enemies of man, the English, clothed in bloody raiment. Even the youngest amongst us will say to their descendants, that they have touched your hand and seen your figure, they will also behold you, for you are protected by the Great Spirit from the ravages of age—you may again defend us if we are attacked.”

The general replied, through the interpreter, to these compliments of the Indians; he again counselled them to be prudent and temperate; recommended their living in harmony with the Americans, and to always consider them as their friends and brothers; he told them that he should always think of them, and would pray for the welfare of their families and the glory of their warriors. We now directed our course to the stream which separates the Creek country from the state of Alabama. The Indians under Captain Lewis, mounted on small horses as light and nimble as deer, some armed with bows and arrows, and others with tomahawks, followed us in a long file, the rear of which was hidden in the darkness of the forest. On arriving at the brink of the stream, they turned back, uttering loud cries; some of the chiefs, however, bid us a final adieu as we left their territory.

We passed the night on the banks of Line Creek, in a small village of the same name, almost entirely inhabited by persons whom the love of gain had assembled from all parts of the globe, in the midst of these deserts, to turn to their own profit the simplicity and above all the new wants of the unfortunate natives. These avaricious wretches, who without scruple poison the tribes with intoxicating liquors, and afterwards ruin them by duplicity and overreaching, are the most cruel and dangerous enemies of the Indian nations, whom, at the same time, they accuse of being robbers, idlers, and drunkards. If the limits to which I had determined to restrain my narrative had not already been overstepped, I could easily show, that these vices with which they reproach the children of the forest, are the result of the approach of civilization, and also in how many instances they are surpassed by the whites in cruelty and want of faith. I will content myself with citing but two facts from the thousands, which are an eternal stigma on men so proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who call themselves civilized.

A short time since, a trader, living in the state of Alabama, went into the Creek country for the purposes of his business. Having met with one of the chiefs of the nation, he bargained with him for peltries; but, as the conditions he proposed were all disadvantageous to the Indian, to induce him the more readily to consent to them, he intoxicated him with whiskey. After the bargain was concluded, they set out together for the nearest village. On the way, the Indian reflected on what he had done, and perceived that he had been duped; he wished to enter into some other arrangement with the trader, but the discussion soon caused a violent quarrel, which ended by the Indian striking his adversary so violent a blow with his tomahawk, as to stretch him dead at his feet. Twenty-four hours afterwards, on the first complaint of the whites, the murderer was arrested by his own tribe, who, after having assembled their great council, pronounced him guilty of a base assassination, in thus having killed a white who was without arms or means of defence. They then conducted him to the banks of Line Creek, where they had requested the whites to assemble to witness the justice they rendered them, and shot him in their presence.

The evening of our arrival at Line Creek, I went into a store to make some purchases, and whilst there, an Indian entered and asked for twelve and a half cents worth of whiskey. The owner of the shop received the money, and told him to wait a moment, as the concourse of buyers was very great. The Indian waited patiently for a quarter of an hour, after which he demanded his whiskey. The trader appeared astonished, and told him if he wanted whiskey he must first pay him for it. “I gave you twelve and a half cents a few moments since,” said the Indian. The poor wretch had scarcely pronounced these words, when the trader sprung forward, seized him by the ears, and, assisted by one of his men, brutally turned him out of the shop. I saw him give the money, and was convinced of the honesty of the one and the rascality of the other. I felt strongly indignant, and notwithstanding the delicacy of my situation, I would have stept forward to interfere, but the whole scene passed so rapidly that I hardly had time to say a few words. I went out to see what the Indian would do. I found him a few steps from the house, where he had been checked by his melancholy emotions. An instant afterwards, he crossed his arms on his breast, and hurried towards his own country with rapid strides. When he arrived on the margin of the stream, he plunged in and crossed it without appearing to perceive that the water reached above his knees. On attaining the other side, he stopped, turned round, and elevating his eyes towards heaven, he extended his hand towards the territory of the whites, in a menacing manner, and uttered some energetic exclamations in his own language. Doubtless, at that moment he invoked the vengeance of heaven on his oppressors; a vengeance that would have been just, but his prayer was in vain. Poor Indians! you are pillaged, beaten, poisoned or excited by intoxicating liquors, and then you are termed savages! Washington said, “Whenever I have been called upon to decide between an Indian and a white man, I have always found that the white had been the aggressor.” Washington was right.

The conduct of the American government is of an entirely different character, as regards the Indian tribes. It not only protects them against individual persecution, and sees that the treaties made with them by the neighbouring states are not disadvantageous to them, and are faithfully adhered to, but it also provides for their wants with a paternal solicitude. It is not a rare circumstance for congress to vote money and supplies to those tribes, whom a deficient harvest or unforeseen calamity have exposed to famine.

We quitted Line Creek on the 3d of April, and the same day General Lafayette was received at Montgomery, by the inhabitants of that village, and by the governor of the state of Alabama, who had come from Cahawba with all his staff and a large concourse of citizens, who had assembled from great distances to accompany him. We passed the next day at Montgomery, and left it on the night of the 4th and 5th, after a ball, at which we had the pleasure of seeing Chilli M’Intosh dance with several beautiful women, who certainly had little idea that they were dancing with a savage. The parting of M’Intosh with the general was a melancholy one. He appeared overwhelmed with sinister presentiments. After having quitted the general and his son, he met me in the courtyard; he stopped, placed my right arm on his, and elevating his left hand towards heaven, “Farewell,” said he, “always accompany our father and watch over him. I will pray to the Great Spirit also to watch over him, and give him a speedy and safe return to his children in France. His children are our brothers; he is our father. I hope that he will not forget us.” His voice was affected, his countenance sad, and the rays of the moon falling obliquely on his dark visage, gave a solemnity to his farewell with which I was deeply moved. I wished to reply to him, but he quitted me precipitately and disappeared.

At two o’clock in the morning, we embarked on the Alabama, on board the steam-boat Anderson, which had been richly and commodiously prepared for the general, and provided with a band of musicians sent from New Orleans. All the ladies of Montgomery accompanied us on board, where we took leave of them; and the moment the reports of the artillery announced our departure, immense fires were lighted on the shore. Our voyage as far as the Tombigbee was delicious. It is difficult to imagine any thing more romantic than the elevated, gravelly, and oftentimes wooded shores of the Alabama. During the three days we were on it, the echoes repeated the patriotic airs executed by our Louisiania musicians. We stopped one day at Cahawba, where the officers of government of the state of Alabama had, in concert with the citizens, prepared entertainments for General Lafayette, as remarkable for their elegance and good taste, as touching by their cordiality and the feelings of which they were the expression. Among the guests with whom we sat down to dinner, we found some countrymen whom political events had driven from France. They mentioned to us, that they had formed part of the colony at Champ D’Asile. They now lived in a small town they had founded in Alabama, to which they had given the name Gallopolis. I should judge that they were not in a state of great prosperity. I believe their European prejudices, and their inexperience in commerce and agriculture, will prevent them from being formidable rivals of the Americans for a length of time.

Cahawba, the seat of government of Alabama, is a flourishing town, whose population, although as yet small, promises to increase rapidly, from its admirable situation at the confluence of the Cahawba and Alabama.

The state of Alabama, which, like Mississippi, was formerly part of Georgia, and with which its early history is intimately connected, received a territorial governor from congress in 1817, and was admitted into the federation as an independent state in 1816. Its population, which in 1810 was only 10,000, had risen to 67,000 in 1817, and is at present 128,000. In this estimate of the population I do not include the Indian tribes of Choctaws, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, residing in the east and west of the state.

From Cahawba we descended the river to Claiborne, a small fort on the Alabama. The general was induced by the intreaties of the inhabitants to remain a few hours, which were passed in the midst of the most touching demonstrations of friendship. Mr. Dellet, who had been appointed by his fellow citizens to express their sentiments, acquitted himself with an eloquence we were astonished to meet in a spot, which, but a short time before, only resounded with the savage cry of the Indian hunter.

A little below Claiborne, I remarked that the banks of the Alabama were much lower; when we had passed the mouth of the Tombigbee, we found ourselves in the middle of low marshy meadows, but apparently very fertile. Finally, we arrived on the 7th of April, in Mobile bay, at the bottom of which is situated a city of the same name.

The distance we had traversed in three days, and which was more than three hundred miles, on account of the windings of the river, formerly required a month or six weeks in ascending, and half the time in descending. This shows what a prodigious revolution the application of steam to navigation will effect in the commercial relations of a country.

The city of Mobile, which is the oldest establishment in the state, is very advantageously situated for commerce, on a beautiful plain, elevated more than twenty feet above the general level of the water. This town had languished for a long time, under the despotism of the Spanish inquisition, and the wretched administration of the French government. It has often been devastated by the yellow fever. At present, all its wounds are healed; a few years of liberty have sufficed to render it prosperous. When the Americans took possession, it did not contain more than two hundred houses; at present, its population is more than 1800 souls. Formerly it scarcely exported four hundred bales of cotton; this year it has despatched upwards of sixty thousand.

The arrival of the steam-boat in the bay, was announced by discharges of artillery from Fort Conde; and when we reached the wharf at Mobile, the general found the committee of the corporation and all the population assembled to receive him. He was conducted to the centre of the town under a triumphal arch, the four corners of which were adorned with the flags of Mexico, the republics of South America and Greece. In the centre was that of the United States. Here he was complimented by Mr. Garrow in the name of the city, and in presence of the municipal body. He was then led to an immense hall, expressly constructed for his reception. He there found all the ladies, to whom he was presented by the governor; after which Mr. Webb addressed him in the name of the state. In his speech, the orator retraced with much truth, the debased situation into which despotism and ignorance had formerly plunged the city of Mobile, and the rich territory that surrounded it; he then painted the rapid and increasing progress that liberty and republican institutions had produced in the arts, in industry and commerce, which had now rendered these very spots rich and prosperous; he attributed this happy change to the glorious and triumphant exertions of the revolutionary patriots, whose courage and constancy had been sustained by the noble example of Lafayette; and he terminated by expressing his regret that the efforts of the French patriots had not resulted in consequences equally beneficial to their country.

In returning his thanks to the orator and the citizens of Alabama, the general took a rapid survey of the struggles for liberty in which he had borne so important a part, and concluded by expressing his deep conviction of the necessity of the closest and most intimate union among the states.

The inhabitants of Mobile, hoping that the general would pass some days with them, had made great preparations for entertainments to him, but the most part were rendered useless. Limited in his time, he was obliged to yield to the solicitations of the deputation from New Orleans, who pressed him to depart the next morning. Nevertheless he accepted a public dinner, a ball and a masonic celebration; after which we went on board the vessel which was to take him to New Orleans, to obtain a few hours of that repose, which a day filled with so many pleasant emotions had rendered absolutely necessary.

CHAPTER VII.

Departure from Mobile—Gulf of Mexico—Passage of the Balize—Landing at the entrenchments near New Orleans—Entrance into the city—Entertainments and Public Ceremonies—Battle of New Orleans.

The vessel on board of which we had retired, on leaving the ball, was the Natchez, an excellent and handsome steam-boat, sent by the city of New Orleans to transport the general from Mobile to the shores of the Mississippi. An experienced captain, Mr. Davis, commanded her; she had on board the Louisiania deputation, at the head of which was Mr. Duplantier, an old friend and companion in arms of the general. At the break of day, cannon were heard, at which signal we weighed anchor. The general stationed on the deck, received the farewell of the citizens who pressed in crowds to the shore, and testified their sorrow by expressive gestures and a gloomy silence. In half an hour, the city of Mobile disappeared from the horizon, which enlarged around us, and in a short time the smoke of the artillery, tinged by the rays of the rising sun, also became invisible. When night returned, it found us in the Gulf of Mexico.

To reach New Orleans, we might choose between two routes; either behind Dauphin, Horn, Dog, Ship, or Cat islands, traversing lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain, and disembarking a few miles in the rear of the city, or else boldly cross the gulf to the mouth of the Mississippi, pass the Balize and ascend the river. Our captain, confident of the solidity of his vessel, decided on the latter plan, which was not unattended with danger, but it gained us a whole day. We soon repented of his determination. A storm arose in a short time. The motion of the vessel became so disagreeable that we were obliged to lie down to avoid the sea sickness which attacked almost all of us. During the night, the wind greatly augmented, and the waves became so high, that several of them entering the ports, inundated the cabin and our beds. The noise of the wind, waves, and engine, with the creaking of the vessel, were so horrible, that we expected to founder every moment. At break of day I ascended to the deck, from whence I beheld the most imposing and awful spectacle; we arrived at the Balize. We could not avoid feeling a strong emotion at the sight of this magnificent river, whose rapid stream and prodigious breadth announced rather a conqueror than a tributary of the ocean. Its waves repelling, to a great distance, those of the sea, heaped on the low islands at its mouth, thousands of immense trunks of trees, which, after having flourished for ages under the polar circle, were now decaying under the burning sky of Mexico, and feeding a new vegetation with their remains. Enormous alligators of a sinister appearance and sluggish gait, attached to the floating trunks of trees, menaced the navigator, and seemed to dispute the entrance of the river with him. For a long time after we had entered the Mississippi we thought ourselves in another sea, so distant are its shores, and so tumultuous are its waves. It was not until after some hours that it became sufficiently narrow for us to perceive its muddy banks, or that the stream diminished in swiftness.

In the morning we passed fort Plaquemine, from which we were saluted with thirteen guns, and night again surprised us before we could perceive the walls of New Orleans. No variety in the vegetation is perceptible for sixty miles from the Balize. Hitherto nothing was to be seen but cypresses covered with the sombre tillandsia, called by the natives of the country, Spanish beard. This parasitic plant, which forms a long and dense drapery on the trees, has a more melancholy appearance, from its only growing in countries subject to the yellow fever. It is said to afford food to those animals which seek a shelter in the woods during the winter. The inhabitants of Louisiana employ it to stuff matrasses and cushions; for these purposes, after having washed it in an alkaline solution, they beat it till the husk is detached; when it is dry it has the appearance of long black hair. It is so durable as to be considered incorruptible. It is employed with success in building, mixed with mortar or tenacious earth.

About midnight, I went on deck for a short time; the night was dark, the sky charged with thick clouds, and the air filled with a hoarse noise. The batteries at New Orleans were then firing a salute of a hundred guns, to announce that the day on which the guest of the nation would arrive, was commencing.

Next morning we awoke near those famous lines where twelve thousand picked English troops were overthrown by a few hundred men, the half of whom bore arms for the first time. Astonished at the cries of Vive la liberté, vive l’ami de l’Amerique! vive Lafayette! in the French language, we hastened on deck. What was our surprise on seeing the shore covered with French uniforms! For an instant we believed that we were transported back to the bosom of our country, once more freed, and our hearts beat with joy. General Lafayette disembarked in the midst of the thunder of artillery, and the acclamations of an immense multitude, who, regardless of the badness of the weather and the distance from the town, crowded the levee. He was received by a numerous escort of cavalry, and by the twelve marshals who had been appointed to direct the procession. Leaning on the arm of his ancient companion in arms, Mr. Duplantier, and of General Villeré, he proceeded to the house of Montgomery, which had been Jackson’s head quarters on the day when he covered himself with glory by his admirable defence of his lines. The governor of the state there waited for him, and received him in the name of the people of Louisiana.

The speech of the governor, depicting Frenchmen enjoying a liberty which is still considered in France as problematical, made a deep impression on the general, and he replied to it with much emotion.

At the conclusion of his reply, every one that could force an entrance into the house were presented to him in turn. There were a great number of the veterans of the revolution, and among others, Colonel Bruian-Bruin, who had served at the siege of Quebec, where the brave General Montgomery perished; Judge Gerrard, who fought at Yorktown, Colonel Grenier, who, after having gloriously assisted in the three revolutions of America, France, and Colombia, still preserved at seventy years of age, all the courage and fire of youth. A great number of ladies also came down to meet the general, and offered him their congratulations through Mr. Marigny, on his safe arrival in Louisiana. After all the presentations had been gone through, the procession was formed, and, notwithstanding the violence of the rain, we took up the line of march to the city. We advanced but slowly, from the denseness of the crowd, which, as we approached the city, blocked up both the road and the levee. When we arrived at the outskirts of the town we met with bodies of troops drawn up in two lines, through which we passed to the sound of martial music. Notwithstanding the badness of the weather, the general proceeded along these lines on foot, and before he again entered the carriage returned his thanks to the commanding officers. The procession again moved on, augmented by the troops falling into the rear, and, as it advanced, the crowd became still greater in spite of the continuance of the storm. This immense concourse of people, the view of the triple row of houses adorned with hangings, bordering the river side, the sound of the artillery and bells, and the prolonged acclamations of the whole population, produced a sensation which it is difficult to describe; at last, in the midst of these testimonies of strong affection, the general arrived at the barrier of the public square, and was conducted by the committee of arrangement under a triumphal arch of admirable architecture and excellent design. This monument was sixty feet in height, forty of which were below the springing of the arch, by fifty-eight in breadth; the arcade was twenty feet wide, and twenty-five long; it rested on a socle imitating Sera-Veza marble; the base, forming a pedestal of green Italian marble, was decorated with colossal statues of Justice and Liberty. This allegorical basement supported an arch of the doric order, adorned with four coupled columns on each face. The key-stones were composed of twenty-four stones, each decorated with a gilt star, united by a fillet, on which was engraved the word, Constitution, thus representing the twenty-four states connected by one common tie. The pediment, in imitation of yellow Verona marble, supported two figures of Fame with trumpets, and carrying banners entwined with laurel, having on them the names of Lafayette and Washington; the whole was surmounted by the national eagle. The upper socle supported an entablature of seven feet, on which was inscribed, in English and French, “A grateful republic dedicates this monument to Lafayette.” On the top of the monument was a group representing Wisdom resting her hand on a bust of the immortal Franklin, and the four angles were decorated with rich national trophies. The names of the signers of the declaration of independence, and those of officers who had distinguished themselves during the war of the revolution, were inscribed on various parts of the arch. This beautiful edifice, designed by Mr. Pilié, and executed by Mr. Fogliardi, presented a striking appearance, and the reliefs had an admirable effect.

Under this monument the general was received by the municipal body, at the head of whom was the mayor, Mr. Roffignac, who addressed him in the name of the citizens of New Orleans.

In expressing his thanks to Mr. Roffignac, the general did not permit such an occasion to escape him, of paying a tribute of esteem to the memory of the father of this worthy magistrate. “On my entrance into this capital,” said he, “I feel penetrated with gratitude for the reception I have met with from the people of New Orleans and its worthy mayor, whose name recalls to a cotemporary of his father’s, recollections of courage and loyalty.” Mr. Roffignac appeared extremely affected by this testimony of the general’s to the exalted character of his father, and the tears that escaped from his eyes proved the depth of his feelings.

After leaving the triumphal arch, the general was conducted, amidst the acclamations of an immense crowd, to the city hall, where he was complimented by Mr. Prieur in the name of the city council; from here we went to the hotel of the municipality, where our quarters had been prepared, and which the people of New Orleans designated by the name of the “Lafayette house.” After taking a few moments of repose, the general went out on a balcony to review the troops. All the detachments that passed were remarkable for the elegance of their uniform, and the exactness of their discipline. The grenadiers, the voltigeurs, Union guards, chasseurs, New Orleans guards, Lafayette guards, each in turn attracted the attention of the general. But when, in the rear of the riflemen, whose name recalls so many recollections of gallantry, he perceived a file of a hundred Choctaws, marching, according to the Indian custom, in a single line, he was much gratified to see, that, by a delicate attention, they had shown him that his name was familiar to the warriors of the most distant nations, and that they had admitted among their troops, these brave Indians, who had been the allies of the Americans in the Seminole war, and, who, for nearly a month past, had been encamped near the city, in order to see the “great warrior,” “the brother of their great father Washington.”

The next day, the general received the visits of the vice president of the house of representatives, and of those members of the legislature who were then in the capital, and immediately afterwards the gentlemen of the bar, headed by Mr. Derbigny, who had been chosen their orator, were presented to him. In a discourse filled with noble thoughts, and pronounced with a touching eloquence, Mr. Derbigny eulogised with delicacy and address, that rectitude of mind, and firmness of character, which, during political tempests, had always guided Lafayette in the path of justice, and preserved him from participating in the excesses of party.

In his reply, the general, carefully avoiding any allusion to the eulogies that had been heaped upon him, confined himself to the consideration of the general interests of Louisiana, and the individual exertions of those who complimented him; he felicitated the citizens of that state, after having been governed by the criminal laws of France and Spain, that they gradually ameliorated them, and were still occupied in perfecting this part of their code, to such a degree, that it might even serve as a guide to the rest of the United States, whose criminal laws are already so superior to those of every other people.

Being strongly urged to visit both the French and American theatres on the same evening, the general decided by lot which he would attend the first; chance was in favour of the American. We went there at seven o’clock, and were received with an enthusiasm that cannot be described; they gave an appropriate piece, of which neither he nor the audience could appreciate the merit, as every eye was attracted by the hero of Yorktown, who completely withdrew all attention from the representation of the Prisoner of Olmutz. He afterwards went to the French theatre, where they were impatiently expecting his appearance. When he entered, the violence of the plaudits, and the repeated cries of “Vive Lafayette,” suspended the representation. Every body rose; it was like Themistocles appearing at the Olympic games: at last, calm being re-established, the general took his seat in the box that had been prepared for him, and saw with pleasure the last act of that charming comedy, L’Ecole des Vieillards, which seemed to me to be as much relished by my former countrymen, the Americans of Louisiana, as by the inhabitants of Paris. Before he retired, the general heard an ode which was performed to his honour, all the allusions of which were applauded with enthusiasm.

In the course of Tuesday morning, a deputation of the Spanish emigrants and refugees presented themselves to compliment the general; and, above all, to testify their gratitude for the manner in which he opposed, in the Chamber of Deputies in France, the invasion of Spain, and the destruction of the liberal constitution.

The general, whose principles had led him to oppose, with all his energy, a measure disapproved of by France—a measure which had produced such disastrous results to Spain, and the heroic victims of which were now before him, was deeply affected by the expressions of gratitude now showered upon him; and, in an eloquent and impressive reply, paid his tribute of esteem, admiration, and regret, to the memory of the unfortunate Riego; he had already, on more than one occasion, openly expressed his opinion on the unhappy death of that generous martyr to liberty, and the whole American nation had partaken of the same feelings, for the consistent and courageous defender of the revolution in the peninsula.

On the following day, many other deputations waited on General Lafayette, and expressed to him their attachment, and devotion to his principles. Among them were those of the militia staff, of the medical society, of the clergy, and of the free blacks, who, in 1815, courageously assisted in the defence of the city; and our two last evenings were occupied, the one by a public ball, and the other by a masonic dinner. I will not attempt to describe these entertainments, which, from the beauty, elegance, and amiability of the ladies, the enthusiasm and frank cordiality of the citizens, the sedulous and delicate attentions of the magistrates, the richness and profusion of the details, equalled any thing we had ever met with.

Nevertheless, in the midst of the pleasures thus afforded him by the Louisianians, the general experienced moments of inquietude and sorrow. Sinister rumours reached him; he was told of a serious dispute between the staff and the officers of the militia, on the subject of certain prerogatives of the legion, denied by one, and insisted on by the others with equal warmth, which might produce bloody results after the departure of him whose presence was a curb even on the most headstrong. In so serious an affair he did not hesitate on using all his influence to reconcile citizens, whom a moment of error and a false point of honour had temporarily divided; he, therefore, invited all the officers of the different corps to meet at his house. When they arrived, he told them that they were, doubtless, aware of his reasons in thus bringing them together; that he was informed of what had passed, and the evil consequences that would ensue; he observed, that he felt that he was the cause, however unwillingly, and could he have foreseen such unpleasant circumstances, he should have written to decline their invitation. He begged them to consider the injurious reports it would occasion as regarded all parties, and concluded by begging that they would accept of him as a mediator.

One of the superior officers immediately advanced, and with an honourable frankness said to him, “General, I place my honour in your hands, and now agree to whatever you may dictate.” The eldest of the complainants then observed, “General, I also confide my honour, and that of my comrades, who freely agree with me, in your keeping.” The general took a hand of each of these brave men, and having united them, had the satisfaction of seeing the happiest concord established between men, who an instant before had renounced the pleasing title of brothers in arms. This interesting scene had many witnesses, who soon promulgated the details. The news of it was received with astonishing enthusiasm, as it was a sincere reconciliation between all that Louisiana cherished and revered.

General Lafayette had intended to visit the scene of the battle of the 8th of January, but the continuance of stormy weather, and the necessity for his complying in two or three days to all the kind invitations that were heaped upon him, obliged him to relinquish the idea. A colonel of the staff, who witnessed the chagrin this sacrifice occasioned me, had the goodness to propose that I should accompany him, whilst the general was paying some private visits. I accepted his invitation with eagerness, and we immediately set out in a carriage he sent for. On the way he informed me that he was born in France; that placed, from his birth, in the privileged class of society, he had, from his infancy, been brought up in the aristocratic prejudices of his caste; and that, although very young at the epoch of the French revolution, he believed it his duty to defend the rights of a few against the natural and sacred rights of the many, and that he had joined the Vendeans. “Then,” said he, “I believed in the legitimacy of an absolute monarchy, and in the hereditary succession of virtue, with all the fervour of ignorance, and I at first fought for them, with all the courage and devotion of fanaticism; but the campaign had not terminated before my reason, bursting the bonds with which education had loaded it, taught me, that instead of combating, as I had believed, for justice and truth, I was merely the instrument of a few men, determined to sacrifice every thing, even their country, to their own private interests, and I sheathed my sword, which I ought never to have drawn in so unjust, so absurd a cause.” He went on to say, that he would have re-entered France, but was deterred by the scenes of bloodshed and confusion then so prevalent in that country. He, therefore, sought in other lands that happiness he was denied at home. After traversing all Europe, and every where finding the same criminal alliance of royalty, nobility, and clergy, against the welfare and interests of the people, he finally settled in the United States. He added, “I had only lived at New Orleans a short time, when, in 1815, the inveterate enemies of the liberty of others in both hemispheres presented themselves before that city. I flew to arms, happy in finding an occasion of proving my gratitude to my new country, and my sincere attachment to the principles which governed it, and I am happy in being able to say, that my presence was not wholly useless on the field of battle we are about to visit.”

My companion had scarcely uttered these words, when our carriage stopped, and we stept out near the extreme right of the lines. Before examining them, the colonel had the goodness to explain to me the operations that preceded and brought on the battle of the 8th. I understood, from these details, how difficult it had been for General Jackson, with the handful of men he had at his disposition, to oppose the landing and rapid progress of an army of 15,000 men, or quadruple his own.

The position chosen by the American general to wait for reinforcements, and to arrest the advance of so formidable an enemy, appeared to me to be very judicious. He threw up entrenchments about five miles below the city, along an old canal, the left of which was lost in the depths of a swampy wood, whilst the right rested on the river. The total length of this line was about eight hundred toises, but as three hundred toises of the left were unassailable, the enemy was confined in his attack to a front of about five hundred toises, and obliged to advance in full view over a perfectly level plain. Nevertheless, whether from want of time, or want of reflection, General Jackson committed two serious errors; the first was in erecting his entrenchment in a straight line, and at right angles to the river, so that he not only deprived himself of the advantage of cross fires, but he also exposed himself, if the English, more skilful or fortunate, had sent a few vessels up the river in the rear of his lines; he exposed himself, I say, to the danger of having had his whole line enfiladed by the enemy’s artillery. The other fault was, erecting his second line at so great a distance from the first, that if this had been forced, he would never have been enabled to have gained the other, and his troops would have been cut to pieces in the interval. These two faults would have sufficed, as may readily be supposed, to compromit the safety of an army more numerous and better disciplined than that of General Jackson; but the destiny of American liberty, or rather the supernatural courage of the citizens, who, on that day, fought for the preservation of their independence, and the safety of their families, with the inflexible firmness of Jackson himself, shaded with the laurels of a most brilliant victory those faults which would have destroyed a less patriotic army.

I will record the details, which were given me with great clearness and precision, of all the operations that preceded that glorious day. I refer those who wish to study them to the excellent memoir of Mr. Lacarriere Latour, and to the equally distinguished accounts of Messrs. Brackenridge and Mac Fee; but I cannot resist the desire of now retracing some of the most brilliant acts which saved Louisiana, and immortalized its defenders.

Notwithstanding all his exertions, General Jackson was unable to collect for the defence of his entrenchments more than 3,200 men, and fourteen pieces of cannon of different calibers, pressed for time, he had been obliged to form the upper part of his works with bales of cotton, brought down from the city. He remained twenty-four hours in this position, expecting an attack every instant, when, on the 8th of January, at break of day, he perceived the English army, 12,000 strong, advancing on him in three columns, the most formidable of which menaced that part of his left wing, defended by the Tennessee and Kentucky militia. Each soldier, besides his arms, carried fascines or a scaling ladder, and marched in the most profound silence. The Americans permitted them to advance within half cannon shot, and then opened on them a terrible fire of artillery, to which the English replied by three cheers, and the flight of some Congreve rockets, and then hurried their march, closing their ranks as they were mowed down by the shot. This coolness and determination, which seemed as if it would ensure them a speedy victory, did not last long. The moment they arrived within musket shot, the Tennesseans and Kentuckians commenced a fire of small arms, which instantly broke their columns, and forced them to seek for shelter behind some thickets, which covered their right. It is true, that infantry never kept up so constant and destructive a fire, as that of these intrepid American militia. The men, arranged six deep, loaded the arms, and rapidly passed them to the front rank, composed of able marksmen, each of whose balls carried certain death to the enemy.

Whilst the English officers, with a courage worthy of a better cause and of a happier destiny, endeavoured to rally their scattered troops, to lead them to a fresh assault, an American artilleryman, in the battery commanded by Lieutenant Spotts, perceived in the plain, a group of officers, agitated and dismayed, carrying off some one with some difficulty. “It is perhaps the commander-in-chief and only wounded,” exclaimed he, “he must not escape so.” He levelled his piece against them, fired, and Packenham the English commander was killed in the arms of his friends. The desire for revenge now rallied the English; officers and soldiers pressed forward in a new column, led on with fury by Kean and Gibbs, the successors of Packenham. But the fire of the Americans redoubled in intensity and precision; Kean and Gibbs successively fell, the one mortally, the other dangerously wounded, and the column again broken, disappeared, leaving only its wreck on the plain.

Whilst in the centre of the line the American troops were thus crushing their adversaries, without the loss of a single man, fortune seemed as if she wished to try them on the right by a reverse. Twelve hundred English, led by a daring chief, rapidly advanced along the river, and unexpectedly fell on a small redoubt, defended by a company of riflemen and one of the 7th regiment. The Americans, surprised at this point, at first retired in some disorder. General Jackson, whose vigilant eye let nothing escape, at this decisive moment perceived an English officer mounted on the entrenchments, brandishing in one hand his sabre, and with the other assisting his soldiers to scale the rampart. Jackson hastened to the spot, met the runaways, arrested their flight, and, in a terrible voice, demanded of their commander who had given him orders to retreat. “The enemy has forced our entrenchments,” replied the captain. “Well,” answered Jackson in a severe voice, “go back and with your bayonets force them out.” This order was immediately executed. In an instant the English, who at first thought themselves victors, fell under the blows of the Americans. Among the slain, was the intrepid Colonel Rennie, an ancient French emigrant who had entered the English service; the same that had been seen so boldly surmounting the rampart, aiding and encouraging his soldiers in the assault.

This battle, which decided the fate of New Orleans, and perhaps even of Louisiana, only lasted three hours, and cost the Americans but seven men killed and six wounded, whilst the English left near three thousand men and fourteen pieces of cannon on the field. General Lambert, the only one of the English generals in a state to command, ordered a retreat, and hastened to seek shelter for himself and the wreck of his army, on board Admiral Cochran’s fleet, who, the evening before, had said with his accustomed boasting, that if he were ordered to attack the American lines, he would carry them in less than half an hour, with two thousand sailors, sabre in hand.

Thus, a small army, composed of citizens hastily collected, and commanded by a general whose military career had just commenced, beheld an English army, which passed for one of the bravest and most experienced in Europe, and which boasted it had expelled the French from Spain, fall before its patriotic efforts.

When I returned to the city, I found General Lafayette surrounded by numbers of ladies and citizens of all ranks, who, knowing that he would leave them the next morning, mournfully came to bid him farewell, and once more to take him by the hand. In the crowd I remarked some ecclesiastics, and among them a capuchin, whose dress being new to me had attracted my attention on the day of our arrival. The account I heard of him interested me strongly, and may perhaps be equally so to my readers.

Father Anthony, for such is his name, is a venerable capuchin friar of the order of St. Francis, and has resided in Louisiana for many years. Animated by an ardent and sincere piety, Father Anthony prays in silence for all the world without asking prayers of any one. Placed in the midst of a population composed of different sects, he does not think it right to trouble their consciences by endeavours to gain proselytes. Sometimes, as being a capuchin, Father Anthony asks alms, but it is only when he has some good action in view, and his slender funds, exhausted by his constant charity, deny him the power of doing it himself. Every year, when the yellow fever, in stretching its murderous hand over New Orleans, drives the terrified inhabitants to the country, to seek an asylum against disease and death, the virtue of Father Anthony shows itself in all its brilliancy and force. During this time of dread and grief, how many unhappy wretches, abandoned by their friends or even by their relations, have owed their recovery and life to his exertions, his care, his piety. Of all those he has saved, (and there are many,) there is not one who can say, “before he lavished his care on me, did he ask of what religion I was.” Liberty and charity, such is the moral code of Father Anthony; hence he is not in favour with the bishop. When he came to visit the general, he was dressed, according to the custom of his order, in a long brown robe, tied about his middle with a thick cord. The moment he perceived him, he threw himself into his arms, exclaiming, “O my son, I have found favour before the Lord, since he has thus permitted me to see and hear the worthiest apostle of liberty!” He then conversed a few moments with him in a tone of the most tender affection, complimented him on the glorious and well-merited reception he had met with from the Americans, and modestly retired into a corner of the room, apart from the crowd. I took advantage of this, to approach and salute him. How deeply was I touched by his conversation!—what sweetness! what modesty! and at the same time what enthusiasm! Every time that he spoke of liberty his eyes sparkled with a sacred light, and his looks were fastened on him he termed his hero, on Lafayette. “How happy must he be,” said he, “how pure is the source of all his glory! with what transport he must contemplate the result of his labours and sacrifices! Twelve millions of men happy and free through him! Yes! this man is certainly beloved by God. He has done so much good to others.” He came again to see us the morning before our departure. When the crowd had quitted the room, and he was left alone with the general, he hastened to him, and pressing him with transport to his bosom, “Adieu, my son,” cried he, “adieu, best beloved general! Adieu! may the Lord attend you, and after the termination of your glorious journey, conduct you to the bosom of your beloved family, to enjoy in peace the recollection of your good actions and of the friendship of the American people. O, my son, perhaps you are still reserved for new labours! Perhaps the Lord may make you the instrument of freeing other nations. Then, my son, think of poor Spain! Do not abandon my dear country, my unhappy country!” The tears flowing from his eyes, moistened his long beard, whitened by age; his voice was interrupted by sobs; and the venerable old man, leaning his forehead on the shoulder of Lafayette, remained in this attitude a few moments, still murmuring, “My son, my dear son, do something for my unhappy country.” It was not without deep emotion that the general tore himself from the arms of this pious patriot, who, before he retired, also bestowed his benediction on Mr. George Lafayette.

But the 15th being fixed for our departure, from the dawn of day the avenues to the general’s apartment were filled with even a greater assemblage than that of the evening before. There were present a great number of ladies, and particularly crowds of children brought by their parents, that they might contemplate the features of the benefactor of the country, the friend of the great Washington. The general left the house on foot. Cries of Vive Lafayette were heard on every side. In crossing the parade ground, on which were several companies of the legion and troops of the line, lining the avenues, he expressed his gratitude to all the officers whom he met; he again testified to Mr. Gally, the captain of artillery, how much he appreciated the merit of the fine corps he commanded; and, as he understood that this officer intended going to France in a short time, he begged him, in the most pressing manner, to have the goodness to carry news of him to his family at La Grange. He got into a carriage at the extremity of the parade ground, to proceed to the place of embarkation, where the steam-boat that was to take him to Baton-Rouge now waited for him. The levee was crowded by an innumerable concourse of people. The balconies, roofs of the houses, all the shipping and steam-boats which were near this spot, were filled with spectators; and, when he went on board, he was saluted by a prolonged acclamation, but it was not repeated, and more than ten thousand persons remained in a state of profound silence, until the Natchez was out of sight. The artillery only was heard at intervals, giving a solemnity to this separation that was profound and universal.

The governor and his staff, the mayor and municipal body, the committee of arrangement, to whom we owed so many and great obligations, embarked with us to prolong for a few moments the pleasure of being with the general; but at two miles from the city, the most of them were obliged to leave us. It was not without profound regret that we separated from these worthy officers, whom we had only known for a few days, it is true, but yet sufficiently long to appreciate them fully.

CHAPTER VIII.

History and Constitution of Louisiana—Baton-Rouge—Natchez—State of Mississippi—Voyage to St. Louis—Reception of General Lafayette in that city.

For a long time after the French had founded large and prosperous establishments in Canada, they were ignorant of the existence of the Mississippi; when some of their traders learnt from the Indians with whom they trafficked, that to the westward of their country there was a great river, that communicated with the Gulf of Mexico. This was in the year 1660. Three years afterwards Mr. De Frontenac, governor of Canada, wishing to verify this assertion, sent a Jesuit missionary, father Marquette, at the head of a small detachment to discover this country. The Jesuit ascended Fox river to its source, from thence traversing the Wisconsin, he descended to the mouth of the Mississippi, and found that the account of the Indians was true.

Twenty years afterwards, Count Robert de la Salle not only proved the existence of this river, but ascertained that it offered an easy communication with the ocean. He descended it from the river Illinois to the Mexican gulf, whilst father Hennepin, a franciscan, ascended it as far as the falls of St. Anthony, situated three hundred miles above that river. Count Robert took possession, in the name of the king of France, his master, of the whole course of the river with the adjacent country, and erected some forts for the protection of the settlers, which, as the soil appeared very rich, he expected to see arrive in great numbers. Nevertheless, it was not until 1699, that the first settlement was made at Biloxi, by a celebrated French naval officer, Lemoine d’Iberville, who was the first to enter the Mississippi from the sea, and ascended the river as far as Natchez, which he chose for the capital of Louisiana, calling it Rosalie, in honour of the name of Chancellor Pontchartrain’s lady. To people this new capital, some young girls and well selected soldiers were sent from France. These last were married to the girls and exempted from military duty. Each colonist was allowed some acres of land, a cow and calf, cock and hens, a gun; half a pound of powder and two pounds of lead, with a month’s provisions, were distributed to them monthly. Next came missionaries, which, instead of improving the land by the labour of their hands, or developing the resources of the colonists by their wisdom and councils, began to preach to the neighbouring Indians, in order to convert them to the catholic faith. The fruits of these labours soon began to appear; that is to say, the Indians pretended to listen to the new doctrines which were spread before them, and became hypocrites for the sake of obtaining brandy. This liquor, which was the first reward of their conversion, exasperated all the passions to which they were unfortunately predisposed; and from this time they became the most dangerous and cruel enemies of the settlement, instead of the useful neighbours which they would doubtless have been, if, without interfering with the manner in which they worshipped God, their friendly alliance only had been sought. Nevertheless, in the course of a few years, the cordiality and gentleness of the French character counteracted the unhappy influence of the missionaries, and almost all the savage tribes with the exception of the Chickasaws, made peace with the colonists and rendered them important services. Mr. de Bienville, the brother of Iberville, and at that time governor of Louisiana, yielding to his ardour for research, explored the greater part of the rivers tributary to the Mississippi, and laid the foundations of some new settlements on its banks. But none of these succeeded. The number of colonists had considerably diminished, when, in 1712, Antony Crozat, who by the Indian trade, had amassed a fortune of forty millions, purchased the grant to the whole of Louisiana, with the exclusive right of its trade for six years. His letters patent included all the rivers emptying into the Mississippi and all the lands, coasts and islands situated upon the gulf of Mexico, between Carolina on the east and Mexico on the west. But Crozat was not long in discovering how much the expectations he had founded upon this country were exaggerated, and hastened to renounce his contract for the purpose of obtaining another for the period of twenty-five years, in favour of the Mississippi Commercial Company, of which the celebrated Law was the projector. But this company was not more fortunate than Crozat. Instead of enticing into the colony such settlers as would have added to its prosperity, he received only rich and avaricious adventurers, who were attracted by the report of the mines of gold and silver, with which the country was said to abound, and, disappointed in their hopes, quickly returned to Europe. In spite of the efforts of the government instituted by the commercial company, the proprietaries were soon reduced to despair, and established military posts, where they defended themselves until reinforcements were received. The first expedition that arrived was composed of criminals and women of abandoned character, sent out by the French government. The company were justly indignant at this, and declared, that in future they would not suffer the colony to be thus morally and physically polluted.

In 1718, New Orleans, consisting of a few cabins built by Illinois traders, and thus named in honour of the regent Duke of Orleans, passed under the jurisdiction of the governor-general, M. de Bienville, and received a considerable number of new settlers. Two villages were built in its vicinity by Germans, under the command of Arensburg, a Swedish captain, who, in 1709, had fought by the side of Charles XII. at the battle of Pultowa. The colony now began really to prosper, and in 1723 swarms of capuchins, missionaries, jesuits, and pious ursulines, began to arrive from all directions. These last at least were good for something. They were entrusted with the education of orphan girls, and the superintendance of the military hospital, with a pension of fifty thousand crowns per annum. Intolerance, the inseparable accompaniment of all privileges, and especially those of religion, began to show itself in the colony, as soon as the capuchins, jesuits, &c. made their appearance. In 1724, a royal edict expelled the Jews, as declared enemies to the Christian name, and they were ordered to disappear in the course of three months, under penalty of imprisonment and confiscation of property. It was thus that the throne and church watched then, as it did before, and has done since, to dry up the most abundant sources of public prosperity. In 1729, the intrigues of England raised the Indians against the colony, and thus gave a sad blow to its prosperity. The war then carried on by General Perrier de Salvert, had a fortunate termination. Meanwhile it was only through the attachment of some Indian women to a few French officers, that the garrison escaped being totally massacred one night; which would have led to the entire destruction of the colony. In consequence of these late hostilities, and the base intrigues carried on in the metropolis, the colonists lost their time together with the fruits of their labours. The company, disgusted and deceived in their hopes of gain, abandoned the country, which, in 1731, returned under the dominion of the king, without being any better governed. In 1759, its financial affairs were in such disorder, that the treasury owed more than seven millions of francs, although the French government had expended for various services in Louisiana, nearly double the amount it had derived from it. Louis XV., at the close of a war badly conceived, and, in 1763, as badly terminated, having lost Canada, was upon the point of having Louisiana taken from him. But his ministers, assisted by Madame Pompadour, his mistress, obtained fifteen millions from the court of Madrid, and this colony was ceded to Spain with such secrecy and despatch, that the governor of Louisiana had not yet received information of the affair when the Spanish ships of war arrived at the mouth of the Mississippi, with the officers appointed to take possession of this immense territory. The governor and inhabitants of Louisiana refused to recognise the Spanish authority, so that the commissioners were obliged to return to Europe. Three or four years passed in negotiating with the colonists, who persisted in continuing under the dominion of France. At length, in 1769, Spain becoming provoked, sent out General Reilly with considerable forces. Arrived before New Orleans, Reilly manifested the most conciliatory disposition. His proclamations only spoke of oblivion for the past, and were completely successful. The commotions ceased, and the Louisianians surrendered themselves. As a sign of reconciliation, Reilly gave a grand entertainment on board his fleet, to which he invited the chief officers of the colony, and principal inhabitants. These accepted the invitation with confidence, but at the moment when they were about to leave the table, Reilly caused them to be seized by his soldiers and shot. One of these, M. De Villeré, had his life spared, but was put on board a frigate to be transported to the prisons of Navarre. His wife and children, informed of the fate that threatened him, wished to go and petition his highness, or at least to receive his farewell. They were already near the frigate, from which he stretched out his arms to them, when the unhappy man fell within their sight, pierced by the bayonets of the villains whom the traitor Reilly had appointed to guard him.

After this horrible execution, the Spaniards, with four thousand troops of the line, and a considerable train of artillery, entered New Orleans, the inhabitants of which were struck dumb. The English protestants, and a few Jews, who had escaped the force of the royal decree of 1724, were soon banished by the new authorities. All commerce with the colony was prohibited except with Spain and her possessions. A court martial was established, and its iniquitous decisions struck at all the French officers who remained. Of these, five were shot, and seven others thrown, for ten years, into the prisons of Havana. The infamous Reilly, having for a whole year gorged himself with blood and plunder, at length set sail, carrying with him the scorn and hatred of the whole population. His successors in the government had great difficulty in doing away the effects of his crimes, and it is due them to say that they succeeded. During thirty-three years of Spanish dominion, the colony enjoyed peace and prosperity, and to this very day, the names of Don Unsuga, Don Martin Navarro, and Don Galvar, are remembered there with veneration.

During all the changes experienced by Louisiana, its boundaries had never been determined with accuracy. In 1795, the government of the United States made a treaty with Spain, in virtue of which the limits were traced, and the free navigation of the Mississippi secured to the two contracting parties. But notwithstanding this treaty the owners of privateers, and crews of vessels of war, made spoliations upon the commerce of the United States. Free navigation of the Mississippi, and permission of landing at New Orleans, were refused the Americans. President Adams, therefore, immediately took measures to obtain redress. Twelve regiments were raised, and an expedition fitted out upon the Ohio to descend to Louisiana. But some changes occurring in American politics caused this project to be abandoned for the moment. The next year, Mr. Jefferson, then president of the United States, re-demanded of Spain the fulfilment of the treaty. This power, sensible of its weakness, and fearing to be compelled to cede the colony, secretly sold it to the French Republic on the 21st of March, 1801. Upon hearing of this cession the American government were justly alarmed. It foresaw, that the activity and intelligence of the French, applied to so rich and productive a soil, would make them more formidable than the Spaniards; that their new neighbours might be able to close the navigation of the Mississippi against them, and possess themselves of the commerce of the Gulf of Mexico and Antilles. It immediately formed the project of forcibly opposing the occupation of Louisiana by France, and joined England against her. But this plan was overthrown by the treaty of Amiens. At peace with England, France feared no further obstacles to her projects, and an expedition was fitted out by her to take possession of Louisiana, and at the same time support her wavering authority in St. Domingo. The American government immediately had recourse to negotiations for the purpose of purchasing Louisiana. Affairs, at that time, changed with such rapidity, that the situation of France had again altered before these propositions reached her. Threatened with a new war by England, wearied with the struggle to defend St. Domingo, loaded with a considerable debt due the United States, the first consul thought that the sale of Louisiana would prove a good operation, the opportunity of effecting which might relieve him from one difficulty, at least. He accordingly sold it. The United States agreed to pay him fifteen millions of dollars, on condition that three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars of this sum, should be retained for the purpose of paying the claims held by the American merchants against France, for the spoliations they had suffered. This treaty, signed at Paris the 30th of April, 1803, by Messrs. Livingston and Monroe on the part of the United States, and Mr. Barbé Marbois for France, was ratified in the month of October, and the transfer of the colony to the American commissioners took place on the 20th of December in the same year.

All the parties interested in this bargain had reason to be satisfied with its conclusion. France, freeing herself from the trouble of a distant government, more burthensome than profitable, received sixty millions of francs, which she needed to carry on the war, and, without expending a cent, discharged a debt due the American merchants of nearly twenty millions. The United States strengthened their independence, acquired new frontiers more secure than the old ones, established her commercial preponderance in the Gulf of Mexico and Antilles, and, by the free navigation of the Mississippi, increased an hundred fold the value of the products of the states west of the Allegany. In fine, Louisiana herself, by entering into the great federal compact, secured an honourable and independent existence as a body politic, and soon saw her industry and prosperity freed from the cunning schemes of a capricious master.

Louisiana was immediately erected into a territorial government, by the congress of the United States, which appointed Mr. Clayborne its governor. In 1811, it was admitted a member of the Union, and left to form its own government and institutions. The representatives of the people, freely elected and assembled at New Orleans, framed and signed a constitution, which was laid before, and sanctioned by congress. This constitution was in conformity with, and very similar to those of the other states, except that the Louisianians believed it their duty to adopt every possible precaution against corruption and abuse of power. Thus, for example, it was decided that every person, convicted of having given or offered presents to public functionaries, should be declared incapable of serving as governor, senator, or representative.

If I thought it necessary to seek fresh proofs of the superiority of an independent over a colonial government, whether this last proceed from a monarchy or republic, it would suffice to point out Louisiana, at first a colony for nearly a century, without advancing beyond the stage of infancy, incessantly taken and retaken, sometimes by the Spaniards, at others by the French, and always incapable of resisting either the one or the other, after an expense to its metropolis of one hundred and eighty-seven thousand dollars per annum; and, in fine, after the numerous emigrations from Europe, exhibiting but a meagre population of about forty thousand souls, spread over a vast and rich territory. I would next show this same Louisiana, after twenty years of independent republican government, having more than trebled its population, defeating under the walls of its rich capital, an army composed of the chosen troops of England; receiving into its ports annually more than four hundred ships to exchange its valuable products for those of all parts of the habitable globe; and, in its cities, offering all the resources, all the enjoyments that can contribute to the happiness of life, and which are ordinarily the products of a long period of civilization.

The state of Louisiana, enclosed within its new limits, is situated between 29° and 33° n. l. and 12° and 17° of longitude. It is bounded on the north by Arkansas territory, east by the Mississippi, south by the Mexican gulf, and west by the Mexican provinces of Texas. It contains forty-eight thousand square miles, divided into twenty-six parishes or counties. It has a population of 153,500 souls, among which, unfortunately, nearly 70,000 slaves are enumerated. The capital of this state is New Orleans, a city admirably situated in a commercial point of view, regularly laid out, ornamented with fine buildings, and containing twenty-eight thousand inhabitants. The greatest inconvenience which New Orleans labours under, is its situation upon the alluvial shores of the Mississippi, by whose floods it is often inundated. This is perhaps the principal cause of the yellow fever which is experienced there almost every autumn. The impossibility of finding a single stone in all this alluvial ground, shows why the principal streets have been left unpaved, so that during the rainy season it is difficult to go about on foot. The walks made in front of the houses scarcely serve to keep foot passengers from the mud, and do not prevent the carriages from sinking sometimes to their axles. The authorities, however, have at length begun to procure paving stone from up the Mississippi, which the vessels bring as ballast. This plan, though tedious and expensive, is the only one practicable.

The greater number of travellers who have visited New Orleans, pretend that the manners of the city are strongly influenced by the presence of the numerous emigrants from St. Domingo. These have the reputation of loving pleasure to licentiousness, and of treating their slaves badly. The love of gambling, and the duels so often occasioned by this passion, give rise, it is said, to much disorder among them. To confirm or disprove this opinion by my own observation, would be, in me, culpable arrogance. My too short stay in this city did not permit me to study the character of its society, and I could only be struck with the patriotic spirit, the freedom and hospitality, displayed with enthusiasm in the presence of General Lafayette.[8]

Twenty-four hours after leaving New Orleans, we arrived at Duncan’s Point, where the citizens of Baton-Rouge, a town situated eight miles above, had previously sent a deputation to General Lafayette, to request him to stop a short time amongst them. The general accepted the invitation with gratitude, and two hours afterwards we landed below the amphitheatre upon which the town of Baton-Rouge stands. The beach was crowded with citizens, at the head of whom marched the municipal authorities, and the first regiment of the Union came to form itself in line under the same star-spangled banner, which, in defiance of the greatest dangers, had but lately been planted upon the ruins of Spanish despotism, by the inhabitants of these parishes. Accompanied by the people and magistrates, the general proceeded to the room prepared for his reception, in which he found the busts of Washington and Jackson crowned with flowers and laurel. There he received the expressions of kindness from all the citizens, with whom he went to the fort, the garrison of which received him with a salute of twenty-four guns, and afterwards defiled before him. We then entered the main building to examine the interior of the barracks, but what was our surprise, on entering into the first apartment, to find in the place of beds, arms, and warlike equipments, a numerous assemblage of elegantly dressed and beautiful ladies, who surrounded the general and offered him refreshments and flowers. The general was sensibly touched by this agreeable surprise, and passed some delightful moments in the midst of this seducing garrison. On our return to town, we found a great number of citizens met to offer the general a public dinner, among whom the frank cordiality of the American, and the amenity of the French characters prevailed.

It was almost night when we returned on board the Natchez to continue our voyage. On leaving Baton-Rouge, we had the mortification to part again with some of those who had accompanied us from New Orleans, and among others, with Mr. Duplantier, senior, whose active and tender friendship, as well as that of his son, had been of great service to the general.

Baton-Rouge stands upon the left bank of the river, one hundred and thirty-seven miles above New Orleans. In this passage, the navigation of the river is very interesting. For several miles after leaving New Orleans, the eye reposes agreeably upon the shores, enriched with fine cotton and sugar plantations, and embellished with clusters of orange trees, from the midst of which rise the white and showy dwellings of the planters. By degrees the gardens and houses become more rare; but all the way to Baton-Rouge one continues to see fine and well cultivated lands. These plantations spread along the river, sometimes extending nearly a mile back to the thick forests, which serve as their limits. The soil is entirely formed of the fertile sediments deposited by the ancient inundations of the Mississippi, now confined to its channel by artificial banks. A special law enjoins it upon each river proprietor to keep up with care that portion of dike opposite his property, so that one every where sees the slaves continually engaged in driving down stakes, interlacing the branches of trees, and heaping earth here and there where there is danger that the river will force a passage. But notwithstanding all precautions, the water often rushes furiously over these obstacles, and spreads devastation and death. Not a year passes without some proprietor having the misfortune to see snatched from him in a few minutes the fruits of long and laborious exertions. All the lands which border the Mississippi, from its outlet to six hundred miles above, are subject to inundations. Nevertheless, on leaving Baton-Rouge, the left shore appears sufficiently elevated above the surface of the water to be free from these accidents.

The distance between Baton-Rouge and Natchez, is two hundred and sixty miles. This we ran in thirty-two hours, having had a pleasant passage, in the course of which we met a great many boats of all forms and sizes, laden with all sorts of productions from the most distant points of the Union. Those which more particularly attracted our attention were large and of a square form, without either masts, sails, or oars. They floated down the river at the mercy of the current, and bore more resemblance to enormous boxes than to boats. They are called arks, and are commonly manned by Kentuckians, who go in this way to New Orleans, to dispose of their grain, poultry, and cattle. There, after receiving pay for their produce, they sell also the planks of their arks, which cannot ascend the river, and return to their homes on foot, across the forests of the states of Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. More than fifteen hundred persons, it is said, travel thus, every summer, seventeen hundred miles by water, and afterwards, in returning, eleven hundred on foot.[9]

On Monday, the 18th of April, some distant discharges of cannon, which we heard at dawn, announced our approach to a city. Some minutes afterwards, the first rays of the sun gilding the shores of the Mississippi, which, in this place, rose a hundred and fifty feet above the surface of the water, showed us the tops of the houses in Natchez. Our steam-boat stopped a little while previous to arriving opposite the town, and we went on shore at Bacon’s landing, where the citizens, with a calash and four horses, and an escort of cavalry and volunteer infantry, were waiting for the general. We might have landed a little higher up and entered the city by a more direct road, but the members of the committee of arrangement had the address to conduct us by a devious road, along which our eyes were presented with all the beauties of the country. In proportion as we advanced, the escort increased. It consisted of citizens on horseback, militia on foot, ladies in carriages, and nearly the whole population, who came in a crowd to see their beloved and long expected guest. Two addresses were made to the general; one by the president of the committee of arrangement, on entering the city; the other by the mayor, on one of the most elevated spots on the banks of the Mississippi, within view of the town and the river, its source of prosperity. At the moment the general finished his reply, a man suddenly emerged from the crowd, approached the calash, waving his hat in the air, and cried out, “Honour to the commander of the Parisian national guard! I was under your orders in ’91, my general, in one of the battalions of the Filles-Saint-Thomas. I still love liberty as I loved it then: Live, Lafayette!” The general was agreeably surprised to meet, on the shores of a distant country, one of his old citizen soldiers, who recalled to him in so touching a manner the happy times when he could rationally think of the happiness and liberty of his country. He affectionately offered him his hand, and expressed to him the pleasure he felt in thus meeting him in a land of liberty and hospitality.

At the moment we were preparing to enter our hotel, we observed a long procession of children of both sexes approaching us. They were led by Colonel Marshall, who requested of the general for them, and in their name, permission to shake hands with him. The general willingly complied with this wish of the children of Natchez, who marched in order before him, placing successively one of their little hands in that which had fought for the liberty of their fathers. The parents, spectators of this scene, contemplated it with silence and emotion. On its termination, I heard them congratulate each other on the happy influence which this day would have upon the future characters of their children. “When they have grown up,” said they, “and come to read their country’s history, they will find the name of Lafayette intimately connected with all the events which led to the freedom of their fathers, they will recall the gentleness of his manners, the mildness of his voice, when he received them in their infancy, and will feel an increased love for a liberty won by such a man.”

The inhabitants of Natchez neglected nothing which could contribute to the pleasure of their guest during the twenty-four hours he remained with them. The public dinner concluded with toasts, To the Nation’s Guest—The triumph of Yorktown—France fighting for the liberty of the world—The victory of New Orleans—in fact to all glorious and patriotic American recollections. It was not until after the ball which closed about daybreak, that the general could think of embarking. The ladies employed all the charms of mind and person to retain him as long as possible, but our minutes were counted; and six o’clock in the morning found us again on board our vessel.

At the moment when the general was about to leave the shore, an old revolutionary soldier presented himself, and uncovering his breast marked with scars, “these wounds,” said he, “are my pride. I received them fighting by your side for the independence of my country. Your blood, my general, flowed the same day at the battle of Brandywine, where we were so unfortunate.” “It was indeed a rough day,” said the general to him, “but have we not since been amply indemnified?”—“Oh! that is very true,” replied the veteran, “at present we are happy beyond our furthest wishes. You receive the blessings of ten millions of freemen, and I press the hand of my brave general! virtue always has its reward!” Every one applauded the enthusiasm and frankness of the old soldier, whom the general cordially greeted.

On leaving Natchez, we parted from the worthy Mr. Johnson, governor of Louisiana, who would not consent to leave the general whilst within his own state. He now placed us under the care of the state of Mississippi, and left with us, for the purpose of doing the honours of Louisiana as far as St. Louis, Messrs. Prieur, recorder of the councils of New Orleans, Caire, his private secretary, and Morse and Ducros, his aides-de-camp. In taking leave of the governor, General Lafayette evinced the most sincere affection, and desired him to express in his name all the gratitude with which he was penetrated by his cordial reception in Louisiana.

Natchez was formerly the capital of the state of Mississippi, but has ceased to be so in consequence of not being in a central situation. Its population is nearly three thousand, and its port is the place of rest and provisioning for vessels passing between New Orleans and the western states, which gives it a great deal of activity. This city was founded in 1717, by some French soldiers and workmen who had been in the garrison of Fort Rosalie, and who, finding the situation good, established themselves upon it after obtaining their discharge. The most of them bought their lands from the Indians, who lived at some distance from the river, where they had five villages situated very near each other. That which they called the Great Village, where the principal chief of the nation resided, stood on a small stream called White River. It was to the west of this village that the Frenchmen, led by Hubert and Lepage, had erected Fort Rosalie.

When one has viewed the environs of Natchez, it is easy to conceive how readily the first settlers renounced their own country to fix themselves in these then savage wilds. It is difficult to find a more fertile soil, a more vigorous vegetation, or more agreeable and varied situations. The valleys afford fertile pastures, the hills are crowned with sassafras, catalpas, tulip-trees, and the superb magnolia grandiflora, the tops of which rise more than one hundred feet high, while their large white flowers deliciously perfume the air. Nevertheless, one cannot exclude the thought, that these verdant meadows, cool groves, and cheerful and vigorous nature, are sometimes visited and rendered melancholy by the yellow fever.

Natchez is the only town in Mississippi which we visited, so that I have little to say relative to this state. I shall only mention, that for a long time, with Alexandria, it formed a part of the state of Georgia, from which it was separated in 1800; that in 1817 it took its place in the Union as an independent body politic, and framed for itself a constitution. The fertility of its soil, and facilities of sending its productions to market, have contributed, in a singular degree, to the increase of its population. In 1800, it had only six thousand eight hundred and fifty inhabitants, while it now contains seventy-six thousand. If in this number, about thirty-thousand slaves are included, its prosperity must still be regarded as very great. Many large fortunes are found in this state, where it is not uncommon to meet with planters having incomes of seven or eight thousand dollars. The staple products are cotton and Indian corn.

The state of Mississippi is situated between the 30th and 35th degrees of north latitude, and the 11th and 14th degrees of west longitude from Washington. Its surface contains forty-five thousand three hundred and fifty square miles. It is bounded on the north by the state of Tennessee, east by Alabama, south by Louisiana and the Gulf of Mexico, and west by Louisiana and Arkansas. Although the population is very much scattered, the land bears a considerable price, being on the banks of the river from fifty to sixty dollars per acre. The price lessens in proportion to the distance which the products have to be transported.

In leaving Natchez, we parted as it were from the civilized world. From this town to St. Louis, we did not meet with a single assemblage of houses that deserved the name of town or even village. The banks of the Mississippi again became flat, and presented nothing but grounds overflown and covered with thick forests, impenetrable to the rays of the sun. The swarms of musquitoes which rose out of it and settled in thick clouds upon travellers, rendered the voyage almost insupportable, especially during the night, if we had not taken the precaution to provide musquito curtains. The only habitations we met with were large cabins, situated upon places a little elevated above the level of the river. These were inhabited temporarily by hardy speculators from the north, who, always abandoning the good in hopes of finding better, retreat incessantly before the advance of civilization, and seek their fortunes in the wilderness. The dangers of the navigation increase with the monotony of the shores. Every moment presents some evidence of recent disaster. Here, one beholds the ravages of a hurricane which has crossed the river, and, in its devastation, has on both shores uprooted and carried off, as if they had been weak reeds, thousands of trees, which by their prodigious size were the pride of the forest. There, our captain showed us a snag or sawyer, the inclined point of which had pierced the bottom of a boat, immediately afterwards swallowed up by the flood. Further on, the wood-choppers, in giving us the necessary supplies of wood, told us of the explosion of a boiler which occasioned the death of near forty passengers; and it was not long before we ourselves saw the bank covered with travellers, who were impatiently waiting until their boat which had been pierced by a snag, should be repaired so as to be in a condition again to brave the danger from which they had so narrowly escaped.

These snags and sawyers, so formidable to the navigator, are very numerous all along the river. Snags are thrown into the stream by high floods, and, having floated some time, become fixed to the bottom of the river, with their tops either above or below the surface according to their length, but always inclining in the direction of the current. The sawyers differ from snags only in being firmly stuck in the bed of the river, and in this situation the current keeps them in constant vibration, alternately raising and depressing their summits. As their position often changes, it is difficult to avoid them; and, if vessels in ascending the river are so unfortunate as to strike against them, their destruction is almost inevitable, for they are pierced in such a manner, that the water pours through the opening, and sinks them, sometimes in a few minutes.

But persons are little disposed to be uneasy on account of these dangers, when, as in our case, they are on board a vessel skilfully managed, with all the delicacies of life, and inexhaustible resources afforded by the society of good and agreeable travelling companions. The committee of New Orleans were joined by two gentlemen from Natchez, as representatives of the state of Mississippi, near the person of General Lafayette. To the attentions and gaiety of the members of both these deputations, we were indebted for not having known a moment of tediousness or inquietude, during our long voyage. After having sailed for five days, with the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, on our left, and the states of Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky, on our right, we arrived at the mouth of Ohio, without any delays but those necessary to take in wood. This fuel was sometimes supplied us by the woodmen on the borders of the river, who live by the unlimited forests which surround them. When we could find no woodmen we often supplied ourselves. In this case, our captain, after having made his men take in the necessary quantity, left in exchange a note nailed to a tree, upon which was inscribed the number of cords he had taken, the name of his boat, his place of residence, date of his passage, and signature. This kind of commerce with the Mississippi woodmen is very common, and I have heard it said that there never has been known an example of bad faith on the part of the purchasers, who always show themselves most scrupulous in paying their accounts, which are often presented months afterwards at Natchez and New Orleans.

When arrived at the mouth of the Ohio, we had come from the city of Natchez four hundred and fifty miles. Our pilot assured us then, that the upper part of the Mississippi was too little known to him, to permit him to conduct us through the midst of dangers which were met with at every moment. In consequence of this declaration, our good Captain Davis made us enter the Ohio for the purpose of obtaining a new pilot, at the distance of four miles from its mouth, whom we were so happy as to procure immediately. On going thither, we met a steam-boat, whose narrowness and unsteady motion induced us to think, that, destined for the navigation of small streams, it only appeared upon the agitated waters of a large one upon extraordinary occasions. This steam-boat was the Artizan, bearing the Tennessee deputation, sent to desire the general to ascend the Cumberland river to Nashville, where he had been a long time expected, and where his intention of visiting St. Louis was not then known. After a short conference with the deputies of the state of Tennessee, who insisted strongly that the general should proceed immediately to their shores, it was determined that we should continue our voyage in the Natchez to St. Louis; that a part of the Tennessee deputation should come with us, and the rest remain on board the Artizan at the mouth of the Ohio until our return. These arrangements, concluded to the satisfaction of every one, we left the beautiful, to enter again the great river. We remarked, with surprise, that at the confluence of these two bodies of water, the current appeared suspended for several miles, which seems to indicate the equality in volume and force of the two rivers at this place.

After leaving the mouth of the Ohio, the appearance of the shores of the Mississippi changes entirely. The lands, more elevated, present a greater number of houses. From place to place traces of the old French establishments are visible, and beautiful islands like gardens, often present themselves to the eye of the navigator, interrupting the monotony of the river. At first he sees the isle of Birds, charming for its freshness; next those called the Two Sisters and the Dog’s Tooth; and then English Island, which recalls the first settlement made by the English in the midst of these wilds in the year 1765. This was soon destroyed by the savages, who saw with pain their old French friends dispossessed by traders whom they had never before seen. At about forty miles from the confluence, and almost opposite each other, rise capes Girardeau and Lacroix, both thus named by Mr. De Frontenac, governor of Canada, sent to ascertain the truth of the assertion made by the Indians, that from the north there came a great river which ran neither in the direction whence the Great Spirit rose, nor towards that in which he set. There is at present at Cape Girardeau a small village, recently founded, which begins to prosper. A little above, on the eastern side, are seen the ruins of ancient fortifications exhibiting a scene altogether picturesque. These are the remains of fort Chartres, constructed at great expense by the French, in 1753, for the defence of Upper Mississippi, now deserted by the Americans as altogether useless.

Some hours after having passed fort Chartres, whilst we walked the deck, our captain pointed out in the river a flock of young Louisiana geese, led by the two old ones. The elegant shape, and beautiful plumage of these fowls, made me anxious to get possession of the whole family. I immediately launched into the river a skiff manned with two sailors, and, going in the direction of the old goose, endeavoured to get the boat between her and shore. The old geese, taking fright, made their escape with loud cries, but the young ones, unable yet to fly, or escape by climbing the steep banks, soon fell into our hands. We carried off five, which our captain had the goodness to take charge of, promising to raise them with care, and forward them to New Orleans, whence Mr. Caire engaged to send them to La Grange, for the benefit of the general’s farm.[10] As I was returning from this little expedition, I perceived, in the middle of the river, another very tempting game. This was a superb deer, which swam with as much calmness and ease as though it were in its native element. When it heard our cries, mingled with the noise of our steam-boat, it threw its long branching antlers upon its shoulders, and sunk in the water to escape our notice, swimming rapidly for the swiftest part of the current. As soon as it thought itself free from the danger of pursuit, it re-appeared above water, shook its antlers proudly, and tranquilly resumed its course. It is by no means rare, as we were informed, to see many of these animals thus passing from one shore of the river to the other, and visiting the fertile islands which adorn its course.

At the distance of one hundred miles from the Ohio, the shores of the Mississippi suddenly assume a more imposing appearance, rising steeply eighty or a hundred feet above the level of the water. They are composed of very hard granite. In their whole height they are impressed with deep horizontal furrows, which appear to have been caused by the friction of the water, whilst the river was at the different levels which they indicate. Some of these furrows are nearly a foot deep. They occur at unequal intervals, and mark the successive decrease of the water. At the actual level of the river the furrow is scarcely perceptible. What a length of time has, therefore, been occupied in the formation of each furrow by the sole action of the water upon a rock of such hardness? The solution of this single question would, perhaps, throw a good deal of difficulty into the calculations of the system-makers, who pretend to fix the epoch of the creation of our globe.

Some distance above, these steep rocks leave between them and the river a considerable space, in which is situated Herculaneum. The site of this village is altogether romantic, the towers, formed upon the rock, which crowns it irregularly, impart a fantastic character, and attract the curiosity of travellers. From the height of these towers, which spring from the steep rock, they throw down melted lead, which cools by rolling in the air, becomes round, and falls in the form of small shot into large receivers of water, placed beneath. The large or small size of the holes in the iron sieve, through which it is thrown while boiling hot, give the various sizes wanted for hunting. The lead mines found in abundance upon the shores of the Merrimac river, which empties into the Mississippi ten miles from this place, have given origin to these establishments, the prosperity of which increases every day.

On the evening of the 28th, we arrived at a poor little village which the French formerly founded under the sad name of Empty Pocket, better known at the present day by the name of Carondelet. Although we were not above six or seven miles from St. Louis, as we could not get there by day light, the members of the different committees in attendance upon the general, resolved to pass the night at anchor in the river, and wait till next morning to enter the town. No sooner were the inhabitants of Carondelet informed of the presence of General Lafayette in their vicinity, than they came in crowds on board the boat to see him. They were nearly all Frenchmen. For a long time, their settlement has consisted of only about sixty houses, and does not promise to increase. Unsuited to commerce, it was only occupied with agriculture, which is still its chief means of obtaining the necessaries of life. The most of them came from Canada, and fixed themselves upon a portion of land along the Mississippi without inquiring who owned it. They laboured, some for ten, others for twenty years; and none of them thought of securing the titles to the little farms produced by the sweat of their brows. At present, whilst the government of the United States are selling much of the land it possesses in these regions, these unfortunate people run a constant risk of seeing themselves dispossessed by purchasers who come to claim their property. They mentioned their inquietudes to the general, who promised to represent their situation to the federal government, and interest himself in their behalf. These good people, in the simplicity of their gratitude, offered him whom they already regarded as their protector, every thing which they thought would be agreeable; one of them brought him tame Mississippi geese; another, a young fawn which he had raised; a third, petrifactions and shells which he looked upon as precious. The general saw that if he refused these presents their feelings would be wounded; and therefore hastened to accept them and return his acknowledgements.

On the morning of the 29th of April, Governor Clark, of Missouri, Governor Coles of Illinois, and Colonel Benton, came on board; who all three came to accompany the general to St. Louis. Some minutes after, the steam-boat Plough Boy, having on board a great number of citizens, ranged along side the Natchez, and the nation’s guest was saluted by three cheers, which made the forests of the Missouri resound with Welcome, Lafayette. We then weighed anchor, and at nine o’clock saw a large number of buildings whose architecture was very fantastical, rising from the midst of beautiful green shrubbery and smiling gardens, commanding distant views of the river. This was the city of St. Louis. Its name, and the language of a great portion of its inhabitants, soon informed us of its origin. But if we were struck with the diversity of languages in which General Lafayette was saluted, we were not less so by the unity of sentiment which they manifested. The shore was covered by the whole population, who mingled their cries of joy with the roar of the cannon of our two vessels. The moment the general stepped on shore, the mayor, Dr. Lane, presented himself at the head of the municipal authorities, and greeted him with an address.

As the general concluded his reply to the mayor, an elegant calash drawn by four horses approached the shore, to conduct him to the city, through all the streets of which he was drawn in the midst of the acclamations of the people. He was attended by Mr. Augustus Choteau, a venerable old gentleman by whom St. Louis was founded, Mr. Hempstead, an old soldier of the revolution, and the mayor. These gentlemen conducted him to the house of the son of Mr. Choteau, prepared for his reception, which was thrown open to all citizens without distinction, who desired to visit the national guest. Among the visiters, the general met with pleasure Mr. Hamilton, son of General Alexander Hamilton, the former aide-de-camp to Washington, whom he so much loved, and an old French sergeant of Rochambeau’s army named Bellissime. This last could not restrain the joy he felt on seeing a countryman thus honoured by the American nation.

The inhabitants of St. Louis knew that General Lafayette could only remain a few hours with them, and they took advantage of the short time he had to dispose of to show him every thing which their city and its environs contained worthy of notice. While dinner was preparing at Mr. Peter Choteau’s, we rode out in a carriage to visit on the banks of the river those remains of ancient Indian monuments which some travellers call tombs, whilst others regard them as fortifications or places for the performance of religious ceremonies. All these opinions are unfortunately equally susceptible of discussion, for these monuments have not preserved any sufficiently well marked characters to afford foundation for satisfactory deductions. Those near St. Louis are nothing but mounds covered with green turf, the ordinary shape of which is an oblong square. Their common height is little more than eight feet, but must have been much greater before the earth they are built of was thrown down during the lapse of ages. Their sides are inclined, and the mean length of their base is from eighty to a hundred feet, their width varying from thirty to sixty feet. What leads me to believe that these fabrics of earth have never been used as strong holds in war, is, that not one of them is surrounded by ditches, and they are placed too near together. These mounds are not only met with in the environs of St. Louis, but all over the states of Missouri, Indiana, and upon the borders of Ohio, where, we are informed, they meet with much more interesting traces of the greatest antiquity, indicating that this world which we call new, was the seat of civilization, perhaps long anterior to the continent of Europe.[11]

From the mounds of Saint Louis to the junction of Mississippi and Missouri, we should only have had two or three hours ride, but the time of the general was so calculated that we were obliged to forego the pleasure we should have derived from visiting the union of these two rivers, which have their sources in countries where nature yet reigns undisturbed. Returned to town, we went to see the collection of Indian curiosities made by Governor Clark, which is the most complete that is to be found. We visited it with the greater pleasure from its being shown us by Mr. Clark, who had himself collected all the objects which compose it, while exploring the distant western regions with Captain Lewis. Specimens of all the clothing, arms, and utensils for fishing, hunting, and war, in use among the various tribes living on the sources of the Missouri and Mississippi, are here to be found. Among the articles commonly worn by the Indian hunters, collars made of claws of prodigious size, particularly struck our attention. These claws, Gen. Clark informed us, are from that most terrible of all the animals of the American continent, the Grizzly Bear, of the Missouri, the ferocious instinct of which adds still more to the terror inspired by its enormous size and strength. The bears of this species meet together to the number of ten or twelve, and some times more, to chase and make a common division of their prey. Man is their favourite prey, and when they fall upon his track, they chase him with outcries like those made by our hounds in coursing a hare, and it is difficult to escape the steadiness of their pursuit.[12] This animal is altogether unknown in Europe, even in the largest menageries. The London Cabinet of Natural History possesses only a single claw, which is regarded as a great rarity.[13] Gen. Clark has visited, near the sources of the Missouri and Mississippi, Indian tribes which, previous to his visit, had never seen a white man; but among whom he nevertheless discovered traces of an ancient people more civilized than themselves. Thus, for example, he brought away with him a whip which the riders of these tribes do not understand the mode of using on their horses at the present time. The knots of this are very complex, and actually arranged like the knout of the Cossacks. He presented General Lafayette with a garment bearing a striking resemblance to a Russian riding coat. It is made of buffaloe skin, prepared so as to retain all its pliancy, as if dressed by the most skilful tanner. From these and some other facts, Mr. Clark, and Captain Lewis, his companion, concluded that there formerly existed, near the pole, a communication between Asia and America. These two intrepid travellers published in 1814, an interesting account of the journeys made by them in 1804, 5, and 6, by order of the American government, the object being to explore the sources of the Missouri, and the course of the Columbia river, till it reaches the Pacific ocean.

We could have remained a considerable longer time in Governor Clark’s museum, listening to the interesting accounts which he was pleased to give us relative to his great journeys, but were informed that the hour for dinner had arrived, and we went to the house of Mr. Peter Choteau. On our way we visited a portion of the town which we had not before seen, and were surprised at the whimsical manner in which some of the houses, apparently the most ancient, were constructed. They generally consisted of a single story, surrounded by a gallery covered with a wide projecting roof. Some one pointed out to us, that formerly the basement was not inhabited, and that the stair-way leading to the upper story was moveable at pleasure. This precaution was used by the first inhabitants of St. Louis for the purpose of guarding against the insidious nocturnal attacks of the Indians, who saw with jealousy the whites making permanent settlements among them. When St. Louis, then a feeble village, passed under the Spanish authority, the neighbouring Indians were still so numerous and enterprising, that the inhabitants could scarcely resist them, or even venture abroad. It is related, that, in 1794, an Indian chief entered St. Louis, with a portion of his tribe, and having demanded an interview, spoke as follows: “We come to offer you peace. We have made war against you for a great many moons, and what has been the result? Nothing. Our warriors have used every means to fight with yours, but you will not, and dare not meet us! You are a pack of old women! What can be done with such people, since they will not fight, but make peace? I come therefore to you to bury the hatchet, brighten the chain, and open a new communication with you.”

Since that time the tribes have greatly diminished, and most of them departed. Those still remaining in the vicinity show the most peaceable disposition towards the white inhabitants, with whom they carry on a considerable trade in furs. The inhabitants of St. Louis are, besides, sufficiently numerous no longer to fear such neighbours. The population amounts to nearly six thousand souls, which number will probably be doubled in a few years, for this city has the prospect of a brilliant destiny in these vast regions, in the midst of which civilization, under the guidance of American liberty and industry, must run a giant’s course. St. Louis is already the grand store-house of all the commerce of the countries west of the Mississippi. Its situation near the junction of four or five great rivers, all of whose branches, which spread to the most distant extremities of the Union, furnish an easy and rapid communication with all those places which can contribute to the wants or luxuries of its happy inhabitants. Into what astonishment is the mind thrown on reflecting that such a height of prosperity is the result of but a few years, and that the founder of so flourishing a city still lives, and, for a long time, has been in the enjoyment of the results which he neither could have hoped for, nor anticipated, had it been predicted to his young and ardent imagination on first approaching the solitary shores of the Mississippi. This enterprising man, who, with his axe, felled the first tree of the ancient forest on the place where the city of St. Louis stands, who raised the first house, about which, in so short a time, were grouped the edifices of a rich city; who, by his courage and conciliating spirit, at first repressed the rage of the Indians, and afterwards secured their friendship; this happy man is Mr. Augustus Choteau. I have already named him among those appointed by the inhabitants of St. Louis to do the honours of their city to the guest of the American nation. It was at the house of his son, Mr. Peter Choteau, that we partook of the feast of republican gratitude. It was highly interesting to behold seated at the table the founder of a great city, one of the principal defenders of the independence of a great nation, and the representatives of four young republics, already rich from their industry, powerful from their liberty, and happy from the wisdom of their institutions. As might be readily supposed, the conversation was highly interesting. Mr. Augustus Choteau was asked a great many questions respecting his youthful adventures and enterprises. The companion in arms of Washington was requested to relate some details of the decisive and glorious campaign of Virginia, and the members of the different deputations of Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Missouri, drew a pleasing picture of the prosperous advancement of their respective states. In this company, that which touched General Lafayette most was the prevailing unanimity among the guests, who, though they did not all speak one language, agreed perfectly in respect to the excellence of those republican institutions under which it was their happiness to live. Before leaving the banquet in order to attend the ball which the ladies were so kind as to prepare for us, some toasts were exchanged, all of which bore the impression of the harmony existing between the old French and the new American population. Mr. Delassus, formerly lieutenant-governor of Louisiana, drank, “The United States and France! May these two countries produce another Washington and another Lafayette, to emancipate the rest of the world!” Governor Coles drank, “France! dear to our hearts from so many recollections, and above all for having given birth to our Lafayette.” General Lafayette finished by drinking the health of the venerable patriarch, who, in 1763, founded the town of St. Louis, and immediately afterwards we left the table for the ball, where we found the most numerous and brilliant company assembled, as we were informed, that had ever been seen upon the western shore of the Mississippi. The splendid decorations of the room, and the beauty of the ladies who graced it, made us completely forget that we were on the confines of a wilderness which the savages themselves consider as insufficient for the supply of their simple wants, since they only frequent it occasionally. We partook of the pleasures of the evening until near midnight, the hour at which we were to return on board the Natchez, for the purpose of taking some rest before daylight, when we were to depart. At the moment we were about to embark, many citizens of St. Louis had the goodness to offer us several objects of curiosity, such as bows, arrows, calumets, and dresses of the Missouri Indians. We accepted with gratitude these testimonies of benevolence, which we have preserved as agreeable remembrancers of happy occurrences so far from our country.

CHAPTER IX.

Changes produced in the navigation of the Mississippi since the introduction of Steam—Arrival at Kaskaskia—The Canadians and Indians—Singular meeting with a young Indian educated among the Whites, and returned to savage life—Indian Ballad—State of Illinois—Departure from Kaskaskia—Separation of General Lafayette and the Louisiana deputation.

Governor Coles, who had embarked with us, requested of General Lafayette and obtained his consent, that he would not leave the river Mississippi without visiting the state of Illinois, along which we were to pass in descending the river. It was decided that we should stop at Kaskaskia, a large village of that state, and, although nearly eighty miles distant, we arrived there a little while before noon, so fortunate and rapid was our navigation. Since the application of steam to navigation, the changes produced in the relations of the towns on the Mississippi is prodigious. Formerly the voyage from New Orleans to St. Louis required three or four months of the most painful toil that can be imagined; the action of the oar was not always sufficient to overcome the resistance of the current. They were often obliged to warp the boat by hand, advancing from time to time with a small boat to tie a rope to a tree or stone on the shore.[14] This slow and painful operation, the consequent privations and bad diet, caused diseases among the boatmen, which ordinarily destroyed one third of the crew. At present the same passage which is nearly fifteen hundred miles, is made in ten days, without fatigue, without privations, between a good bed and a good table, and often in very good company; the return is commonly made in five days; so that New Orleans and St. Louis, separated by so great a distance, are now considered as neighbouring cities, whose inhabitants are better acquainted and visit each other oftener than those of Paris and Bordeaux can do.

General Lafayette was not expected at Kaskaskia, and nothing had been prepared for this unforeseen visit. While we were landing some one ran to the village, which stands a quarter of a mile from the shore, and quickly returned with a carriage for the general, who, an instant after, was surrounded by many citizens, who ran before to receive him. In the escort which formed itself to accompany him, we saw neither military apparel nor the splendid triumphs we had perceived in the rich cities; but the accents of joy and republican gratitude which broke upon his ear, was grateful to his heart, since it proved to him that wherever American liberty had penetrated, there also the love and veneration of the people for its founders were perpetuated.

We followed the general on foot, and arrived almost at the same time at the house of General Edgar, a venerable soldier of the revolution, who received him with affectionate warmth, and ordered all the doors to be kept open, that his fellow citizens might enjoy, as well as himself, the pleasure of shaking hands with the adopted son of America. After a few minutes had been accorded to the rather tumultuous expression of the sentiments which the presence of the general inspired, Governor Coles requested silence, which was accorded with a readiness and deference that proved to me that his authority rested not only on the law, but still more on popular affection. He advanced towards Lafayette, about whom the crowd had increased, and addressed him with emotion in a discourse in which he depicted the transports his presence excited in the population of the state of Illinois, and the happy influence which the remembrance of his visit would produce hereafter on the youthful witnesses of the enthusiasm of their fathers, for one of the most valiant founders of their liberty.

During an instant of profound silence, I cast a glance at the assembly, in the midst of which I found myself, and was struck with astonishment in remarking their variety and fantastic appearance. Beside men whose dignity of countenance, the patriotic exaltation of expression, readily indicated them to be Americans, were others whose coarse dresses, vivacity, petulance of movement, and the expansive joy of their visages, strongly recalled to me the peasantry of my own country; behind these, near to the door, and on the piazza which surrounded the house, stood some immovable, impassable, large, red, half naked figures, leaning on a bow or a long rifle: these were the Indians of the neighbourhood.

After a pause of some seconds, the governor resumed his address, which he concluded by presenting, with great eloquence, a faithful picture of the benefits which America had derived from its liberty, and the happy influence which republican institutions would one day exercise on the rest of the world. When the orator had finished, a slight murmur of approbation passed through the assembly, and was prolonged until it was perceived that General Lafayette was about to reply, when an attentive silence was restored.

After these reciprocal felicitations, another scene not less interesting commenced. Some old revolutionary soldiers advanced from the crowd, and came to shake hands with their old general; while he conversed with them, and heard them, with softened feelings, cite the names of those of their ancient companions in arms, who also fought at Brandywine and Yorktown, but for whom it was not ordained to enjoy the fruits of their toils, nor to unite their voices with that of their grateful country. The persons whom I had remarked as having some likeness in dress and manners to our French peasants, went and came with vivacity in all parts of the hall, or sometimes formed little groups, from the midst of which could be heard, in the French language, the most open and animated expressions of joy. Having been introduced to one of these groups by a member of the committee of Kaskaskia, I was received at first with great kindness, and was quickly overwhelmed with a volley of questions, as soon as they found I was a Frenchman, and accompanied general Lafayette. “What! are you also come from France? Give us then some news from that fine, that dear country. Are people happy there? Are they free as they are here? Ah! what pleasure to see our good Frenchmen from grand France!” and the questions followed with such rapidity, that I knew not which to understand. I was not long in perceiving that these good men were as ignorant of the things which concerned their mother country, as they were enthusiastic. They are acquainted with France only by tradition from the reign of Louis XIV. and they have no idea of the convulsions which, during the last forty years, have torn the country of their fathers. “Have you not had,” said one of them to me, who had just asked me many questions about General Lafayette, which would not have been asked by an American child ten years of age, “have you not had another famous general, called Napoleon, who has made many glorious wars?” I think if Napoleon had heard such a question asked, his vanity would have been somewhat shocked by it. He, who believed he filled the universe with his name, because he had overturned some old thrones of Europe, and destroyed the liberty of France, was yet hardly known on the banks of the Mississippi; not more than two thousand leagues from the theatre of his glory, his name is pronounced with an expression of doubt! Indeed, there is in this something to damp the most ardent passion for celebrity: I did my best to reply to the question of my Canadian, to make him comprehend, as well as those who surrounded him, who was this famous General Napoleon. At the recital of his exploits, they at first clapped their hands, and assumed an air of superiority, in saying, “These are our brave Frenchmen. It is only among them that men like these are to be found!” But when I came to tell them how this famous general caused himself to be made consul; how he made himself emperor; how he had successively destroyed our liberty, and paralyzed the exercise of our rights; how, finally, he had himself fallen, leaving us, after twenty years of war, nearly at the same point whence we had started at the commencement of our revolution, they all became sad as if about to weep, and exclaimed: “And you have suffered all that! How, in beautiful France, and grand France, are they not free as in the state of Illinois? Good heavens! is it possible? What, can you not write whatever you please? Cannot you go every where without passports? Is it not you who nominate the mayors of your towns and villages? Is it not you who choose your governors, or your prefects of departments or provinces? Have you not the right to elect your representatives to the national assembly? Are none of you called to the election of the chief of the government, although you pay the whole of such heavy taxes? Alas! our good Frenchmen of grand France are then more to be pitied than the negro slaves of Louisiana, who are, indeed, miserable enough! for if these exercise none of the rights which we all exercise here, they at least pay no money, and have masters that support them.” During these exclamations, I did not know what to say. The colour mounted to my cheeks, and I confess that my national vanity suffered singularly to hear ignorant Canadians express sentiments of pity for my countrymen, and draw a parallel to their disadvantage between them and miserable slaves; but these sentiments were too well founded to admit of my complaining, and I was silent. I only made a promise to myself to be more discreet for the future, and not to speak with so much freedom of the political situation of my country before freemen.

While I was occupied with the Canadians, the crowd, influenced by a feeling of delicacy and kind attention, insensibly withdrew, to leave General Lafayette time to take a few moments’ repose while waiting for the banquet which the citizens had hastily prepared. Wishing to profit by the short time we had to remain at Kaskaskia, Mr. George Lafayette and myself went out to view the environs of the village, in company with some of the inhabitants, and left the general with our other travelling companions and some old revolutionary soldiers, at Colonel Edgar’s. At the public square we found nearly all the citizens walking about, and joyously conversing upon the event of the day. We found in their groups the same variety of physiognomy that had struck me in the hall. While Mr. George gathered from an American, the details of the origin and present situation of Kaskaskia, I approached a small circle of Indians, in the centre of which was a man of high stature and singular aspect. His face, without being coppery like that of the Indians, was still very swarthy. His short dress, his long belt, to which hung a powder-horn, his long leather leggings, extending above his knees, and all his equipage, announced a hunter of the forest. He was leaning on a long rifle, and appeared to inspire by his discourse a lively interest in his hearers. When he observed me, he came to me without forwardness, but with marked kindness. He extended his hand, and I gave him mine, which he shook cordially. I had a moment’s hesitation in addressing him, not knowing whether he understood English or French; but he spoke to me first in French, and I soon found myself quite at ease with him. He informed me that he was of mixed blood, that his mother was of the Kickapoos tribe, and that his father was a Canadian. He lives among the Indians of the neighbourhood, who have a great friendship and respect for him, because, notwithstanding fifty years and fatigue have begun to whiten his head, he yet equals them in hunting and all the exercises of the body, and because he often serves them as a mediator between them and the whites, whose language he perfectly understands, although his common language is Indian. Those who surrounded him were not all similarly clothed, nor similarly painted. It was easy to distinguish some differences in their features and manners. I concluded that they were not all of the same tribe. The hunter confirmed me in this opinion by telling me that at this moment, there were about Kaskaskia three or four camps of Indians, come to sell the furs obtained by their great hunting during the winter. He named the different tribes who occupied the camps; but their names were so barbarous, or so badly pronounced, that I could not comprehend them; I understood distinctly only that of Miami, which, repeated three or four times, roused from his apathy a little man, who until then stood motionless before me, wrapped in a blanket; his face, bloated by intemperance, was painted red, blue, and yellow. At the name of Miami, he raised his head, assumed an air of ridiculous dignity, and said, “I should be the chief of the Miami nation. My grandfather was chief, my father was chief; but the Miami have unjustly decided that I should not succeed my father, and now, instead of having a great quantity of furs to sell, I have none; I shall quit Kaskaskia without being able to buy arms, powder, or tobacco.” While he thus spoke, a man painted in the same way, but of a very lofty stature and athletic form, regarded him with a disdainful air, and said, after tapping him on the shoulder, “Dare you to complain of the justice of the Miami? Thy grandfather was our chief, sayest thou? thy father was also? But hast thou then forgotten that thy grandfather was the bravest of our warriors, and that the wisdom of thy father was heard in our councils as the voice of the Great Spirit? But, by what title wouldst thou command among men? Feeble as an old woman, thou hast not even the courage to hunt to satisfy thy wants, and thou wouldst sell us to the whites for a bottle of whiskey.” A contemptuous gesture terminated this rude apostrophe, which was translated into French for me at the time by the stout hunter; and the fallen prince, sadly leaning on a small bow, similar to those with which the Indian boys exercise, kept silence. His fate seemed to me truly deserving of pity; I could not, however, avoid feeling a sentiment of esteem for the Miami nation, who do not believe that legitimacy in a prince can supply the place of all the virtues.

I was still among the Indians, questioning the hunter as to the situation and force of their tribes, which civilization is rapidly diminishing, when I saw the secretary of the governor of Louisiana, Mr. Caire, approach, who came to propose that I should go with him to visit an Indian encampment, at a very short distance from the village. I consented, and we set off immediately, in order to return by the dinner hour. Leaving Kaskaskia, we crossed a river of the same name, on a wooden bridge solidly built and firmly connected. We then marched about twenty minutes on the plain, to the entrance of a forest, which we penetrated by a straight path traced along a rivulet. As we advanced, the ground suddenly elevated itself to the right and left, and we quickly found ourselves in a kind of pass, formed by a succession of small hills, covered with thickets. After about a quarter of an hour’s walk, we arrived at a fence, which we climbed, and behind which two horses attracted our attention by the noise of the bells hung round their necks. A little further on, the pass enlarging, formed a delightful little valley, in the middle of which some huts of bark were raised in a half circle; this was the Indian camp we sought. The openings of these huts were all towards the centre of the circle, and the planks elevated about three feet from the ground, were slightly inclined, like the cover of a field bed. With the exception of a very old woman cooking at a fire in the open air, we found no person in the camp. Either from spite, or because she neither comprehended French nor English, this woman would reply to none of our questions, and saw us with the greatest indifference, look at, and even handle, all the objects which attracted our curiosity in the huts. All was arranged with sufficient order, and it was easy to recognize the places occupied by the women, by the little utensils of the toilet, such as looking-glasses, pins, bags of paint, &c. which we remarked there. After a minute examination of this little camp, we were about to leave it, when I was arrested on the border of the streamlet which ran through it, by the sight of a small mill-wheel, which appeared to have been thrown on the bank by the rapidity of the current. I took it up and placed it where I thought it had originally been put by the children, on two stones elevated a little above the water; and the current striking the wings, made it turn rapidly. This puerility, (which probably would have passed from my memory, if, on the same evening, it had not placed me before the Indians, in a situation sufficiently extraordinary,) greatly excited the attention of the old woman, who, by her gestures, expressed to us a lively satisfaction.

On returning to Kaskaskia, we found Mr. de Syon, an amiable young Frenchman of much intelligence, who, on the invitation of General Lafayette, left Washington city with us to visit the southern and western states. Like us he had just made an excursion into the neighbourhood, and appeared quite joyous at the discovery he had made; he had met, in the midst of the forest, at the head of a troop of Indians, a pretty young woman, who spoke French very well, and expressed herself with a grace at which he appeared as much astonished as we were. She had asked him if it was true, that Lafayette was at Kaskaskia, and on his replying affirmatively, she manifested a great desire to see him. “I always carry with me,” said she to Mr. de Syon, “a relique, that is very dear to me; I would wish to show it to him; it will prove to him that his name is not less venerated in the midst of our tribes, than among the white Americans, for whom he fought.” And in speaking thus, she drew from her bosom a little pouch which enclosed a letter carefully wrapped in several pieces of paper. “It is from Lafayette,” said she, “he wrote it to my father a long time since, and my father, when he died, left it to me as the most precious thing he possessed.” At the sight of this letter, Mr. de Syon proposed to the Indian girl to go with him to Kaskaskia, assuring her that General Lafayette would be very much pleased to see her; but this proposition seemed to embarrass her, and under various pretexts, she refused to come. “However,” she added, “if you have any thing to say to me this evening, you will find me in my camp, which is close by the village; any one can direct you the way, for I am well known at Kaskaskia. My name is Mary.”

This recital of Mr. de Syon excited my curiosity keenly, and I would have willingly returned with him immediately to search for Mary; but, at this moment, a member of the committee of Kaskaskia came to inform me that they were about to sit down to dinner, and we saw General Lafayette going out of Colonel Edgar’s, escorted by many citizens and crossing to Colonel Sweet’s house where we were to dine. We joined the procession and took our places at table, where the general was seated under a canopy of flowers prepared by the ladies of Kaskaskia, with much skill and taste; and which produced, by the blending of the richest and most lively colours, the effect of a rainbow.

I spoke to General Lafayette of the meeting with the young Indian girl; and from the desire he manifested to see her, I left the table with Mr. de Syon, at the moment when the company began to exchange patriotic toasts, and we sought a guide to Mary’s camp. Chance assisted us wonderfully, in directing us to an Indian of the same tribe that we wished to visit. Conducted by him, we crossed the bridge of Kaskaskia, and notwithstanding the darkness, soon recognized the path and rivulet I had seen in the morning with Mr. Caire. When we were about to enter the enclosure, we were arrested by the fierce barking of two stout dogs which sprang at, and would probably have bitten us, but for the timely interference of our guide. We arrived at the middle of the camp, which was lighted by a large fire, around which a dozen Indians were squatted, preparing their supper; they received us with cordiality, and, as soon as they were informed of the object of our visit, one of them conducted us to Mary’s hut, whom we found sleeping on a bison skin. At the voice of Mr. de Syon, which she recognized, she arose, and listened attentively to the invitation from General Lafayette to come to Kaskaskia; she seemed quite flattered by it, but said before deciding to accompany us she wished to mention it to her husband. While she was consulting with him, I heard a piercing cry; and turning round I saw near me the old woman I had found alone in the camp in the morning: she had just recognized me by the light of the fire, and designated me to her companions, who, quitting immediately their occupations, rushed round me in a circle, and began to dance with demonstrations of great joy and gratitude. Their tawny and nearly naked bodies, their faces fantastically painted, their expressive gesticulations, the reflection of the fire, which gave a red tinge to all the surrounding objects, every thing gave to this scene something of an infernal aspect, and I fancied myself for an instant in the midst of demons. Mary, witnessing my embarrassment, put an end to it, by ordering the dance to cease, and then explained to me the honours which they had just rendered me. “When we wish to know if an enterprize we meditate will be happy, we place in a rivulet a small wheel slightly supported on two stones; if the wheel turns during three suns, without being thrown down, the augury is favourable: but if the current carry it away, and throws it upon the bank, it is a certain proof that our project is not approved by the Great Spirit, unless however a stranger comes to replace the little wheel before the end of the third day. You are this stranger who have restored our manitou and our hopes, and this is your title to be thus celebrated among us.” In pronouncing these last words, an ironical smile played on her lips, which caused me to doubt her faith in the manitou. “You do not appear to be very much convinced,” said I to her, “of the efficacy of the service which I have rendered you in raising the manitou?” She silently shook her head; then raising her eyes, “I have been taught,” said she, “to place my confidence higher;—all my hopes are in the God I have been taught to believe in; the God of the Christians.”

I had at first been much astonished to hear an Indian woman speak French so well, and I was not less so in learning that she was a Christian; Mary perceived it, and to put an end to my surprise, she related to me her history, while her husband, and those who were to accompany her to Kaskaskia, hastily took their supper, of maize cooked in milk. She informed me that her father, who was a chief of one of the nations who inhabited the shores of the great lakes of the north, had formerly fought with a hundred of his followers under the orders of Lafayette, when the latter commanded an army on the frontiers. That he had acquired much glory, and gained the friendship of the Americans. A long time after, that is, about twenty years ago, he left the shores of the great lakes with some of his warriors, his wife and daughter; and after having marched a long time, he established himself on the shores of the river Illinois. “I was very young, then, but have not yet, however, forgotten the horrible sufferings we endured during this long journey, made in a rigorous winter, across a country peopled by nations with whom we were unacquainted; they were such, that my poor mother, who nearly always carried me on her shoulders, already well loaded with baggage, died under them some days after our arrival; my father placed me under the care of another woman, who also emigrated with us, and occupied himself in securing the tranquil possession of the lands on which we had come to establish ourselves, by forming alliances with our new neighbours. The Kickapoos were those who received us best, and we soon considered ourselves as forming a part of their nation. The year following my father was chosen by them, with some from among themselves, to go and regulate some affairs of the nation with the agent of the United States, residing here at Kaskaskia; he wished that I should be of the company; for, although the Kickapoos had shown themselves very generous and hospitable towards him, he feared that some war might break out in his absence, as he well knew the intrigues of the English to excite the Indians against the Americans. This same apprehension induced him to accede to the request made by the American agent, to leave me in his family, to be educated with his infant daughter. My father had much esteem for the whites of that great nation for whom he had formerly fought; he never had cause to complain of them, and he who offered to take charge of me inspired him with great confidence by the frankness of his manners, and above all, by the fidelity with which he treated the affairs of the Indians; he, therefore, left me, promising to return to see me every year after the great winter’s hunt; he came, in fact, several times afterwards; and I, notwithstanding the disagreeableness of a sedentary life, grew up, answering the expectations of my careful benefactor and his wife. I became attached to their daughter, who grew up with me, and the truths of the Christian religion easily supplanted in my mind the superstition of my fathers, whom I had scarcely known; yet, I confess to you, notwithstanding the influence of religion and civilization on my youthful heart, the impressions of infancy were not entirely effaced. If the pleasure of wandering conducted me into the shady forest, I breathed more freely, and it was with reluctance that I returned home; when, in the cool of the evening, seated in the door of my adopted father’s habitation, I heard in the distance, through the silence of the night, the piercing voice of the Indians, rallying to return to camp, I started with a thrill of joy, and my feeble voice imitated the voice of the savage with a facility that affrighted my young companion; and when occasionally some warriors came to consult my benefactor in regard to their treaties, or hunters to offer him a part of the produce of their chase, I was always the first to run to meet and welcome them; I testified my joy to them by every imaginable means, and I could not avoid admiring and wishing for their simple ornaments, which appeared to me far preferable to the brilliant decorations of the whites.

“In the meanwhile, for five years my father had not appeared at the period of the return from the winter’s hunting; but a warrior, whom I had often seen with him, came and found me one evening at the entrance of the forest, and said to me: ‘Mary, thy father is old and feeble, he has been unable to follow us here; but he wishes to see thee once more before he dies, and he has charged me to conduct thee to him.’ In saying these words he forcibly took my hand, and dragged me with him. I had not even time to reply to him, nor even to take any resolution, before we were at a great distance, and I saw well that there was no part left for me, but to follow him. We marched nearly all night, and at the dawn of day, we arrived at a bark hut, built in the middle of a little valley. Here I saw my father, his eyes turned towards the just rising sun. His face was painted as for battle. His tomahawk ornamented with many scalps, was beside him; he was calm and silent as an Indian who awaited death. As soon as he saw me he drew out of a pouch a paper wrapped with care in a very dry skin, and gave it me, requesting that I should preserve it as a most precious thing. ‘I wished to see thee once more before dying,’ said he, ‘and to give thee this paper, which is the most powerful charm (manitou) which thou canst employ with the whites to interest them in thy favour; for all those to whom I have shown it have manifested towards me a particular attachment. I received it from a great French warrior, whom the English dreaded as much as the Americans loved, and with whom I fought in my youth.’ After these words my father was silent, next morning he expired. Sciakape, the name of the warrior who came for me, covered the body of my father with the branches of trees, and took me back to my guardian.”

Here Mary suspended her narrative, and presented to me a letter a little darkened by time, but in good preservation. “Stay,” said she to me, smiling, “you see that I have faithfully complied with the charge of my father; I have taken great care of his manitou.” I opened the letter and recognized the signature and handwriting of General Lafayette. It was dated at head quarters, Albany, June, 1778, after the northern campaign, and addressed to Panisciowa, an Indian chief of one of the Six Nations, to thank him for the courageous manner in which he had served the American cause.

“Well,” said Mary, “now that you know me well enough to introduce me to General Lafayette, shall we go to him that I may also greet him whom my father revered as the courageous warrior and the friend of our nations?” “Willingly,” I replied, “but it seems to me that you have promised to inform us in what manner, after having tasted for some time the sweets of civilization, you came to return to the rude and savage life of the Indians?” At this question, Mary looked downwards and seemed troubled. However, after a slight hesitation, she resumed in a lower tone: “After the death of my father, Sciakape often returned to see me. We soon became attached to each other; he did not find it difficult to determine me to follow him into the forest, where I became his wife. This resolution at first very much afflicted my benefactors; but when they saw that I found myself happy, they pardoned me; and each year, during all the time that our encampment is established near Kaskaskia, I rarely pass a day without going to see them; if you wish, we can visit them, for their house is close by our way, and you will see by the reception they will give me, that they retain their esteem and friendship.” Mary pronounced these last words with a degree of pride, which proved to us that she feared that we might have formed a bad opinion of her, on account of her flight from the home of her benefactors with Sciakape. We accepted her proposition, and she gave the signal for departure. At her call, her husband and eight warriors presented themselves to escort us. M. de Syon offered her his arm, and we began our march. We were all very well received by the family of Mr. Mesnard; but Mary above all received the most tender marks of affection from the persons of the household. Mr. Mesnard, Mary’s adopted father, was at Kaskaskia, as one of the committee charged with the reception of Lafayette, and Mrs. Mesnard asked us if we would undertake to conduct her daughter to the ball which she herself was prevented from attending by indisposition. We assented with pleasure; and, while Mary assisted Miss Mesnard to complete her toilet, we seated ourselves round a great fire in the kitchen. Scarcely were we seated, when I saw moving in the corner, a black mass, of which I had at first a difficulty in recognising the nature and form; but, after an attentive examination, I found it was an old negro doubled by age. His face was so much wrinkled and deformed by time, that it was impossible to distinguish in it a single feature, and I guessed the place of his mouth by the little cloud of tobacco-smoke which escaped thence, from time to time. This man appeared to give great attention to the conversation which took place between us and a young man of Mr. Mesnard’s family; when he understood that we travelled with General Lafayette, and that we came from St. Louis, he asked if we had found many Frenchmen there. I replied that we had seen some, and, among others, Mr. Choteau, the founder of the town. “What!” cried he with a loud voice, which seemed not to belong to so decrepid a body—“What! you found the little Choteau? Oh! I know him well, so I do, that little Choteau; we have travelled a great deal together on the Mississippi, and that at a time when very few of the whites had come this far.” “But do you know,” said I, “that he whom you call the little Choteau is very old, that he is certainly more than ninety years of age?” “Oh! I believe that well! but what of that? that does not prevent that I should know him well, when a child.” “Of what age are you, then?” “Of that I know nothing, as they never taught me to count. All that I know is, that I left New Orleans with my master, who made part of the expedition sent by the Navigation Company of the Mississippi, under the orders of the young Choteau, to go and build a fort high up the river. Young Choteau was hardly seventeen, but he was commander of the expedition, because his father was, they said, one of the richest proprietors of the company. After having rowed a long time against the current and suffered great fatigue, we arrived at last not far from here, where we set about building Fort Chartres. It seems as if I was now there; I see from here the great stones which bore the great arches we built. Every one of us said, ‘Here is a fort will last longer than us all, and longer than our children.’ I also believed it well, and yet I have seen the last of it; for it is now in ruins, and I am yet living. Do you know, sir, how many years it is since we built Fort Chartres?” “At least eighty years, if I am not deceived.” “Well, count, and you will know very nearly my age. I was then at least thirty years old, for the little Choteau appeared to me a child; I have already served three masters, and I have suffered a great deal.” “According to that account, you are a hundred and ten years old, Daddy Francis.” “Yes, indeed, I believe I am at the least that, for it is a long time that I have laboured and suffered.” “How!” said the young man who was seated near him, “do you suffer now, Francis?” “Oh! pardon me, sir, I speak not of the time I have lived in this house. Since I belonged to Mr. Mesnard it is very different; I am now happy. Instead of serving others, they all serve me. Mr. Mesnard will not even allow me to go and bring in a little wood for the fire; he says I am too old for that. But I must tell the truth, Mr. Mesnard is not a master to me; he is a man—he is a friend.”

This homage of the old slave, rendered to the humanity of his master, gave us a high idea of the character of Mr. Mesnard. While we were yet listening to old Francis, Mary and Miss Mesnard came to inform us that they were ready, and asked us if we would be on our way, as it began to grow late. We took leave of Mrs. Mesnard, and found our Indian escort who had waited patiently for us at the door, and who resumed their position near us at some distance in front, to guide and protect our march, as if we had been crossing an enemy’s country. The night was quite dark, but the temperature was mild, and the fire-flies illuminated the atmosphere around us. M. de Syon conducted Miss Mesnard, and I gave my arm to Mary, who, notwithstanding the darkness, walked with a confidence and lightness which only a forest life could produce. The fire-flies attracted and interested me much; for, although this was not the first time I had observed them, I had never before seen them in such numbers. I asked Mary if these insects, which from their appearance seem so likely to astonish the imagination, had never given place among the Indians to popular beliefs or tales. “Not among the nations of these countries, where every year we are familiarised with their great numbers,” said she to me, “but I have heard that among the tribes of the north, they commonly believe that they are the souls of departed friends, who return to console them or demand the performance of some promise. I even know several ballads on this subject. One of them appears to have been made a long time since, in a nation which lives farther north and no longer exists. It is by songs that great events and popular traditions are ordinarily preserved among us, and this ballad, which I have often heard sung by the young girls of our tribe, leaves no doubt as to the belief of some Indians concerning the fire-fly.” I asked her to sing me this song, which she did with much grace. Although I did not comprehend the words, which were Indian, I observed a great harmony in their arrangement, and, in the very simple music in which they were sung, an expression of deep melancholy.

When she had finished the ballad, I asked her if she could not translate it for me into French, so that I might comprehend the sense. “With difficulty,” she said, “for I have always found great obstacles to translating exactly the expressions of our Indians into French, when I have served them as interpreter with the whites; but I will try.” And she translated nearly as follows:

“The rude season of the chase was over. Antakaya, the handsomest, the most skilful, and bravest of the Cherokee warriors, came to the banks of the Avolachy, where he was expected by Manahella, the young virgin promised to his love and bravery.

“The first day of the moon of flowers was to witness their union. Already had the two families, assembled round the same fire, given their assent; already had the young men and women prepared and ornamented the new cabin, which was to receive the happy couple, when, at the rising of the sun, a terrible cry, the cry of war, sent forth by the scout who always watches at the summit of the hill, called the old men to the council, and the warriors to arms.

“The whites appeared on the frontier. Murder and robbery accompanied them. The star of fertility had not reached its noontide height, and already Antakaya had departed at the head of his warriors to repel robbery, murder, and the whites.

“Go, said Manahella to him, endeavouring to stifle her grief, go fight the cruel whites, and I will pray to the Great Spirit to wrap thee with a cloud, proof against their blows. I will pray him to bring thee back to the banks of the Avolachy, there to be loved by Manahella.

“I will return to thee, replied Antakaya, I will return to thee. My arrows have never disappointed my aim, my tomahawk shall be bathed in the blood of the whites; I will bring back their scalps to ornament the door of thy cabin; then I shall be worthy of Manahella; then shall we love in peace, then shall we be happy.

“The first day of the moon of flowers had brightly dawned, and many more had passed away, and none had heard from Antakaya and his warriors. Stooping on the shores of the Avolachy, the mournful Manahella every evening raised to the evil spirits little pyramids of polished pebbles, to appease their anger and avert their resistance to her well beloved; but the evil spirits were inflexible, and their violent blasts overthrew the little pyramids.

“One evening of the last moon of flowers, Manahella met on the banks of the river a pale and bloody warrior. ‘Die, poor ivy,’ said he to Manahella; ‘die! the noblest oak of the forest, that proud oak under whose shade thou hoped to enjoy repose and happiness, is fallen! It has fallen under the redoubled strokes of the whites. In its fall it has crushed those who felled it, but it is fallen! Die, poor ivy, die! for the oak which was to give thee support is fallen!’—Two days after, Manahella was no more.

“Antakaya, whose courage had been deceived by fate, had fallen covered with wounds into the hands of the whites, who carried him far away. But he escaped; and after wandering long through the forest, he returned to mourn his defeat and meditate vengeance with Manahella. When he arrived, she was no more. Agitated by the most violent despair, he ran in the evening to the banks of the Avolachy, calling Manahella, but the echo alone replied to the accents of his grief.

“O Manahella! he exclaimed, if my arrows have disappointed my skill, if my tomahawk has not spilt the blood of the whites, if I have not brought thee their scalps to ornament the door of thy cabin, forgive me! It is not the fault of my courage, the evil spirits have fought against me. And yet I have suffered no complaint to escape me, not a sigh, when the iron of my enemies tore my breast; I have not abased myself by asking my life! They preserved it against my will, and I am only consoled by the hope of one day avenging myself, and offering thee many of their scalps. O Manahella! come, if but to tell me that thou pardonest me, and that thou permittest me to follow thee into the world of the Great Spirit.

“At the same instant a vivid light, pure and lambent, appeared to the eyes of the unfortunate Antakaya. He saw in it the soul of his beloved, and followed it through the valley during all the night, supplicating it to stay and to pardon him. At the dawn of the day he found himself on the border of a great lake; the light had disappeared, and he believed that it had passed over the water. Immediately, although feeble and fatigued, he made a canoe of the trunk of a tree which he hollowed, and with a branch he made a paddle. At the end of the day his work was achieved. With the darkness the deceptive light returned; and during all the night Antakaya pursued the delusion on the face of the unsteady waters. But it again disappeared before the light of the sun, and with it vanished the slight breath of hope and the life of Antakaya.”

Mary ended her ballad, and I expressed to her my thanks as we arrived at the bridge of Kaskaskia. There, Sciakape collected his escort, said a few words to his wife, and left us to enter the village alone. We approached the house of Mr. Morrison, at which the ball was given to General Lafayette. I then felt that Mary trembled; her trouble was so great that she could not conceal it from me. I asked her the cause. If you would spare me a great mortification, she said, you will not conduct me among the ladies of Kaskaskia. They are now without doubt in their most brilliant dresses, and the coarseness of my clothes will inspire them with contempt and pity, two sentiments which will equally affect me. Besides I know that they blame me for having renounced the life of the whites, and I feel little at ease in their presence. I promised what she desired, and she became reassured. Arrived at Mr. Morrison’s, I conducted her into a lower chamber, and went to the hall to inform General Lafayette that the young Indian girl awaited him below. He hastened down, and several of the committee with him. He saw and heard Mary with pleasure, and could not conceal his emotion on recognizing his letter, and observing with what holy veneration it had been preserved during nearly half a century in a savage nation, among whom he had not even supposed his name had ever penetrated. On her part, the daughter of Panisciowa expressed with vivacity the happiness she enjoyed in seeing him, along with whom her father had the honour to fight for the good American cause.

After a half hour’s conversation, in which General Lafayette was pleased to relate the evidences of the fidelity and courageous conduct of some Indian nations towards the Americans, during the revolutionary war, Mary manifested a wish to retire, and I accompanied her to the bridge, where I replaced her under the care of Sciakape and his escort, and bade them farewell.

At midnight, the general received the farewell of the ladies and citizens of Kaskaskia, who were assembled at Mr. Morrison’s, and we returned on board our boat, to continue immediately our navigation towards the mouth of the Ohio. Governor Coles greatly wished that we should cross that part of the state of Illinois comprised in the angle formed by the two great rivers, and meet the boat again at Shawneetown, where we should have been able to visit the salt mines, which are said to be very fine; but besides that this would have taken more time than he could devote to this visit, this route did not accord with the plan of ascending the Cumberland river to Nashville, where the envoys from Tennessee were charged to conduct him. Mr. Coles embarked with us to accompany the general to the state of Tennessee, and we felt a real pleasure on account of it, for he is a man of agreeable conversation and extraordinary merit. All persons agree in saying that he fulfils his duties as governor with as much philanthropy as justice. He owes his elevation to the office of governor, to his opinions on the abolition of the slavery of the blacks. He was originally a proprietor in Virginia, where, according to the custom of the country, he cultivated his lands by negro slaves. After having for a long time strongly expressed his aversion for this kind of culture, he thought it his duty to put in practice the principles he had professed, and he decided to give liberty to all his slaves; but knowing that their emancipation in Virginia would be more injurious than useful to them, he took them all with him into the state of Illinois, where he not only gave them their liberty, but also established them at his own expense, in such a manner that they should be able to procure for themselves a happy existence by their labour. This act of justice and humanity considerably diminished his fortune, but occasioned him no regrets. At this period, some men, led astray by ancient prejudices, endeavoured to amend that article of the constitution of the state of Illinois, which prohibits slavery: Mr. Coles opposed these men with all the ardour of his philanthropic soul, and with all the superiority of his enlightened mind. In this honourable struggle, he was sustained by the people of Illinois; justice and humanity triumphed, and soon after Mr. Coles was elected governor, by an immense majority. This was an honourable recompense, and to this there is now joined another which must be very grateful to him; his liberated negroes are perfectly successful, and afford a conclusive argument against the adversaries of emancipation.

Some hours after our departure from Kaskaskia, we were at the mouth of the Ohio, which we ascended to the mouth of Cumberland river, where we arrived before night. There we awaited the steam-boat Artizan, to take us to Nashville. When it was necessary for us to quit the Natchez, and our travelling companions from Louisiana, we experienced an oppression of feeling as if we were quitting our family and home. This feeling will be easily comprehended, when it is understood that we had passed nearly a month and travelled nearly eighteen hundred miles on board this boat, in the midst of a society, amiable, intelligent, and obliging, and of which each individual had become for us an amiable friend. On their side, Messieurs Morse, Ducros, Prieur, and Caire, manifested to us regrets not less sincere. Notwithstanding their long absence from New Orleans, they would have voluntarily prolonged their mission, to pass a longer time with their dear Lafayette; and our excellent Captain Davis warmly expressed his regrets at seeing another vessel than his own about to receive the nation’s guest; but on the other hand, the envoys from Tennessee were not disposed to cede to others the right of doing the honours of their state; and even if they had chosen to accept the services of Captain Davis, they were forced to renounce them, because the Natchez was unfit to navigate the shallow waters of the Cumberland. We were, therefore, obliged to take leave of the Louisianian committee, and that of the state of Mississippi, with great regret, and go on board of the Artizan, where we were received and treated in a manner that foretold we would soon experience a renewal of our sorrow in separating from our new companions.

CHAPTER X.

Cumberland River—Arrival at Nashville—Tennessee Militia—Residence of General Jackson—Shipwreck on the Ohio—Louisville—Journey from Louisville to Cincinnati by land—State of Kentucky—Anecdote.

On the 2d of May, at 8 o’clock in the evening, we entered Cumberland river, which we ascended all night, notwithstanding the darkness. This river, which is one of the largest tributaries of the Ohio, rises to the westward of Cumberland mountains, waters the state of Kentucky by its two branches, and Ohio by its main stream, which forms a great bend; it is navigable for about 400 miles. By daylight we were able to judge of the richness of the country it traverses, from the great number of boats, loaded with all kinds of produce, that we passed. As the banks of Cumberland river are flat, and sometimes swampy, from its mouth to the vicinity of Nashville, no town is met with on its shores; all the establishments are situated some distance back, and, therefore, we were unable to visit them; but many of the inhabitants came in boats to salute the general, this retarded our progress, as we were obliged to stop every moment to receive or dismiss the visiters.

Wednesday, May 4th, we remarked that the banks of the river were considerably elevated above our heads, and presented agreeable and healthy situations for cities or villages; at 8 o’clock no houses were, as yet, in sight, but we heard in the distance the sound of bells, announcing our vicinity to population, and preparations for some solemnity; a few moments afterwards we perceived on the horizon the spires of buildings, and on a plain at a short distance from us a dense crowd of men, women, and children, who appeared to be expecting with great solicitude the arrival of something extraordinary, and when our vessel came sufficiently near to be recognized, a joyful shout arose from the shore, and the air resounded with cries of “Welcome, Lafayette;” this was the salutation of the inhabitants of Nashville to the guest of the nation. This welcome was continued without interruption until we had arrived beyond the city, at the place for disembarking, where the general was received by the illustrious Jackson, who ascended a carriage with him to conduct him to Nashville, several corps of cavalry preceded them, and the procession formed behind them was composed of all our fellow travellers, joined by a multitude of citizens from the neighbourhood; we entered the city by a wide avenue, lined on each side by militia remarkable for the brilliancy of their uniforms, and their soldier-like appearance under arms; it was easy to recognise by their martial air, that their ranks contained great numbers of those intrepid citizen soldiers, by whom the English were overthrown under the walls of New Orleans. In entering the city, the procession passed under a triumphal arch, on the summit of which were these words, also repeated at every moment by the crowd, “Welcome, Lafayette, the friend of the United States!” Above this floated the American flag, attached to a lance surmounted by a liberty cap. After having traversed the principal streets, we arrived at the public square, which was decorated with thousands of flags, suspended from the windows; it was also ornamented by a triumphal arch, under which was an elevated platform, where the governor of the state waited to salute the guest of the nation. His speech was not only touching from the sentiments of affection and gratitude with which it was filled, but it was also remarkable for the truth and fidelity with which it sketched the actual situation of Tennessee, and the rapidity of its growth under the influence of liberty and wise laws. General Lafayette replied with that heartfelt emotion, and that happy choice of expression, which so often, during his journey, excited the astonishment and admiration of those who heard him. Forty officers and soldiers of the revolution, the most part enfeebled by age, and some mutilated in war, notwithstanding which they had assembled from all parts of the state to assist at the triumph of their old general, now advanced from the two sides of the arch, amidst the acclamations of the people, and showered upon him marks of affection and patriotic recollections; among them was one, remarkable above all the others for his great age, and the vivacity with which he expressed his joy; he threw himself into the general’s arms, weeping and exclaiming, “I have enjoyed two happy days in my life, that when I landed with you at Charleston in 1777, and the present, now that I have seen you once again, I have nothing more to wish for, I have lived long enough.” The emotion of this old man was communicated to the whole crowd, and there was a profound silence for some time. Notwithstanding his infirmities he had travelled more than fifty leagues to procure this moment of happiness. We afterwards learnt that his name was Hagy, that he was born in Germany, and that he had come over to America in the vessel with Lafayette, and had been under his orders during the whole war of the revolution. General Lafayette, after devoting a few moments to the affection of his old companions in arms, re-entered the carriage with the governor, and went to the beautiful residence of Dr. M’Nairy, who had prepared accommodations for us, and who, with his whole family, received us with the most amiable hospitality. The general was received at the door by the municipal body and the mayor, who addressed him in the name of the inhabitants of Nashville. After the reply of the general to this speech, the people gave three cheers, and retired in silence, to permit their guest to take a little repose before dinner; but the general profited by this occasion to visit Mrs. Jackson, whom he understood to be in the town, and to Mrs. Littlefield, the daughter of his old fellow soldier and friend, General Greene.

At four o’clock another procession came to conduct us to a public dinner, at which more than two hundred citizens sat down, and which was presided over by General Jackson. Among the guests was a venerable old man, named Timothy Demundrune, the first white man who settled in Tennessee. According to the American custom, the repast was terminated by the frank and energetic expression of each guest’s opinion on the acts of the administration, and the public character of the magistrates, and candidates for the different offices; among these numerous toasts I will only cite the three following, which appeared to me as peculiarly well adapted to demonstrate the predominant sentiments of the people of Tennessee.

“The present age—it encourages the reign of liberal principles. Kings are forced to unite against liberty, and despotism to act on the defensive.”

“France—republican or monarchical, in glory or misfortune, she always has claims on our gratitude.”

“Lafayette—tyrants have oppressed him, but freemen honour him.”

After this last toast, the general rose, expressed his thanks, and begged permission to give the following: “The State of Tennessee, and Nashville, its capital—may our heritage of revolutionary glory be for ever united to the unfading laurels of the last war, and thus form a perpetual bond of union between all parts of the American confederation.”

The president then gave the signal for departure, and we went to the masonic lodge, where three hundred brothers, in the most brilliant costume, received us with the most affectionate cordiality. We passed a true family evening with them. An eloquent orator, Mr. William Hunt, delivered an excellent discourse, which, in a masonic form, embodied the most noble precepts of patriotism and philanthropy; and the meeting terminated by an elegant collation, at the end of which the general proposed a toast, which was received with the greatest enthusiasm; it was to the memory of our illustrious brother Riego, the martyr of liberty! In retiring to our quarters at Dr. M‘Nairy’s, we found the town brilliantly illuminated, and a great number of houses decorated with transparencies representing General Lafayette, with a variety of ingenious emblems.

The next morning, as soon as we rose, we proceeded to the southward of the city, where we found all the militia of the adjoining counties collected in a camp, which they occupied for some days whilst waiting for the arrival of Lafayette; some of the corps we saw under arms, had come, we were told, more than fifty miles, to add by their presence to the solemnity of the reception given to the guest of the nation. The general, after having seen them manœuvre before him, went through their ranks to express his admiration of their discipline, and his gratitude for the proofs of affection they had shown him. During this time, Mr. George Lafayette and myself conversed with an officer of the staff, who had the goodness to give us some details as to the organization of the military force of Tennessee.

This officer might perhaps be thought to have been enthusiastic in his praises, and to have shown much national vanity, but I am persuaded he only spoke as he felt. He extolled the military qualities of his fellow citizens, from conviction, and as he would have praised, in strangers, any points he thought worthy of commendation. I have often remarked that the Americans, in general, are little given to the species of hypocrisy we term modesty, and with which we think we should always veil ourselves when we are speaking of our own virtues. They believe, and I am of their opinion, that true modesty does not consist in depreciating ourselves, but in not speaking with exaggeration or without cause of our own merits.

A frugal repast, prepared and served by the military, under a tent, terminated this visit to the camp of the Tennessee militia, after which we returned to the city, where we successively visited an academy of young ladies of Nashville, and Cumberland college. In both these establishments, the general was received as a beloved father, and he left them with the sweet and consoling certainty, that the careful and excellent manner in which they inculcated learning and a love of liberty, would greatly augment the glory and perpetuate the happiness of his adopted country. The committee of instruction of Cumberland college, presented to him and to General Jackson, a resolution of the trustees, by which two new chairs, under the names of Lafayette and Jackson, for teaching the languages and philosophy, were about to be established by a voluntary subscription of the citizens of Tennessee. They both accepted this honour with great satisfaction, and subscribed their names at the bottom of the resolution before leaving the establishment, which, although recently formed, already promises the most satisfactory results.

At one o’clock, we embarked with a numerous company, to proceed to dine with General Jackson, whose residence is a few miles up the river. We there found numbers of ladies and farmers from the neighbourhood, whom Mrs. Jackson had invited to partake of the entertainment she had prepared for General Lafayette. The first thing that struck me on arriving at the general’s, was the simplicity of his house. Still somewhat influenced by my European habits, I asked myself if this could really be the dwelling of the most popular man in the United States, of him whom the country proclaimed one of her most illustrious defenders; of him, finally, who by the will of the people was on the point of becoming her chief magistrate. One of our fellow passengers, a citizen of Nashville, witnessing my astonishment, asked me, whether in France, our public men, that is to say, the servants of the public, lived very differently from other citizens? “Certainly,” said I; “thus, for example, the majority of our generals, all our ministers, and even the greater part of our subaltern administrators, would think themselves dishonoured, and would not dare to receive any one at their houses, if they only possessed such a residence as this of Jackson’s; and the modest dwellings of your illustrious chiefs of the revolution, Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, &c. would only inspire them with contempt and disgust. They must first have in the city an immense and vast edifice, called a hotel, in which two large families could live with ease, but which they fill with a crowd of servants strangely and ridiculously dressed, and whose only employment, for the most part, is to insult those honest citizens who come on foot to visit their master. They must also have another large establishment in the country, which they call a chateau, and in which they accumulate all the luxuries of furniture, decorations, entertainments, and dress, in fact, every thing that can make them forget the country. Then they must have, to enable them to go from one to the other of these habitations, a great number of carriages, horses, and servants.” “Very well,” interrupted the Tennessean, shaking his head as if in doubt, “but who provides these public officers with all the money thus swallowed up in luxury, and how do the affairs of the people go on?” “If you ask them, they will tell you that it is the king who pays them, although I can assure you that it is the nation, which is borne down by taxes for the purpose; as to business, it is both well and badly attended to, but generally the latter.” “And why do you submit to such a state of things?” “Because we cannot remedy it.” “What! you cannot remedy it? A nation so great, so enlightened as the French, cannot prevent its officers, magistrates, and servants, from enjoying, at their expense, a scandalous and immoral luxuriousness, and at the same time not attending to their duties! whilst we, who have just assumed our name among nations, are enjoying the immense advantage of only having for magistrates, men who are plain, honest, laborious, and more jealous of our esteem than solicitous for wealth. Permit me to believe that what you have told is only pleasantry, and that you wished to amuse yourself for a moment with a poor Tennessean who has never visited Europe. But rest assured, that however ignorant we may be of what passes on the other side of the water, it is not easy to make us credit things which militate so strongly against good sense and the dignity of man.” Do what I could, I could never make this good citizen of Nashville believe that I was not jesting, and was obliged to leave him in the belief that we were not worse governed in France than in the United States.

General Jackson successively showed us his garden and farm, which appeared to be well cultivated. We every where remarked the greatest order, and most perfect neatness; and we might have believed ourselves on the property of one of the richest and most skilful of the German farmers, if, at every step, our eyes had not been afflicted by the sad spectacle of slavery. Every body told us that General Jackson’s slaves were treated with the greatest humanity, and several persons assured us, that it would not surprise them, if, in a short time, their master, who already had so many claims on the gratitude of his fellow citizens, should attempt to augment it still more, by giving an example of gradual emancipation to Tennessee, which would be the more easily accomplished, as there are in this state but 79,000 slaves in a population of 423,000, and from the public mind becoming more inclined than formerly to the abolition of slavery.

On returning to the house, some friends of General Jackson, who probably had not seen him for some time, begged him to show them the arms presented to him in honour of his achievements during the last war; he acceded to their request with great politeness, and placed on a table, a sword, a sabre, and a pair of pistols. The sword was presented to him by congress; the sabre, I believe, by the army which fought under his command at New Orleans. These two weapons, of American manufacture, were remarkable for their finish, and still more so for the honourable inscriptions, with which they were covered. But it was to the pistols, that General Jackson wished more particularly to draw our attention; he handed them to General Lafayette, and asked him if he recognized them. The latter, after examining them attentively for a few minutes, replied that he fully recollected them, to be a pair he had presented in 1778 to his paternal friend Washington, and that he experienced a real satisfaction in finding them in the hands of one so worthy of possessing them. At these words the face of old Hickory was covered with a modest blush, and his eye sparkled as in a day of victory. “Yes! I believe myself worthy of them,” exclaimed he, in pressing the pistols and Lafayette’s hands to his breast; “if not from what I have done, at least for what I wished to do for my country.” All the bystanders applauded this noble confidence of the patriot hero, and were convinced that the weapons of Washington could not be in better hands than those of Jackson.

After dinner we took leave of General Jackson’s family, and returned to Nashville to attend a public ball which was very brilliant; and afterwards went on board the Artisan to continue our journey. Governor Carroll of Tennessee and two of his aides-de-camp accompanied us. We rapidly descended the Cumberland, and on the 7th of May again entered the Ohio, otherwise called “la belle rivière,” for it was thus the first French who discovered its shores designated this majestic body of water, which for eleven hundred miles waters the most smiling and fertile country on the globe. The Ohio is formed by the junction of the Monongahela and Alleghany at Pittsburgh, and empties itself into the Mississippi about the 37° of latitude. Its current is usually about a mile and a half per hour, but when the waters are high, it often equals that of the Mississippi, whose ordinary swiftness is four miles per hour. The water of the Ohio is said by the Americans to possess great prolific powers, and when you demand on what ground they found this opinion, they proudly point out the numerous dwellings which are infinitely multiplied on its banks, and the prodigious number of children who issue forth every morning, with a little basket of provision on their arms, to spend the day at school, to return in the evening to the paternal roof, singing the benefits of liberty.

On the 8th at break of day, we arrived opposite Shawneetown, where we landed with Governor Coles and the other members of the committee from the state of Illinois, and who, to our great regret, could not accompany us any farther. General Lafayette accepted a dinner provided for him by the inhabitants of that town. We continued our voyage, urging the speed of our small vessel with the whole power of the engine. Notwithstanding the departure of Governor Coles and his companions, we still had a numerous company on board. All the beds in the great cabin, were occupied by the deputations from Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, and by other persons who had asked permission to accompany General Lafayette to Louisville. The general, his son, Mr. de Syon, and the author of this journal, shared in common, what is called the ladies’ cabin, situated in the stern of the vessel, and which could only be reached by descending about a dozen steps.

During the whole of the 8th we worked hard. The general replied to a great number of letters, which were addressed to him every day from all parts of the Union, and dictated to me some directions to the superintendant at La Grange; indicating what changes and improvements he wished made before his return to France. Being somewhat fatigued by this labour, he retired early to bed, and was already asleep, when at 10 o’clock, Mr. George Lafayette, coming below from the deck where he had been walking, expressed his astonishment that in so dark a night, our captain did not come to, or at least abate the speed of the vessel. We fully agreed in the justice of this remark, but being accustomed for some months to permit no difficulty to arrest us, and to travel at all times, we soon began to speak of other things, and Mr. George Lafayette also laid down and slept with every feeling of safety. I remained conversing with Mr. de Syon and correcting some notes. With the exception of the pilot and two men, every body was asleep around us, and at 11 o’clock the profound silence that reigned on board, was only broken by the deep grating of the engine and the dashing of the water against the sides of the vessel. Twelve o’clock struck, and sleep was beginning to invite us to repose, when our vessel suddenly received a horrible shock, and stopped short. At this extraordinary concussion, the general awoke with a start, his son sprung from his bed, half dressed, and I ran on deck to learn what was the matter. I there found two of our fellow passengers, whom anxiety had brought up, but who were returning, saying we had probably struck on a sand bank, and that there was no danger. Not trusting this opinion, I went into the great cabin; all the passengers were in a state of great agitation, but still in doubt as to the nature of the accident; some had not even quitted their beds. Decided on not going below without positively ascertaining the real state of things, I seized a light and ran forward, the captain arrived there about the same time, we opened the hatches, and ran forward; the hold was already half filled with water, which rushed in torrents through a large opening. “A snag! a snag!” cried the captain, “hasten Lafayette to my boat! bring Lafayette to my boat.” This cry of distress had reached the great cabin, and every mouth repeated it with dismay, but it had not been heard in our cabin, where I found the general, who had, by the advice of his son, permitted himself to be partly dressed by his faithful Bastien. “What news?” said he, on seeing me enter. “That we shall go to the bottom, general, if we cannot extricate ourselves, and we have not a moment to spare.” And I immediately began to collect my papers, which I threw pell-mell into my port-folio; George Lafayette on his part, hastily collected those objects he thought most necessary to his father, and begged him to follow us, but his toilet not being yet made, he wished us to go first and provide means of escape. “What!” cried his son, “do you think that in such circumstances we will leave you for a moment?” and immediately we each seized a hand and dragged him towards the door. He followed us, smiling at our haste, and began to ascend with us, but had scarcely reached the middle of the stairs, when he perceived that he had forgotten his snuff-box, ornamented with a picture of Washington, and wished to return for it; I went to the end of the cabin, found it and brought it to him. At this time the rolling of the vessel was so violent and irregular, and the tumult over our heads augmented to such a degree, that I believed we should not have time to escape before she sunk. At last, we reached the deck, where all the passengers were in the greatest confusion, some bringing their trunks, others looking for the boat, and crying out for Lafayette. He was already in the midst of them, but owing to the darkness of the night, no one recognised him; the boat heeled so much to starboard, that it was with difficulty we could keep our footing on deck. The captain assisted by two sailors, had brought his boat to this side, and I heard his sonorous voice crying out, Lafayette! Lafayette! but we could not reach him on account of the confusion around us. Nevertheless the vessel heeled more and more, each moment augmented the danger, we felt that it was time to make a last effort, and pushed into the middle of the crowd, where I cried, “here is General Lafayette!” This exclamation produced the effect I anticipated. The most profound silence succeeded to the confusion, a free passage was opened for us, and all those who were ready to spring into the boat, spontaneously checked themselves, not wishing to think of their own safety before that of Lafayette was ascertained. The difficulty was now to determine the general himself to depart before all his fellow passengers, and almost alone, for the boat would only hold a few persons, but he was soon obliged to yield to the will of all, energetically expressed by each; the irregular concussions of the vessel, and the rocking of the boat which was more than four feet lower than our deck, rendered a passage from one to the other extremely difficult, especially in the dark. The most active young man would not have hazarded a leap, for from the darkness he would have risked plunging in the water; great precautions were therefore to be adopted, as regarded the general. I went first into the boat, and whilst the captain kept her as near as possible to the vessel, two persons descended with the general, holding him under the shoulders. I received him in my arms, but his weight added to my own on the side of the boat, nearly capsized it, and losing my equilibrium, I should probably have fallen into the water with him, if Mr. Thibeaudot, formerly president of the senate of Louisiana, had not given me his support, and thus saved us both. As soon as we were assured that the general was safely on board, we pushed off as rapidly as possible, to prevent the other passengers from overloading our slight batteau. Although the greatest difficulties were overcome, all danger was not passed. The land was to be made; but at what distance was it from us? towards what shore should we direct our course? This the darkness of the night prevented us from ascertaining with certainty. Our captain soon made up his mind with decision. Holding the rudder with a firm grasp, he directed us to the left bank, and ordered his two sailors to row gently. In less than three minutes we happily reached a bank covered with a thick wood.

In landing, our first care was to count and recognise each other; we were nine: the captain, two sailors, General Lafayette, Mr. Thibeaudot, Doctor Shelly, carrying in his arms a child of about seven years of age, a daughter of a presbyterian clergyman, the father of the child and myself. It was then only that the general perceived that his son was not with him, and immediately his habitual coolness in the presence of danger abandoned him. He was filled with anxiety, and in a state of the most violent agitation. He began to call, George! George! with all his strength, but his voice was drowned by the cries which arose from the vessel, and by the terrible noise made by the steam escaping from the engine, and received no answer. In vain, to re-assure him, I represented to him that his son was a good swimmer, and that he doubtless had remained on board voluntarily, and with his coolness he would escape all danger. Nothing had any effect; he continued to traverse the shore calling on George. I then threw myself into the boat with the captain to go to the succour of those who so much needed it. The vessel still floated, but almost on her beam ends. The captain mounted on board, and I received in his place a dozen persons, who precipitated themselves into the boat, and whom I carried to land, without having been able to speak to George, Mr. de Syon, or Bastien. I dared not give an account of this first attempt to the general, and therefore made preparations for another trip, when a horrible crash and cries of despair announced to me that the vessel was sinking. At the same instant, I heard the water agitated in several directions by the efforts of those who were saving themselves by swimming. Mr. Thibeaudot, who had advanced into the water in order to judge better of what was passing, and to afford assistance to those who needed it, perceived a man, exhausted with fatigue, drowning a few paces from the shore, in a spot where the water was only three feet in depth. He drew him out with such ease, that a child might have rendered him the same service, and laid him on the grass. But the unfortunate man was so agitated by fear, that he continued to make on land all the movements of swimming, and would perhaps have killed himself by these useless efforts, if Mr. Thibeaudot had not succeeded in calming him. At every instant, other persons arrived on shore, and among them I always expected to recognise Mr. George Lafayette; and the general demanded news of his son from all, but in vain. I now myself began to fear for him. Another arrival of the boat informed us that the vessel had not entirely sunk; that the starboard side was under water, but that the larboard and gangway were still above it; and that a great number of passengers had taken refuge there. Thinking that there was an urgent necessity for succouring those who remained in this critical situation, I again entered the boat, and aided by a sailor approached the vessel. I first arrived at the prow; I called George with all my strength, but there was no answer. I then dropped along her side to the stern. In passing, I heard a voice over head cry out, “Is that you, Mr. Levasseur?” I listened and examined attentively; it was our poor Bastien, who was holding with difficulty to the roof of the upper cabin, the pitch of which was very great from the oversetting of the vessel. As soon as I came near him, he slid down and fortunately fell into the boat. When I arrived at the stern, I again called George; he instantly answered me. His voice appeared to be perfectly calm. “Are you in safety?” said I. “I could not be better,” replied he gaily. This reply gave me much relief, for my fears were really becoming serious. At the same instant, Mr. Walsh of Missouri, who was near him, gave me every thing that could be saved of our baggage. This was a small portmanteau of Mr. George Lafayette’s, a bag of his father’s, my own port-folio, which I had thrown on the deck when I was aiding the general to descend, and about sixty out of the two hundred letters we had prepared for the post, on the preceding days; all the others were lost. I now returned to land with Bastien and two other persons I had received in the boat, and hastened to assure the general of the safety of his son.

As I had satisfied myself that the vessel, having found support, could not sink any deeper, and consequently that there was no farther danger to those on board, I thought that I might dispense with making other voyages, and occupy myself a little with the general, for whom we established a good bivouac around a large fire of dry branches. In the midst of this occupation, Mr. George and Mr. de Syon, with the remainder of the passengers, arrived. We then learnt that at the moment of the wreck, Mr. George, seeing that I was in the boat to watch over his father, had returned to the cabin, into which the water had already penetrated, and had made Bastien and Mr. de Syon, who were imprudently endeavouring to save their effects, leave it. Then, only yielding ground as the water forced him, he had indefatigably occupied himself with the care of those around him. At one moment, the water reached to the middle of his body. But his coolness and presence of mind reassured some persons, who, without him, would perhaps have been dismayed and exposed to the greatest danger. Finally, we were told, he would not leave the vessel, until he was satisfied, that all who remained on board belonged to her and could dispense with his assistance. “Mr. George Lafayette must often have been shipwrecked,” said the captain, “for he has behaved tonight as if he was accustomed to such adventures.”

From other accounts, it appears that almost immediately after the departure of the general, the water entered our cabin with a violence which would not have permitted us to leave it, if we had remained there a few minutes longer.

When we were well assured that no person had perished, we lighted several large fires as well for the purpose of drying ourselves, as to discover our situation. The general slept for some moments on a mattrass which had been found floating, and was nearly dry on one side. The rest waited impatiently for day, and occupied ourselves in cutting wood to keep up the fires. A tolerably heavy rain added to our troubles, but fortunately it was not of long continuance.

At day break, they recommenced their trips to the vessel, to endeavour to save some of the baggage and to procure food. The captain, Governor Carrol of Tennessee, and a young Virginian, Mr. Crawford, directed these researches with great activity. It was a singular and touching event, to see a governor of a state, that is to say, a first magistrate of a republic, without shoes, stockings or hat, doing the duty of a boatman as if it had been his real occupation, and that much more for the benefit of others than for himself, for he had very little on board to lose by the shipwreck. Those different searches obtained us a trunk belonging to the general, in which were his most valuable papers, and a small part of the passengers’ baggage. They also brought a leg of smoked venison, some biscuits, a case of claret and a keg of Madeira. With these provisions, about fifty men, for such was our number, repaired their strength, exhausted by a night of labour and anxiety.

The day, on its return, shone on an interesting picture. The shore was covered with wrecks of all kinds, in the midst of which each eagerly searched for their own property; some mournfully recounted the extent of their losses, others could not avoid laughing at the nakedness or costume in which they found themselves; this gaiety soon became prevalent, and pleasantries circulated around the fires of our bivouac, and at last smoothed the visages of the most sorrowful, and almost transformed our shipwreck into a party of pleasure.

At nine o’clock we induced the general to cross the river, and go to a house we perceived on the other bank, to shelter himself from the storm which threatened us. Mr. Thibeaudot and Bastien accompanied him. He had scarcely left us, when one of the party, who was on the look out on the shore, pointed out to us a steam-boat descending the river, and immediately afterwards another. This double news filled us with joy and hope. Soon these two vessels arrived opposite to us and stopped. One of them, a vessel of large size and remarkable beauty, was the Paragon; she came from Louisville and was going to New Orleans, with a heavy cargo of whiskey and tobacco. By a very lucky circumstance for us, one of our companions in misfortune, Mr. Neilson, was one of the owners of this vessel, and hastened to put it at the disposal of the Tennessee committee to transport General Lafayette, generously taking on himself all the chances of another misfortune and the loss of insurance. Immediately our whole party, abandoning our bivouac, repaired on board of the Paragon. Before leaving the captain of the Artisan, who remained with his vessel to endeavour to save something, we offered him our services, which he peremptorily refused, assuring us that he had hands enough for this work. But the poor man was very much depressed, not from the loss of the vessel, nor that of 1200 dollars he had on board, or even from any fear of not finding employment; his grief arose from having shipwrecked the guest of the nation. “Never,” said he, “will my fellow citizens pardon me for the perils to which Lafayette was exposed last night.” To endeavour to calm him, we drew up and all signed a declaration, in which we attested that the loss of the Artisan could not be attributed either to the unskilfulness or imprudence of Captain Hall, whose courage and disinterestedness had been experienced by us all during the accident. This declaration, which was sincere on the part of all the signers, appeared to give him great pleasure, but did not entirely console him. As soon as the Paragon got under way, I went with Mr. George Lafayette in search of his father. After half an hour’s rowing, we re-joined our new vessel, which in two days, and without accident, conducted us to Louisville, where we remained twenty-four hours. It was about 125 miles from that place, near the mouth of Deer Creek, that we met with our misfortune.

The entertainments given to General Lafayette at Louisville were marred by the stormy weather; but the expression of public feeling was not the less pleasing to him. The idea of the danger he had incurred, excited in all breasts a tender solicitude, which every one testified with that simplicity and truth of expression only appertaining to freemen. In the midst of the joy occasioned by the arrival of Lafayette, the citizens of Louisville did not forget the noble disinterestedness of Mr. Neilson, to whom they presented the strongest proofs of gratitude. His name was coupled with that of the general, in the toasts they gave at the public dinner. The insurance company declared that the Paragon should remain insured without an additional charge, and the city presented him a magnificent piece of plate, on which was engraved the thanks of the Tennesseans and Kentuckians for the generous manner in which he had risked the greater part of his fortune that the national guest should receive no delay nor inconvenience in his journey.

The day after our arrival, notwithstanding the badness of the weather, the general crossed the Ohio to accept the invitation that was sent him by the citizens of Jeffersonville in the state of Indiana. He remained there some hours, and returned in the evening to Louisville to attend a dinner, ball, and various spectacles that had been prepared for him. On Friday morning, the 12th of May, after having presented a standard to a corps of volunteer cavalry that had been expressly formed some days previous, to escort him on his arrival, he began his journey by land to Cincinnati, passing through the state of Kentucky, as he wished to visit its principal towns, Frankfort, Lexington, &c. Governor Carrol, who, after having fulfilled his mission, in placing the guest of the nation under the care of the Kentucky committee, wished to return home, with his staff, yielded to the pressing invitations which were given him by the committee to accompany General Lafayette yet farther. On the day of our departure, all the militia were under arms. We found, by their excellent discipline, armament and uniforms, that they strongly resembled those of Tennessee, with whom they are united in brotherly feeling, to which the events of the last war gave a new force.

At the end of our first day’s journey, we arrived at Shelbyville, a large and flourishing village, situated in the midst of a most fertile and diversified country; the next day, at four o’clock in the afternoon, the general made his entrance into Frankfort, the seat of government of Kentucky. The entertainments given on this occasion by the inhabitants of the town, to which were joined those of the neighbouring counties, were very brilliant, and strongly impressed with that ardent and patriotic character which distinguishes all the states of the Union, but which, among the Kentuckians, is more manifest, and expressed with all the energy of a young people, enthusiastic in the cause of liberty.

After having traversed the principal streets of Frankfort, we arrived in the centre of the town, where we stopped in front of a triumphal arch, under which the governor waited for the guest of the nation; the sound of a cannon, discharged from a neighbouring hill which overlooked all the neighbourhood, arrested the acclamations of the people, when the governor advanced in the midst of a profoundly silent and attentive crowd, and delivered an eloquent and appropriate address. This discourse was loudly applauded by the multitude, and I heard it asserted every where around me that it was impossible to express the sentiments of the people of Kentucky with greater exactness.

After passing several hours in receiving visits and marks of friendship from the whole population, the general went to a dinner that had been prepared for him in the public square. The table was of a semi-circular form, and contained places for eight hundred persons, in order that all the detachments of militia that had escorted General Lafayette from Louisville might be accommodated, as well as a great number of officers from Tennessee and Kentucky, who had particularly distinguished themselves during the last war, as General Adair, Colonel M‘Affee, &c.

Notwithstanding his desire to avoid transgressing any of the established customs of the United States, the general was obliged to travel on Sunday, for his time was rigorously appropriated until his arrival at Boston, where he was obliged to be on the 17th of June. We therefore set out on Saturday, the 14th of May, from Frankfort, and travelling almost without stopping, till we reached Lexington, which we entered on Monday, about the middle of the day. On the way, we visited the pretty little town of Versailles, where we remained some hours, to attend a public dinner, given by the citizens of the town and the surrounding country; and we slept on Sunday night about three miles from Lexington, where, on Monday morning, a large body of militia cavalry, conducted by a deputation from Lafayette county, arrived to escort the general. The procession was formed on an eminence from whence we could discover Louisville in the distance, with the fertile fields that surrounded it. We took up the line of march about eight o’clock. The rain fell in torrents, and the sky covered with thick clouds, presaged a bad day; but at the moment we began to enter the town, a discharge of artillery from a neighbouring hill announced the arrival of the procession; and at this signal the rain ceased, as if by enchantment, the clouds dispersed, and the returning sun discovered to us the neighbouring country, covered with crowds of people anxiously expecting the arrival of the national guest. This almost magic scene added still more to the enthusiasm of the multitude, and their joyful acclamations were mingled with the continued roar of artillery which surrounded us. The entertainments at Lexington were extremely brilliant; but of the proofs of public felicity, that which most attracted the general’s attention, was the developement and rapid progress of instruction among all classes of people. In fact, is it not an admirable and astonishing circumstance, to find in a country, which not forty years ago was covered with immense forests, inhabited by savages, a handsome town of six thousand inhabitants, and containing two establishments for public instruction, which, by the number of their pupils, and the variety and nature of the branches taught, may rival the most celebrated colleges and universities in the principal towns of Europe? We first visited the college for young men, superintended by President Holly, who received the general at the door of the establishment, and addressed him in an eloquent speech, in which, after having described what Lafayette had accomplished in his youth, for the liberation of North America, he expressed a regret that his efforts had not been equally successful in the regeneration of France. Then reverting to a more consoling topic, he rapidly sketched a picture of American prosperity and the happy influence his visit would produce on the rising generation.

The general replied to the various points of President Holly’s speech with his accustomed felicity of expression, and afterwards took his place, in a large hall, prepared for the exercises of the young men; where, in the presence of the public, he was addressed in Latin, English and French, by three of the pupils, whose compositions, as eloquently written as well delivered, merited the plaudits of the auditors. He replied to each of the young orators in a manner that proved that the three languages they had used were equally familiar to him, and that his heart was deeply moved by the expression of their youthful patriotism. He was not less pleased with his visit to the academy of young ladies, directed by Mrs. Dunham, and instituted under the name of the Lafayette academy; one hundred and fifty pupils received him with the harmonious sound of a patriotic song composed by Mrs. Holly, and accompanied on the piano by Miss Hammond; several young ladies afterwards complimented him; some in prose, and others in verse, of their own composition. The discourse of Miss M’Intosh and the beautiful ode of Miss Nephew, produced a great effect on the audience, and drew tears from eyes little accustomed to such emotions.

From so many and touching proofs of esteem and veneration for his character, General Lafayette experienced feelings it was impossible for him adequately to express. Surrounded and caressed by these tender and innocent creatures, he abandoned himself to those sweet emotions, to which, in spite of age, his heart has not become insensible; and he could not avoid repeating how much he felt his happiness in having combated during his youth, for a people whose descendants testified such affection for him; and the profound knowledge, even the youngest of the children appeared to possess of every action of his life, penetrated him with the liveliest gratitude. At last, he tore himself from a scene of emotion, too violent to be supported for any length of time, assuring the directress of the academy, that he was proud of the honour of seeing his name attached to an establishment so beneficial in its aim, and happy in its results.

In the midst of entertainments of all kinds, the description of which would be impossible, General Lafayette did not forget what he owed to the memory and former friendship of his old companions; having ascertained that the widow of General Scott lived at Lexington, he went to her house to pay his respects. This visit was highly gratifying, not only to Mrs. Scott and her family, but also to all who had known General Scott, whose noble character and patriotic conduct during the revolutionary war will always be cited with pride by his fellow-citizens.

General Lafayette did not overlook another friendship, which, although more recent, was not less sincere. After this visit he went a mile from Lexington, to Ashland, the charming seat of Mr. Clay; the honourable secretary of state was absent, but Mrs. Clay and her children performed all the honours of the house with the most amiable cordiality. This step of the general’s was very pleasing to the citizens of Lexington, which was a proof to me, that the popularity of Mr. Clay, which rests on his talents and services, has not been diminished among his fellow citizens by the gross and perhaps unwarrantable attacks made on him by some party journals at the time of the presidential election.

After forty-eight hours of uninterrupted entertainments, we left Lexington, where we parted with Governor Carrol and almost all our companions from Tennessee, Louisiana, Frankfort, &c. and only accompanied by a detachment of volunteer cavalry from Georgetown, we turned suddenly to the left, and in thirty-six hours arrived at that point in the Ohio, on which is situated the handsome city of Cincinnati, in which General Lafayette was expected with the greatest impatience. This journey, from Louisville to Cincinnati, gave us the advantage of seeing the prodigies of art effected by liberty, in a country which civilization has scarcely snatched from savage nature.

In 1775, Kentucky was only known from the reports of some bold hunters, who had dared to establish themselves among the ferocious tribes who inhabited that country. Its name alone, formed of the Indian word Kentucke, signifying river of blood, always recalled to the dismayed whites the numerous murders committed on the first among them who had attempted to enter it, and appeared as if it would deter them from ever establishing themselves there; but the courage, activity, and perseverance of a Carolinian, named Boon, succeeded, after many unsuccessful attempts, in forming a settlement of sufficient size to resist the reiterated attacks of the Indians. Soon after, the revolutionary war, which gave liberty and independence to the English colonies, having terminated, the activity of the inhabitants of the northern states, urging them perpetually to new enterprises, the tide of emigration flowed towards Kentucky, and in the year 1790, the population of this country already amounted to near 74,000. Until this time Kentucky had always been looked upon as a part of Virginia, but then, by consent of that state, it was separated, and formed into a distinct state, which was admitted into the Union in 1782; its population is now 560,000. The Indians, either destroyed, or driven back to distant parts, by civilization, have left the field open to the industry of the whites; in the place of the ancient forests that served them for an asylum, are now found populous cities, abundant harvests, and active and prosperous manufactures; finally, Kentucky, in spite of its ominous name, has become a hospitable land, and is now one of the most brilliant stars in the new constellation of the west. The courage displayed by the inhabitants of Kentucky during the last war is well known, and in what manner they expressed their patriotic sentiments in the presence of Lafayette. Nevertheless, I will relate the following anecdote, which proves how deeply the hatred of despotism is imparted in the breasts of every class among these happy people.

During a pleasant day of our journey, I ascended a steep hill on foot, on the summit of which I stopped near an isolated cabin, in order to wait for the carriages, which slowly followed me, and were still far in the rear, for I had walked rapidly. A man, who was smoking his segar at the door of the house, asked me to walk in and rest myself. I accepted, with gratitude, this polite invitation. The difficulty with which I expressed my thanks in English marked me for a stranger, and induced a number of questions, as to the place whence I came, where I was going, and the motives of my journey. As these questions appeared to be dictated rather from a feeling of kindness, than from indiscreet curiosity, I hastened to answer with all possible politeness. “Well!” exclaimed my host in a joyful tone, “since you have the happiness of living with Lafayette, you will not refuse to drink a glass of whiskey with me to his health,” and segars and whiskey were immediately presented to me, and we began to converse on what appeared most to interest my Kentucky entertainer, the guest of the nation. After exhausting this subject, he spoke of my country, and the extraordinary man who had bestowed upon it fifteen years of glory and despotism. He seemed enthusiastic on the military exploits of Napoleon, and deeply afflicted at his unhappy end. “Why,” said he, “had he the folly to give himself up, in his misfortunes, to his most cruel enemy, to the English government, whose perfidy he had so often experienced? why did he not rather seek an asylum on our hospitable shores? Here he would have found admirers, and what is better, sincere friends, in the midst of whom, freed from all inquietude, he might have peacefully enjoyed the recollection of his great actions.” “I suspect,” answered I, “that you know little of Napoleon’s character; his soul was not formed for the mild enjoyments of peace; he constantly required new food for the prodigious activity of his genius; and who knows, that if seduced by new dreams of ambition, at the view of the resources of a new country, he would not have attempted to substitute, as he did with us, his own will for your wise institutions?” “We should have considered such an attempt as an act of madness,” replied my host with a smile of disdain, “but if, against all probabilities, we had submitted for a moment to his tyrannous ascendency, his success would have been fatal to him. Look at that rifle,” added he, pointing to one in a corner of the room, “with that I never miss a pheasant in our woods at a hundred yards; a tyrant is larger than a pheasant, and there is not a Kentuckian who is not as patriotic and skilful as myself.”

CHAPTER XI.

Arrival at Cincinnati—Entertainments given by that city—Swiss of Vevay—State of Ohio—The Vinton family—Journey from Wheeling to Uniontown—Speech of Mr. Gallatin—New Geneva—Bradock’s field—General Washington’s first feat of arms—Pittsburgh.

On the 19th of May, at 10 o’clock in the morning, we arrived on the left bank of the Ohio. The first object that attracted my view on the side, and almost opposite to us, was the handsome city of Cincinnati, majestically covering a large amphitheatre, at the foot of which, the river, upwards of half a mile in width, flows peaceably. Several boats, carrying a deputation from the city of Cincinnati, and some officers of the staff, had been waiting since morning for the arrival of General Lafayette. We entered, with our fellow travellers from Frankfort, into the handsomest of these boats, and rapidly crossed the river. We landed under a salute of thirteen guns, and cries of “Welcome, Lafayette,” repeated by thousands of voices in honour of the guest of America. In presence of the people assembled on the banks of the river, and of several regiments of militia formed in line, Governor Morrow received him in the name of the state, and having placed him by his side in a calash, conducted him to the hotel in the midst of enthusiastic testimonies which it would be impossible to describe.

It was General Harrison, whose name is so gloriously associated with the principal events of the last war, who received General Lafayette at his quarters, and addressed him in the name of the state of Ohio. In a discourse, filled with sentiments of tenderness and gratitude towards Lafayette, General Harrison drew a picture of the prodigious increase and prosperity, of which the state of Ohio and city of Cincinnati offered a most admirable example.

When the address was concluded, the crowd, which filled the apartments, pressed with ardour around General Lafayette, each anxious to be personally introduced to him. Many revolutionary soldiers were present, who were not the least zealous in claiming the right to shake hands with their ancient comrade. There was also a citizen of Cincinnati, whose name and aspect excited the most tender emotions in the general’s heart. This was Mr. Morgan Neville, son of Major Neville, his former aide-de-camp and friend, and maternal grandson of the celebrated Morgan, who, by his talents and bravery, at the head of his corps of partizans, during the war of independence, gained great reputation. After some moments devoted to official introductions, and reciprocal felicitations, the general returned his thanks to General Harrison, and we proceeded with a numerous train of free masons to the masonic hall, where many lodges had met to receive the nation’s guest, and offer fraternal congratulations upon his arrival in the state of Ohio.

A public dinner and display of fire-works from the highest part of the town, terminated the day, which was only the prelude to entertainments on the morrow, more splendid than had ever before been witnessed in Ohio.

The first honours which the general received at sunrise, were from the boys and girls belonging to the public schools. Assembled to the number of six hundred, under the superintendance of their teachers, these children were ranged in the principal street, where they made the air echo with Welcome, Lafayette. When the general appeared before them, their young hands scattered flowers under his feet, and Dr. Ruter advancing, delivered him an address in their name, the sentiments of which sensibly affected the general, who wished to express his acknowledgements to the doctor, but, at the moment, was surrounded by the children, who in a most lively manner stretched out their little hands to him, and filled the air with their cries of joy. He received their caresses and embraces with the tenderness of a parent who returns to his family after a long absence, and then replied to Dr. Ruter’s address.

Whilst this ceremony was going on, the militia were called to arms, and at eleven o’clock appeared, formed in line of battle, upon the public square. In front appeared the fine companies commanded by Captains Harrison, Emerson, and Avery. The general passed them in review. Immediately afterwards came the mechanics, forming a long procession, in the midst of which floated the flags representing their various trades. The barge in which Lafayette had the preceding evening crossed the Ohio, followed, mounted upon four wheels, with its oars trimmed and flag floating in the air. A detachment of revolutionary soldiers marched around her. We were desired to place ourselves in the middle of this procession, with which we made various turns through the town on our way to a large square near the court-house. There the general mounted an elegant platform, decorated with verdure. The people pressed around him, and the harmony of a fine band of music having gained the attention of the multitude, Mr. Lee sung, to the air of the Marseillaise, a martial ode, of which the last words of each stanza were enthusiastically repeated by the spectators. A discourse upon the solemnity of the day, succeeded these patriotic songs. The orator who was to pronounce it arose, advanced towards the expecting multitude, before whom he remained some moments silent, his countenance depressed, his hand placed upon his breast, as if overcome by the greatness of the subject he was to treat. At length his sonorous voice, although slightly tremulous, was heard, and the whole assembly soon became fascinated by his eloquence. The benefits and advantages of freedom, the generous efforts made for its establishment in the two hemispheres by Lafayette, the picture of the present and future prosperity of the United States, furnished the topics of Mr. Benham’s address. He took such possession of the imagination of his auditors, that even after he had ceased speaking, the attentive crowd remained some time silent as though they still heard his voice.

Popular eloquence is one of the distinctive characteristics of the Americans of the United States. The faculty of speaking well in public is acquired by all the citizens from the universality and excellence of their education, and is developed in a higher degree by the nature of their institutions, which call upon each citizen for the exercise of that power in the discussion of public affairs. In each town, in every village, the number of persons capable of speaking before a numerous assembly, is truly surprising; and it is not uncommon to meet among them men, who, although born in obscurity, have justly acquired great reputation for eloquence. At the head of such speakers, we may mention the names of Messrs. Clay and Webster, whose parents were, I think, farmers, and who, at the present day, might appear with advantage in comparison with our most distinguished European orators.

After the address of Mr. Benham, the people dispersed, and the ceremonies were suspended until the hour for the public dinner, to allow the general some repose. We had hardly returned to Mr. Febiger’s, in whose hospitable house we lodged, when we saw thirty or forty persons arrive, who entered the drawing room, and requested permission to speak to Lafayette. “We are citizens of Vevay,” said an old man at their head, who spoke to me in French, and for whom all the rest seemed to possess great deference. “We were induced to hope that the friend of America and of liberty, would come and visit our little town, and that we should have the pleasure of showing him our vineyards, and inducing him to taste the wines of our vintage; but his passage through Kentucky deprived us of this happiness. Nevertheless, we could not miss seeing the man whose name was dear to us even before we left our country, and we resolved upon coming here to salute him.”

I communicated this to the general, who, being unable to come down at the moment, sent his son to request the visiters to wait for him a short time. They received Mr. George Lafayette with great tenderness, and after having repeated to him nearly what they had said to me, they informed us that they were all Swiss, for the most part from the canton of Vaud; that the persecutions of the local authorities, the desire of ameliorating their condition, and love of liberty, had determined them to leave their country and come to settle in the New World; that they had founded in the state of Indiana, on the banks of the Ohio, about one hundred and fifty miles from Cincinnati, a town to which they had given the name of Vevay; and that about one hundred and fifty-six families lived there, principally by the produce of their vines, the culture of which they had succeeded in introducing into this portion of the United States. Whilst we were listening to these details, the general arrived, and immediately the Swiss of Vevay having formed a semicircle to receive him, the most aged among them, whom I had heard called Father Dufour, advanced and welcomed him by an address full of feeling. When he had finished speaking, all these inhabitants of Vevay threw themselves into the arms of the general and tenderly embraced him. They had brought with them some wine of their vintage, which they presented us, and we joined them in drinking to the prosperity of their new and the regeneration of their old country.

It must be confessed that the wine of Vevay is by no means exquisite. Nevertheless, it is quite a pleasant drink, and, according to my taste, the best of the wines made in the United States.[15] Although the vine grows naturally in the forests of North America, it nevertheless submits to cultivation with difficulty, and, to the present time, it is only by the greatest care that it can be rendered productive. The sudden changes of temperature cause it to be affected with diseases which show themselves by the appearance of numerous little black spots on the leaves; and the cold nights of autumn often prevent the fruit from arriving at perfect maturity. The vine-dressers of Vevay have however succeeded tolerably well in acclimating some of the plants of Europe, which promise an abundant produce. On our way to the dinner, as we crossed the public square, we saw the gunners stationed at their park of artillery. Their elegant and martial uniform, was that of the French artillery. We were informed that this was the Vevay Artillery Company. It was, in fact, composed almost entirely of Swiss, among whom a great number had served in the artillery of the French army. Their manœuvres appeared to be executed with a precision and rapidity altogether remarkable.

In the ball which succeeded the banquet, the citizens of Cincinnati displayed the good taste and elegance which characterize a rich city, fruitful in resources and long polished by civilization. But that which charmed the general most, was the delicate attentions offered him on all sides. More than five hundred persons animated this patriotic party, at which Messrs. Morrow, governor of Ohio; Desha, governor of Kentucky; Duval, governor of Florida; Scott, major-general of the United States army; with many other personages of distinguished rank and character, were present.

At midnight, at a signal given by the Vevay artillery, we took our leave of the citizens of Cincinnati, and embarked in the Herald to continue our journey. The general could hardly force himself away from the circle of his friends, nor could he cease from expressing his admiration at the prosperity of Cincinnati, and the state of Ohio, which he denominated the eighth wonder of the world. One cannot, in fact, avoid being struck with astonishment at the sight of such prodigious creations of liberty and industry, of which this state offers so many examples. The simple progress of its population borders on the marvellous. In 1790, there were in it only 3,000, whilst at present there are nearly 800,000. In 1820, the town of Cincinnati contained only 9,642 inhabitants, now it has 18,000. Ohio is both an agricultural and manufacturing state. Its fertile soil produces abundance of grain and a variety of fruits. In the southern part they raise a little cotton, whilst the northern section is celebrated for its rich pasturage. Agriculture is said to occupy 112,000 individuals, while only about 19,000 are annually engaged in manufacturing. Last year the manufactures of wool, cotton, and thread; of leather, iron, nails, and maple sugar, amounted to nearly two millions of dollars. All these products, along with those of agriculture, have a prospect of increasing considerably every year, and the excess over the internal consumption always finds an easy market, the state of Ohio being admirably situated as to facilities of exportation. For more than four hundred miles, the beautiful river which waters its south and south-east limits is navigable for large vessels. Its northern frontiers are for seventy-five miles washed by the waters of Lake Erie, and a canal running across the whole state joins these two points, so that Ohio stands upon the great line of internal navigation which connects New York with New Orleans, passing beyond the Alleghany mountains.

To all these natural sources of prosperity, Ohio unites another advantage, which she owes to the happy construction of her constitution; namely, the abolition of slavery and involuntary servitude. A slave becomes free as soon as he touches the happy soil of Ohio; and if he does not enjoy the right of suffrage, and some other political privileges, he ought not to ascribe it to the partiality of legislators, but to the melancholy state of ignorance in which his unfortunate race still exist.

It was on the 22d of May at midnight, when we embarked on board the Herald, which was to carry us to Wheeling, a small town in Virginia, situated on the banks of the Ohio, almost on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Although we had to run more than three hundred miles, we nevertheless landed there on the 24th before night. It is true, that, during our passage, we did not stop except to take in the necessary supplies of wood, and visit some establishments which we found on the banks of the river, such as Portsmouth, Galliopolis, Marietta, &c. which, for the most part, were founded by the French, but the population is now altogether American, at least with very few exceptions. It was in one of these small towns, Galliopolis, I believe, that we visited the family of Mr. Vinton, one of the Ohio representatives to congress, who was of the small minority that voted against the national recompense given to Lafayette. Mr. Vinton had not yet returned from Washington city, but his family received the general in his behalf, with every mark of tenderness and veneration; and Mrs. Vinton did not leave him until he returned on board the Herald, whither she wished to accompany him on foot with all her relatives. This civility in the Vinton family, sensibly touched the heart of the general, and afforded him a proof, that the members of the small opposition who had voted against the proposition of the 20th of December, were not the less his sincere friends; and that, if they had hazarded their popularity among their constituents in such a case, it was, as I have before said, only from motives of public order, and a steady resolution to oppose every extraordinary measure of finance.

From Wheeling we again entered the state of Pennsylvania, by Washington, Brownsville, Uniontown, &c. In all this route, the general found the Virginia and Pennsylvania population in the same dispositions as in the preceding year; that is to say, the people every where crowding his way, and conferring upon him the greatest honours. The little town of Washington, the seat of justice for the county of the same name, distinguished itself by the brilliancy of its festivals. At Brownsville we crossed the Monongahela in a batteau, bearing twenty-four young girls dressed in white, who came to receive the general, and who crowned him with flowers the moment he came within the limits of the town. At Uniontown, the seat of justice for the county of Lafayette, he was received with a simplicity and cordiality calculated to recall the character of the founders of Pennsylvania. For the purpose of addressing their national guest, the inhabitants of Uniontown employed, as their organ of communication, one of his oldest and best friends, Mr. Gallatin, known in Europe from his diplomatic labours, and whom the American leaders have always reckoned among the number of their most able defenders.

Placed upon a stage raised in the centre of the town, Mr. Gallatin received General Lafayette, and addressed him in the name of the surrounding people, who listened in silence.

Mr. Gallatin is not of the number, unfortunately too great, of those foreigners, who, from ignorance or envy, incessantly confound the cause of legitimacy, and the happy results of the French revolution, with the horrible and sanguinary excesses afterwards perpetrated by those wretches, who were only the instruments of the servile partizans of privilege, and who, for the purpose of checking liberty in its noble career, thought to bring it into disrepute by the crimes committed in its name. The justice Mr. Gallatin rendered to the courage and wisdom of the French patriots of 1789, deeply affected General Lafayette, who expressed to him his gratitude, in a reply distinguished by its eloquence and the elevation of its sentiments.

After twenty-four hours passed, I will not say amidst entertainments, but rather in the reception of the most tender and affectionate testimonials of attachment from the inhabitants of Uniontown, the general accepted the invitation of Mr. Gallatin, to repose himself a short time in the bosom of his family; and we accordingly set out with him for New Geneva, a charming residence, situated on the high and rocky banks of the Monongahela, at some miles distance from Uniontown. A detachment of militia from the county of Lafayette, in whose ranks was a son of Mr. Gallatin, escorted us; and through the whole route we met groups of the inhabitants, who, in their joyous acclamations, blended the name of Lafayette with that of Gallatin, to which were associated the remembrance of innumerable services rendered to this part of Pennsylvania. We found at New Geneva all that could contribute to the pleasure of a visit. To the advantages of a situation happily chosen, are added the charms of an amiable and intelligent society. But the general was very far from finding there the solitude which his friend had promised him. During twenty-four hours which we remained at this delightful place, the doors remained open, to give free access to the good people of the neighbourhood, who came in crowds to salute their well beloved guest.

On the 28th of May Mr. Gallatin reconducted us to Uniontown, when we took leave of him to go to Elizabethtown, a little village situated on the banks of the Monongahela. We arrived there about twelve o’clock; when a boat, propelled by four oars, received us on board, and we descended the river to the famous Braddock’s Field, which we reached some time after sunset. We were favoured with delightful weather during our sail, which was rendered highly interesting by the conversation of our companions, the members of the committee from Uniontown. We surveyed the shores, which in times past echoed with the cries of victory from the adventurous sons of France, and which were also the witnesses of disasters which the faults of a government as presumptuous as imbecile drew upon them. The recital of the events of that period, chained our attention until the moment of our landing. It was nine o’clock when we arrived at Braddock’s field, where the English troops, under the command of a general of that name, were completely defeated in the month of July, 1755, by the French and Indians united. The principal circumstances of that memorable event are too familiar to all those whose attention has been directed to American history, for me to relate them here. I will content myself by only repeating, that, it was on that day, so fatal to British arms, that the man who has since established the glory and independence of his country, gave the first proofs of his military talents, and calm intrepidity in battle. If General Braddock had not scorned the advice of his young aide-de-camp, Washington, he would not have fought upon ground where every thing was in favour of the enemy, and thus have sacrificed his army, his fame, and his life. Although his advice was rejected, the young Washington did not fight the less heroically; and it was owing to his courage and coolness that the wreck of the conquered army was saved.

Upon the field of battle, where, even at this day, the plough could not trace a furrow without turning up bones whitened by time, and fragments of arms corroded by rust, is situated the large and elegant mansion of Mr. Wallace, by whom we, as well as our companions, were received with the most touching and amiable hospitality. We there found already assembled a numerous deputation sent by the city of Pittsburg, to meet the general, and the next morning at daylight, detachments of volunteer cavalry arrived to serve as an escort on our route to that city.

The road which led from Braddock’s field to Pittsburg, although many miles long, was soon covered by a considerable crowd, in the midst of which the cavalcade advanced slowly towards the city. On the road we visited the United States arsenal, which was about half way. The discharge of twenty-four guns announced the entrance of General Lafayette into that establishment, when Major Churchill, and the officers under his command, invited him to breakfast. After having examined the armoury and workshops, in which we remarked great regularity, order, and activity, we continued our route towards Pittsburg, where the general was received, on his entrance into the city, by the magistrates, at the head of the people, and the militia in order of battle.

I have had to describe so many triumphal entries into great and rich cities, whilst narrating General Lafayette’s incomparable journey through the twenty-four states of the American Union, that, to avoid repetition, I am obliged to pass over in silence a great number of receptions whose principal features were alike. It is for this reason I omit the account of his reception at the national hotel at Pittsburg; although that city yielded to no other in the United States in the splendour of her festivals, and in the expression of her sentiments of patriotic gratitude. But I have yet before me so long a route to survey, and so many things to relate, that I am forced to imitate Lafayette, who was obliged to shorten the delicious moments that friendship had every where prepared for him on his journey, that he might be present at the celebration at Bunker’s Hill. I will not, however, quit Pittsburg without paying my tribute of admiration to the eloquence of Mr. Shaler, who addressed the general in the name of the citizens, and that of Mr. Gazzam, charged with the presentation of the children of the public schools. These two orators, so remarkable for elevation of thought, and elegance of expression, obtained the approbation of their auditors, and excited in the heart of him whom they addressed the most profound sentiments of gratitude.

Among the persons or corporations officially presented to General Lafayette, was a group of old men, who, by their enthusiasm in speaking of old times, were easily recognized for soldiers of 1776. One of them addressing his old general, asked him if he still remembered the young soldier who first offered to carry him on a litter, when he was wounded at the battle of Brandywine? Lafayette, after having attentively surveyed him, threw himself into his arms, crying, “No, I have not forgotten Wilson, and it is a great happiness to be permitted to embrace him to-day!” Wilson himself, who asked the question, was much affected, and the incident penetrated the spectators in the most touching manner.

General Lafayette recognized one of his old companions in arms during the revolution, in the person of the Reverend Joseph Patterson, who came to visit him with the ministers of different denominations in the city and neighbouring counties. Joseph Patterson, although a clergyman, had shouldered his musket, and fought for the independence of his country through two terrible campaigns of the revolution, and had assisted at the battle of Germantown.

After having devoted the day of his arrival at Pittsburg to public ceremonies, the general wished to employ a part of the next day in visiting some of the ingenious establishments which constitute the glory and prosperity of that manufacturing city, which, for the variety and excellence of its products, deserves to be compared to our Saint-Etienne, or to Manchester in England. He was struck by the excellence and perfection of the processes employed in the various workshops which he examined; but that which interested him above all was the manufacture of glass, some patterns of which were presented to him, that, for their clearness and transparency, might have been admired even by the side of the glass of Baccarat.

Pittsburg is situated on the point where the rivers Alleghany and Monongahela mingle their waters, forming the majestic river Ohio, which, flowing towards the western and southern states, and even to the Atlantic, afford an easy outlet for the products of its industry. These, with the population, increase each year with wonderful rapidity. Pittsburg now contains eight thousand inhabitants, and a great many workmen, strangers, who are drawn hither by the prosperity of the manufactories, coming every year to communicate to them secret processes and improvements, brought to light by the activity of the European manufacturers.

CHAPTER XII.

Route from Pittsburg to Erie—Commodore Perry’s Victory—Night Scene at Fredonia—The Indian Chief at Buffalo—Falls of Niagara—Visit to Fort Niagara—Appearance of Lockport—Passage from Lockport to Rochester—Aqueduct over the Genessee River—Route by land from Rochester to Syracuse—Passage from Syracuse to Schenectady, Rome, and Utica—Grand Canal.

On leaving Pittsburg, the general was obliged to part from his old friends of the state of Ohio, represented by Governor Morrow, who had accompanied him with his staff. Conducted by a committee of the city of Pittsburg, and escorted by a company of militia, we took the route by way of Franklin, Meadville, Waterford, and Erie, to gain the shores of the great lake which bears this name. All this western portion of Pennsylvania, watered by French Creek, is remarkable for the beauty and variety of its scenery. In each of the villages through which we passed, the general was detained several hours in receiving the honours which had been prepared for him by the citizens and public officers.

The trophies suspended over our heads, the name of Perry and the view of lake Erie, necessarily directed the thoughts of the guests to the events of the last war; and in a short time the gallant deeds of the American navy became the subject of general conversation. As it was perceived that Lafayette took great pleasure in hearing a narration of the glory of the descendants of his former companions in arms, all the details of that memorable day were given him, in which, after a combat of three hours, an American squadron entirely captured a British fleet far superior in the number of guns.

In hearing the recital of those noble actions, Lafayette cast his eyes alternately on the numerous English flags that floated over his head, on the lake, the theatre of such glorious events, and on the seamen who surrounded him; and his heart was filled with pride, on perceiving that the Americans of 1813 had shown themselves worthy sons of his old fellow soldiers, the immortal heroes of the revolution of 1776.

On leaving the table, the general took leave of the inhabitants of Erie, and departed from this town at three o’clock in the afternoon, with the committee of Chatauque county, who had come to announce to him that a steam-boat was waiting at Dunkirk to take him to Buffalo. Before sunset, we left the territory of Pennsylvania and entered on that of New York. As we had fifty miles to accomplish, and as the general did not wish to detain the vessel too long, we travelled until daybreak without stopping. In this rapid journey, we passed through many large villages, the population of which, assembled in the public places around large fires, waited patiently for the arrival of the national guest to salute him with patriotic acclamations. These nocturnal scenes have left a strong impression on my mind. I shall never forget the magical effect that was produced at Fredonia. On leaving Portland, yielding to the fatigue of the preceding days, we were sleeping in the carriage notwithstanding the violent jolting occasioned by the trunks of the trees forming the road over which we were rapidly passing; on a sudden the startling explosion of a piece of artillery awoke us, and our eyes were immediately dazzled by the glare of a thousand lights, suspended to the houses and trees that surrounded us. We were solicited to alight, and we found ourselves in the middle of an avenue, formed on one side by men and boys, and on the other by young girls and women holding their infants in their arms. At the sight of Lafayette, the air resounded with joyful cries, all arms were stretched out towards him, the mothers presented their infants to him and begged his benediction on them, and warlike music uniting its sound to the din of artillery and bells gladdened all hearts. Struck by so touching a reception, the general was unable for some time to subdue his emotions; at last, he advanced slowly through the crowd, at every step shaking affectionately the hands that were stretched out to him, and replying with tenderness to the sweet salutation of the children who accompanied his progress with cries of “Welcome, Lafayette.”

On a stage built in the centre of a large place, lighted by barrels of burning rosin, an orator was waiting to address him in the name of the people of Fredonia, who afterwards defiled before him in order to salute him once more. Notwithstanding the striking character of this scene, the general felt himself obliged to abridge it, that he might not expose to the cold, for a longer time, the women and young girls, who, slightly clad, had passed all the night in the open air, waiting for him. It was three o’clock in the morning, when, after having partaken of a collation, we left Fredonia. The sun already began to gild the summits of the forests we left to the right, when we arrived at Dunkirk, a small port on Lake Erie, when the boat that was to convey us to Buffalo, was waiting for us. A committee from that town, and a great number of ladies, had come to meet the general, and received him on board to the sound of music, the delightful harmony of which accorded deliciously with the beauty of the morning, and the romantic aspect of the bay in which we were.

At twelve o’clock we were within sight of the shores of Buffalo; but retarded in our progress by violent and contrary wind, we were unable to enter the port for two hours. Although the town of Buffalo was almost entirely destroyed by the English, who burnt it during the last war, we were nevertheless struck with its air of prosperity, and the bustle in its port. We landed near one of the extremities of that grand canal, whose other extremity we had visited five hundred miles from this, near Albany, and which serves as a link between Lake Erie and the Atlantic. After the first ceremonies of the reception of the national guest by the magistrates and citizens of Buffalo, we went to snatch a few moments of repose at the Eagle tavern, where our lodgings had been prepared. There, the general received a great number of persons who desired to be particularly presented to him; among them we had the pleasure of seeing an old Indian chief of the Senecas, who had acquired a great reputation for courage and eloquence, not only among his own people, but also among the whites, who call him Red Jacket. This extraordinary man, although much broken by time and intemperance, still preserved, to a surprising degree, the exercise of all his faculties; he immediately recognised General Lafayette, and recalled to his recollection that they had been together in 1784 at Fort Schuyler, where a great council had been held, in which the interests of all the Indian nations, whether friendly or otherwise, who could have any relation to the United States, were settled. The general replied to him that he had not forgotten this circumstance, and demanded of him if he knew what had become of the young Indian who had so eloquently opposed “the burying of the tomahawk.” “He is before you,” replied the son of the forest, with all the brevity of his expressive language. “Time has much changed us,” said the general to him, “for then we were young and active.” “Ah,” exclaimed Red Jacket, “time has been less severe on you than on me; he has left you a fresh countenance, and a head well covered with hair; whilst as for me—look!” and untying the handkerchief that covered his head, he showed us, with a melancholy air, that his head was entirely bald. The bystanders could not help smiling at the simplicity of the Indian, who appeared to be ignorant of the means of repairing the injuries of time; but were cautious not to explain his error; and perhaps did right, for he might have confounded a wig with a scalp, and wished to have regarnished his head at the expense of that of one of his neighbours. Like all the Indians, who have preserved their primitive haughtiness, Red Jacket obstinately adheres to his native language, and entertains a great contempt for all others. Although it was easy to see that he understood English perfectly, he nevertheless refused to reply to the questions of General Lafayette, before they were translated into Seneca by his interpreter. The general, having remembered a few Indian words which he had learned during his youth, pronounced them before him; he appeared sensible of this politeness, which singularly augmented the high opinion he already entertained of Lafayette.

The Seneca tribe is one of the six nations known formerly by the name of Iroquois, and now inhabiting the northern part of the state of New York, under the protection of the government of that state. These six nations are the Tuscaroras, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, Mohawks, and Senecas. I wished much to have visited a large village inhabited by the latter, a short distance from Buffalo, but the little time we spent at that place, was so completely and agreeably taken up by entertainments prepared by the inhabitants for their guest, that it was impossible for me to spare the time.

We passed the night at Buffalo, and the next day, at an early hour, we set out in a carriage for the Falls of Niagara: on our way we breakfasted with the family of General Porter, at Black Rock, a small but handsome port which rivals that of Buffalo in bustle; and a few hours afterwards, a hollow rambling which seemed to shake the earth, and a thick column of vapour which we saw at a distance rising towards the clouds, announced to us, that we were about to enjoy the sight of one of the greatest wonders of nature.

At two o’clock we arrived with our fellow passengers from Buffalo and Black Rock at Manchester, a small village situated on the right bank of the Niagara, near the falls, where the general was received and complimented by a large deputation from the county of Niagara. Full of an impatience that may readily be conceived, we abridged as much as possible, the duration of a public dinner, of which we were obliged to partake on arriving, and at half past three we went over to the island that divides the Niagara into two unequal parts, at the point where the waters form the cataracts and precipitate themselves in a gulf of 150 feet in depth. The sight of the bridge which leads to this island, called Goat Island, admirably prepares the mind for the contemplation of the imposing scene that presents itself, and gives a nigh idea of the boldness and skill of those who constructed it. Built on a bed of rocks, whose numerous points are elevated above the water, and by opposing the current only increase its violence, its wooden pillars are agitated by a continued vibration, which seems to announce that the moment approaches when it will give way and be precipitated in the abyss; some minutes after having passed the bridge we found ourselves in presence of the great fall. It is a sublime spectacle, but it must not be expected I should attempt to describe the sensations that I experienced at the sight of the gigantic phenomena; they were of a nature that cannot be expressed: I therefore willingly relinquish the trial, in which, in my opinion, the most skilful writers have greatly failed. We remained near half an hour on the edge of the gulf, silently contemplating the rapid fall of the water, and almost stunned by the noise of its terrible roaring. We should, in all probability, have remained plunged in a reverie much longer, had we not been roused by the voice of one of our companions, doubtless more familiar than us with this fearful sport of nature, anxious to give us some details, interesting perhaps, but which we certainly should never have demanded.

Mr. A. Porter, the brother of General Porter, with whom we had breakfasted at Black Rock, is the owner of Goat Island; he had the kindness to conduct the general to all the most picturesque points of this singular property, which is, as it were, suspended above the abyss. From the upper extremity of the island, we saw a spectacle less terrible than from the lower point, but which is nevertheless not without majesty. Our view, extending to a great distance, agreeably reposed on the beautiful river Niagara, which rolls its waters as smooth as a mirror, over a large bed unincumbered with obstacles, and between low and fertile banks: it is only in approaching the superior point of the island, that the rapidity of the course is accelerated and it prepares for the terrible fall, whose noise, during the stillness of the night, is heard, it is said, for more than twenty miles around. Woe to the animal or man that has the imprudence to enter this irresistible current, no human power can save him from the insatiable avidity of the gulf. It is only a few years since a young Indian furnished a lamentable example. He was sleeping in the bottom of his canoe which he had fastened to the shore near the small town of Chippewa, when a young girl who had replied to his love, but whom he had deserted for another, passed and saw him. At the sight of him the furies of jealousy kindled in her bosom the desire for revenge. She approached, unfastened the canoe, and gently pushed it from the shore, the current soon acted on it, and carried it down the stream with great rapidity. The noise of the waves soon woke the young Indian, who, on opening his eyes, saw the imminent danger to which he was exposed; his first movement, inspired by a desire of preservation, was to seize his paddle to strive against the current; but he soon perceived the inutility of his efforts, which were derided by his wicked mistress by cries of cruel joy: then having nothing to oppose to his fate but a courageous resignation, he enveloped himself in his blanket, seated himself in the middle of the canoe, and coolly fixed his looks on the gates of eternity soon to be opened to him, and in a few seconds disappeared in the profound abyss.

The name of Chippewa, pronounced in the recital of the fate of the young Indian, awoke our recollection of the glorious deeds of the American troops, during the last war, on the frontiers of Canada, from which we were only separated at this time by an arm of the Niagara. With this recollection were naturally mingled the names of Brown, Van Ransellaer, Ripley, Scott, Porter, Harrison, Pike, Jessup, Miller, and many others who rendered themselves illustrious in these spots, by their talents, their courage, and their ardent love of country.

After two hours of delightful excursion, we left Goat Island, and cast a farewell look on it from the bridge which unites it to the main land. From this it appeared to us like a garden in the air, supported by the clouds, and surrounded by thunder. The general could not tear himself from this imposing scene, and I believe that when he learnt that Goat Island and its charming dependencies were for sale for 1000 dollars, he strongly regretted that the distance from France would not permit him to purchase it. It would be, in fact, a delicious habitation; the surface of the soil, of about seventy-five acres, is covered with a vigorous vegetation, whose verdure constantly kept up by the freshness of the pure and light vapour that arises from the cataract, presents an agreeable shelter from the heat of summer. The current of water which surrounds it offers an incalculable power which may be applied to mills of all kinds. I do not think that Mr. Porter will wait long before he disposes of a property which offers so many advantages.

On leaving Manchester and the Falls of Niagara, we went to Lewistown to sleep: this is a pretty village situated a few miles below the falls; and the next day, at five o’clock in the morning, we rode to Fort Niagara, where General Lafayette had been invited to breakfast by Major Thomson, the commandant of the garrison. We found the major at the head of his officers, a short distance in advance of the fort, waiting to receive the general, who was saluted by twenty-four guns as soon as he entered the works. Some ladies, wives of the officers of the garrison, assisted their husbands in doing the honours of the entertainment, and contributed not a little by their politeness, in making the time we passed at Niagara appear very short.

This fort is built precisely at the point where the river enters into Lake Ontario, on which Commodore Chauncey reaped laurels, like those gathered by Perry on Lake Erie. Almost opposite, on the other bank, is fort George, occupied by the English. Hostilities were frequent between these two posts in the campaigns of 1813 and 1814, but the fortifications of both have since been repaired, and it would now be difficult to trace the ravages of war.

The general shortened his visit to Fort Niagara, in order to arrive early at Lockport, where we were to embark on the grand canal, to descend to Albany. On a height near Lockport we met a troop of from seventy to eighty citizens on horseback, and under this escort entered the village, where the general was saluted by an extraordinary kind of artillery. Hundreds of small blasts, charged with powder by the workmen engaged in quarrying the bed of the rock to form the canal, exploded almost at the same moment, and hurled fragments of rock into the air, which fell amidst the acclamations of the crowd. The appearance of Lockport filled us with astonishment and admiration. No where have I ever seen the activity and industry of man conquering nature so completely as in this growing village. In every part may be heard the sound of the hatchet and hammer. Here, trees are felled, fashioned under the hands of the carpenter, and raised on the same spot in the form of a house; there, on a large public square, which exists as yet only in project, an immense hotel already opens its doors to new settlers, who have not any other habitation. Scarcely is there to be found in the whole town a sufficiency of the necessaries of life, and yet, by the side of a school, in which the children are instructed whilst their fathers are building the houses that are to shelter them, is to be seen a printing press, which every morning issues a journal, teaching the labourers, in their hours of repose, how the magistrates of the people fulfil the confidence reposed in them. In streets traced through the forest, and yet encumbered with trunks of trees and scattered branches, luxury already appears in the light wagons drawn by splendid horses; finally, in the midst of these encroachments of civilization on savage nature, there is going on, with a rapidity that appears miraculous, that gigantic work, that grand canal, which, in tightening the bonds of the American Union, spreads comfort and abundance in the wilds through which it passes.

Our carriages stopped opposite to an arch of green branches, and General Lafayette was conducted to a platform, where he had the satisfaction of being welcomed by one of his old fellow soldiers, the venerable Stephen Van Rensellaer, now president of the board of canal commissioners. After having been officially presented to the deputation from Monroe county, as well as to a great number of citizens, we sat down to a public dinner, presided over by Colonel Asher Saxton, at the end of which the general, induced by the feelings awakened in him by the sight of so many wonders, gave the following toast: “To Lockport and the county of Niagara—they contain the greatest wonders of art and nature, prodigies only to be surpassed by those of liberty and equal rights.”

The free masons of Lockport, not wishing to permit the general to depart without rendering him the honours due to his high masonic rank, begged him to keep in remembrance of their lodge, the rich ornaments with which he had been adorned when he entered the temple. They afterwards accompanied us to the basin, where the boat was waiting to convey us to Rochester. Before we embarked, we had great pleasure in viewing the handsome locks, cut out of the solid rock, to the depth of twenty-five feet. The moment the general stepped on board the barge, a multitude of small blasts, dug in the rock, exploded above our heads, and their deafening detonations added to the solemnity of the farewells of the citizens of Lockport. Before leaving the basin, we received from Dr. —— a box containing specimens of the different species of rocks through which the canal passed; we accepted this interesting collection with gratitude. Although navigation by steam is not applicable to a canal, whose banks are not of stone, yet, as the horses and the tow-path were, excellent, we travelled rapidly and comfortably; for the boat (the Rochester) that carried us, was much more convenient and better provided with the comforts of life than could have been supposed.

We left Lockport at 7 o’clock in the evening, and traversed during the night the sixty-five miles that separate that village from Rochester, where we arrived at an early hour in the morning. We had not yet quitted our cabin, when suddenly the name of Lafayette, pronounced amidst violent acclamations, induced the general to ascend on deck; we followed him, and what was our astonishment and admiration at the scene that presented itself! We were apparently suspended in the air, in the centre of an immense crowd which lined both sides of the canal; several cataracts fell rumbling around us, the river Genessee rolled below our feet at a distance of fifty feet; we were some moments without comprehending our situation, which appeared the effect of magic: at last we found, that the part of the canal on which we were, was carried with an inconceivable boldness across the Genessee river, by means of an aqueduct of upwards of four hundred yards in length, supported by arches of hewn stone. Our fellow passengers, witnesses of our astonishment, informed us that, in its long course, the canal passed several times, in a similar manner, over wide and deep rivers; that above Irondiguot, for example, it pursued an aerial route for more than a quarter of a mile, at an elevation of 70 feet. This kind of construction appears familiar to the Americans. The bridges are usually of an elegance and boldness of execution that is inconceivable. Not far from Rochester may be seen the ruins of a bridge that had been thrown over the river Genessee in a single arch of 320 feet span, and 180 feet elevation above the water; it gave way a few years since whilst two children were crossing it. It was said to have been a masterpiece of art, but the want of size and strength in the timbers prevented its lasting long.

The general left the canal at Rochester, passed a few hours with the inhabitants of that town, who gave him a reception, which, in affection and elegance, fully equalled any that I have hitherto witnessed, and continued his journey by land, passing through the villages of Canandaigua, Geneva, Auburn, Skeneateles, Marcellus, &c. and re-joined the canal at Syracuse. This journey confirmed us in the opinion, that no part of America, or, perhaps, of the whole world, contains so many wonders of nature as the state of New York. The lakes of Canandaigua, Seneca and Cayuga, appeared delightful to us from the purity of their waters, the form of their basins, and the richness of their banks. The sight of all these beauties, and still more the kindness and urbanity of the population through which we travelled, often made General Lafayette regret the rapidity with which he travelled. During this journey of upwards of one hundred and thirty miles by land, we travelled night and day, only stopping for a few moments at each village, to enjoy the entertainments, prepared by the inhabitants in honour of their beloved guest, who, said they, by the simplicity, the amenity and uniformity of his manners, towards all classes of citizens, completed the conquest of all hearts, already devoted to him from his adherence to the cause of America in particular, and that of liberty in general.

From Rochester to Syracuse, we were constantly struck with the marked beauty of the horses that formed our relays; and learned that they had been gratuitously furnished by individuals, whose patriotic disinterestedness was fully appreciated by the different committees charged with the care of the general’s journey, and who returned them public thanks. Among these generous citizens, I heard particularly cited, Mr. de Zeng, of Geneva, and Mr. Sherwood, proprietor of the stage-coaches at Auburn.

On arriving at Syracuse at six o’clock in the morning, by the fading light of the illuminations, and the crowd that filled the streets, we learned that the people of the village had expected the national guest all night. The splendid supper that had been prepared for the evening before, made us an excellent breakfast, and the general passed three hours amidst the kind congratulations of the citizens, who eagerly pressed around him. At nine o’clock he took leave of his friends at Syracuse, and embarked on board the canal-boat, amid the thunder of artillery, and loud wishes for the happy termination of his voyage.

We resumed this mode of travelling with the more pleasure, as we had lately suffered much from the heat and dust on our last day’s journey by land. Always incited by a wish to fulfil the promise he had given to the citizens of Boston, the general determined to travel day and night as long as he was on the canal, and only to halt in the towns on his route a sufficient time to return his thanks to the inhabitants, all of whom had made preparations for his reception. We often regretted this necessary haste, especially on seeing the handsome towns of Rome, Utica, Schenectady, &c. and hearing the patriotic acclamations of their inhabitants. At Rome, which we passed through in the night by the light of an illumination, we met with the deputation from Utica, at the head of which the general had the satisfaction of recognising one of his fellow soldiers, Colonel Lansing, who fought by his side at Yorktown.

Twenty discharges of artillery announced his arrival in Utica, and at this signal all the population gathered round him to hear the eloquent discourse addressed to him by Judge Williams, in the name of the people. His astonishment was extreme, when the orator informed him that the part of the country he had traversed in so rapid and commodious a manner, was that through which he had passed with so much difficulty and danger during the war of the revolution, to save the garrison of Fort Stanwix from the tomahawks of the Indian allies of Great Britain. He could scarcely believe in so great a change, and was unable to express the happiness he felt. We only spent four hours at Utica; but that time would not suffice to detail all the marks of attachment that were heaped upon him. Obliged to divide his time between his old fellow soldiers and the children of the different schools; between the magistrates and the ladies; and, finally, between strangers and Indians, collected from several miles around to pay their respects to him, he still found means to reply to the enthusiasm of all, and every one that approached him returned satisfied and persuaded that he was an object of particular attention. Three chiefs of Oneidas, Taniatakaya, Sangouxyonta, and Doxtator, asked for a private interview, and recalled to his recollection some circumstances of the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, in which they had rendered him some services. He recognized them again, but was greatly astonished to find, that two of them already advanced in years at the time of which they spoke, were still living; notwithstanding their great age, their features still preserved an energetic expression; they spoke with warmth of the situation of their tribe. “The chase is no longer productive,” said they; “it does not supply our wants, and we are obliged to provide for our subsistence by agriculture, which renders us very unhappy; but it is not owing to our white brothers of the state of New York; they act generously towards us; they permit us to live in peace near the bones of our fathers, which they have not obliged us to transport to a strange land; and the government often succours us when our harvests fail; hence we sincerely love our white brothers, the Americans. We formerly fought for them against the English, and we are still ready to raise the tomahawk in their favour, whenever occasion requires it.” The general praised them for the sentiments they expressed; he told them he had not forgotten their former valuable services; and begged them always to regard the Americans as good brothers; he then made them some presents of money, and they returned well satisfied. A deputation from the county of Oneida, waited on the general to beg him to assist in laying the first stone of a monument, which the citizens of that county were about erecting to the memory of Baron de Steuben, whose remains had reposed since 1795, at Steubenville, without any mark of distinction. But the time fixed for this ceremony, not according with the public engagements entered into by the general with the citizens of Boston, he was under the necessity of refusing this invitation. “If I could associate with you,” replied he to the deputation, “in rendering to the memory of my fellow soldier and friend Baron de Steuben, those honours you intend bestowing and of which no one is more worthy, without my missing the celebration at Bunker’s Hill, it would not be the fatigues of a long and rapid journey that would deter me, you may be fully persuaded; but a single day of delay may occasion my breaking a sacred promise; you must be aware of this, be good enough therefore to be the bearers of my regrets to the citizens of Steubenville, and assure them that my heart will be with them at this melancholy ceremony, which I am obliged to forego attending in spite of my wishes.”

The regrets of General Lafayette were the more acute and sincere, as he could, better perhaps than any other, appreciate the rare qualities and noble character of Baron de Steuben, who had shared with him the toils and dangers of the Virginia campaign.

Frederic William Steuben was born in Prussia, in 1735. Destined for a career of arms, his education was entirely military, and he early entered the service. His knowledge, his well tried courage, and his zeal in the performance of his duties, did not escape the penetration of Frederic the Great, who promoted him rapidly, and attached him particularly to his own person. The young Steuben did not fail to profit by the lessons of his illustrious master, and obtained a brilliant reputation among the best generals of the age. But neither the glory he had acquired, nor the favours of the greatest king of the time, could counterbalance his love for liberty. As soon as he learned that the American colonies, shaking off the despotism of England, were ready to maintain their independence by an appeal to arms, he crossed the ocean and offered them his services, declaring that he was ambitious of no other honour than that of acting as a volunteer in a good cause, and that he would accept neither rank nor pay before he had given proofs of his valour. This noble disinterestedness, and the services he rendered the American army, merited him the friendship of Washington, and the confidence of congress, who elevated him to the rank of major-general. His candour and moderation equalled his skill and bravery. After the peace, wishing to enjoy the fruits of that liberty to which he had contributed so gloriously, he retired to Oneida county, to lands given him by congress, and there, cultivating in solitude his mind and his fields, he philosophically waited for death; which suddenly made him its prey in 1795. He was then about sixty years of age. According to his wish, expressed in his last will, he was wrapped in his cloak, placed in a simple wooden coffin, and committed to the earth without a stone or an inscription to mark the place of his sepulchre. He laid for a long time in a thick wood near his house, when his remains were menaced with profanation by the opening of a public road through his property. Colonel Walker, his former friend, hastened to collect them, and the inhabitants of Steubenville, and of the county of Oneida, resolved to enclose them in a durable monument, as an expression of their gratitude and esteem for the German warrior.

A cannon, the signal of the departure of the guest of the nation, had already been heard twenty-four times. The boat that was to take him to Schenectady was ready, and the people assembled on the quays and the bridges that cross the canal, waited in silence for his departure. When he embarked, and our light vessel, drawn by superb white horses, had begun to glide through the water, three cheers expressed to him the last farewell of the inhabitants of Utica, whilst children placed on the bridges, showered down flowers upon him as the boat passed beneath. Standing on the prow of the vessel with his head uncovered, General Lafayette replied by signs of gratitude to those testimonies of popular esteem. His son and myself, witnesses of this touching scene, remained near him, partaking both of the enthusiasm of the people, and the happiness of him that was the object of it, when our attention was suddenly attracted by the cries of a man who followed the boat, by running along the bank, and making signs to us to stop. His copper colour, half naked body, and grotesque ornaments, marked him for an Indian. Although his intention to board us was manifest, our captain, Major Swartwout, did not think it advisable to stop. The Indian, therefore, exerting all his strength, hastened his pace so much, as to pass us considerably, and at last waited on the last bridge near the town. At the moment he passed beneath it, he sprung on the deck, and fell on his feet in the midst of us, admirably erect. “Where is Kayewla? I wish to see Kayewla,” cried he with agitation. The general was pointed out to him. His countenance expressed the greatest satisfaction “I am the son of Wekchekaeta,” said he, stretching out his hand; “of him who loved you so well, that he followed you to your country when you returned there after the great war; my father has often spoken to me of you, and I am happy to see you.” The general had already learned that Wekchekaeta had died some years since, and was glad to meet with his son, who appeared to be about twenty-four years of age. He made him sit down, and conversed several minutes with him, and rendered him happy by presenting him with several dollars, when he left us. The young Indian was as little embarrassed to find a mode of leaving the boat as he had been to enter it. We were separated from the bank of the canal by about ten feet; he sprung over this space with the lightness of a deer, and disappeared in an instant. This singular visit greatly excited the curiosity of our fellow passengers, and the general hastened to satisfy it by relating the history of Wekchekaeta, whom he carried to Europe with him in 1778, and who, soon disgusted with civilization, joyfully returned to his native wilds.

To describe our voyage from Utica to Schenectady, a distance of about eighty miles, would be to repeat what has already been said when speaking of that in the upper part of the canal. We arrived in the latter town next day, 11th June, about dinner time. We remained there only a few hours, which the inhabitants rendered very pleasant to the general, and in the evening set out in carriages for Albany, which is about sixteen miles distant from it. We lost much, we were told, in not continuing our route by the canal, which, during the whole of that route, runs along the river Mohawk, over which it twice passes by aqueducts of 1800 feet in length, but pressed for time, we were obliged to choose the shortest road; besides, we had travelled, since leaving Lockport, for near three hundred miles on the canal, and we had been able to judge of the beauty and utility of this great channel of communication, executed in eight years by the state of New York alone, unassisted by any foreign aid. There are still some few parts to be finished, before the navigation will be open the whole length of the canal; but these will be accomplished in a few months, when the boats passing from Lake Erie to Albany will traverse a length of three hundred and sixty miles, and descend a height of five hundred and fifty feet, by means of eighty-three locks built of hewn stone, and whose basin of thirty feet long by fifteen broad, will admit boats of upwards of one hundred tons burthen. The total expenses for the construction of this canal are estimated at ten millions of dollars. This sum appears enormous at first view, but nevertheless it is trifling, when the immense advantages that will accrue to the state of New York are taken into consideration. The tolls demanded for the right of navigation, although very low, have already produced, during the year 1824, the sum of 350,761 dollars; and it is believed that the receipts will amount this year to 500,000 dollars, and that in the nine succeeding years it will increase at the rate of 75,000 dollars per annum, so that at the end of ten years, the debt incurred in the accomplishment of this great work will be liquidated, and also, after deducting 100,000 dollars annually for repairs, &c., the state of New York will receive from its canal, a nett revenue of a million of dollars, which is four times more than the expenses of its government.[16]

The state of New York will then present the new spectacle of a community of more than two millions of men, not only supporting its government without taxes, but also having money arising from its own property. The citizens of that state will always, it is true, have to pay the duties the general government thinks right to impose on the importation of foreign products; but the independent farmer, who produces on his farm all the necessaries of life, may live without paying any tax either direct or indirect, to the state or the general government.

I present this picture of the public prosperity of the state of New York, for the consideration of our European politicians and economists.

CHAPTER XIII.

Return to Boston—Reception of Lafayette by the Legislature of Massachusetts—Celebration of the anniversary of Bunker’s Hill—History of the Revolution familiar to the Americans—Departure from Boston.

We arrived at Albany before sunrise, on the 12th of June, and some hours afterwards we had already crossed the Hudson, and advanced rapidly towards Massachusetts, whose western border is traced parallel to that river at about twenty-five miles from the left bank; we had still to travel one hundred and fifty miles before reaching Boston, but the excellence of the roads insured us a rapid journey, and hence General Lafayette was certain of arriving in time to fulfil his engagements. Nevertheless, he determined to stop only for such time as was absolutely necessary for repose. We therefore entered Boston on the 15th at a little before noon. In publishing this happy arrival, the newspapers caused much astonishment and joy, throughout the Union. Few persons believed in the possibility of his return for the anniversary of Bunker’s hill, and every one considered the journey he had performed as almost magical. In fact, had he not travelled, in less than four months, a distance of upwards of five thousand miles, traversed seas near the equator, and lakes near the polar circle, ascended rapid rivers to the verge of civilization in the new world, and received the homage of sixteen republics! And our astonishment is increased, when it is recollected that this extraordinary journey was performed by a man of 67 years of age! The plan of this journey had been, it is true, ably and skilfully planned by Mr. M’Lean, the postmaster-general, General Bernard, and Mr. George Lafayette; and had been followed with a precision and exactness, that could only have resulted from the unanimity of feeling which animated both the people and the magistrates of the different states; but, during so long a journey, amidst so many dangers, it would have been impossible to foresee accidents, one of which, by delaying us only a few days, would have deranged all our calculations, and yet our good luck was such that we never lost a moment of the time so exactly portioned out, and arrived on the precise day fixed upon.

In returning to the city of Boston, where so many old and firm friends expected him, General Lafayette would have experienced unalloyed satisfaction, if he had not been obliged to deplore the loss of two sincere friends, whom death had snatched away during his short absence, the ex-governor Brooks and Governor Eustis, who departed this life, in possession of the esteem and regret of all who knew them, and had experienced their sage administration. This was the commencement of the accomplishment of the prophetic words of Lafayette’s companions in arms, who all, in shaking him by the hand, had exclaimed, “We have again seen our old general—we have lived long enough!”

The day after our arrival, in accordance with an invitation that had been given him, the general went to the Capitol, where the new governor, Mr. Lincoln, the senate, house of representatives, and civil authorities of Boston, had united to receive and compliment him. After we had taken our places in this assembly, the governor rose, and in the name of the state of Massachusetts, congratulated the guest of the nation on the happy termination of his long journey.

As soon as the general had made his reply, the members of the two houses left their places, and crowded round him to offer him an individual expression of their feelings, and sincere congratulations were showered upon him from the galleries, which were filled by a great number of ladies anxious to see him once again. Among the strangers of distinction who were present at this scene, we recognized with much pleasure, Mr. Barbour, appointed secretary of war since Mr. Adams had entered on his functions as president; Colonel M‘Lane of the state of Delaware, Colonel Dwight, Drs. Mitchill and Fisk, General Courtland and Colonel Stone of New York, who had all arrived within a few days to be present at the ceremonies of the 17th of June.

On leaving the capitol, the general was reconducted by a numerous escort of friends to the house of Senator Lloyd, where we found our accommodations prepared the preceding evening, through the hospitable attentions of his amiable family.

The sun of the fiftieth anniversary of the battle of Bunker’s hill arose in full radiance, and thousands of voices uniting with the joyous sounds of the bells and reports of artillery saluted it with patriotic acclamations. At seven o’clock in the morning, passing through a crowd, agitated by glorious recollections of the 17th of June 1775, General Lafayette went to the grand lodge of Massachusetts, where deputations from the grand lodges of Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New Jersey, had joined the officers of the chapter and knights of the temple, to receive and compliment him.

At ten o’clock, two thousand free masons, sixteen companies of volunteer infantry and a corps of cavalry, the different corporation and the civil and military authorities, assembled at the capitol, where the procession was formed under the command of General Lyman, whilst the grand master, and deputies of the masonic order, went for General Lafayette to Mr. Lloyd’s, where he had retired on leaving the temple.

At half after ten, the procession took up the line of march. It was composed of about seven thousand persons. Two hundred officers and soldiers of the revolution marched at the head; forty veterans, the honourable remains of the heroes of Bunker’s hill, followed in eight open carriages; they were decorated with a large riband on which was this inscription: June 17th, 1775. Some wore the cartouch boxes they had emptied on that remarkable day, and one who had been a drummer, still carried the instrument whose sound had so often rallied the American battalions, broken by the English columns; behind them marched a long array of numerous subscribers to the monument, formed in ranks of six, and followed by two thousand masons, covered with rich ornaments and symbols of the order; afterwards came General Lafayette in a superb calash drawn by six white horses. Following him were a long file of carriages, in which were his son, his secretary, the governor of Massachusetts and staff, and a great number of persons of distinction, both natives and foreigners. This column advanced to the sound of music and bells, in the midst of two hundred thousand citizens, collected from all the states in the Union, whilst discharges of artillery and general acclamations saluted it at short intervals. It arrived at Bunker’s hill at half after twelve; and in a short time every one was arranged in regular order on the hill on which the monument was to be elevated, as a mark of national gratitude to the first heroes of the revolution.

The modest pyramid formerly raised over the remains of Warren and his companions, and which we had seen on our first visit to Bunker’s hill, had disappeared. From its principal piece of timber, a cane had been formed, on the gold head of which was an inscription, alluding to its origin, and mentioning that it was presented by the masons of Charlestown to General Lafayette, who accepted it as one of the most precious relics of the American revolution; and a large excavation indicated the spot on which the new monument was to be placed.

A short time after we had taken our places around this excavation, and silence was established throughout the innumerable crowd, who waited in religious meditation for the commencement of the ceremony, the grand master of the grand lodge of Massachusetts, accompanied by the principal dignitaries of the order, brother Lafayette, Mr. Webster and the principal architect, proceeded to lay the first stone, with the forms prescribed by masonic regulations; in an iron box were placed medals, pieces of money, a plate of silver on which was engraved an account of the foundation of the monument; over this box was laid a stone on which the grand master poured corn, wine and oil, whilst the Rev. Mr. Allen, the chaplain of the day, pronounced the benediction. The masonic order to finish the monument, was then given, and a discharge of artillery proclaimed that the first part of the ceremony was accomplished.

The procession then marched to a vast amphitheatre constructed on the north-east side of the hill, in the centre of which rose a platform, from which the orator of the day could make his voice heard by the fifteen thousand auditors placed in the amphitheatre; all the officers and soldiers of the revolution, some of whom had arrived from distant places to assist at this solemnity, were seated in front of the platform; the survivors of Bunker’s hill forming a small group before them. At the head of these, in a chair, was the only surviving general of the revolution, General Lafayette; and immediately behind, two thousand ladies, in brilliant dresses, appeared to form a guard of honour to the venerable men, and to defend them against the tumultuous approaches of the crowd; behind the ladies, were more than ten thousand persons seated on the numerous benches placed in a semi-circular form on the side of the hill, the summit of which was crowded by more than thirty-thousand spectators, who, although beyond the reach of the orator’s voice, maintained the most perfect silence. After the agitation that inevitably accompanies the movement of so large a concourse had subsided, the melodious voices of a great number of musicians were heard; these, placed behind the speaker’s stand, chaunted a patriotic and religious ode, whose sweet and simple harmony prepared all minds for the deep impressions of eloquence. To this chaunt, succeeded a prayer by Dr. Dexter. When that venerable pastor, who had the honour of combating at Bunker’s hill, appeared before the assembly, with his white locks falling over his shoulders, when he lifted upwards his hands withered by time, and in a voice which was still strong, implored the benediction of the Eternal on the labours of the day, all the bystanders were penetrated with inexpressible emotions. At last, the orator of the day, Mr. Webster, presented himself; his lofty stature, his athletic form, noble expression of face, and the fire of his looks, were in perfect harmony with the grandeur of the scene around. Already celebrated for his eloquence, Mr. Webster was received by the assembly with strong marks of satisfaction; the flattering murmur with which he was saluted, rose from the base to the summit of the hill, and prevented him from commencing his discourse for some moments. During his speech, the orator was sometimes interrupted by bursts of applause from his auditory, who could not restrain the expression of their sympathetic feelings, when Mr. Webster addressed himself to the revolutionary veterans and General Lafayette, and they, uncovering their venerable heads, arose to receive the thanks he bestowed upon them in the name of the people. A hymn chaunted in chorus by the whole assembly succeeded the discourse, and terminated the second part of the ceremony.

At a signal gun, the procession was again formed, ascended the hill, and seated themselves at a banquet, spread on the summit; there, under an immense wooden building, four thousand persons were accommodated at table without confusion or discomfort; the tables were disposed with so much art, that the voice of the president and of those who gave the toasts or delivered addresses was easily heard, not only by the guests, but likewise by a great number of the spectators around; the names of Warren, of the orator of the day, and of the guest of the nation, were successively proclaimed during the repast. Before leaving the table, General Lafayette rose to return his thanks to the members of the association for erecting the monument on Bunker’s hill; and concluded by offering the following toast: “Bunker’s hill, and that holy resistance to oppression, which has already disenthralled the American hemisphere. The anniversary toast at the jubilee of the next half century will be, to Europe freed.”

This toast was enthusiastically received, and immediately afterwards the guests left the table in order to return to their homes.

The brilliance and heat of a clear summer’s day was succeeded by a delicious evening, cooled by a gentle sea breeze; to enjoy it the better, Mr. George Lafayette proposed to me to return to Boston on foot. I accepted his invitation, and we mingled with the crowds that were slowly descending the hill and discussing the ceremonies of the day; these discussions were always mingled with a mention of the guest of the nation, and a recital of the principal actions that had entitled him to the gratitude of the American people. Here, as in all other assemblies of the people, that I had an opportunity of observing, during our journey, I was struck with a remarkable peculiarity; the perfect knowledge of the events of the revolution that is disseminated through all classes of community, not even excepting the children; I have often heard boys of from eight to ten years of age, talking to each other of the events of the revolutionary war with astonishing precision; they related to each other what they had read or learnt, how, for example, Lafayette arrived in the United States, his receiving a wound at Brandywine, what he had done at Rhode Island and Monmouth; that, whilst he was commander in chief in Virginia, he had, after a campaign of five months, forced Cornwallis to take refuge in Yorktown, where the French fleet under Count de Grasse, and Washington at the head of Rochambeau’s division and that of Lincoln, had joined him and laid siege to that town, and forced the English and their Hanoverian auxiliaries to capitulate. I am aware that the arrival of Lafayette in the different towns, gave rise to a recollection of those facts; I also had constant proofs, that the other events of the revolution were equally familiar to all classes of society, from the veterans, with whom they were a never failing topic of conversation, to school children, who were proud of the deeds of their ancestors, and of the republican liberty, they had the happiness to enjoy. Another very remarkable trait in the American character, is, that the people are not only free and happy, but that they appreciate this happiness and liberty; and what English travellers have termed vanity, is only the firm conviction of the superiority of the institutions and civil dignity maintained by the Americans, as a man in perfect health returns thanks to heaven for the blessings he enjoys; this is so true, that American patriotism (we may say the same of French liberalism, but not of English patriotism) is entirely free from a jealousy of other nations, whose liberty and prosperity are cordially hailed by the people of the United States.

Yielding to the wishes of the inhabitants of Boston, General Lafayette remained several days in their city after the ceremonies at Bunker’s hill, and divided his time amidst the society of his private friends and the public, who, till the last moment, bestowed on him testimonies of their attachment. On the 20th he accepted a dinner given him by the Mechanics’ Society, where he met all the public functionaries, and the most distinguished personages of the state, who had accepted the invitation with equal warmth, so great is the deference paid by every one in the United States to the useful classes of society.

During his visit to Boston, General Lafayette received and accepted invitations from the states of Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, where his presence was impatiently looked for by the people, and one from the city of New York, who ardently desired that he would celebrate the 4th of July, the anniversary of American independence, with them. To fulfil all these engagements in so short a time, appeared difficult, but still the general did not despair of accomplishing it, for he knew by experience how much both the magistrates and the people strove to render his journeys agreeable and rapid. On the 20th he went to take leave of his old friend, John Adams; and employed all the day of the 21st to receiving farewell visits in the city; on the 22d he set out, accompanied by the committee of arrangement and a corps of volunteer cavalry.

CHAPTER XIV.

Rapid and hasty visit to the states of New Hampshire, Maine, and Vermont—Return to New York—Celebration of the Anniversary of American Independence—American vessels of war—Patriotism and disinterestedness of the Seamen of New York.

In commencing this journal, I had determined to record each day, all the events of this extraordinary journey, but their multiplicity, and above all, the rapidity of our movements, often obliged me to forego the rigorous fulfilment of this plan; and it was in traversing the states of Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, more especially, that I felt the utter impossibility of noting all the interesting occurrences, all the honourable and interesting circumstances that characterised the visit of General Lafayette to that part of the Union. We travelled through these states at a speed of eleven miles per hour. We often passed through so many villages and towns on the same day, that my memory could not retain their names. I could not therefore find the necessary time to record all the historic or statistical details, which I had amply gleaned in a majority of the other states, and shall only be able, in this chapter, to retrace some of the entertainments given by the Green Mountain boys, and their neighbours, to the guest of the nation.

I have said that General Lafayette left Boston on the 22d May, early in the morning. A few hours after his departure, he arrived at Pembroke on the borders of New Hampshire, where he was received by a deputation from that state at the head of which was Mr. Webster, brother to the orator of Bunker’s hill, who complimented him in the name of his fellow citizens. From Pembroke to Concord, the capital of the state, his triumphal progress was attended by a large escort of citizens collected even from distant places. On arriving in that town, he was immediately conducted to the capitol, where the house of representatives and the senate, presided over by the governor of the state, were assembled to receive him. The address delivered by Governor Morrill, was remarkable for the vivid expression of the feelings of gratitude and attachment entertained towards him by the people of New Hampshire. He replied to this speech with great emotion.

After this reception the general was led into another room in the capitol, where General Pierce was in attendance, and who presented to him a great number of his old fellow soldiers, who, notwithstanding age and fatigue, had not hesitated to leave their distant fire-sides to shake hands and recall with him for a moment, scenes long passed. They, as well as the senators and members of the house of representatives, were individually introduced to him; the people joyfully prepared a dinner in the public square for six hundred guests, to which we were invited on leaving the capitol. The general had the pleasure of finding himself seated in the midst of two hundred officers and soldiers of the revolution, who could scarcely restrain their joy at the presence of their old friend.

Before leaving the table, several expressed in their toasts their feelings of philanthropic liberty. One drank “to the holy alliance between Lafayette and liberty—may it overthrow all plots against the rights of man.” Another gave “North America as she is, France as she ought to be.” The general replied to these wishes by the following toast: “The state of New Hampshire and its representatives, and this town, the residence of the constituted authorities of the state. May the citizens of New Hampshire always enjoy civil and religious liberty, benefits which the elevated souls of their ancestors led them to seek in a distant land, and which their fathers have founded on the solid basis of the sovereignty of the people, and the rights of men.” A discharge of artillery, and the unanimous plaudits of the crowd that surrounded the tables, attended this toast, and we left the table to proceed to the capitol square, where the militia were drawn up, waiting until the general reviewed them.

Our evening was divided between the musical society, who performed an excellent oratorio, and a party at Governor Morrill’s, at which were crowds of ladies, wishing to take leave of the national guest, who the next day left Concord with an escort of a corps of cavalry, and took the road to Dover, where he arrived before evening, and was received with an enthusiasm I shall not pretend to describe.

After having quitted Dover, we arrived on the frontiers of Maine, where General Lafayette was received by a deputation, with which we directed our course to Portland, the seat of government of that state. On the way we visited Kennebunk, a small town of about 2,500 inhabitants, remarkable for the commercial activity of its port. The sound of bells and artillery announced to the general with what pleasure he was expected by the people, with whom he resolved to spend some hours. When he entered the town-house, where the authorities of the state waited for him, he was received by Dr. Emmerson, who addressed him in the name of his fellow citizens.

Although the general had but a short time to devote to the citizens of Kennebunk, he yet accepted the public dinner they had prepared for him, and took his seat on a chair elegantly decorated with flowers by the ladies of the town: at the end of the repast each citizen expressed the feelings he experienced at this patriotic reunion, and Dr. Emmerson gave the following toast: “Our national guest, General Lafayette—he left Europe to give liberty to America; he returned to teach his country the manner of achieving happiness. To-day he comes among us to enjoy the result of his glorious deeds.”

The general replied to this toast by the following: “The village of Kennebunk, on the site of which the first tree was felled on the day in which the first gun was fired at Lexington, the signal of American and universal liberty! May that glorious date always be a pledge of the republican prosperity and increasing happiness of Kennebunk.”

On leaving the table, and before departing from the town, the general repaired to the house of one of the principal citizens, Mr. Storer, where all the ladies were assembled to be introduced to him. He thanked them affectionately for the delicate attentions which they had paid him during his stay at Kennebunk, and at 4 o’clock, P. M. he commenced his journey to Saco, where he slept.

On the 25th we arrived at Portland, a pretty town on the sea-shore, between the rivers Saco and Penobscot. It had been for a long time the seat of government of Maine, and its population, almost entirely commercial, is about nine thousand souls. The citizens of Portland and their magistrates had prepared a reception worthy of their love for Lafayette, and it may be said not to have yielded in magnificence to that accorded him by the largest cities of the Union; the militia, assembled from every part of the state, presented an imposing body in front of the town. The children of the different schools occupied the streets through which the general was to pass, and strewed flowers upon his path. The triumphal arches under which he passed, were remarkable for their good taste, and the delicacy of the inscriptions with which they were decorated. Upon one of them was a small model of a ship, under which was written, “I will purchase and equip a vessel at my own expense!” Words which Lafayette addressed, as is known, to the American commissioners at Paris, in 1777, when the latter acknowledged the inability of their country to provide the means of transporting him to the United States. Upon others were the names of the battles in which the young companion in arms of Washington had fought. Having slowly traversed the town amidst the acclamations of the crowd, the general arrived at the state house, where Governor Parris received and addressed him on behalf of the citizens of Maine, and in the presence of the representatives and magistrates of the people. The governor, in his address, recalled with enthusiasm the glorious epoch which commenced the reputation of Lafayette, and offered a merited tribute of eulogy and admiration to the soldiers of the revolution.

Replete with a vivid emotion in which all his auditors participated, General Lafayette briefly replied, but with that aptness and vigour, for which he was uniformly conspicuous.

From the senate chamber the general went to the house of Mr. Daniel Cobb, which had been prepared for him. He was there waited upon by a great number of deputations, who offered him the greetings of the neighbouring towns and villages. The grand officers of the masonic lodge of Portland were also there, and the president of the academy, who, in presence of the professors and students, conferred upon him the title of LL.D. As soon as he could disengage himself for a moment from the crowd, he visited Mrs. Thatcher, the daughter of his illustrious companion in arms, James Knox, with whom he remained until he was informed that the public authorities waited to accompany him to the dinner prepared by the citizens.

From Portland, the general would have been well pleased to continue his route to the extremity of the state of Maine, but time was wanting; he therefore retraced his steps towards Burlington, passing through Windsor, Woodstock, Montpelier, &c. Although Vermont is very mountainous, which rendered the road more difficult, we travelled with extreme rapidity, advancing almost all the time more than nine miles an hour, relays of horses having been well disposed by the inhabitants, in order that the general might not be retarded in his progress to New York. On the morning of the 28th, we arrived at Burlington, the beautiful situation of which, on the delightful shores of Lake Champlain, excited our admiration. Whilst we were viewing, with pleasure and astonishment, the beauties of nature spread before us, we heard the thunder of artillery, and an instant afterwards saw advancing towards us a body of militia, preceded by a crowd of citizens, who hastened in front of the national hotel. The good order of this body of troops, the bold and firm step of the men who composed it, answered perfectly to the reputation for bravery and patriotism which the inhabitants of Vermont had acquired in the revolutionary war, and in that of 1814. Every one knows, that it was the Vermonters who, in 1777, completed, by their presence, the embarrassment of the English General Burgoyne, who, at sight of their intrepid bands, presented his capitulation. Some days before his surrender, he wrote to the British minister: “The inhabitants of the New Hampshire[17] grants, a territory uninhabited and almost unknown during the last war, flock together by thousands, and accumulate upon my left like dense clouds” This letter had not yet been received in England when already the thunderbolts which these clouds enveloped had struck him. It was also the soldiers of Vermont, to the number of 800 only, who, led by General Starke, engaged, on the same day, two English detachments, took from them seven hundred prisoners, four pieces of artillery, and all their camp equipage. Finally, it was these intrepid Green Mountain boys who formed the troops which preserved Plattsburg from pillage by the English, on the 11th of September, 1814; and the raw crews, who, with vessels built in eighteen days, forced an enemy superior in number, to strike a flag which claimed the absolute empire of the sea.

The governor, who had met the general at Windsor, and who had travelled with him from that city, introduced him to the citizens and magistrates of Burlington, who received him with the most affectionate addresses. I shall not insert here, notwithstanding their eloquence, the numerous speeches addressed to him by the representatives of the different branches of the administration and government, nor his answers, in which he congratulated the state of Vermont on their enjoying so nobly the benefits of the new American social order, so superior to the least vicious institutions of Europe, and at having replaced European tolerance by religious liberty; privilege by right; a shadow of representation and an unequal compromise between the aristocratic families and the people, by a true representation by the principle of the sovereignty of the nation, and its self-government. But I cannot refrain from relating some of the patriotic remarks of these veterans, glorious and living monuments of the revolutionary war, who crowded around their old chief, the companion of former dangers, privations, and glory, and repeating with enthusiasm the names of the battles, in which he had aided them in achieving the independence of their country. Formed in column in the public square, to the number of more than a hundred, they listened at first in silence to the discourse addressed to the general by Mr. Griswold, president of the council; afterwards they advanced in their turn, conducted by one of their comrades, David Russel, whom they had chosen to be the organ of their sentiments, and who performed the office with that eloquence of heart which is inspired by love of country and of liberty. When the general had answered to the professions of attachment of his old companions in arms, they all in turn approached to shake hands with him, reminding him more particularly of the circumstances under which each had known him, or had fought by his side. One of them, Sergeant Day, showed him a sword, saying, “It is nearly half a century since I received this from your hands, general.” And I heard it said in the crowd, that notwithstanding his great age, Sergeant Day had not found this sword too heavy for his arm in 1814.

After the public dinner, which was concluded before night, the general visited the university, where he was invited to lay the corner stone of a new building intended to be added to the establishment, which an incendiary had destroyed a year before, and which the zeal of the inhabitants of Vermont for the diffusion of knowledge had entirely rebuilt in a few months. In the solidity and elegance of these buildings it was easy to see the hand of the people. The ceremony of laying the corner stone took place in presence of the pupils of the university, their professors, the magistrates of the city, and a great concourse of citizens, who saw with joy the restoration and enlargement of an institution destined to render more permanent the support of their wise institutions, by instructing and enlightening the rising generations. Mr. Willard Preston, president of the university, thanked General Lafayette for the evidence he had given of his interest in the education of the youth of Vermont, and we proceeded to the residence of Governor Van Ness, whose delightful dwelling and gardens arranged with exquisite taste, were still more charmingly embellished by an assemblage of ladies and gentlemen, who, during the whole evening, contended for the pleasure of approaching the nation’s guest, to express their sentiments of affection and gratitude for the services he had rendered to their country and forefathers; for, in the state of Vermont, as in all the rest of the Union, the females are not strangers either to the principles of government, or to the obligations of patriotism; their education, more liberal than in any part of Europe, places them in a condition more worthy the rank of thinking beings, as it is well known that in all the great events which have agitated the United States at different periods, the enthusiasm of the women powerfully seconded the energy of the magistrates, and the devotion of the warriors. One of the circumstances which contributed most to augment my attachment to the Americans during my stay among them, is the profound respect that they pay to females of every rank, and the tender care with which they protect this sex.

About midnight General Lafayette quitted the town of Burlington, carrying with him the good wishes and benedictions of the inhabitants, who accompanied him to the shore, where there were two steam-boats, the Phœnix and Congress, both having awnings, illuminated and ornamented with designs and transparencies. He went on board the Phœnix, which saluted him with thirteen guns on his embarkation, when the anchor was quickly weighed, amidst the loud farewells of the crowd who lined the shores. The Congress having on board a deputation from Vermont, and a large number of citizens, followed the Phœnix, and during the whole night we ploughed the waters, upon which Commodore M’Donough and his intrepid sailors covered themselves with glory on the 11th Sept. 1814. We should have been pleased, before leaving these places, to visit Plattsburg, where on the same day General M’Comb merited the gratitude of his country, by repulsing the veteran troops of Britain, with a handful of raw volunteers, who, at the first rumour of the invasion of their territory, had flocked around him; but the 4th of July was approaching, and rendered it necessary for us to hasten our progress.

The following day, June 30, about noon, we arrived at Whitehall, where General Lafayette disembarked under a canopy formed of two hundred flags of all nations, to the thunder of artillery, and between two lines of girls who scattered flowers over him as he passed. Whitehall is celebrated in the history of the revolutionary war. General Burgoyne boasted in parliament, at London, that those whom he called the rebels of America, were so incapable of resisting, that with five thousand regular troops he would march from Canada to Boston, where he would take up his winter quarters. He embarked in fact with his army on Lake Champlain, disembarked at Whitehall, and not far from the latter place, at Saratoga, he was compelled to capitulate, and passed, it is true, the winter at Boston, but as a prisoner of war. At the conclusion of the public dinner which the citizens of Whitehall gave to General Lafayette, he referred to this remarkable fact, by giving the following toast:—“Whitehall! May this town for ever enjoy the advantages resulting to her from the manner in which the English general’s prophecy was accomplished!”

We could remain but a short time with the inhabitants of Whitehall, who having furnished good carriages, and excellent horses, enabled us to pass rapidly over the eighty miles that separated us from Albany, where we were to embark for New York. After sunset we crossed Fish Creek, and stopped some minutes at the house of Mr. Schuyler, which is built on the precise spot where General Burgoyne delivered his sword to General Gates. At Whitehall we were told of the boast of the English general, and we now found ourselves on the field of battle which humbled his pride; we should have been exceedingly pleased to visit this theatre of one of the most glorious events of the revolution; but the night was too far advanced, and we were compelled to forego this pleasure. To make amends, as far as he could, Mr. Schuyler had the goodness to give us a very detailed account of the battle of Saratoga. “The ground,” he told us “has not undergone any change; the entrenchments, though considerably effaced by time, are nevertheless easy to be recognised.” In fact, the old patriots of that period can still show their children the path which the aid of General Gates took, when he carried the ultimatum to the English general, and the road by which the English army left their entrenchments to lay down their arms before rebels, who, almost without arms, and destitute of equipments, commenced so gloriously the acquisition of their independence. But these traces will one day disappear. Why not erect in the midst of them, a more durable monument, which shall remind future generations of the courage and patriotism of this glorious generation, which time will soon render extinct?

After a short time passed with the family of Mr. Schuyler, we left them, to sleep at a neighbouring town, and the next morning we continued our journey by a road which winds along the Hudson, sometimes to the right, at others on the left of the northern canal, which latter is constructed parallel to the river, and a short distance from its right shore; in crossing Fish Creek we re-entered the state of New York. We crossed the Hudson at Waterford; this spot is rendered remarkable by the junction of the northern with the western or great canal, which is just at the confluence of the rivers Mohawk and Hudson. On the 2d of July, we visited Lansinburgh, and returned to Troy, but without stopping any time. A steam-boat had been prepared for us at Albany; on board of which we went that evening, and at daylight we arrived at New York, where we disembarked almost unexpectedly.

Nevertheless, there was a great bustle, and a great number of strangers were observed in the streets; every moment vessels and carriages were arriving, followed by others which seemed to come from a greater distance. Detachments of militia from the neighbouring towns, inhabitants of the surrounding country, were constantly swelling the population of New York. Night did not interrupt these movements, the precursors of a great event. Accordingly at midnight, a discharge of artillery announced the commencement of a day ever glorious in the records of the history of the New World, and some hours afterwards the sun of the Fourth of July rose radiantly to illumine the 49th anniversary of the declaration of independence of a republic, whose great lessons will not be lost to the human race.

In the morning the militia were under arms, the streets, the public places, and the entrances to the churches, were thronged with people, and the air resounded with thanksgiving. At eight o’clock the officers and magistrates of New York and Brooklyn, with a number of citizens, visited General Lafayette, and invited him to lay the corner stone of a building for a mechanics’ library at Brooklyn. The general acceded with pleasure to the wishes of the magistrates, and proceeded to Brooklyn, where, assisted by some free masons of Long Island, he laid the corner stone of the edifice, in presence of a great concourse of citizens, arranged in front of whom the young mechanics loudly expressed their joy and gratitude; finally, he returned to New York, followed by companies of journeymen tailors, shoemakers, bakers, stone-masons, cutlers, coopers, riggers, &c., who, preceded by their banners, accompanied him to church, where he attended divine worship. The sermon, the subject of which was the solemnity of the day, was followed by the reading of the declaration of independence, which was listened to with profound attention. This declaration, a monument of fearlessness and wisdom, whose magic influence saved the colonies at a moment when, without money, munitions of war, or arms, they engaged in a formidable contest with the colossal power of Great Britain, affected the Americans even at the present day, after half a century, as if it were the moment when it was first proclaimed. Not only is it read every year on the fourth of July, in public, but also in many families. It is not uncommon to find the houses of the Americans ornamented with the declaration of independence, beautifully engraved with facsimiles of the signatures of the immortal signers attached to it, and splendidly framed. Even children know it by heart; it is commonly the first object upon which the youthful memory is exercised; it is their pleasing task to translate it into the different languages which they study; and when they recite it in the midst of a circle of their relations or friends, it is easy to perceive that they are penetrated, as were their fathers, with the incontestible truth of the principle, that “when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.”

I have often heard children of from ten to twelve years of age recite this extract in English and French, and it was never without deep emotion that they enumerated the oppressions and vexations exercised towards the American colonies by the mother country. It was easy to perceive that patriotism and liberty had taken deep roots in their young hearts, when they pronounced the pledge which terminates the concluding paragraph.

“We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world, for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.”

After leaving church, General Lafayette went to the Park, where all the militia and firemen were assembled, who manœuvred and defiled before him with great precision. One of these companies had a splendid flag, on which was represented an equestrian portrait of the nation’s guest. After this review he entered the city hall, where the governor presented him to the senate; by whom he was received with honours never before bestowed upon any one. On his entrance the members arose and uncovered themselves; the president of the senate advanced towards him, and felicitated him on his return, and expressed to him the gratification of the citizens of New York, at his uniting with them in the celebration of the anniversary of the glorious fourth of July.

From the council chamber we passed into that of the governor, where the general was attended by the members of the society of Cincinnatus, the European consuls, and a great number of distinguished persons, whom the municipal body had invited to a banquet, the arrangement of which had been given to a committee, who performed the duty in excellent taste. Memorials of glory, of patriotism, and of liberty, were assembled in astonishing numbers in the superb saloon of the city hall, where the tables were arranged. The busts of Washington and Lafayette, the portraits of Bolivar and of De Witt Clinton, were arranged in the midst of trophies, above which always floated united the American and French flags. The arm chair used by Washington when president, was placed in the centre, and covered with branches of laurel and evergreens.

The company having seated themselves at table, we observed, amidst the happy soldiers of 1776, proscribed persons from almost every country of Europe, to whom places had been assigned by the republican hospitality of the new world. Among these exiles were members of the Spanish cortes, driven from their country by despotism; some learned Germans flying from punishments as singular, as atrocious and unjust;[18] French officers,[19] compelled to seek, in a foreign land, a repose which they have had so often sacrificed for their native country, and all, notwithstanding the miseries they had suffered, appeared consoled, and their spirits revived by the prospect of the happiness enjoyed by the freemen among whom they reside.

According to the American custom, after dinner a number of appropriate toasts were drank. The general, after having received the felicitations and good wishes of all the company, went to the Park theatre, where the audience saluted him on his entrance and his departure with three cheers.

After the exertions of such a day, the general required rest, and the citizens, always attentive to his wishes, allowed him, during some days, freely to enjoy the calmer and not less pleasant attentions of his private friends. It was with delight that he consecrated this period to the society of his old companions in arms, among whom were Colonel Platt, Colonel Willett, Colonel Varick, General Van Cortland, and many others, whose names, though they dwell in the memory of the general, have escaped mine.

He did not again leave the sweets of private life except to cross the river to New Jersey, to pass a short time with his friend, Col. Varick, who had invited him to dine with some of the principal citizens of New York. The corporation of boatmen claimed the honour of conveying him across the Hudson in a boat whose name was rendered popular by a recent occurrence, which still occupied public attention.

The captain of the English frigate Hussar, which arrived at New York in December, 1824, had a gig of remarkably light construction, with which he had won several races in different European ports, especially in England. Proud of his success, and full of confidence in the speed of his gig, he challenged the boatmen of New York, and proposed a race for $1000; this was accepted, the money made up on their side by subscription, and a beautiful new boat called the American Star, chosen for the contest. The day, hour, and place were fixed. The English captain selected four of the most expert oarsmen of his crew, and acted as cockswain himself. The Whitehallers took four of their number without much choice, and a youth of fifteen for cockswain. The distance to be rowed was about three miles, between Castle Garden and the point of Long Island. The English sailors, stooping violently to their thwarts, and bending their oars at every stroke, launched forward with impetuosity, leaving in their wake large whirls of sparkling foam. The Whitehallers, seated perpendicularly on their thwarts, with motionless bodies, and their arms also nearly fixed, scarce skimmed the waves with their slight oars, but pressing and multiplying their pulls, were under way as soon as their adversaries, scarce disturbing the transparent water around them. A few minutes decided the victory, sometimes so long uncertain. Though started at the same time, the two boats were soon separated. The Englishmen, quickly exhausted by their violent exertions, could not equal the rapid flight of their rivals, whose prompt arrival at the goal was announced by the joyful acclamations of the spectators, whom curiosity had drawn from all points of the city and vicinity to the shores. Astonished at his defeat, but unable to contest its completeness, the English captain eagerly acknowledged the superiority of the American boat to his own, and offered to purchase her for $3,000. But the Whitehallers refused to sell her. “We wish to keep her,” said they, “as a monument of the victory we have had the honour of gaining over you; but to lessen the regrets caused by our refusal, we will run you another race, for double the stake, in which you shall man our boat against us, and we will man yours.” But, however the English captain was surprised, fearing a new defeat, or the loss of his money, he declined the proposal. In the evening, the victorious boat was drawn on a triumphal car through the city, and carried to the theatre, where it was crowned, along with its four oarsmen and young cockswain. The next day it was placed as a monument on the wharf, with the names of the crew inscribed on the thwarts, and this legend on her gunwale: American Star, Victorious, 4th December, 1824.

It was in this boat, and with the same oarsmen who had gained the victory, that the Whitehallers wished to convey General Lafayette to Sandy Hook, on the other side of the North river. In this passage we could judge of their dexterity and skill; the numerous boats which carried the other guests were compelled to follow at a distance. On his return, as soon as the general had disembarked, the boatmen in a body, under the flag of their association, and led by the victors, presented themselves, to thank him for the services which he had formerly rendered their country, and the testimonies of esteem accorded them. Then, after briefly relating the history of the boat in which he had crossed the river, they begged him to accept, and take it with him to La Grange, that it might continually recall to him the remembrance of his New York friends, the perfection of the mechanic arts in America, and the great motto of American seamen: “Free trade and sailors’ rights.”[20]

The nature of the present and the delicacy with which it was offered, did not permit the general to refuse it.

Meanwhile the period which was to separate us from the citizens of New York arrived, and our hearts were oppressed with sadness. On the 14th of July we left that city, to which we should not return previous to quitting America. The magistrates and the people attended the nation’s guest. A deep melancholy was evinced in every countenance; and although the wharves were covered with an immense multitude, a solemn silence was observed during our embarkation, interrupted only by the last farewell.

CHAPTER XV.

Letter of Mr. Keratry on the anniversary of Bunker’s hill—Fair Mount Water Works at Philadelphia—Germantown—Mr. Watson’s Historical Box—Field of the Battle of Brandywine—Invocation of the Rev. William Latta—Clergy of Lancaster—Return to Baltimore, lighted by a fire.

Whilst the citizens of the United States were exhausting every means to prove their grateful recollections of the ancient friend of their fathers, of their country, and of their institutions, France was not indifferent to the honours rendered to one of her sons on a distant shore. By means of her writers, her poets and her orators, she united her voice to that of republican America, to celebrate the principal circumstances of this triumph, honourable alike to the two nations. It was by means of one of the public journals,[21] printed at Paris and transmitted to the United States, that Mr. Keratry, inspired by the solemnity of Bunker’s hill, expressed the aspirations and sentiments of every friend of liberty in France:—

“Nations acquit themselves of a sacred debt in honouring the memories of their great citizens; but even by that they perform also an act of personal preservation, since nothing can better excite a generous patriotic devotion than the certainty secured to its author, of escaping oblivion.

“There is in fact, in the acclamations of public gratitude, something inspiring and almost contagious, which snatches man from himself, and the interests of daily life. We sacrifice this life to assure ourselves of another more brilliant and enduring. If told that these plaudits should be decreed to frigid ashes, one would feel himself revived to participate in this futurity of glory; and by a miracle of patriotism, the general safety of a country results from all the sacrifices of individuals.

“Nations capable of these sacrifices, even while endeavouring to throw off a yoke of oppression, the inevitable tendency of which is to degrade our species, wherever it is submitted to, were never without virtue. We are entirely convinced, that as God judges men individually, by their earthly conduct, in a future state, he pronounces also collectively on nations here below according to their sum of merit, and this is the providential justice of the present economy. According as he weighs them, they prosper or they perish! Thus have colonies become empires—thus have empires been swept away.

“Inhabitants of North America! citizens of an enfranchised world! behold what has permitted you to become embodied and constitute a nation; see what has guaranteed to you a perpetuity of ennobled existence! Your nobility is produced by your habits of laborious exertion, and by your domestic virtues. These virtues exist amongst you: where women are chaste, men are brave; where religion is the free and spontaneous motion of the creature toward the Creator, and is not transformed into a political lever of worldly interests, salutary faith presides over social order, and nerves the soul. You have had a Franklin, a Washington, a Samuel Adams, a Jefferson: if needed, you will find others. The tree abounds in sap, why then shall it not produce new fruits? Your prosperity no longer excites my astonishment; it is in the nature of things both human and divine.

“You do well, however, in enhancing the renown of these supporters of your liberty; and in raising monuments worthy of those who died in insuring it. The great citizen, who in 1765 was one of the founders of the noble conspiracy in Boston, so influential on your destinies; he who was on two memorable occasions commissioned by that city, to console, by his eloquence, the shades of your illustrious compatriots, massacred the 2d of March, 1770; he who in 1775 assisted you to win the brilliant auguries of the battle of Lexington, and who fell by a mortal blow at Breed’s Hill, in the second engagement of your struggle for independence, Dr. Warren, merited from yourselves and from your children, a peculiar distinction.

“It was perhaps sufficient for the glory of this gallant patriot, whose virtue was attested by the sorrow of his most decided enemies, and to whose courage the entrenched earth yet bears witness, which received with his blood his last drawn sigh: it was sufficient I say, that his collected remains should have found an honourable sepulture in the bosom of that city whose liberty he was so desirous to behold accomplished. You have decreed more than this for his heroic companions in arms. Men of North America, I congratulate you that the services of the brave remain vivid in your memories: for it were the extreme of rashness, to expect aught for the future of nations that forget the past, by which they were established and by which they exist. There are in you the elements of vigour, and you well know how to cherish them. You have desired that the hand of one of the earliest defenders of your liberty might assist you to complete the pious duty. Already have our imaginations and our eyes followed to the tomb of Washington, this aged soldier celebrated in the annals of two nations; nor can I believe that the sun ever shone on a more noble spectacle on this earth. Let us accompany, him yet farther, when on the 17th of the next month, he united with you in founding the monument built by the citizens of Boston to the memory of the brave of Bunker’s hill: fully worthy, indeed, to solemnize with you this great obligation, his views no doubt were directed toward his own country, whilst assisting you in the discharge of your country’s debt. He shall intercede by his prayers for us, and perhaps without envying the happy situation you owe to the civil and military talents of your citizens, he will humbly ask of Providence why those happy days seem to have been withdrawn from France, the dawn of which she once beheld. No! in his grief he will be silent, lest the tombstone, and the sacred bones which it protects, should render him a reply too severe for us, inhabitants of ancient Europe, where, pretensions to liberty are made without sacrifices, and to happiness without virtue!

“Happy nation! in thy calendars are found no victories but those which established thy independence. Nor dost thou desire others, unless a noble sentiment should dictate to thee to be interested in the cause of men oppressed by one of the hemispheres; for thou hast been oppressed, and has received succour.

“Permit no one of thy citizens to become great with a greatness which would be too personal to him, or which would disparage his compeers: for a nation should not become a pedestal.

“Grant no distinctions to the living which they have not merited by their achievements; nor to the dead, such as would retard the excellence about to arise in competition with the past; for the transmission of hereditary glory is the act of an unwise people, who alienate their posterity to the advantage of strangers.

“Simple citizens of another state! I feel encouraged to send you this address across the sea, whose waves separate us; but my spirit has wished to commune with yours, and I have believed that the counsel of a native son of France who rejoices in your fortunes, would not find a haughty and disdainful reception, even at the moment when one of his own countrymen is receiving the honours of your gratitude. That man to whom is accorded the privilege of beholding himself honoured as posterity will honour similarly great men, is preparing for a return to his native shore: you know his heart went in search of the great and the happy of the age, but that to him the cause of the just will ever be the good cause, whether in triumph or defeat. Blow auspicious, then, ye winds. Laden with gifts as in ancient days, crowned with flowers gathered by the hands of your beauteous virgins and of their virtuous mothers, may he speedily regain his fire-side! Soon may he be restored to expectant, welcome embrace! Detain no longer the noble visitant on your shores! You are rich enough in citizens. I shall not assent that they yet enrol themselves amongst us, for it is permitted to no one to speak evil of his country; but when the weak feel their own weaknesses and fears, the presence of the strong is the more important.”

Governed by the feeling of his duties as a citizen, and by his affections as the head of a numerous family, General Lafayette required not the expression of these emanations of friendship to insure his speedy return to France: nevertheless it was not without the kindest emotions that they penetrated his bosom. This demonstration of his countrymen’s continued affection contributed to mitigate the sacrifice he felt himself bound in duty to make, in rejecting the entreaties of the citizens of the United States, who universally and simultaneously begged he would fix his residence amongst them.

The intention of the general was, to re-embark previous to the return of the inclement season, but before quitting the American soil, he wished to fulfil some engagements which he had made in different places; to pass some time at the seat of the general government of the Union, and to make a final visit to the ex-presidents, in their retirement in Virginia. We were now in the middle of July, and there remained less than two months for the execution of these designs, and he hastened immediately to reach Pennsylvania. He passed rapidly through New Jersey, surrounded by the customary demonstrations of the veneration of the people. I shall not speak of the entertainments offered him by the inhabitants of the towns he passed through, nor of his second visit to Joseph Bonaparte, on his journey to Bordentown, where we had the pleasure of meeting again, Colonel Achille Murat, who had just returned from an interview with his brother, recently arrived from Spain. But we shall pause an instant longer in Philadelphia, to visit the Water Works, and attend the celebration festival with which the citizens particularly engaged in these works desired to honour the nation’s guest.

We had visited, during our first stay in Philadelphia, the fine machinery established on the Schuylkill, for the supplying of water to a population of one hundred and twenty thousand persons, and we had been struck with the simplicity of its mechanism, its admirable force, the elegance and good taste of the building prepared for its protection; however, being then pressed with other engagements, we but slightly glanced at its general aspect, without entering into the examination of details, and it was to supply this defect of our information that we returned hither a second time with the committee entrusted with the superintendence of the expenses of the establishment.

The tide in the Delaware extending far above Philadelphia, it followed that its inhabitants could not employ the water of that stream for culinary purposes, and heretofore they had no supply of potable water but that which was furnished by some cisterns, which became exhausted during the great dryness of the summer, or furnishing but an unwholesome beverage, a great number of diseases ensued. The rapid growth of the population soon rendered indispensable the supply of water of a better quality, and in larger quantity. One pump wrought by steam power was established on the border of the Schuylkill. The expense of maintaining this pump in operation was very great, and its power insufficient, being the only resource for the supply of a population of more than eighty thousand souls at the end of the year 1818, at which time the watering committee, composed of citizens distinguished for their skill and their zeal in the public service, began to devise means for substituting, in place of the old machinery, other works at once more suited to the increasing demands of the city, more economical in their structure and in the cost of continuing them in operation. Fair Mount, on the left bank of the Schuylkill, seemed the point most favourable for the execution of the views of the committee. The Schuylkill Navigation Company having permitted the damming of the river to obtain a fall of water, on condition that a canal with locks should be constructed at the expense of the city, on the right bank of the river, in order that the navigation should not be interrupted; and Messrs. White and Gillingham having consented to yield, for one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, their rights in the water courses, the committee, freed from every obstacle, submitted their plans to the city councils, who approved them, and voted the sum of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the commencement of their execution.

The labour was commenced the 19th of April, 1819, under the direction of Ariel Cooley, engineer, and was completed in four years. At the sight of the canals it was found necessary to open, the immense piers and embankments that had to be raised, the reservoirs which must be excavated to a great depth in the solid rocks, it is almost inconceivable that so many things could be achieved in so short a time. Money, it is true, was not withheld, but money is not always sufficient, we well know amongst us, for the accomplishment of great affairs; to act well and promptly, we must have agents of promptness and ability, and at the same time animated with honest zeal for the public welfare: such was Cooley, who unfortunately forfeited his life in consequence of his activity in the accomplishment of his duties. Incessantly exposed either to the heat of the sun or to the freshness of the nights, he contracted a fatal disease, which did not permit him to enjoy the fruits of his labour. Philadelphia, to this day, regrets in him a good citizen, an accomplished and disinterested artist.

As we have now seen them, the Water works at Fairmount can abundantly supply the demands of the city, and afford to the friends of the useful arts a monument worthy of their attention. The building that encloses the machinery, is constructed of stone of a brilliant whiteness. It is two hundred feet in length and fifty in breadth, and built in the Doric order of architecture. The interior section is divided into twelve solid vaulted apartments, designed for the reception of eight forcing pumps, to be put in operation by wheels of fourteen feet in diameter, and fourteen feet in length. Each extremity of the building is terminated by a pavilion of the same order of architecture, the one serving for the meetings of the watering committee, the other appropriated to the superintendent of the establishment. Of the eight pumps there are yet but three in operation, and by these alone there are carried into the reservoir of distribution, which is more than a hundred feet above the level of the river, nearly five millions of gallons of water in twenty-four hours. Each wheel performs thirteen revolutions per minute; they are formed with buckets perpendicular to the circumference, and revolve with surprising regularity. Their construction is due to the talents of Mr. Drury Bromley, who in this circumstance has forfeited no part of his reputation as an able mechanician.

The pumps are from the establishment of Messrs. Rush and Muhlenburg; they are castings of sixteen inches diameter, and are placed horizontally after the plan of Mr. Graff. Their play is so simple and so easy, that when they are in motion neither the smallest noise nor friction can be observed. Throughout all the parts of this admirable monument of American industry have been executed with the same care, and it is impossible to visit it without a strong excitement of admiration for all the individuals who have contributed to its design and completion. Mr. John Moore, mason, and Mr. Frederick Erdman, carpenter, have an equal share of honour with their collaborators; nor does any one omit a just tribute of praise to the precision in the calculations of Mr. Thomas Oaks, respecting the estimate and the application of the forces requisite to obtain, with the least possible expense, the most advantageous results. The total sum of expenditure, made in the construction of this establishment, amounts to four hundred and twenty-six thousand three hundred and thirty dollars, the interest of which at five per cent, is twenty-one thousand three hundred and sixteen dollars. The annual expense for salaries of workmen, repairs of machinery, fuel, oil, &c. is only fifteen hundred dollars, which added to the interest makes a total sum of only twenty-two thousand eight hundred and sixteen dollars, for distributing in the city of Philadelphia, almost five millions of gallons of water every twenty-four hours. The original steam engine could not supply more than one million six hundred thousand gallons of water, in twenty-four hours, and cost annually thirty-thousand eight hundred and fifty-eight dollars: and in order to obtain, by steam power, a daily supply of five millions of gallons, it would have required an annual expense of at least sixty-one thousand seven hundred and sixteen dollars. Thence there has been secured, by the introduction of the new machinery, an annual saving of thirty-eight thousand nine hundred dollars. To this great improvement must likewise be added many other equally important advantages, such as the healthfulness of the city, its great security against the ravages of fire, the embellishment of public places by abundant fountains, the opportunity afforded to every inhabitant of supplying his residence with water, at the moderate price of five dollars a year, and the facility of establishing in the city various factories, &c. by the aid of water power.

All these details were received with a lively interest by General Lafayette, who expressed his satisfaction and admiration, saying that the water works at Fair Mount appeared to him the perfect representation of the American government, in which were combined simplicity, power and economy. Just as we were leaving this interesting spot, Mr. Lewis, as president, and in behalf of the committee, presented the general a mode of the machinery, and a vertical section of the building perfectly executed in mahogany. He received it thankfully, and assured Mr. Lewis that he would have sincere pleasure in exhibiting to his friends in Europe, this evidence of the perfection of mechanic arts in the United States.

Although, during the whole period of our second visit to Philadelphia, the heat was excessive, so that Fahrenheit’s thermometer was generally at the 98th degree, and rose sometimes to 104°, General Lafayette was not the less assiduous in employing every day either in uniting with his friends in the festivities to which he was invited, or in visiting the environs of the city, nor did his health sustain one moment’s unfavourable impression.

It was the 20th of June that we went to visit the field of battle at Germantown and the mansion of Mr. Chew, on the walls of which may yet be discovered traces of the cannon and musket balls, proving the prominence of its situation in the battle that raged around it. After having breakfasted with Mr. Benjamin Chew, the proprietor of this historic mansion, the general continued his route to Chesnut Hill, in sight of Barren Hill, where on the 20th of May, 1778, he effected so happily and so successfully the famous retreat which laid the foundation of his fame in military tactics: thence he returned to Germantown, to pass a short time with the inhabitants, who anxiously requested he would visit their academy, at which he was received by the students with enthusiasm. We found amongst them the young Fernando Bolivar, adopted son of the Liberator. General Lafayette spoke to him with pleasure of the hopes which the friends of liberty and humanity repose in the character of his uncle, who, until the present moment, had advanced with a firm pace in the career pursued by Washington; the young man seemed penetrated with grateful emotions, and expressed himself in such a manner as to excite a hope, that his having been sent to the United States to study her political institutions would not be without permanent benefit.

As we were leaving Germantown, Mr. John F. Watson offered for the acceptance of the general a present of great value, on account of the recollections it awakened. It was a box formed of many pieces of different kinds of wood, the origin and history of which he thus recited:

“The body of the box is made of a piece of black walnut, an ancient son of the forest, that once occupied the spot where Philadelphia now stands. Cotemporary with the trees which lent their shade to William Penn and his companions, it continued till 1818, spreading its noble branches in view of the hall in which our declaration of independence was ratified.

“The cover is composed of four different pieces.

“The first is of a branch of a forest tree, the last surviving of those which were removed in order to dig the first foundations of Philadelphia.

“The vigour that yet animates the vegetation of this ancient tree, is an evidence of the rapid growth of the city, which has risen and become great whilst the tree is still flourishing.

“The second is a piece of oak, broken off the first bridge built in 1683, over the little river Canard. This piece was found in 1823 at about six feet below the surface of the earth.

“The third is a piece of the famous elm under which Penn’s first treaty with Shackamaxum was made. It fell from old age in 1810, but a branch from it is now growing, and in a flourishing state, in the garden of the hospital, and our fellow citizens delight to recount the story of its origin whilst protected by its shade.

“The fourth awakens recollections of yet more olden time. It is a fragment of the first house raised by European hands upon the American shores! It is a piece of mahogany of the habitation constructed and occupied in 1496, by the immortal Columbus. Honour to the Haytien government, which still watches with care for the preservation of this precious monument.

“I offer you these reliques with confidence,” continued Mr. Watson, “persuaded, as I am, that it is with interest you receive every thing connected with the remembrance of the first movements of a nation that has received so many proofs of your friendship.”

General Lafayette was, indeed, highly flattered by Mr. Watson’s present. He received it with gratitude, and a pledge that it should find a place amongst the most precious memorials of his tour. To this first present Mr. Watson added also another not less valuable; a piece of the American frigate “Alliance,” in which Lafayette had twice crossed the ocean during the revolutionary war.

On the 21st, we went to spend the day in the state of Schuylkill. But before speaking of the honours conferred there on the voyager, a few words of explanation of this “state,” will be requisite. “In 1731 some citizens of Philadelphia united themselves into an association having both pleasure and beneficence for its design. They purchased a large tract of land near the falls of the Schuylkill, built a house for the accommodation of their meetings, elected a governor, council, secretary of state, treasurer, and judge, established a seal, and constituted themselves the ‘Colony of the Schuylkill.’ More than half a century passed away without the slightest circumstance transpiring to give occasion of trouble to the colony: every day was marked by its benefactions, and delight and mutual confidence presided at all the periodical festivals, at which the members were assembled at a common table. But subject to the destiny of states, all of which have their vicissitudes, the colony of Schuylkill was also to experience a revolution. In 1783, at the conclusion of a dinner of more than fifty covers, the colony rose and declared independence: resolved to revise their constitution, and the Colony of the Schuylkill became, in the course of a few hours, the ‘republic of the State of Schuylkill,’ and no attempt was made on the part of the mother country to oppose it. Since that time the new republic has gone on advancing in strength and riches; its pleasures and its acts of benevolence followed at an equal rate. Possessed now of an enlarged estate acquired by a treaty with a farmer, she has transferred her seat of government, that is, her nets, her kitchen and cellar, three miles farther down the stream, under the cool shades on the banks of the river.”

Here it was that General Lafayette was received by the citizens and magistrates, who in the costume of fishermen, awaited his arrival on the frontier of their state. In a short and eloquent address, the secretary of state recounted to him the history of the republic, from its establishment to the present time, and concluded by announcing to him that the title and all the rights of citizen had been granted to him by a unanimous vote. As soon as the general had expressed his acceptance of the honour and his gratitude, he was invested with the national costume, and, his head being protected with the large straw hat, he entered into the occupations of the community. Mr. George Lafayette, Mr. de Syon, and myself, were also admitted to partake of the duties of the day; people and magistrates, all with one accord, assisted without distinction in the work. We embarked in the batteaux belonging to the republic, and obtained an abundant supply of fish, and in four hours we were seated at the banquet prepared by our own hands. Never was a repast attended with greater gaiety, nor cheered by better wine, and long shall we have the pleasure of remembering the delight and good cheer we found in the state of Schuylkill.

The week we had just spent in Philadelphia, as it were in his own family, had entirely composed the fatigue of the general; and although the heat continued excessive, he undertook, on the 25th, his journey to Wilmington, where a great number of Pennsylvanians and Virginians were in waiting to conduct him to the field of the battle of Brandywine. This field was not rendered illustrious by a victory, as has been said, but its remembrance is not less dear to Americans, who gratefully recollect the blood spilled there by their fathers, and by young Lafayette, in the defence of their rights, and to secure their independence. Happy that country in which events are appreciated more by their influence on its destinies than by the eclat of the moment! The men who took the first steps in procuring the liberties of the United States in the battles of Bunker’s hill and on the banks of the Brandywine, are at this day not less honoured in the eyes of the nation than those who sealed it last, at the battle of Yorktown.

In the beginning of September, 1777, General Howe, at the head of eighteen thousand men of the British army, embarked on board the fleet commanded by his brother, and left New York without the possibility of the Americans ascertaining precisely the object of his expedition. A few days after it was ascertained that he had entered the Chesapeake, and had landed at the Head of Elk, for the purpose of marching to attack Philadelphia, Washington immediately marched through this city, where the congress were then in session, and advanced to meet the enemy, annoying him with several attacks between the point of his debarkation and a small stream, the Brandywine, behind which the American army, greatly inferior in number, and composed almost wholly of militia, had just taken their position. Chads-Ford was in front of their encampment, where it was contemplated to give them battle, but General Howe leaving a body of troops on the opposite side of the stream, in order to cover his manœuvre, marched forward to pass another ford on the right of the Americans. This movement was so much the more difficult to reconnoitre, as the banks of the stream were densely grown with wood, and, by a singular fatality, the two parallel roads leading to the two fords were called by the same name, so that the reports received by Washington from his scouts, though apparently contradictory, were nevertheless true. This confusion of names threw the American general into a most painful anxiety; he hesitated too long on the course he was to pursue, and lost a most precious moment which might have given him the victory. Had he been able to procure definite intelligence of the movements of the enemy, he would have passed the ford before him, and most certainly would have defeated the British division which remained at Chads-Ford, commanded by Knyphauzen, and then falling suddenly on the body under General Howe, surprising him by an attack in flank, would almost inevitably have succeeded in a complete defeat of the English army; but the occasion passed rapidly, and the firing of muskets on his right soon apprized Washington of the danger of his situation. Happily he had established a position behind the second ford, of three brigades, commanded by Sullivan and Sterling. These three brigades sustained the attack with vigour, and for a short time arrested the British by a deadly fire: but their line being attacked both right and left, by superior forces, the wings gave way. The centre continued its position firmly, in defiance of the shower of broken brass that was poured in upon them. But this centre itself at last began to yield, and was about to beat a retreat, when young Lafayette, notwithstanding his rank of brevet-major, was yet serving as a simple volunteer near the commander-in-chief, dismounted from his horse, and went, sword in hand, to place himself at the head of a company of grenadiers, who, reanimated by this noble effort, maintained themselves firmly for a few moments. Soon, however, Lafayette received a shot below the knee, and was obliged to retire with his grenadiers; but he had already reaped the reward of his devotedness, for he had procured the opportunity for Washington to join the division of General Greene, and of recommencing the action in a second line. Here the fight raged on either side with obstinate perseverance, and the astonishing spectacle was exhibited of militia rallying after a first check, and fronting with firm step an enemy superior in numbers and in discipline. The event of this second contest was yet doubtful, when suddenly Washington learned that the pass of Chads-Ford was forced, and that Knyphauzen was about to fall on his left flank; he immediately resolved to secure a retreat to Chester, where he arrived with his army the same evening.

The battle was lost, but the British had paid dear for their victory, and the moral force of the Americans was augmented even by their defeat. In this day’s engagement Lafayette had sealed with his blood his alliance with the principles for which he had crossed the ocean, and forever secured to himself the gratitude of a nation amongst whom generous and noble sentiments outlive the ravages of time.

It was once more to evince their gratitude for their long tried friend, that the revolutionary soldiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia had now assembled with their sons to conduct Lafayette to the field of the battle of Brandywine. We left Chester on the 26th of July, with a retinue, at the head of which appeared the two oldest revolutionary officers of the neighbouring counties, Colonel M’Lean and Captain Anderson. Numerous bodies of militia had preceded us, and were already gone to take their position at the ancient encampment of the American army, where may yet be discovered traces of one of the redoubts. It was about noon when we arrived on the borders of the Brandywine, along which we were to travel to the point at which, as we had been informed, the army had passed. But on approaching the stream, General Lafayette cast a glance on the surrounding country and said, “It cannot be here that we passed in 1777, it must be a little higher up the stream.” It was in fact ascertained that the passage had been effected just above the spot we occupied. This accuracy of observation and vivid recollection excited in a high degree the admiration of the numerous witnesses.

At Chads-Ford the general learned that one of his companions in arms, Gideon Gilpin, under whose roof he had passed the night before the battle, was now confined to bed by age and infirmity, and despaired of being able to join his fellow citizens in their testimony of respect to the general: he went to visit the aged soldier, whom he found surrounded by his family. Gideon Gilpin, notwithstanding his extreme weakness, recognized him on his entrance, and proved by tears of grateful and tender recollection how much this visit tended to the comfort and soothing of his last moments.

On arriving at the field of battle, General Lafayette recognised successively, and pointed out to us himself, all the principal points on which the two armies had manœuvred and fought on the 11th of September 1777; nor did his recollection wander a single moment. Being arrived at the spot where the first attack was made, and where he had been wounded, he paused a moment; his ancient companions pressed around his carriage, and the militia passed before him, amid the loudest acclamations and the cry a thousand times re-echoed, “long live Lafayette.” During the whole of this scene, of profound emotion on his part, and which his modesty induced him frequently to attempt to abridge, he spoke to those around him of nothing but the presence of mind evinced by Washington on the fatal day of the 11th September, and of the courage manifested by the officers and soldiers in supporting him. But in vain he recalled the names of the most illustrious chiefs, and attributed to them all the glory of having saved the army: the reply he received was by pointing him to the soil on which he had spilled his blood, and the sight of this indestructible monument exalted to the highest degree the gratitude of the crowd of spectators who accompanied him. In prolonging our excursion along the route by which the British had conducted their first attack, we arrived at the house of Mr. Samuel Jones. It had been for a short time occupied by General Howe during the battle, and yet retains traces of the well directed fire of the American artillery. After the elegant collation with which we were entertained by Mrs. Jones, we had presented to us various implements and remains of arms found on the field of battle; and we returned with these precious reliques to West Chester, where we concluded the day in the enjoyment of festivities prepared by the inhabitants.

In the multiplied recitals I have made of the public rejoicings at which I assisted, during my stay in the United States, it was impossible not to be struck with the constant association of religious ideas and patriotic sentiments which so strongly characterise the citizens of this republic: but what is not less remarkable is, that their religion, free of practical minutiæ, seems as much an uniform sentiment as their love of liberty resembles an uniform faith. With them a political orator never terminates a prepared address without an invocation, or grateful recognition of divine power; and a minister of the gospel on taking the pulpit commences, by recalling to the notice of his auditors their duties as citizens, and their peculiar privileges in living under the wise institutions of their country. It may also be remarked, that this union of political morals and theology influences all the actions of the Americans with a gravity and deep conviction, the charm and tendency of which are wholly inexpressible. How could any one listen to these simple and touching invocations without being deeply affected, and without uniting in their humble and pious acknowledgements? We were about being seated at the hospitable board prepared by the citizens of West Chester at the National Hotel, when the president of the day remarked that a minister of the church was in the company, and invited him to ask a blessing on the assemblage, which was done in the most affecting manner by the Rev. William Latta.

A committee of the citizens of Lancaster having been deputed to escort General Lafayette from West Chester, he committed himself to their care on the 27th, after taking leave of a great number of the soldiers of 1776, who could not receive the last adieu of the aged general without testifying their emotion with tears.

I have already, I believe, mentioned the remarkable fact, that at the south, as at the north, and from the east to the west of the United States, we had met with men of different manners and languages, submitting for the general good to the same democratic government; living in harmony, in the enjoyment of domestic happiness and of public prosperity, under the shield of the same institutions. Having made this observation, we naturally concluded that neither great wealth nor diverse habits of the people of this country, are obstacles to the establishment and the administration of republican government, which is founded on an equal appreciation of the interests and rights of all. Nothing perhaps more strongly confirmed General Lafayette in this opinion, than a view of the city and county of Lancaster, where are found men from all parts of America and Europe, and of almost every diversity of religious faith, yet all attached to the wise and excellent institutions by which they are governed.

I shall not describe the festivities with which the citizens of Lancaster entertained the man, who, whilst they received him as a guest, they most warmly claimed as their friend, though they were not inferior either in elegance or cordiality to those of the largest cities of the Union. I shall not, however, pass over in silence, events which by their nature serve to explain the unity of sentiments and principles which characterise all classes of the American people. I shall, therefore, relate the proceedings of the clergy of every denomination in the city and vicinity, who, at the intelligence of the arrival of the general, spontaneously collected to unite their patriotic felicitations with those of the other citizens. Their congratulations were conveyed by the dean on their behalf, without distinction of sect. If the address were to be given at length, it would give additional weight to the opinion I have already advanced respecting the American clergy: but it will suffice, I trust, to relate a portion of the general’s reply, in which this opinion is expressed with a strength and precision which leave no doubt of his convictions.

“I accept,” replied he, “with sincere gratitude the proofs of kindness and regard which the clergy of this city and vicinity have voluntarily accorded to me, and which you, sir, have expressed in so impressive a manner. In my happy sojourn in this country, I have often had occasion to remark the veneration which the clergy of every denomination inspire, whose individual members, apostles of the rights of man, are the immediate functionaries of a religion founded on the principles of liberty and equality, and on the principle of elections by the people of evangelical ministers.”

On quitting Lancaster, we travelled to Port Deposit, on the shore of the Susquehanna, where we were met by a deputation from Baltimore, with whom we embarked, destined for this latter city. On our way we visited Havre-de-Grace, a small town situated on the Susquehanna, at its entrance into the Chesapeake. Here we remained several hours, and then continued our voyage favoured by fine weather, our way being beguiled also by the pleasures we enjoyed on board. From the deck of our vessel, we beheld expanded to our view the delightful vallies and the rich hills of Maryland: the companions of our voyage, pressing around Lafayette, and designating to him the fields in which, during their struggle for liberty, he had fought to obtain it: and at short distances on the shores, groups of the inhabitants attracted by the sounds of national airs which echoed from our deck, testified, by incessant acclamations, the delight occasioned by the presence of the adopted son and benefactor of their country.

The sun had left the horizon some time ere we arrived at the mouth of the Patapsco, and it was not till midnight that we touched the wharf at Baltimore. Though at that advanced and unseasonable hour, a large number of persons were in waiting for the appearance of our vessel, and on disembarking General Lafayette found himself surrounded by a crowd of friends. At the moment of placing his foot on shore, an immense burst of light suddenly illuminated the port, and looking to the southern quarter of the city we saw volumes of flame rising almost to the clouds. Instantly the hollow cry of “fire, fire,” resounded in every street. Anxious to offer the first assistance, we left the general in care of two members of the committee, who conducted him directly to the hotel provided for him, and we ran at our utmost speed toward the scene of conflagration, but we discovered that we had been outstripped by four engines, which on our arrival were already in full operation. Other engines arrived from all quarters, directed by young men, volunteers in this patriotic employment, and commenced their operations with such promptness and activity, that, although the fire had originated in a frame building occupied as a store, the flames were very soon subdued, and indeed wholly extinguished. We found ourselves involuntarily amidst the inactive crowd of spectators, and returned to our lodgings at two o’clock in the morning, filled with admiration of the spontaneous exertions as well as the zeal and ability of the young firemen of Baltimore.

CHAPTER XVI.

Return to Washington—Character of the new President—Visit to the ex-president, become a farmer and justice of peace—Government offers Lafayette a ship of war to return in to France—Presents made to Bolivar through Lafayette—New homage from the city of New York—Farewell of the President to the Nation’s Guest—Departure from Washington city—Embarkation in the Brandywine—Voyage—Testimonies of attachment and regret of the crew of the Brandywine to Lafayette—Reception at Havre—Some hours at Rouen—Reception of Lafayette at La Grange by the inhabitants of his vicinity.

After resting two days at Baltimore we set out for Washington city. General Lafayette wished to depart privately, and the citizens, always solicitous to satisfy his desires, contented themselves with calling in the evening to take leave and express their regrets. This circumstance employed several hours, and left in our hearts impressions of profound melancholy. We commenced our journey on the 1st of August, accompanied by two members of the Baltimore committee. A few miles from Washington we were met by an elegant carriage, which drew up near us, from which a young gentleman alighted and inquired for General Lafayette. This was the eldest son of the new president Mr. Adams, who was sent by his father to the nation’s guest, to inform him that he had solicited and obtained from the citizens of the metropolis, permission to offer him the use of the president’s house. The general accepted the invitation for himself and travelling companions, entered Mr. Adams’s carriage, and we continued on our route. Our two members of the Baltimore committee had not anticipated such an occurrence, which threw them into considerable embarrassment. They had been zealous “Jackson men,” and had declared themselves strongly against Mr. Adams, during the election; of this Mr. Adams was not ignorant, and on this occasion it appeared difficult to them to present themselves under the auspices of General Lafayette, without exposing themselves to the chance of being thought willing to make the amende honorable. They determined to separate from our party, on entering the city, and took lodgings in a hotel.

During the canvass of the presidential election, I had frequently heard the adversaries of Mr. Adams accuse him of aristocratic habits, contracted, as they said, in the foreign courts at which he had passed many years. This accusation appeared to me much opposed to what I had seen and have related of his conduct in the steam-boat going from Frenchtown to Baltimore; but, at length, in consequence of hearing the charge frequently repeated, I began to fear, that, with the exercise of power, he might fall into what we call in Europe the manners of a prince; my surprise was therefore the more agreeable, to find, on reaching Washington, that the president was not changed. It is true, we found Mr. Adams in the place of Mr. Monroe; but the public man was still the same. The plainness of the domestics, and facility of access to the house, appeared not to have undergone the least alteration, and in Mr. Adams’s reception of us we experienced all the cordiality of his predecessor. He soon ascertained why our companions had not remained with us, and hastened to send them an invitation to dinner, which they accepted without embarrassment or hesitation, as men who understood the politeness intended them, but who did not consider themselves as being in any way pledged by accepting it.

The lodgings prepared for us in his own house by the president were plain, but commodious and in good taste. Anxious to enable General Lafayette to enjoy the repose he thought him to need after so many and such long voyages, and after numerous and profound emotions, he secluded himself with us in entire privacy. Aided by Mrs. Adams, her two sons, and two nieces, he made us taste, if I may so express myself, the sweets of domestic life. During the early portion of our stay, there rarely set down to table or around the hearth more than two or three persons at once, and usually these were some public officers who, after being occupied all day with the president in business, were detained by him to dinner and the familiar conversation of the evening. It was during this period which glided away so swiftly, that I could appreciate the character of Mr. Adams, whom I had previously known only by the eulogies of his friends or the attacks of opponents. I discovered that the first had but done him justice, and the last been misled by party spirit. It is difficult to find a more upright and better cultivated intellect than is possessed by the successor of Mr. Monroe. The beautiful reliefs of the capitol, to which he is not a stranger; his treatise on weights and measures, and the numerous diplomatic missions he has discharged with distinction, bear witness to his good taste in the arts, the correctness of his scientific judgment, and his skill in politics. As to the accusation of aristocracy, which some have preferred against him, it is sufficiently refuted by his manners, which remain unaltered by his elevation to the chief magistracy of the republic.

Notwithstanding that General Lafayette was daily preparing to return to Europe, before quitting the American soil, he wished once more to see some of his old Virginia friends, and especially desired again to embrace and thank him, who, as head of the government, had first welcomed him to its capital, and who, at present returned to private life, continued to give his fellow citizens an example of all the virtues, in cultivating his modest patrimony. The general mentioned the subject to Mr. Adams, who offered to accompany him on this visit, saying, “that he would gladly take this occasion to go and present to his predecessor his tribute of veneration and attachment.” The 6th of August was the day fixed upon for this visit, and we set out for Oak Hill, the seat of Mr. Monroe, which is thirty-seven miles from Washington, unaccompanied by any escort. Mr. Adams took the general and Mr. George Lafayette, with one of his friends, in his carriage; I rode in a tilbury with the president’s son. At the Potomac bridge we stopped to pay the toll, and the gate-keeper, after counting the company and horses, received the money from the president, and allowed us to pass on; but we had gone a very short distance, when we heard some one bawling after us, “Mr. President! Mr. President! you have given eleven-pence too little!” Presently the gate-keeper arrived out of breath, holding out the change he had received, and explaining the mistake made. The president heard him attentively, re-examined the money, and agreed that he was right, and ought to have another eleven-pence. Just as the president was taking out his purse, the gate-keeper recognized General Lafayette in the carriage, and wished to return his toll, declaring that all gates and bridges were free to the nation’s guest. Mr. Adams told him, that on this occasion General Lafayette travelled altogether privately, and not as the nation’s guest, but simply as a friend of the president, and, therefore, was entitled to no exemption. With this reasoning, our gate-keeper was satisfied, and received the money. Thus, during his course of his voyages in the United States, the general was but once subjected to the common rule of paying, and it was exactly upon the day in which he travelled with the chief magistrate; a circumstance which, probably in every other country, would have conferred the privilege of passing free.

We did not reach Oak Hill until the morning after we left Washington. We found the ex-president of the United States, now a farmer, pleasantly settled with all his family, in a handsome house near his farm. He was engaged in superintending his agricultural affairs, and endeavouring to improve his property, which had long been neglected for public business. Some of Mr. Monroe’s friends had collected to assist him in entertaining Lafayette. We passed three days in their company, and then the inhabitants of Leesburg, a small adjacent village, came in company with the Loudon county militia, to invite the presence of the nation’s guest at an entertainment prepared for him. The president, ex-president, and chief justice of the United States, accompanied him, and received their share of popular attention; but it was easy to perceive that this homage was inspired by the veneration of their virtues, rather than by any titles which they possessed.

After the Leesburg and Loudon county festivals we took leave of Mr. Monroe to return to Washington. Wishing to make the journey in a single day, we set out very early, but soon had cause to repent of this arrangement; about two o’clock the heat became so oppressive, that one of Mr. Adams’s horses was struck down by apoplexy. The driver in vain attempted to save its life by copious blood-letting, and in a few minutes the animal expired in the ditch where it had fallen. As soon as the accident happened, we all alighted to help the horse, but finding him dead, we took seats on the grass until a waiter went to the nearest village for another horse. Travellers were passing us continually, and cast inquisitive glances upon our group, without once suspecting the presence of the first magistrate of the republic, or that of the adopted son of a great nation. Having procured another horse, we resumed our journey, but the delay caused by this accident prevented our arrival at Washington until long after sunset, which prevented us visiting the falls of Potomac, near to where we crossed the river. Although these falls are of slight elevation, their effect is said to be very fine.

A few days afterwards we again left the capital to make a last tour in Virginia. On this occasion we visited Albemarle, Culpepper, Fauquier, Warrenton and Buckland. Although in all these towns the progress of Lafayette was marked by popular festivals, he could not avoid feeling pained by the recollection that in a few days he was about to leave, perhaps for ever, a country which contained so many objects of his affection. At Albemarle we were re-joined by Mr. Monroe, whom we now found invested with a new public character. Faithful to the doctrine that a citizen should always be entirely at the service of his country, he did not think that his title of late president of the republic withheld him from being useful to his countrymen; and he had therefore accepted the office of justice of the peace, to which he had been elected by the confidence and suffrages of the people of his county. Mr. Madison had also left his retreat and re-joined us on the road to Monticello, whither the general went to take leave of his old friend Jefferson, whose enfeebled health kept him at present in a state of painful inaction. The meeting at Monticello, of three men, who, by their successive elevation to the supreme magistracy of the state, had given to their country twenty-four years of prosperity and glory, and who still offered it the example of private virtues, was a sufficiently strong inducement to make us wish to stay there a longer time; but indispensable duties recalled General Lafayette to Washington, and he was obliged to take leave of his friends. I shall not attempt to depict the sadness which prevailed at this cruel separation, which had none of the alleviation which is usually left by youth, for in this instance, the individuals who bade farewell, had all passed through a long career, and the immensity of the ocean would still add to the difficulties of a reunion.

One of Mr. Adams’s first cares on attaining the head of the administration had been to decide General Lafayette to accept the use of a public ship for his return to France. This vessel, built in Washington navy yard, was launched about the end of June, and was to be ready for sea by the beginning of September, the time fixed upon by General Lafayette for his departure. “It is customary,” Mr. Adams wrote to him, “to designate our frigates by the names of rivers of the United States; to conform to this custom, and make it accord with the desire we have to perpetuate a name that recalls that glorious event of our revolutionary war, in which you sealed with your blood your devotion to our principles, we have given the name of Brandywine to the new frigate, to which we confide the honourable mission of returning you to the wishes of your country and family. The command of the Brandywine will be entrusted to one of the most distinguished officers of our navy, Captain Charles Morris, who has orders to land you under the protection of our flag, in whatever European port you please to designate.”

This invitation was too honourable, and made with too much delicacy, to be for an instant refused by General Lafayette; therefore he hastened to return to Washington to express his gratitude to the president, and concert with Captain Morris the day of sailing, which was settled for the 7th of September. When this determination became known, a great number of persons thronged from the neighbouring cities to take a last farewell of the nation’s guest; and all the constituted authorities of the capital determined to take a solemn leave of him. From this time to the day of our embarkation the general devoted his whole time to the duties of friendship, and in answering to the invitations of various cities, which, for want of time and on account of their distance, he had been unable to visit.

The fame of Bolivar’s exploits in combating for the liberty and independence of the South American republics, at this time resounded through the United States, whose citizens applauded with transport his republican patriotism, which then was free from all suspicion. Mr. Custis, the adopted son of Washington, whose ardent spirit is ever ready to sympathise with all that is great and generous, conceived the thought of presenting to the Liberator, as a testimonial of his admiration, a fine portrait of General Washington, and a medal of pure gold, which had been decreed to the great citizen by the American nation, at the festival of independence. He thought that these presents, although sufficiently precious on account of their origin, would acquire a still greater value by passing through the hands of the veteran of liberty in the two worlds, and General Lafayette consented with pleasure to the request made him to be the organ of communication. On the 2d of September these presents were placed in the hands of M. Villenilla, member of the Colombian Legation, with a letter for Bolivar, from Lafayette.

On the 6th of September, the anniversary of Lafayette’s birth, the president gave a grand dinner, to which all the public officers, and numerous distinguished persons then in Washington, were invited. The company had already assembled and were about to sit down to table, when the arrival of a deputation from the city of New York was announced, which came to present to General Lafayette, on behalf of the city council, a book containing an account of all the transactions and events occurring during his stay in that city. This magnificent volume, removed from its case, and exhibited to the company, excited general admiration. It is in fact a masterpiece that may be compared with the most beautiful and rich of those manuscripts which formed the glory and reputation of libraries before the discovery of printing. It contained fifty pages, each ornamented with vignettes designed and painted with the greatest skill; views and portraits perfectly executed, completed this work, of which the writing was done by Mr. Bragg, and the paintings by Messrs. Burton, Inman, and Cummings. The view of the Capitol at Washington, of the City Hall of New York, and the portraits of Washington, Lafayette, and Hamilton, left nothing to be desired; and in order that this beautiful work should be altogether national, it was upon American paper, and bound by Mr. Foster of New York with admirable richness and elegance.

General Lafayette gratefully accepted this fine present, to which the president and his cabinet gave additional value by placing their signatures in it. Although a large company partook of this dinner, and it was intended to celebrate Lafayette’s birth-day, it was very serious, I may say, almost sad. We were all too much pre-occupied by the approaching journey to be joyous: we already felt, by anticipation, the sorrowfulness of separation. Towards the conclusion of the repast, the president, contrary to diplomatic custom, which forbids toasts at his table, arose and proposed the following: “To the 22d of February and 6th of September, birthdays of Washington and Lafayette.” Profoundly affected to find his name thus associated with Washington, the general expressed his thanks to the president, and gave this toast, “To the fourth of July, the birth-day of liberty in both hemispheres.”

At last the day which we ardently wished for, and whose approach, however, filled us with profound sadness, the day which would begin to convey us towards our country, but must, at the same time, separate us from a nation which had so many claims to our admiration and affection, the day of our departure, the 7th of September, dawned radiantly. The workshops were deserted, the stores were left unopened, and the people crowded around the president’s mansion, while the militia were drawn up in a line on the road the nation’s guest was to move to the shore. The municipality collected about the general to offer him the last homage and regrets of their fellow citizens.

At eleven o’clock he left his apartment, slowly passed through the crowd which silently pressed after him, and entered the principal vestibule of the presidential dwelling, where the president, surrounded by his cabinet, various public officers, and principal citizens, had waited for him a few minutes. He took his place in the centre of the circle which was formed on his approach; the doors were open, in order that the people who were assembled without might observe what took place, and the slight murmur of regrets which were heard at first among the crowd, was succeeded by a solemn and profound silence; the president, then visibly agitated by emotion, addressed him as follows, in the name of the American nation and government:—

“General Lafayette—It has been the good fortune of many of my distinguished fellow-citizens, during the course of the year now elapsed, upon your arrival at their respective places of abode, to greet you with the welcome of the nation. The less pleasing task now devolves upon me, on bidding you, in the name of the nation, adieu.

“It were no longer seasonable, and would be superfluous, to recapitulate the remarkable incidents of your early life—incidents which associated your name, fortunes and reputation, in imperishable connection with the independence and history of the North American Union.

“The part which you performed at that important juncture was marked with characters so peculiar, that, realizing the fairest fable of antiquity, its parallel could scarcely be found in the authentic records of human history.

“You deliberately and perseveringly preferred toil, danger, the endurance of every hardship, and the privation of every comfort, in defence of a holy cause, to inglorious ease, and the allurements of rank, affluence, and unrestrained youth, at the most splendid and fascinating court of Europe.

“That this choice was not less wise than magnanimous, the sanction of half a century, and the gratulations of unnumbered voices, all unable to express the gratitude of the heart with which your visit to this hemisphere has been welcomed, afford ample demonstration.

“When the contest of freedom, to which you had repaired as a voluntary champion, had closed, by the complete triumph of her cause in this country of your adoption, you returned to fulfil the duties of the philanthropist and patriot in the land of your nativity. There, in a consistent and undeviating career of forty years, you have maintained, through every vicissitude of alternate success and disappointment, the same glorious cause to which the first years of your active life had been devoted, the improvement of the moral and political condition of man.

“Throughout that long succession of time, the people of the United States, for whom, and with whom you had fought the battles of liberty, have been living in the full possession of its fruits; one of the happiest among the family of nations. Spreading in population; enlarging in territory; acting and suffering according to the condition of their nature; and laying the foundations of the greatest, and, we humbly hope, the most beneficent power that ever regulated the concerns of man upon earth.

“In that lapse of forty years, the generation of men with whom you co-operated in the conflict of arms, has nearly passed away. Of the general officers of the American army in that war, you alone survive. Of the sages who guided our councils; of the warriors who met the foe in the field or upon the wave, with the exception of a few, to whom unusual length of days has been allotted by heaven, all now sleep with their fathers. A succeeding, and even a third generation, have arisen to take their places; and their children’s children, while rising up to call them blessed, have been taught by them, as well as admonished by their own constant enjoyment of freedom, to include in every benison upon their fathers, the name of him who came from afar, with them and in their cause to conquer or to fall.

“The universal prevalence of these sentiments was signally manifested by a resolution of congress, representing the whole people, and all the states of this Union, requesting the president of the United States to communicate to you the assurances of grateful and affectionate attachment of this government and people, and desiring that a national ship might be employed, at your convenience, for your passage to the borders of your country.

“The invitation was transmitted to you by my venerable predecessor; himself bound to you by the strongest ties of personal friendship, himself one of those whom the highest honours of his country had rewarded for blood early shed in her cause, and for a long life of devotion to her welfare. By him the services of a national ship were placed at your disposal. Your delicacy preferred a more private conveyance, and a full year has elapsed since you landed upon our shores. It were scarcely an exaggeration to say, that it has been, to the people of the Union, a year of uninterrupted festivity and enjoyment, inspired by your presence. You have traversed the twenty-four states of this great confederacy: You have been received with rapture by the survivors of your earliest companions in arms: You have been hailed as a long absent parent by their children, the men and women of the present age: And a rising generation, the hope of future time, in numbers surpassing the whole population of that day when you fought at the head and by the side of their forefathers, have vied with the scanty remnants of that hour of trial, in acclamations of joy at beholding the face of him whom they feel to be the common benefactor of all. You have heard the mingled voices of the past, the present, and the future age, joining in one universal chorus of delight at your approach; and the shouts of unbidden thousands, which greeted your landing on the soil of freedom, have followed every step of your way, and still resound, like the rushing of many waters, from every corner of our land.

“You are now about to return to the country of your birth, of your ancestors, of your posterity. The executive government of the Union, stimulated by the same feeling which had prompted the congress to the designation of a national ship for your accommodation in coming hither, has destined the first service of a frigate, recently launched at this metropolis, to the less welcome, but equally distinguished trust, of conveying you home. The name of the ship has added one more memorial to distant regions and to future ages, of a stream already memorable, at once in the story of your sufferings and of our independence.

“The ship is now prepared for your reception, and equipped for sea. From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions will ascend to heaven that her passage may be prosperous, and your return to the bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, as your visit to this scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American people.

“Go, then, our beloved friend—return to the land of brilliant genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic valour; to that beautiful France, the nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry; to the native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and Catinat, of Fenelon and D’Aguesseau. In that illustrious catalogue of names which she claims as of her children, and with honest pride holds up to the admiration of other nations, the name of Lafayette has already for centuries been enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into brighter fame; for if, in after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate the character of his nation by that of one individual, during the age in which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle in his cheek, the fire of conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he shall pronounce the name of Lafayette. Yet we, too, and our children, in life and after death, shall claim you for our own. You are ours by that more than patriotic self-devotion with which you flew to the aid of our fathers at the crisis of their fate. Ours by that long series of years in which you have cherished us in your regard. Ours by that unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your services which is a precious portion of our inheritance. Ours by that tie of love, stronger than death, which has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, with the name of Washington.

“At the painful moment of parting from you, we take comfort in the thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation of your heart, our country will be ever present to your affections; and a cheering consolation assures us, that we are not called to sorrow most of all, that we shall see your face no more. We shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of beholding our friend again. In the mean time, speaking in the name of the whole people of the United States, and at a loss only for language to give utterance to that feeling of attachment with which the heart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man—I bid you a reluctant and affectionate farewell.”

An approving murmur drowned the last words of Mr. Adams, and proved how deeply the auditors sympathised with the noble sentiments he had expressed in favour of France, and her children whose whole life and recent triumph would add still more to his glory and exaltation. General Lafayette, deeply affected with what he heard, was obliged to pause a few moments before he was able to reply. At last, however, after having made an effort to regain his voice, he thus expressed himself:

“Amidst all my obligations to the general government, and particularly to you, sir, its respected chief magistrate, I have most thankfully to acknowledge the opportunity given me, at this solemn and painful moment, to present the people of the United States with a parting tribute of profound, inexpressible gratitude.

“To have been, in the infant and critical days of these states, adopted by them as a favourite son, to have participated in the toils and perils of our unspotted struggle for independence, freedom and equal rights, and in the foundation of the American era of a new social order, which has already pervaded this, and must, for the dignity and happiness of mankind, successively pervade every part of the other hemisphere, to have received at every stage of the revolution, and during forty years after that period, from the people of the United States, and their representatives at home and abroad, continual marks of their confidence and kindness, has been the pride, the encouragement, the support of a long and eventful life.

“But how could I find words to acknowledge that series of welcomes, those unbounded and universal displays of public affection, which have marked each step, each hour, of a twelve-months’ progress through the twenty-four states, and which, while they overwhelm my heart with grateful delight, have most satisfactorily evinced the concurrence of the people in the kind testimonies, in the immense favours bestowed on me by the several branches of their representatives, in every part and at the central seat of the confederacy?

“Yet, gratifications still higher await me; in the wonders of creation and improvement that have met my enchanted eye, in the unparalleled and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity and insured security, public and private, in a practice of good order, the appendage of true freedom, and a national good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties, I have had proudly to recognise a result of the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced minds, of the superiority, over degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded on the plain rights of man, and where the local rights of every section are preserved under a constitutional bond of union. The cherishing of that union between the states, as it has been the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer of every American patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world, an object in which I am happy to observe that the American people, while they give the animating example of successful free institutions, in return for an evil entailed upon them by Europe, and of which a liberal and enlightened sense is every where more and more generally felt, show themselves every day more anxiously interested.

“And now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep and lively feelings for the assurances, most peculiarly valued, of your esteem and friendship, for your so very kind references to old times, to my beloved associates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your affecting picture of the blessings poured by the several generations of the American people on the remaining days of a delighted veteran, for your affectionate remarks on this sad hour of separation, on the country of my birth, full, I can say, of American sympathies, on the hope so necessary to me of my seeing again the country that has designed, near a half century ago, to call me hers? I shall content myself, refraining from superfluous repetitions, at once, before you, sir, and this respected circle, to proclaim my cordial confirmation of every one of the sentiments which I have had daily opportunities publicly to utter, from the time when your venerable predecessor, my old brother in arms and friend, transmitted to me the honourable invitation of congress, to this day, when you, my dear sir, whose friendly connection with me dates from your earliest youth, are going to consign me to the protection, across the Atlantic, of the heroic national flag, on board the splendid ship, the name of which has been not the least flattering and kind among the numberless favours conferred upon me.

“God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless the American people, each of their states, and the federal government. Accept this patriotic farewell of an overflowing heart; such will be its last throb when it ceases to beat.”

In pronouncing these last words, General Lafayette felt his emotion to be rapidly increasing, and threw himself into the arms of the president, who mingled his tears with those of the national guest, in repeating those heart-rending words, Adieu! Adieu! The spectators, overcome by the same feelings, also shed tears and surrounded their friend, once more to take him by the hand. To abridge this scene, which could not be suffered much longer, the general retired for a short time into his own apartment, where Mrs. Adams surrounded by her daughters and nieces came to express their wishes and regrets. On the evening before, this lady, whose cultivated mind and amenity of character had greatly contributed to the pleasure of our visit to the president’s house, had presented him with a fine bust of her husband, and had added to this present a copy of verses in French, whose charm and elegance proved that this was not the first occasion in which her muse had spoken in our language.

Detained as if by a magic spell, General Lafayette could not make up his mind to leave his friends; a thousand pretexts seemed to retard the definitive moment of separation, but at last the first of the twenty-four guns, which announced his departure, having been heard, he again threw himself into Mr. Adams’s arms, expressed to him his last good wishes for the American nation, and retired to his carriage. The president repeated the signal of adieu from the top of the steps, and at this sign the colours of the troops which were drawn up before the president’s house were bowed to the earth.

Accompanied by the secretaries of state, treasury, and navy, the general proceeded to the banks of the Potomac, where the steam-boat Mount Vernon was waiting for him. On a level above the river, were all the militia of Alexandria, Georgetown, and Washington, drawn up in solid columns, waiting to defile before the general. In advance of the troops were the magistrates of the three cities, at the head of their fellow citizens, to whom numbers of strangers had joined themselves. When the general arrived at a point from whence he could embrace this scene at a glance, the family of General Washington and the principal officers of government, ranged themselves around him, when all the different masses of men who had hitherto been so motionless, moved on to the sound of artillery, and advanced melancholy and silent to receive his last adieu. When the different corps had passed, the general took leave of all the friends that surrounded him, and went on board of the Mount Vernon, with the secretary of the navy and those officers of government who were to accompany him on board of the Brandywine.

During this time, the innumerable crowd which lined the shores of the Potomac for a great distance, governed by a painful feeling of sorrow produced by his departure, remained in the most profound silence; but when the steam-boat had pushed off with the object of their affections, they gave vent to a mournful cry, which, repeated from echo to echo, was finally mingled with the deep sound of the artillery of fort Washington. A few moments afterwards we passed Alexandria, and the general received the same marks of regret from the population of that city. But it was when he came in view of Mount Vernon, that he felt most deeply affected, and experienced the great sacrifice he made to his country in leaving the American soil, that hospitable, land, where every step he made was accompanied with heartfelt recollections.

In a few hours we reached the Brandywine, which was anchored at the mouth of the Potomac, where she only awaited our arrival to set sail. The general was received on board with the greatest honours, the yards were manned, the gunners at their posts, and the marines drawn up on deck. Of the whole company that had attended us from Washington, the secretary of the navy, Mr. Southard, alone went on board the Brandywine with the general, to present and recommend him to the care of Commodore Morris in the name of the American nation and its government. We had experienced so many marks of kindness from Mr. Southard, that it was with real grief that we took leave of him. As soon as he had received our last farewells, he returned on board the Mount Vernon, and our commander gave orders to weigh anchor; but at this moment another steam-boat appeared in sight, which apparently wished to speak to us; we soon recognised her as the Constitution, which had arrived from Baltimore, carrying a great number of the inhabitants of that city, who desired once more to see General Lafayette, and to express to him the good wishes of their fellow-citizens, as well as their own. We experienced great pleasure in observing among them a majority of those with whom we were most intimate in our different visits to Baltimore. Their presence, at this time, in recalling to our minds the happy time we spent with them, made us forget, for a moment, that we had already left the American soil, perhaps for ever, and our illusion was prolonged until the evening gun announced that all communication between us must cease.

The night was now too far advanced to get under sail, and Commodore Morris waited till next day to weigh anchor. It was the 8th of December we entered the Chesapeake under full sail, traversing the centre of a brilliant rainbow, one of whose limbs appeared to rest on the Maryland shore, and the other on that of Virginia. Thus the same sign that appeared in the heavens on the day on which Lafayette landed on the American soil, also appeared when he left it, as if nature had reserved to herself the erection of the first and the last of the numerous triumphal arches dedicated to him during his extraordinary journey.[22]

The wind blowing brisk and favourable, we soon passed the capes of Virginia, and were in a short time out at sea. It was then only that our captain, disengaged from the care a difficult navigation, near the shore always induces, made us more particularly acquainted with his officers and our new abode. From the character of the former and commodious arrangement of the latter, it was readily perceived that the American government had neglected nothing that could contribute to the safety or comfort of Lafayette’s return to his own country. The captain announced to the general, that the last instructions he had received from the president, was to put himself entirely at the general’s disposal, and to conduct him to any part of Europe that he might designate, and to land him under the protection of the American flag; hence, that he must from that moment consider himself as absolute master, and to be assured that his orders would be executed with the greatest readiness. The general was deeply affected but not surprised at this fresh instance of kindness in the American government, and declared to the captain, that the only use he should make of these honourable prerogatives would be a passage to Havre. Two motives, added he, make me desirous of reentering France by that city; my family will be there to receive me, and my heart feels a strong desire to present myself, in the first instance, to those who received my farewell with such kindness, when I last year left my country.

The wind blew so violently, that in forty-eight hours from our leaving Chesapeake bay, we were in the Gulf stream, whose waves, opposed by the wind, made us experience all the agonies of rolling and pitching horribly combined. Added to the sea-sickness which attacked nearly all of us, another source of anxiety arose. The frigate leaked without it being discovered at what place; the pumps, in spite of their constant employment, could not keep the vessel clear, and some persons already regretted we were so far from the land, but our captain and his crew were not to be intimidated so easily. After a close examination of our situation, Captain Morris was of opinion that the vessel was too deep in the water, and should be lighted; he therefore had 32,000 weight of iron, part of his ballast, thrown overboard. This operation which was performed in a few hours, remedied every inconvenience. The frigate being lighter was in better trim, and in rising some inches more above the surface of the water, discovered the leak, which was just under the water-mark: from this moment the danger, which had never been serious, entirely disappeared, and our voyage was accomplished without the slightest anxiety.

As the president had told the general, in offering him the use of the Brandywine to carry him to France, we had for commander one of the most distinguished officers in the American navy. During his youth, Captain Morris had distinguished himself in several engagements before Algiers, under the command of Commodore Rogers. At a later period, during the last war with Great Britain, he had added to his reputation, from his skill in manœuvring his vessel, in the presence of an overwhelming force; and his comrades generally attributed to him a great part of the glory of the victory of the Constitution over the Guerriere, who, proud of her formidable artillery and the experience of her numerous crew, had sent a challenge to any American vessel, that had the courage to meet her, and seemed to wait with impatience for some one to accept her defiance, when the Constitution appeared and soon made her repent of her presumption.

The officers who served under the orders of Captain Morris, on board of the Brandywine, had also distinguished themselves in the last war, and each could boast of having added to the glory of the American navy, by his own gallant deeds. I regret that I cannot record all their names, and some of the actions by which they merited the gratitude of their country, and the esteem of their fellow-citizens; but such details would lead me far beyond all due bounds, and I hope that my silence will be taken rather as a proof of my incapacity to act as their historian, than as a proof of my indifference to men, whose society was so delightful to us, during a voyage which would have appeared very short, if we had not been returning to our own country.

The government of the United States has no theoretical school for her marine officers, but each national vessel, when going on service, receives on board a certain number of midshipmen, and thus forms a practical school at little expense as to money, and attended with the happiest results. When it was rumoured, that the Brandywine was destined to conduct Lafayette back to France, all those parents who intended their children for the navy, were ambitious to obtain them a birth on board of this frigate, and the president found himself beset with petitions from all parts of the Union. Not being able to satisfy all, but at the same time wishing to amalgamate, as much as possible, private interests with public good, he decided that each state should be represented by a midshipman, and hence the Brandywine had on board twenty-four, instead of eight or ten, as is usual in vessels of her size. It was gratifying to the general, thus to find himself surrounded by these young representatives of the republics he had visited with so much pleasure, not only as their presence recalled spots he loved, but also as some of them, being sons of old revolutionary soldiers, gave him an opportunity of speaking of his former companions in arms; and the young men, on their part, proud of the mission they were engaged in, endeavoured to render themselves worthy of it, by strict attention to study, and the performance of their duties. The paternal friendship testified towards them by the general, during the voyage, so completely gained their affection, that they could not separate from him without shedding tears. They begged that he would permit them, to offer him a durable mark of their filial attachment, that would also recall to his mind the days passed with them on board the Brandywine.[23]

The wind continued strong during the whole passage, but was very variable, thus rendering our voyage unpleasant. Nevertheless, in spite of their inconstancy, Captain Morris found means to make us advance rapidly; and on the 3d of October we arrived in sight of the coast of Havre, in twenty-four days after leaving the Chesapeake. This passage ought to be considered as very short, particularly when it is considered that it was our vessel’s first voyage, and consequently that she required to be studied with greater care by those who navigated her.

I will not speak of the feelings that agitated us at the sight of our country. There are few who have not experienced them on again seeing their native land, even after a short absence; and to those who have never known the torments of absence, or the sweet emotions of a return, I fear that my words would appear exaggerated or ridiculous.

As there was a great swell, and the wind variable, the captain would not hazard the frigate by approaching too near land in the night; he therefore sent one of his officers to Havre for a pilot, and stood off and on until his return. About midnight, a fishing boat boarded us, and brought letters, by which we learnt, that a great part of General Lafayette’s family, and numbers of his friends, among whom was my father, had waited for us at Havre for several days, and would join us in a few hours.

It may be readily supposed, that such news kept us awake all night, expecting with impatience the return of day, to restore us to our friends, our families, and our country. At six o’clock, the pilot being on board, he cautiously guided the vessel towards Havre, which we saw gradually becoming more visible on the horizon. At three o’clock we anchored, from the impossibility of approaching nearer without danger in a vessel the size of our frigate. Captain Morris then fired a salute of twenty-four guns, which was answered from the fort a few moments afterwards. At 11 o’clock, a steam-boat having boarded us, we experienced the happiness of seeing our friends.

We also received on board some citizens of Havre, among whom was M. de Laroche, who begged the general to accept of lodgings in his house, as long as he should remain in the city. Mr. Beasley, American consul at Havre, was also among our visiters. Our captain and his officers received them with distinction, and showed them every part of the frigate, whose beautiful proportions and admirable order excited their admiration.

But the time rapidly passed, and the moment of separation from our fellow passengers arrived. It would be difficult to portray the expression of grief and regret that was observable on the faces of all on board, when they advanced for the last time to bid farewell to him whom they had so proudly conducted across the ocean. The officers surrounded him for a long time, not being able to permit him to depart. Their first lieutenant, Mr. Gregory, who had been commissioned by them to express their sentiments, experienced so much emotion, that his voice faltered in pronouncing the first words; but, as if suddenly inspired, the young seaman sprung towards the national flag which floated at the stern of the vessel, rapidly detached it, and presented it to the general, exclaiming, “We cannot confide it to more glorious keeping! Take it, dear general, may it for ever recall to you your alliance with the American nation; may it also sometimes recall to your recollection those who will never forget the happiness they enjoyed of passing twenty-four days with you on board of the Brandywine; and in being displayed twice a year on the towers of your hospitable dwelling, may it recall to your neighbours the anniversary of two great epochs, whose influence on the whole world is incalculable,—the birth of Washington and the declaration of the independence of our country.”

“I accept it with gratitude,” replied the general, “and I hope that, displayed from the most prominent part of my house at La Grange, it will always testify to all who may see it, the kindness of the American nation towards its adopted and devoted son. And I also hope, that when you or your fellow countrymen visit me, it will tell you, that at La Grange you are not on a foreign soil.”

At this moment, the noise of cannon and the huzzas of the sailors on the yards, prevented any further adieus, and we went on board the steam-boat, whence we saw the Brandywine spread her sails, and leave us with the majesty of a floating fortress.

Captain Morris, who was to accompany the general to Paris; Captain Reed, a distinguished officer of the American navy, charged with a scientific mission to Europe by his government; and Mr. Somerville, envoy from the United States to the court of Sweden, left the Brandywine with us; and this vessel, under the command of Lieutenant Gregory, sailed for the Mediterranean, to reinforce the squadron there.

On his landing, General Lafayette perceived that the sentiments expressed towards him by the citizens of Havre, at his departure, had not changed, and he was much affected at their warmth. As to the administration, it was what it ought to have been the preceding year, that is, it permitted a free expression of public opinion, so that in his passage from the quay to Mr. de Laroche’s, the general had not the grief of seeing his friends menaced by the sabres of the gens d’armes, or humiliated by the presence of foreign troops.

General Lafayette ardently desired to see such of his children as could not come to meet him, and waited for him at La Grange, and he therefore decided on leaving Havre the day after his arrival. His son embarked on the Seine with his family and friends, to proceed to Rouen, where he would wait for him, whilst, accompanied by Captain Morris and the author of this journal, he went by land. On leaving the suburb, his carriage was surrounded by a large cavalcade of young men, who asked permission to accompany him to some distance. After an hour’s march, the general stopped to thank his escort, who did not separate from him until they had expressed the most flattering sentiments, through their young leader, Mr. Etesse, to whom his fellow citizens bad also this day given a proof of their esteem and friendship in placing themselves under his orders.

On arriving at Rouen, we stopped at M. Cabanon’s, a worthy merchant, who has always been charged with the interests of his department in the chamber of deputies, whenever his fellow citizens have been unshackled in their choice. As an old friend and colleague of the general, he had insisted on his right of receiving at his table the guest of America, and had prepared him the pleasure of once more being seated with his family and a great number of the most distinguished citizens of the ancient capital of Normandy. Towards the end of the dinner, some one came to announce to the general that a crowd of persons in the street, accompanied by a band of musicians, wished to salute him. He eagerly went out on the balcony to reply to this mark of esteem from the population of Rouen, but scarcely were the first acclamations heard, when detachments of the royal guard and gens d’armes appeared from the extremities of the street, who, without any previous notice, began to disperse the crowd. The moderation with which the royal guard executed the orders they had received from an imprudent and blind administration, proved how repugnant they were to them, but the gens d’armerie, anxious to prove themselves the worthy instruments of the power that employed them, bravely charged on the unarmed citizens, and were not to be checked by the cries of the women and children overthrown by the horses. A manufacturer of Bolbec, an elderly man of Rouen, and several other persons, were severely wounded. Many others were illegally and brutally arrested. After these glorious exploits, the gens d’armes, being conquerors, waited for the appearance of General Lafayette, and, sabre in hand, accompanied the carriage to the hotel where we were to spend the night. But here their success was checked; young men stationed at the door forbid all entrance into this asylum, where many of those who were obliged to fly had taken refuge, and where General Lafayette could receive, in peace, the feeling and honourable congratulations of those citizens who wished, in spite of the interdict of those in authority, to testify the satisfaction they felt at the return of a man, who by the triumphs decreed to him by a free nation had so much added to the glory of the French name.

This atrocious conduct of the magistrates and their servile instruments afflicted us the more, from having a few days previous enjoyed the free expression of the feelings and enthusiasm of the American people, and which in spite of ourselves forced a comparison that was far from being favourable to our own country. The presence of Captain Morris and some of his countrymen who had accompanied him to Paris, added still more to our sorrow and embarrassment. We seemed to read in their stern expression, the feelings they experienced in seeing a people once so energetic in the cause of liberty, now timidly submitting to the despotism of bayonets. As soon as I found an opportunity of speaking to them for a moment, I hastened to tell them that they must not confound prudence and moderation with weakness, which was here only so in appearance. That, in this instance, the citizens could not have supposed that the local authorities would have been foolish enough to oppose the expression of sentiments so inoffensive and natural, and consequently no one had thought of making preparations for a resistance, whose necessity had not been foreseen. Some young men who were near us overhearing this conversation, added with warmth, “we hope our moderation will not be misinterpreted by those who know us, and that they will understand that we only submitted to be thus driven back by some gens d’armes, because we wished to spare our friend General Lafayette the chagrin of being the cause of a greater disturbance.” The American officers applauded the courage and delicacy of this feeling, and comprehended that under other circumstances, the triumph of the police and its gens d’armes over the citizens of Rouen would not be so easy.

The next morning, October 8th, the court of the hotel was filled by young men on horseback, intended as an escort to the general as far as the first post-house. Their countenances, and some words I overheard, proved to me that they were full of the scene of the evening before, and were firmly resolved that it should not be renewed with impunity. The posts of the infantry and gens d’armerie had been doubled during the night, as if the day was to be productive of great events; but the magistracy confined itself to those ridiculous demonstrations, and General Lafayette left the city in peace, receiving on his way numerous testimonials of the good wishes of the citizens.

At the end of the suburb, the escort was augmented by more young horsemen, who accompanied him to the first relay of horses, where they took leave of him, after having presented him with a crown of “Immortelles,” which was laid in his carriage on the sword given him by the New York militia.

That evening we slept at St. Germain-en-Laye, and the next day, October 9th, we arrived at La Grange, where, for the three last days, the neighbouring districts had been occupied in preparations for a fete on the arrival of one so long and ardently looked for.

At a certain distance from the house, the carriage stopped; and the general on descending from it, found himself in the midst of a crowd, whose transports and joy would have deceived a stranger, and led him to suppose that they were all his children. The house was filled until evening, by the crowd, who only retired after having conducted the general, by the light of illuminations and to the sound of music, under a triumphal arch, bearing an inscription, in which they had dedicated to him the title of “friend of the people.” There he again received the expressions of joy and happiness induced by his return.

The next day, the general was occupied in receiving the young girls who brought him flowers and chaunted couplets in his honour, the company of the national guard of Court Palais, and a deputation from the town of Rosay. The inhabitants of the commune in offering a box of flowers to their friend, congratulated him on his arrival through their leader M. Fricotelle.

The following Sunday, the inhabitants of Rosay and its environs gave the general a brilliant fete, the expenses of which were defrayed by common subscription. The preparations which had required several days’ labour, were the work of the citizens, who did not wish to be aided by any mercenary hands. At five o’clock in the evening, more than four thousand persons, many of whom had arrived from a distance of some leagues, filled the apartments and courts of La Grange, to salute him, whom all voices hailed as the friend of the people. At seven o’clock, a troop of young girls marching at the head of the population of Rosay, presented a basket of flowers to the general, and chaunted some simple and touching couplets; after which Mr. Vigne pronounced in the name of the canton a discourse filled with noble sentiments. After the general’s reply, which was received with transports of joy, he was conducted in triumph to the meadow, where an elegant tent had been erected for him and his family. Illuminations artfully disposed, fire-works prepared by Ruggieri, animated dances, a great number of booths of all kinds, and a population of upwards of six thousand persons, all contributed to recall to Lafayette some of the brilliant scenes of his American triumph; and with the more truth, since he found so much conformity in the feelings which dictated both.

The dancing lasted all night; the cries of “long live the people’s friend” were to be heard until the next day, when Lafayette, once more in the bosom of his family, enjoyed that happiness and calm which only result from the recollection of a well spent life.

THE END.

1. Since our return to France, the general has received a similar boiler from Mr. Morris of Baltimore, which is now in use at La Grange.

2. This animal was a common seal, phoca vitulina, vulgarly called sea-dog. The sea-lion is another species of seal.—T.

3. See Art. 32 of the Constitution of North Carolina.

[Whatever may be the condition of the statute on this subject in North Carolina, it can be little better than a dead letter or nullity, since it is so entirely inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States. We do not recollect to have read of any instance in which this offensive peculiarity has been productive of practical disadvantage. It is unquestionably a blemish that calls for removal.—T.]

The 31st article excludes from the senate, the house of representatives, and the state councils, all members of the clerical profession, without distinction of faith or sect, so long as they continue in the exercise of their pastoral functions.

4. This is a common but inaccurate saying; an oblique shot will certainly glance from the skin of the alligator, but one striking perpendicular to the surface will as certainly penetrate, if within a proper distance.—T.

5. This is another very common and ancient error, which has been repeated from the days of Herodotus, who said it of the Egyptian crocodile, to the present. The deceptive appearance is produced by the manner in which the lower jaw is articulated; the joint being situated very far back, when the mouth is opened, casual observers easily mistake the part actually moved. See the article Alligator, in the lately published Encyclopædia Americana.—T.

6. See the fable of the ass disguised in the lion’s skin, as related by Æsop, Phædrus, or Lafontaine, in explanation of this allusion. T.

7. See the excellent work of Captain Hugh M‘Call, published in 1811, entitled “The History of Georgia.”

8. In speaking of the morals of New Orleans, it is but just to discriminate between its permanent and fluctuating population. Being the only mart to a vast extent of country, and the most frequented port on the Gulf of Mexico, it always contains a large number of individuals of the rudest and most licentious class, who can scarcely be said to belong to any country, are certainly of no religion, and are of every shade of colour. It is therefore by no means surprising, that gamblers, brawlers, and stabbers, should be numerous where such a class abounds, more especially, as New Orleans tolerates, by license granted, numerous establishments openly devoted to gambling and all its consequences.—T.

9. Since the establishment of steam navigation, boatmen rarely return by land. They pay a trifle for a deck passage; find their own provisions, and aid the crew to bring wood, &c. on board, at the stopping places.—T.

10. These geese, together with the Mexican hoccos presented by Mr. Duplantier; wild turkeys presented by Mr. Thousand, of Baltimore; Devonshire cows, given by Mr. Patterson; American partridges, presented by Mr. Skinner, etc. at present ornament the farm of La Grange, where General Lafayette exerts himself to multiply their numbers.

11. See upon this subject Mr. Warden’s very curious work, entitled Remarks upon the Antiquities of North America.

[No theory, formed from the examination of a few of these mounds, can, with any propriety, be resorted to for the purpose of explaining the intentions of the ancient tribes in their formation. That they were erected for various uses, is sufficiently evident from their difference of construction, some being evidently merely monumental, while others must have been designed for military, religious, or other services. No one has examined the square and circular erections at Circleville, in Ohio, (now rapidly disappearing before the industry of the brick-makers), or those found near Piqua, or elsewhere in that state, without feeling convinced that they were destined to different uses from the mounds which occur in their vicinity, and appear to have been erected by the same people. Dr. Clarke, and other travellers in the north of Asia, inform us, that mounds, in all respects similar to those of St. Louis, are very numerous in many places, and that they are unquestionably sepulchral is proved by the bones, urns, and ornaments found within them. These observations go far also to establish the belief of the common origin of the American aborigines and the nomadic tribes of the old continent. See Atwater’s very interesting Archæologia Americana.—T.]

12. The grizzly bear is unquestionably a ferocious and sanguinary animal, and is so much dreaded by the Indians and traders, that it is not surprising they should give currency to endless fables and exaggerations concerning it. But we cannot avoid a feeling of surprise, mingled with some mortification, to find respectable and intelligent travellers repeating, as actually true, statements of the habits of our animals, which a very slight effort of reason would show to be utterly absurd. Here we have A BEAR, the largest species known, coursing after men in packs, and yelping like hounds! when we have not on record, evidence, perhaps, of more than thirty of these animals having been seen since the existence of the species was discovered; nor the slightest evidence that any bear ever uttered any other sound than a low harsh growl!—T.

13. Since his return from America, General Lafayette has received a young grizzly bear from the Missouri, sent him by Governor Clark. He has presented it to the proprietors of the Jardin du Roi, who have placed it in the menagerie, where it may now be seen.

14. Another still more laborious mode of going up stream, was by extending a long line from the bow, by which the crew, walking along the margin of the river, dragged the boat along. This is what is called cordelling, and when it is recollected how rugged and irregular the shores of the western rivers are, and the necessity of carrying the cord clear of trees, rocks, &c., a more painful and exhausting kind of labour can scarcely be imagined.—T.

15. Vevay wine is a perfect nondescript; in colour it slightly approaches thin claret; its taste is altogether peculiar; something like it might be made by sweetening vin de grave with brown sugar. Nothing but a strong effort of courtesy, however, can induce any one seriously to call it wine, unless the fact of its being made from grapes be sufficient to secure it this title. As to its being “the best of the wines made in the United States,” we apprehend the author’s experience was scarcely sufficient to make his opinion decisive. It is certainly far inferior to the best of our cider, in all the requisites of a pleasant beverage.—T.

16. The canal has been completed since this journal was written, and fully equals all anticipations.—T.

17. The territory of Vermont was at first part of the state of New Hampshire, from which it was separated in 1764, to be annexed to that of New York. It was not until 1791, that Vermont was admitted into the confederation as an independent state.

18. Professor List was condemned to ten years of hard literary labour, for having consented to be the organ of his fellow citizens to the king of Wirtemberg.

19. Among these was General Lallemand, who is too well known for me to eulogise him, and my two friends, my companions in arms, the brothers Peregnet, who for a long time followed in Europe by honourable persecutions, finally obtained in New York a safe asylum, where American hospitality has enabled them to obtain the means of living independently. The military academy which they have established upon the most extensive and liberal scale, already enjoys popular favour.

20. The wish of the Whitehallers is accomplished. The American Star is now at La Grange, placed with its oars and rudder under an elegant building which the general has had built expressly to shelter it, worthy of the recollections it represents.

21. Courrier Français.

22. The day of our arrival at Staten Island, whilst the general was receiving the congratulations of the people, from the balcony of the vice president’s house, a rainbow, one of whose limbs enveloped and tinged fort Lafayette with a thousand colours, appeared; the multitude, struck with the beauty and opportuneness of this circumstance, exclaimed, “that heaven was in unison with America in celebrating the happy arrival of the friend of the country.”

23. This present, which was received by General Lafayette a short time after his arrival at Paris, is a silver urn, of an antique form and beautifully engraved. It rests on a base of the same metal, three of the faces of which are ornamented with exquisite sculptures, representing the capitol at Washington; the visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Washington, and the arrival of the Brandywine at Havre. On the fourth face is inscribed, in relief, the offering of the young midshipmen to their paternal friend. This magnificent work was executed at Paris, under the direction of Mr. Barnet, the American consul, who replied to the confidence of the young seamen, with that zeal which he always displays, in every thing relating to the glory of his country, or the interests of his fellow-citizens.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.

2. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed.

3. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last chapter.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825, VOL. 2 (OF 2) ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg

Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

- LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825; OR, JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO THE UNITED STATES:

- CONTENTS.

- CHAPTER I.

- CHAPTER II.

- CHAPTER III.

- CHAPTER IV.

- CHAPTER V.

- CHAPTER VI.

- CHAPTER VII.

- CHAPTER VIII.

- CHAPTER IX.

- CHAPTER X.

- CHAPTER XI.

- CHAPTER XII.

- CHAPTER XIII.

- CHAPTER XIV.

- CHAPTER XV.

- CHAPTER XVI.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE