The Project Gutenberg eBook of The complete works of John Gower, volume 2

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The complete works of John Gower, volume 2

The English works

Author: John Gower

Editor: G. C. Macaulay

Release date: July 10, 2023 [eBook #71162]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/71162

Credits: Ted Garvin, Stephen Rowland, Krista Zaleski, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPLETE WORKS OF JOHN GOWER, VOLUME 2 ***

Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious typographical errors in punctuation have been silently corrected.

In particular, these typos were corrected:

- Page cxxxii - corrected respcet to respect

- Page 477 - corrected “feminine from” to “feminine form” in note 2677.

- Page 481 - corrected “too” to “two” in note 390.

- Footnote 1275 - Added “margin” to linenote for line 2052

The Corrigenda et Addenda have been corrected in place.

All other spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.

THE COMPLETE WORKS

OF

JOHN GOWER

G. C. MACAULAY

* *

THE ENGLISH WORKS

HENRY FROWDE, M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK

MS. FAIRFAX 3, f. 125 vo. (UPPER PORTION)

THE COMPLETE WORKS

OF

JOHN GOWER

EDITED FROM THE MANUSCRIPTS

WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, AND GLOSSARIES

BY

G. C. MACAULAY, M.A.

FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

* *

THE ENGLISH WORKS

(CONFESSIO AMANTIS, PROL.—LIB. V. 1970)

‘O gentile Engleterre, a toi j’escrits.’

Oxford

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1901

Oxford

PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

BY HORACE HART, M.A.

PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFATORY NOTE

The circumstances under which this edition was undertaken have already been stated in the Preface to the volume containing the French Works, where mention is also made of the editor’s obligations to many librarians and private owners of manuscripts.

At present it need only be said that the editor has become more and more convinced, as his work went on, of the value and authentic character of the text given by the Fairfax MS. of the Confessio Amantis, which as proceeding directly from the author, though not written by his hand, may claim the highest rank as an authority for his language.

It is hoped that the list of errata, the result chiefly of a revision made during the formation of the Glossary, may be taken to indicate not so much the carelessness of the editor, as his desire to be absolutely accurate in the reproduction of this interesting text.

The analysis of the Confessio Amantis which is printed in the Introduction, was undertaken chiefly at the suggestion of Dr. Furnivall. With reference to this it may be observed that in places where the author is following well-known sources, the summaries are intentionally briefer, and in the case of some of the Biblical stories a reference to the original has been thought sufficient.

OXFORD, 1901.

CONTENTS

PAGE

I NTRODUCTION

vii

C ONFESSIO AMANTIS:—

P ROLOGUS

1

L IBER I

35

L IBER II

130

L IBER III

226

L IBER IV

301

L IBER V

402

N OTES

457

INTRODUCTION

The Confessio Amantis has been the subject both of exaggerated praise and of undue depreciation. It was the fashion of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to set Gower side by side with Chaucer, and to represent them as the twin stars of the new English poetry, a view which, however it may be justified by consideration of their language and literary tendencies, seems to imply a very uncritical estimate of their comparative importance. Some of these references are collected below, and they serve to indicate in a general way that the author had a great literary reputation and that his book was very popular, the latter being a conclusion which is sufficiently vouched for also by the large number of manuscripts which existed, and by the three printed editions. We shall confine ourselves here to drawing attention to a few facts of special significance.

In the first place the Confessio Amantis is the earliest English book which made its way beyond the limits of its own language. There exists a Spanish translation, dating apparently from the very beginning of the fifteenth century, in which reference is made also to a Portuguese version, not known to be now in existence, on which perhaps the Castilian was based. This double translation into contemporary languages of the Continent must denote that the writer’s fame was not merely insular in his life-time.

Secondly, with regard to the position of this book in the sixteenth century, the expressions used by Berthelette seem to me to imply something more than a mere formal tribute. This printer, who is especially distinguished by his interest in language, in the preface to his edition of the Confessio Amantis most warmly sets forth his author as a model of pure English, contrasting his native simplicity with the extravagant affectations of style and language which were then in fashion. In fact, when we compare the style of Gower in writing of love with that which we find in some of the books which were at that time issuing from the press, we cannot help feeling that the recommendation was justified.

Again, nearly a century later a somewhat striking testimony to the position of Gower as a standard author is afforded by Ben Jonson’s English Grammar. The syntax contains about a hundred and thirty illustrative quotations, and of these about thirty are from Gower. Chaucer is cited twenty-five times, Lydgate and Sir Thomas More each about fourteen, the other chief authorities being Norton, Jewel, Fox, Sir John Cheke and the English Bible.

Finally, our author’s popularity and established position as a story-teller is decisively vouched for by the partly Shakesperian play of Pericles. Plots of plays were usually borrowed without acknowledgement; but here, a plot being taken from the Confessio Amantis, the opportunity is seized of bringing Gower himself on the stage to act as Prologue to four out of the five acts, speaking in the measure of his own octosyllabic couplet,

‘To sing a song that old was sung

From ashes ancient Gower is come,’ &c.

The book was so well known and the author so well established in reputation, that a play evidently gained credit by connecting itself with his name.

The following are the principal references to Gower in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The author of The King’s Quair dedicates his poem to the memory (or rather to the poems) of his masters Gower and Chaucer. Hoccleve calls him ‘my maister Gower,’

‘Whos vertu I am insufficient

For to descrive.’

John Walton of Osney, the metrical translator of Boethius, writes,

‘To Chaucer, that is flour of rhethorique

In english tonge and excellent poete,

This wot I wel, no thing may I do like,

Though so that I of makinge entermete;

And Gower, that so craftely doth trete

As in his book<es> of moralite,

Though I to hem in makinge am unmete,

Yit moste I schewe it forth that is in me.’

Bokenham in his Lives of the Saints repeatedly speaks of Gower, Chaucer and Lydgate, the last of whom was then still living, as the three great lights of English literature. Caxton printed the Confessio Amantis in 1483, and it seems to have been one of the most popular productions of his press.

In the sixteenth century Gower appears by the side of Chaucer in Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris and in Lindsay’s poems. Hawes in the Pastime of Pleasure classes him with Chaucer and his beloved Lydgate, and Skelton introduces him as first in order of time among the English poets who are mentioned in the Garland of Laurel,

‘I saw Gower that first garnysshed our Englysshe rude,

And maister Chaucer,’ &c.,

a testimony which is not quite consistent with that in the Lament for Philip Sparow,

‘Gower’s Englysh is old

And of no value is told,

His mater is worth gold

And worthy to be enrold.’

Barclay in the Preface of his Mirour of Good Manners (printed 1516) states that he has been desired by his ‘Master,’ Sir Giles Alington, to abridge and amend the Confessio Amantis, but has declined the task, chiefly on moral grounds. The work he says would not be suitable to his age and order (he was a priest and monk of Ely),

‘And though many passages therin be commendable,

Some processes appeare replete with wantonnes:

.    .    .    .    .    .    .     .

For age it is a folly and jeopardie doubtlesse,

And able for to rayse bad name contagious,

To write, reade or commen of thing venerious.’

Leland had some glimmering perception of the difference between Chaucer and Gower in literary merit; but Bale suggests that our author was ‘alter Dantes ac Petrarcha’ (no less), adding the remark, taken perhaps from Berthelette’s preface, ‘sui temporis lucerna habebatur ad docte scribendum in lingua vulgari[A].’ In Bullein’s Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence (1564) Gower is represented as sitting next to the Classical poets, Homer, Hesiod, Ennius and Lucan. Puttenham in the Art of English Poesie (1589), and Sidney in the Defence of Poesie (1595), equally class Gower and Chaucer together. The latter, illustrating his thesis that the first writers of each country were the poets, says, ‘So among the Romans were Livius Andronicus and Ennius, so in the Italian language ... the poets Dante, Boccace and Petrarch, so in our English, Gower and Chaucer, after whom, encouraged and delighted with their excellent foregoing, others have followed to beautify our mother tongue, as well in the same kind as in other arts.’

In Robert Greene’s Vision, printed about 1592, Chaucer and Gower appear as the accepted representatives of the pleasant and the sententious styles in story-telling, and compete with one another in tales upon a given subject, the cure of jealousy. The introduction of Gower into the play of Pericles, Prince of Tyre has already been referred to.

The uncritical exaggeration of Gower’s literary merits, which formerly prevailed, has been of some disadvantage to him in modern times. The comparison with Chaucer, which was so repeatedly suggested, could not but be unfavourable to him; and modern critics, instead of endeavouring to appreciate fairly such merits as he has, have often felt called upon to offer him up as a sacrifice to the honour of Chaucer, who assuredly needs no such addition to his glory. The true critical procedure is rather the opposite of this. Gower’s early popularity and reputation are facts to be reckoned with, in addition to the literary merit which we in our generation may find in his work, and neither students of Middle English, nor those who aim at tracing the influences under which the English language and literature developed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, can afford to leave Gower’s English work out of their account.

THE ENGLISH WORKS.

i. LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS.—The reason of the success of the Confessio Amantis was naturally the fact that it supplied a popular need. After endeavouring to ‘give an account of his stewardship’ in various ways as a moralist, the author at length found his true vocation, and this time happily in his native tongue, as a teller of stories. The rest is all machinery, sometimes poetical and interesting, sometimes tiresome and clumsy, but the stories are the main thing. The perception of the popular taste may have come to him partly through the success of Chaucer in the Legend of Good Women, and the simple but excellent narrative style which he thereupon developed must have been a new revelation of his powers to himself as well as to others. It is true that he does not altogether drop the character of the moralist, but he has definitely and publicly resigned the task of setting society generally to rights,

‘It stant noght in my sufficance

So grete thinges to compasse,

.    .    .    .    .    .

Forthi the Stile of my writinges

Fro this day forth I thenke change

And speke of thing is noght so strange,’ &c. (i. 4 ff.)

He covers his retreat indeed by dwelling upon the all-pervading influence of Love in the world and the fact that all the evils of society may be said to spring from the want of it; but this is little more than a pretext. Love is the theme partly because it supplies a convenient framework for the design, and partly perhaps out of deference to a royal command. There is no reason to doubt the statement in the first version of the Prologue about the meeting of the author with Richard II on the river, and that he then received suggestions for a book, which the king promised to accept and read. It may easily be supposed that Richard himself suggested love as the subject, being a matter in which, as we know from Froissart, he was apt to take delight. ‘Adont me demanda le roy de quoy il traittoit. Je luy dis, “D’amours.” De ceste response fut-il tous resjouys, et regarda dedens le livre en plusieurs lieux et y lisy[B].’ It was certainly to the credit of the young king that he should have discerned literary merit in the work of the grave monitor who had so lectured him upon his duties in the Vox Clamantis, and should have had some part in encouraging him to set his hand to a more promising task; and if it be the fact that he suggested love as the subject, we cannot but admire both the sense of humour displayed by the prince and the address with which our author acquitted himself of the task proposed.

The idea of the Confession was no doubt taken from the Roman de la Rose, where the priest of Nature, whose name is Genius, hears her confession; but it must be allowed that Gower has made much better use of it. Nature occupies herself in expounding the system of the universe generally, and in confessing at great length not her own faults but those of Man, whom she repents of having made. Her tone is not at all that of a penitent, though she may be on her knees, and Genius does little or nothing for her in reply except to agree rather elaborately with her view that, if proper precautions had been taken, Mars and Venus might easily have outwitted Vulcan. Gower on the other hand has made the Confession into a framework which will conveniently hold any number of stories upon every possible subject, and at the same time he has preserved for the most part the due propriety of character and situation in the two actors. By giving the scheme an apparent limitation to the subject of love he has not in fact necessarily limited the range of narrative, for there is no impropriety in illustrating by a tale the general nature of a vice or virtue before making the special application to cases which concern lovers, and this special application, made with all due solemnity, has often a character of piquancy in which the moral tale pure and simple would be wanting. Add to this that the form adopted tends itself to a kind of quasi-religious treatment of the subject, which was fully in accordance with the taste of the day, and produces much of that impression of quaintness and charm with which we most of us associate our first acquaintance with the Confessio Amantis.

The success of the work—for a success it is in spite of its faults—is due to several merits. The first of these is the author’s unquestionable talent for story-telling. He has little of the dramatic power or the humour which distinguish Chaucer, but he tells his tales in a well-ordered and interesting manner, does not break the thread by digressions, never tires of the story before it is finished, as Chaucer does so obviously and so often, and carries his reader through with him successfully to the end in almost every case. His narrative is a clear, if shallow, stream, rippling pleasantly over the stones and unbroken either by dams or cataracts. The materials of course are not original, but Gower is by no means a slavish follower in detail of his authorities; the proportions and arrangement of the stories are usually his own and often show good judgement. Moreover he not seldom gives a fresh turn to a well-known story, as in the instances of Jephthah and Saul, or makes a pretty addition to it, as is the case in some of the tales from Ovid. Almost the only story in which the interest really flags is the longest, the tale of Apollonius of Tyre, which fills up so much of the eighth book and was taken as the basis of the plot of Pericles; and this was in its original form so loose and rambling a series of incidents, that hardly any skill could have completely redeemed it. There is no doubt that this gift of clear and interesting narrative was the merit which most appealed to the popular taste, the wholesome appetite for stories being at that time not too well catered for, and that the plainness of the style was an advantage rather than a drawback.

Tastes will differ of course as to the merits of the particular stories, but some may be selected as incontestably good. The tale of Mundus and Paulina in the first book is excellently told, and so is that of Alboin and Rosemund. The best of the second book are perhaps the False Bachelor and the legend of Constantine and Silvester, in the latter of which the author has greatly improved upon his materials. In the third book the tale of Canace is most pathetically rendered, far better than in Ovid, so that in spite of Chaucer’s denunciation his devoted follower Lydgate could not resist the temptation of borrowing it. The fourth book, which altogether is of special excellence, gives us Rosiphelee, Phyllis, and the very poetically told tale of Ceix and Alceone. The fifth has Jason and Medea, a most admirable example of sustained narrative, simple and yet effective and poetical, perhaps on the whole Gower’s best performance: also the oriental tale of Adrian and Bardus, and the well told story of Tereus and Philomela. In the seventh we shall find the Biblical story of Gideon excellently rendered, the Rape of Lucrece, and the tale of Virginia. These may be taken as specimens of Gower’s narrative power at its best, and by the degree of effectiveness which he attains in them and the manner in which he has used his materials, he may fairly be judged as a story-teller.

As regards style and poetical qualities we find much that is good in the narratives. Force and picturesqueness certainly cannot be denied to the tale of Medea, with its description of the summer sea glistening in the sun, which blazes down upon the returning hero, and from the golden fleece by his side flashes a signal of success to Medea in her watch-tower, as she prays for her chosen knight. Still less can we refuse to recognize the poetical power of the later phases of the same story, first the midnight rovings of Medea in search of enchantments,

‘The world was stille on every side;

With open hed and fot al bare,

Hir her tosprad sche gan to fare,

Upon hir clothes gert sche was,

Al specheles and on the gras

Sche glod forth as an Addre doth:

Non otherwise sche ne goth,

Til sche cam to the freisshe flod,

And there a while sche withstod.

Thries sche torned hire aboute,

And thries ek sche gan doun loute

And in the flod sche wette hir her,

And thries on the water ther

Sche gaspeth with a drecchinge onde,

And tho sche tok hir speche on honde.’ (v. 3962 ff.),

and again later, when the charms are set in action, 4059 ff., a passage of extraordinary picturesqueness, but too long to be quoted here. We do not forget the debt to Ovid, but these descriptions are far more detailed and forcible than the original.

For a picture of a different kind, also based upon Ovid, we may take the description of the tears of Lucrece for her husband, and the reviving beauty in her face when he appears,

‘With that the water in hire yhe

Aros, that sche ne myhte it stoppe,

And as men sen the dew bedroppe

The leves and the floures eke,

Riht so upon hire whyte cheke

The wofull salte teres felle.

Whan Collatin hath herd hire telle

The menynge of hire trewe herte,

Anon with that to hire he sterte,

And seide, “Lo, mi goode diere,

Nou is he come to you hiere,

That ye most loven, as ye sein.”

And sche with goodly chiere ayein

Beclipte him in hire armes smale,

And the colour, which erst was pale,

To Beaute thanne was restored,

So that it myhte noght be mored’ (vii. 4830 ff.),

a passage in which Gower, with his natural taste for simplicity, has again improved upon his classical authority, and may safely challenge comparison with Chaucer, who has followed Ovid more literally.

It is worth mention that Gower’s descriptions of storms at sea are especially vivid and true, so that we are led to suppose that he had had more than a mere literary acquaintance with such things. Such for instance is the account of the shipwreck of the Greek fleet, iii. 981 ff., and of the tempests of which Apollonius is more than once the victim, as viii. 604 ff., and in general nautical terms and metaphors, of some of which the meaning is not quite clear, seem to come readily from his pen.

Next to the simple directness of narrative style which distinguishes the stories themselves, we must acknowledge a certain attractiveness in the setting of them. The Lover decidedly engages our interest: we can understand his sorrows and his joys, his depression when his mistress will not listen to the verses which he has written for her, and his delight when he hears men speak her praises. We can excuse his frankly confessed envy, malice and hatred in all matters which concern his rivals in her love. His feelings are described in a very natural manner, the hesitation and forgetfulness in her presence, and the self-reproach afterwards, the eagerness to do her small services, to accompany her to mass, to lift her into her saddle, to ride by her carriage, the delight of being present in her chamber, of singing to her or reading her the tale of Troilus, or if no better may be, of watching her long and slender fingers at work on her weaving or embroidery. Sometimes she will not stay with him, and then he plays with the dog or with the birds in the cage, and converses with the page of her chamber—anything as an excuse to stay; and when it grows late and he must perforce depart, he goes indeed, but returns with the pretence of having forgotten something, in order that he may bid her good-night once more. He rises in the night and looks out of his window over the houses towards the chamber where she sleeps, and loses himself in imagination of the love-thefts which he would commit if by any necromancy he had the power. Yet he is not extravagantly romantic: he will go wherever his lady bids him, but he will not range the world in arms merely in order to gain renown, losing his lady perhaps in the meantime at home. We take his side when he complains of the Confessor’s want of feeling for a pain which he does not himself experience, and his readiness to prescribe for a wound of the heart as if it were a sore of the heel. Even while we smile, we compassionate the lover who is at last disqualified on account of age, and recommended to make a ‘beau retret’ while there is yet time.

But there is also another character in whom we are interested, and that is the lady herself. Gower certainly appreciated something of the delicacy and poetical refinement which ideal love requires, and this appreciation he shows also in his Balades; but here we have something more than this. The figure of the lady, which we see constantly in the background of the dialogue, is both attractive and human. We recognize in her a creature of flesh and blood, no goddess indeed, as her lover himself observes, but a charming embodiment of womanly grace and refinement. She is surrounded by lovers, but she is wise and wary. She is courteous and gentle, but at the same time firm: she will not gladly swear, and therefore says nay without an oath, but it is a decisive nay to any who are disposed to presume. She does not neglect her household duties merely because a lover insists upon hanging about her, but leaves him to amuse himself how he may, while she busies herself elsewhere. If she has leisure and can sit down to her embroidery, he may read to her if he will, but it must be some sound romance, and not his own rondels, balades, and virelays in praise of her. Custom allows him to kiss her when he takes his leave, but if he comes back on any pretext and takes his leave again, there is not often a second kiss permitted. She lets him lead her up to the offering in church, and ride by her side when she drives out, but she will take no presents from him, though with some of her younger admirers, whose passion she knows is a less serious matter, she is not so strict, but takes and gives freely. Even the description of her person is not offensive, as such descriptions almost always are. Her lover suspects that her soul may be in a perilous state, seeing that she has the power of saving a man’s life and yet suffers him to die, but he admits there is no more violence in her than in a child of three years old, and her words are as pleasant to him as the winds of the South. Usurious dealing is a vice of which he ventures to accuse her, seeing that he has given her his whole heart in return for a single glance of her eye, and she holds to the bargain and will not give heart for heart; but then, as the Confessor very justly replies, ‘she may be such that her one glance is worth thy whole heart many times over,’ and so he has sold his heart profitably, having in return much more than it is worth.

However, the literary characteristic which is perhaps most remarkable in the Confessio Amantis is connected rather with the form of expression than with the subject-matter. No justice is done to Gower unless it is acknowledged that the technical skill which he displays in his verse and the command which he has over the language for his own purposes is very remarkable. In the ease and naturalness of his movement within the fetters of the octosyllabic couplet he far surpasses his contemporaries, including Chaucer himself. Certain inversions of order and irregularities of construction he allows himself, and there are many stop-gaps of the conventional kind in the ordinary flow of his narrative; but in places where the matter requires it, his admirable management of the verse paragraph, the metrical smoothness of his lines, attained without unnatural accent or forced order of words, and the neatness with which he expresses exactly what he has to say within the precise limits which he lays down for himself, show a finished mastery of expression which is surprising in that age of half-developed English style, and in a man who had trained himself rather in French and Latin than in English composition. Such a sentence as the following, for example, seems to flow from him with perfect ease, there is no halting in the metre, no hesitation or inversion for the sake of the rhyme, it expresses just what it has to express, no more and no less:

’Til that the hihe king of kinges,

Which seth and knoweth alle thinges,

Whos yhe mai nothing asterte,—

The privetes of mannes herte

Thei speke and sounen in his Ere

As thogh thei lowde wyndes were,—

He tok vengance upon this pride.’ (i. 2803 ff.)

Or again, as an example of a more colloquial kind,

‘And if thei techen to restreigne

Mi love, it were an ydel peine

To lerne a thing which mai noght be.

For lich unto the greene tree,

If that men toke his rote aweie,

Riht so myn herte scholde deie,

If that mi love be withdrawe.’ (iv. 2677 ff.)

There is nothing remarkable about the sentiment or expression in these passages, but they are perfectly simple and natural, and run into rhyming verse without disturbance of sense or accent; but such technical skill as we have here is extremely rare among the writers of the time. Chaucer had wider aims, and being an artist of an altogether superior kind, he attains, when at his best, to a higher level of achievement in versification as in other things; but he is continually attempting more than he can perform, he often aims at the million and misses the unit. His command over his materials is evidently incomplete, and he has not troubled himself to acquire perfection of craftsmanship, knowing that other things are more important,

‘And that I do no diligence

To shewe craft but o sentence.’

The result is that the most experienced reader often hesitates in his metre and is obliged to read lines over twice or even thrice, before he can satisfy himself how the poet meant his words to be accented and what exactly was the rhythm he intended. In fact, instead of smoothing the way for his reader, he often deliberately chooses to spare himself labour by taking every advantage, fair or unfair, of those licences of accent and syllable suppression for which the unstable condition of the literary language afforded scope. The reader of Gower’s verse is never interrupted in this manner except by the fault of a copyist or an editor; and when we come to examine the means by which the smoothness is attained, we feel that we have to do with a literary craftsman who by laborious training has acquired an almost perfect mastery over his tools. The qualities of which we are speaking are especially visible in the more formal style of utterance which belongs to the speeches, letters and epitaphs in our author’s tales. The reply of Constance to her questioner (ii. 1148 ff.) is a good example of the first:

‘Quod sche, “I am

A womman wofully bestad.

I hadde a lord, and thus he bad,

That I forth with my litel Sone

Upon the wawes scholden wone,

Bot what the cause was, I not:

Bot he which alle thinges wot

Yit hath, I thonke him, of his miht

Mi child and me so kept upriht,

That we be save bothe tuo.”’

And as longer instances we may point to the reflexions of the Emperor Constantine near the end of the same book (ii. 3243 ff.), and the prayer of Cephalus (iv. 3197-3252). The letters of Canace and of Penelope are excellent, each in its own way, and the epitaphs of Iphis (iv. 3674 ff.) and of Thaise (viii. 1533 ff.) are both good examples of the simple yet finished style, e.g.

‘Hier lith, which slowh himself, Iphis,

For love of Araxarathen:

And in ensample of tho wommen,

That soffren men to deie so,

Hire forme a man mai sen also,

Hou it is torned fleissh and bon

Into the figure of a Ston:

He was to neysshe and sche to hard.

Be war forthi hierafterward;

Ye men and wommen bothe tuo,

Ensampleth you of that was tho.’ (iv. 3674 ff.)

In a word, the author’s literary sphere may be a limited one, and his conception of excellence within that sphere may fall very far short of the highest standard, but such as his ideals are, he is able very completely to realize them. The French and English elements of the language, instead of still maintaining a wilful strife, as is so often the case in Chaucer’s metre, are here combined in harmonious alliance. More especially we must recognize the fact that in Gower’s English verse we have a consistent and for the moment a successful attempt to combine the French syllabic with the English accentual system of metre, and this without sacrificing the purity of the language as regards forms of words and grammatical inflexion. We shall see in our subsequent investigations how careful and ingenious he is in providing by means of elision and otherwise for the legitimate suppression of those weak terminations which could not find a place as syllables in the verse without disturbing its accentual flow, while at the same time the sense of their existence was not to be allowed to disappear. The system was too difficult and complicated to be possible except for a specially trained hand, and Gower found no successor in his enterprise; but the fact that the attempt was made is at least worthy of note.

With considerable merits both of plan and execution the Confessio Amantis has also no doubt most serious faults. The scheme itself, with its conception of a Confessor who as priest has to expound a system of morality, while as a devotee of Venus he is concerned only with the affairs of love (i. 237-280), can hardly be called altogether a consistent or happy one. The application of morality to matters of love and of love to questions of morality is often very forced, though it may sometimes be amusing in its gravity. The Confessor is continually forgetting one or the other of his two characters, and the moralist is found justifying unlawful love or the servant of Venus singing the praises of virginity. Moreover the author did not resist the temptation to express his views on society in a Prologue which is by no means sufficiently connected with the general scheme of the poem, though it is in part a protest against division and discord, that is to say, lack of love. Still worse is the deliberate departure from the general plan which we find in the seventh book, where on pretence of affording relief and recreation to the wearied penitent, the Confessor, who says that he has little or no understanding except of love, is allowed to make a digression which embraces the whole field of human knowledge, but more especially deals with the duties of a king, a second political pamphlet in fact, in which the stories of kings ruined by lust or insolence, of Sardanapalus, Rehoboam, Tarquin, and the rest, are certainly intended to some extent as an admonition of the author’s royal patron. The petition addressed to Rehoboam by his people against excessive taxation reads exactly like one of the English parliamentary protests of the period against the extravagant demands of the crown. Again, the fifth book, which even without this would be disproportionately long, contains an absolutely unnecessary account of the various religions of the world, standing there apparently for no reason except to show the author’s learning, and reaching the highest pitch of grotesque absurdity when the Confessor occupies himself in demolishing the claim of Venus to be accounted a goddess, and that too without even the excuse of having forgotten for the moment that he is supposed to be her priest. Minor excrescences of the same kind are to be found in the third book, where the lawfulness of war is discussed, and in the fourth, where there is a dissertation on the rise of the Arts, and especially of Alchemy. All that can be said is that these digressions were very common in the books of the age—the Roman de la Rose, at least in the part written by Jean de Meun, is one of the worst offenders.

Faults of detail it would be easy enough to point out. The style is at times prosaic and the matter uninteresting, the verse is often eked out with such commonplace expressions and helps to rhyme as were used by the writers of the time, both French or English. Sometimes the sentences are unduly spun out or the words and clauses are awkwardly transposed for the sake of the uninterrupted smoothness of the verse. The attainment of this object moreover is not always an advantage, and sometimes the regularity of the metre and the inevitable recurrence of the rhyme produces a tiresome result. On the whole however the effect is not unpleasing, ‘the ease and regularity with which the verse flows breathes a peaceful contentment, which communicates itself to the reader, and produces the same effect upon the ear as the monotonous but not wearisome splashing of a fountain[C].’ Moreover, as has already been pointed out, when the writer is at his best, the rhyme is kept duly in the background, and the paragraph is constructed quite independently of the couplet, so that this form of metre proves often to be a far better vehicle for the narrative than might have been at first supposed.

ii. DATE AND CIRCUMSTANCES.—The Confessio Amantis in its earliest form bears upon the face of it the date 1390 (Prol. 331 margin)[D], and we have no reason to doubt that this was the year in which it was first completed. The author tells us that it was written at the command of King Richard II, whom he met while rowing on the Thames at London, and who invited him to come into his barge to speak with him. It is noticeable, however, that even this first edition has a dedication to Henry earl of Derby, contained in the Latin lines at the end of the poem[E], so that it is not quite accurate to say that the dedication was afterwards changed, but rather that this dedication was made more prominent and introduced into the text of the poem, while at the same time the personal reference to the king in the Prologue was suppressed. If the date referred to above had been observed by former editors, the speculations first of Pauli and then of Professor Hales, tending to throw back the completion of the first recension of the Confessio Amantis to the year 1386, or even 1383, would have been spared. Their conclusions rest, moreover, on the purest guess-work. The former argues that the preface and the epilogue[F] in their first form date from the year 1386, because from that year the king (who was then nineteen years old) ‘developed those dangerous qualities which estranged from him, amongst others, the poet’; and Professor Hales (Athenæum, Dec. 1881) contends that the references to the young king’s qualities as a ruler, ‘Justice medled with pite,’ &c. certainly point to the years immediately succeeding the Peasants’ revolt (a time when Gower did not regard him as a responsible ruler at all, but excuses him for the evil proceedings of the government on account of his tender age)[G], that the reference to Richard’s desire to establish peace (viii. 3014* ff.) must belong to the period of the negotiations with the French and the subsequent truce, 1383-84, though Professor Hales is himself quite aware that negotiations for peace were proceeding also in 1389, and finally that the mention of ‘the newe guise of Beawme’ must indicate the very year succeeding the king’s marriage to Anne of Bohemia in 1382, whereas in fact the Bohemian fashions would no doubt continue to prevail at court, and still be accounted new, throughout the queen’s lifetime. It is on such grounds as these that we are told that the Confessio Amantis in its first form cannot have been written later than the year 1385 and was probably as early as 1383.

All such conjectures are destroyed by the fact that the manuscripts of the first recension bear the date 1390 at the place cited, and though this does not absolutely exclude a later date for the completion of the book, it is decisive against an earlier one. Moreover, the fact that in the final recension this date is omitted (and deliberately omitted, as we know from the erasure in the Fairfax MS.) points to the conclusion that it is to be regarded definitely as a date of publication, and therefore was inappropriate for a later edition.

This conclusion agrees entirely with the other indications, and they are sufficiently precise, though the fact that one of these also has unluckily escaped the notice of the editors has caused it to be generally overlooked[H].

The form of epilogue which was substituted for that of the first recension, and in which the over-sanguine praise of Richard as a ruler is cancelled, bears in the margin the date of the fourteenth year of his reign (viii. 2973 margin), ‘Hic in anno quarto decimo Regis Ricardi orat pro statu regni,’ &c. Now the fourteenth year of King Richard II was from June 21, 1390, to the same day of 1391. We must therefore suppose that the change in this part of the book took place, in some copies at least, within a few months of its first completion.

Thirdly, we have an equally precise date for the alteration in the Prologue, by which all except a formal mention of Richard II is excluded, while the dedication to Henry of Lancaster is introduced into the text of the poem; and here the time indicated is the sixteenth year of King Richard (Prol. 25), a date which appears also in the margin of some copies here and at l. 97, so that we may assume that this final change of form took place in the year 1392-93, that is, not later than June 1393.

Having thus every step dated for us by the author, we may, if we think it worth while, proceed to conjecture what were the political events which suggested his action; but in such a case as this it is evidently preposterous to argue first from the political conditions, of which as they personally affected our author and his friends we can only be very imperfectly informed, and then to endeavour to force the given dates into accordance with our own conclusions[I].

It will be observed from the above dates that we are led to infer two stages of alteration, and the expectation is raised of finding the poem in some copies with the epilogue rewritten but the preface left in its original state. This expectation is fulfilled. The Bodley MS. 294 gives a text of this kind, and it is certain that there were others of the same form, for Berthelette used for his edition a manuscript of this kind, which was not identical with that which we have.

In discussing the import of the various changes introduced by the author it is of some importance to bear in mind the fact already mentioned that even the first issue of the Confessio Amantis had a kind of dedication to Henry of Lancaster in the Latin lines with which it concluded,

‘Derbeie comiti, recolunt quem laude periti,

Vade liber purus sub eo requiesce futurus.’

This seems rather to dispose of the idea that a dedication to Henry would be inconsistent with loyalty to Richard, a suggestion which would hardly have been made in the year 1390, or even 1393. No doubt those copies which contained in the preface the statement that the book was written at the command of the king and for his sake, and in the epilogue the presentation of the completed book to him (3050* ff.), if they had also appended to them the Latin lines which commend the work to the earl of Derby, may be said to have contained in a certain sense a double dedication, the compliment being divided between the king and his brilliant cousin, and very probably a copy which was intended for the court would be without the concluding lines, as we find to be the case with some manuscripts; but the suggestion that the expressions of loyalty and the praises of Richard as a ruler which we find in the first epilogue are properly to be called inconsistent with a dedication of the poem to Henry of Lancaster, his cousin and counsellor, is plausible only in the light of later events, which could not be foreseen by the poet, in the course of which Henry became definitely the opponent of Richard and finally took the lead in deposing him. It is true that the earl of Derby had been one of the lords appellant in 1387, but after the king’s favourites had been set aside, he was for the time reconciled to Richard, and he could not in any sense be regarded as the leader of an opposition party. That Gower, when he became disgusted with Richard II, should have set Henry’s name in the Prologue in place of that of the king, as representing his ideal of knighthood and statesmanship, may be regarded either as a coincidence with the future events, or as indicating that Gower had some discrimination in selecting a possible saviour of society; but it is certain that at this time the poet can have had no definite idea that his hero would become a candidate for the throne.

The political circumstances of the period during which the Confessio Amantis was written and revised are not very easy to disentangle. We may take it as probable that the plan of its composition, under the combined influence of Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women[J] and of the royal command, may have been laid about the year 1386. Before this time Richard would scarcely have been regarded by Gower as responsible for the government, and he would naturally look hopefully upon the young sovereign, then just entering upon his duties, as one who with proper admonition and due choice of advisers might turn out to be a good ruler. During the succeeding years the evil counsellors of the king were removed by the action of the lords appellant and the Parliament, and in the year 1389 a moderate and national policy seemed to have been finally adopted by the king, with William of Wykeham as Chancellor and the young earl of Derby, who had been one of the appellants but had quarrelled with his uncle Gloucester, among the king’s trusted advisers. By the light of subsequent events Gower condemned the whole behaviour of the king during this period as malicious and treacherous, but this could hardly have been his judgement of it at the time, for Richard’s dissimulation, if dissimulation it were, was deep enough to deceive all parties. Consequently, up to the year 1390 at least, he may have continued, though with some misgivings, to trust in the king’s good intentions and to regard him as a ruler who might effectually heal the divisions of the land, as he had already taken steps to restore peace to it outwardly. It is quite possible also that something may have come to his knowledge in the course of the year 1390-91 which shook his faith. It was at this time, in July 1390, just at the beginning of the fourteenth year of King Richard, that his hero the earl of Derby left the court and the kingdom to exercise his chivalry in Prussia, and for this there may have been a good reason. We know too little in detail of the events of the year to be able to say exactly what causes of jealousy may have arisen between the king and his cousin, who was nearly exactly of an age with him and seems to have attracted much more attention than Richard himself at the jousts of St. Inglevert in May of this year. Whatever feeling there may have been on the side of the earl of Derby would doubtless reflect itself in the minds of his friends and supporters, and something of this kind may have deepened into certitude the suspicions which Gower no doubt already had in his heart of the ultimate intentions of Richard II. The result was that in some copies at least of the Confessio Amantis the concluding praises of the king as a ruler were removed and lines of a more general character on the state of the kingdom and the duties of a king were substituted, but still there was no mention of the earl of Derby except as before in the final Latin lines. Two years later, 1392-93, when the earl of Derby had fairly won his spurs and at the age of twenty-five might be regarded as a model of chivalry, the mention of Richard as the suggester of the work was removed, and the name of Henry set in the text as the sole object of the dedication.

The date sixteenth year must certainly be that of this last change, but the occasion doubtless was the sending of a presentation copy to Henry, and this would hardly amount to publication. The author probably did not feel called upon publicly to affront the king by removing his name and praises, either at the beginning or the end, from the copies generally issued during his reign. Whether or not this conduct justifies the charge of time-serving timidity, which has been made against Gower, I cannot undertake to decide. He was, however, in fact rather of an opposite character, even pedantically stiff in passing judgement severely on those in high places, and not bating a syllable of what he thought proper for himself to say or for a king to hear, though while the king was young and might yet shake himself free from evil influences he was willing to take as favourable a view of his character as possible. Probably he was for some time rather in two minds about the matter, but in any case ‘timid and obsequious’ are hardly the right epithets for the author of the Vox Clamantis.

Before leaving this subject something should perhaps be said upon a matter which has attracted no little attention, namely the supposed quarrel between the author of the Confessio Amantis and Chaucer. It is well known that the first recension of our poem has a passage referring to Chaucer in terms of eulogy (viii. 2941*-57*), and that this was omitted when the epilogue was rewritten. This fact has been brought into connexion with the apparent reference to Gower in the Canterbury Tales, where the Man of Law in the preamble to his tale disclaims on Chaucer’s behalf such ‘cursed stories’ as those of Canace and Apollonius, because they treat of incest. It has been thought that this was meant for a serious attack on Gower, and that he took offence at it and erased the praise of Chaucer from the Confessio Amantis.

It is known of course that the two poets were on personally friendly terms, not only from the dedication of Troilus, but from the fact that when Chaucer was sent on a mission to the Continent in 1378, he appointed Gower one of his attorneys in his absence. It is possible that their friendship was interrupted by a misunderstanding, but it may be doubted whether there is sufficient proof of this in the facts which have been brought forward.

In the first place I question whether Chaucer’s censure is to be taken very seriously. That it refers to Gower I have little doubt, but that the attack was a humorous one is almost equally clear. Chaucer was aware that some of his own tales were open to objection on the score of morality, and when he saw a chance of scoring a point on the very ground where his friend thought himself strongest, he seized it with readiness. Some degree of seriousness there probably is, for Chaucer’s sound and healthy view of life instinctively rejected the rather morbid horrors to which he refers; but it may easily be suspected that he was chiefly amused by the opportunity of publicly lecturing the moralist, who perhaps had privately remonstrated with him[K]. As to the notion that Chaucer had been seriously offended by the occasional and very trifling resemblances of phrase in Gower’s tale of Constance with his own version of the same original, it is hardly worth discussion.

There is of course the possibility that Gower may have taken it more seriously than it was meant, and though he was not quite so devoid of a sense of humour as it has been the fashion to suppose[L], yet he may well have failed to enjoy a public attack, however humorous, upon two of his tales. It must be observed, however, that if we suppose the passage in question to have been the cause of the excision of Gower’s lines about Chaucer, we must assume that the publication of it took place precisely within this period of a few months which elapsed between the first and the second versions of Gower’s epilogue.

Before further considering the question as to what was actually our author’s motive in omitting the tribute to his brother poet, we should do well to observe that this tribute was apparently allowed to stand in some copies of the rewritten epilogue. There is one good manuscript, that in the possession of Lord Middleton, in which the verses about Chaucer not only stand in combination with the new form of epilogue, but in a text which has also the revised preface, dated two years later[M]. Hence it seems possible that the exclusion of the Chaucer verses was rather accidental than deliberate, and from this and other considerations an explanation may be derived which will probably seem too trivial, but nevertheless is perhaps the true one. We know from the Fairfax MS. of the Confessio Amantis and from several original copies of the Vox Clamantis that the author’s method of rewriting his text was usually to erase a certain portion, sometimes a whole column or page, and substitute a similar number of lines of other matter. It will be observed here that for the thirty lines 2941*-2970*, including the reference to Chaucer, are substituted thirty lines from which that reference is excluded. After this come four Latin lines replacing an equal number in the original recension, and then follow fifteen lines, 2971-2985, which are the same except a single line in the two editions. It may be that the author, wishing to mention the departure of the Confessor and the thoughts which he had upon his homeward way, sacrificed the Chaucer verses as an irrelevance, in order to find room for this matter between the Adieu of Venus and the lines beginning ‘He which withinne daies sevene,’ which he did not intend to alter, and that this proceeding, carried out upon a copy of the first recension which has not come down to us, determined the general form of the text for the copies with epilogue rewritten, though in a few instances care was taken to combine the allusion to Chaucer with the other alterations. Such an explanation as this would be in accord with the methods of the author in some other respects; for, as we shall see later on, the most probable explanation of the omission in the third recension of the additional passages in the fifth and seventh books, is that a first recension copy was used in a material sense as a basis for the third recension text, and it was therefore not convenient to introduce alterations which increased the number of lines in the body of the work.

iii. ANALYSIS.

PROLOGUS.

1-92. PREFACE. By the books of those that were before us we are instructed, and therefore it is good that we also should write something which may remain after our days. But to write of wisdom only is not good. I would rather go by the middle path and make a book of pleasure and profit both: and since few write in English, my meaning is to make a book[N] for England’s sake now in the sixteenth year of King Richard. Things have changed and books are less beloved than in former days, but without them the fame and the example of the virtuous would be lost. Thus I, simple scholar as I am, purpose to write a book touching both upon the past and the present, and though I have long been sick, yet I will endeavour as I may to provide wisdom for the wise. For this prologue belongs all to wisdom, and by it the wise may recall to their memory the fortunes of the world; but after the prologue the book shall be of Love, which does great wonders among men. Also I shall speak of the vices and virtues of rulers. But as my wit is too small to admonish every man, I submit my work for correction to my own lord Henry of Lancaster, with whom my heart is in accord, and whom God has proclaimed the model of knighthood. God grant I may well achieve the work which I have taken in hand.

93-192. TEMPORAL RULERS. In the time past things went well: there was plenty and riches, with honour for noble deeds, and each estate kept its due place. Justice was upheld and the people obeyed their rulers. Man’s heart was then shown in his face and his thought expressed by his words, virtue was exalted and vice abased. Now all is changed, and above all discord and hatred have taken the place of love, there is no stable peace, no justice and righteousness. All kingdoms are alike in this, and heaven alone knows what is to be done. The sole remedy is that those who are the world’s guides should follow good counsel and should be obeyed by their people; and if king and council were at one, it might be hoped that the war would be brought to an end, which is so much against the peace of Christ’s religion and from which no land gets any good. May God, who is above all things, give that peace of which the lands have need.

193-498. THE CHURCH. Formerly the life of the clergy was an example to all, there was no simony, no disputes in the Church, no ambition for worldly honour. Pride was held a vice and humility a virtue. Alms were given to the poor and the clergy gave themselves to preaching and to prayer. Thus Christ’s faith was first taught, but now it is otherwise. Simony and worldly strife prevail; and if priests take part in wars, I know not who shall make the peace. But heaven is far and the world is near, and they regard nothing but vainglory and covetousness, so that the tithe goes at once to the war, as though Christ could not do them right by other ways. That which should bring salvation to the world is now the cause of evil: the prelates are such as Gregory wrote of, who desire a charge in order that they may grow rich and great, and the faith is hindered thereby. Ambition and avarice have destroyed charity; Sloth is their librarian and delicacy has put away their abstinence. Moreover Envy everywhere burns in the clergy like the fire of Etna, as we may see now [in this year of grace 1390] at Avignon. To see the Church thus fall between two stools is a cause of sorrow to us all: God grant that it may go well at last with him who has the truth. But as a fire spreads while men are slothfully drinking, so this schism causes the new sect of Lollardy to spring up, and many another heresy among the clergy themselves. It were better to dike and delve and have the true faith, than to know all that the Bible says and err as some of these do. If men had before their eyes the virtues which Christ taught, they would not thus dispute about the Papacy. Each one attends to his own profit, but none to the general cause of the Church, and thus Christ’s fold is broken and the flock is devoured. The shepherds, intent upon worldly good, wound instead of healing, and rob the sheep unjustly of their wool. Nay, they drive them among the brambles, so that they may have the wool which the thorns tear off. If the wolf comes in the way, their staff is not at hand to defend the sheep, but they are ready enough to smite the sheep with it, if they offend ever so little. There are some indeed in whom virtue dwells, whom God has called as Aaron was called, but most follow Simon at the heels, whose chariot rolls upon wheels of covetousness and pride. They teach how good it is to clothe and feed the poor, yet of their own goods they do not distribute. They say that chastity should be preserved by abstinence, but they eat daintily and lie softly, and whether they preserve their chastity thereby, I dare not say: I hear tales, but I will not understand. Yet the vice of the evil-doers is no reproof to the good, for every man shall bear his own works.

499-584. THE COMMONS. As for the people, it is to be feared that that may happen which has already come to pass in sundry lands, that they may break the bounds and overflow in a ruinous flood. Everywhere there is lack of law and growth of error; all say that this world has gone wrong, and every one gives his judgement as to the cause; but he who looks inwards upon himself will be ready to excuse his God, in whom there is no default. The cause of evil is in ourselves. Some say it is fortune and some the planets, but in truth all depends upon man. No estate is secure, the fortune of it goes now up, now down, and all this is in consequence of man’s doings. In the Bible I find a tale which teaches that division is the chief cause why things may not endure, and that man himself is to blame for the changes which have overthrown kingdoms.

585-662. NABUGODONOSOR in a dream saw an image with the head and neck of gold, the breast and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of brass, the legs of steel, and the feet of mixed steel and clay. On the feet of this image fell a great stone which rolled down from a hill, and the image was destroyed. Daniel expounded this of the successive kingdoms of the world.

663-880. These were the FOUR MONARCHIES, of Babylon, of Persia, of the Greeks, and of the Romans. We are now in the last age, that of dissension and division, as shown by the state of the Empire and the Papacy. This is that which was designated by the feet of the image.

881-1088. We are near to the end of the world, as the apostle tells us. The world stands now divided like the feet of the image. Wars are general, and yet the clergy preach that charity is the foundation of all good deeds. Man is the cause of all the evil, and therefore the image bore the likeness of a man. The heavenly bodies, the air and the earth suffer change and corruption through the sin of man, who is in himself a little world. When he is disordered in himself, the elements are all at strife with him and with each other. Division is the cause of destruction. So it is with man, who has within him diverse principles which are at strife with one another, and in whom also there is a fatal division between the body and the soul, which led to the fall from a state of innocence. The confusion of tongues at the building of the tower of Babel was a further cause of division, and at last all peace and charity shall depart, and the stone shall fall. Thenceforward every man shall dwell either in heaven, where all is peace, or in hell, which is full of discord.

Would God that there were in these days any who could set peace on the earth, as Arion once by harping brought beasts and men into accord. But this is a matter which only God can direct.

LIB. I.

1-92. I cannot stretch my hand to heaven and set in order the world: so great a task is more than I am able to compass: I must let that alone and treat of other things. Therefore I think to change from this time forth the style of my writings, and to speak of a matter with which all the world has to do, and that is Love; wherein almost all are out of rule and measure, for no man is able to resist it or to find a remedy for it. If there be anything in this world which is governed blindly by fortune, it is love: this is a game in which no man knows whether he shall win or lose. I am myself one who belongs to this school, and I will tell what befel me not long since in regard to love, that others may take example thereby.

93-202. I fared forth to walk in the month of May, when every bird has chosen his mate and rejoices over the love which he has achieved; but I was further off from mine than earth is from heaven. So to the wood I went, not to sing with the birds, but to weep and lament; and after a time I fell to the ground and wished for death. Then I looked up to the heaven and prayed the god and the goddess of love to show me some grace. Anon I saw them; and he, the king of love, passed me by with angry look and cast at me a fiery lance, which pierced through my heart. But the queen remained, and asked me who I was, and bade me make known my malady. I told her that I had served her long and asked only my due wage, but she frowned and said that there were many pretenders, who in truth had done no service, and bade me tell the truth and show forth all my sickness. ‘That can I well do,’ I replied, ‘if my life may last long enough.’ Then she looked upon me and said, ‘My will is first that thou confess thyself to my priest.’ And with that she called Genius, her priest, and he came forth and sat down to hear my shrift.

203-288. This worthy priest bade me tell what I had felt for love’s sake, both the joy and the sorrow; and I fell down devoutly on my knees and prayed him to question me from point to point, lest I should forget things which concerned my shrift, for my heart was disturbed so that I could not myself direct my wits. He replied that he was there to hear my confession and to question me: but he would not only speak of love; for by his office of priest he was bound to set forth the moral vices. Yet he would show also the properties of Love, for he was retained in the service of Venus and knew little of other things. His purpose was to expound the nature of every vice, as it became a priest to do, and so to apply his teaching to the matter of love that I should plainly understand his lore.

289-574. SINS OF SEEING AND HEARING. I prayed him to say his will, and I would obey, and he bade me confess as touching my five senses, which are the gates through which things come into the heart, and first of the principal and most perilous, the sense of sight. Many a man has done mischief to love through seeing, and often the fiery dart of love pierces the heart through the eye. (289-332.)

Ovid tells a tale of the evils of ‘mislook,’ how Acteon when hunting came upon Diana and her nymphs bathing, and because he did not turn away his eyes, he was changed into a hart and torn to pieces by his own hounds. (333-378.)

Again, the Gorgons were three sisters, who had but one eye between them, which they passed one to another, and if any man looked upon them he was straightway turned into a stone. These were all killed by Perseus, to whom Pallas lent a shield with which he covered his face, and Mercury a sword with which he slew the monsters. (389-435.)

My priest therefore bade me beware of misusing my sight, lest I also should be turned to stone; and further he warned me to take good heed of my hearing, for many a vanity comes to man’s heart through the ears. (436-462.)

There is a serpent called Aspidis, which has a precious stone in his head, but when a man tries to overcome him by charms in order to win this stone, he refuses to hear the enchantment, laying one ear close to the earth and stopping the other with his tail. (463-480.)

Moreover, in the tale of Troy we read of Sirens, who are in the form of women above and of fishes below, and these sing so sweetly, that the sailors who pass are enchanted by it and cannot steer their ships: so they are wrecked and torn to pieces by the monsters. Uluxes, however, escaped this peril by stopping the ears of his company, and then they slew many of them. (481-529.)

From these examples (he said) I might learn how to keep the eye and the ear from folly, and if I could control these two, the rest of the senses were easy to rule. (530-549.)

I made my confession then, and said that as for my eyes I had indeed cast them upon the Gorgon Medusa, and my heart had been changed into stone, upon which my lady had graven an eternal mark of love. Moreover, I was guilty also as regards my ear; for when I heard my lady speak, my reason lost all rule, and I did not do as Uluxes did, but fell at once in the place where she was, and was torn to pieces in my thought. (550-567.)

God amend thee, my son, he said. I will ask now no more of thy senses, but of other things. (568-574.)

THE SEVEN DEADLY VICES.—PRIDE.

575-1234. HYPOCRISY. Pride, the first of the seven deadly Vices, has five ministers, of whom the first is called Hypocrisy. Hast thou been of his company, my son?

I know not, father, what hypocrisy means. I beseech you to teach me and I will confess. (575-593.)

A hypocrite is one who feigns innocence without, but is not so within. Such are many of those who belong to the religious orders, with some of those who occupy the high places of the Church, and others also who pretend to piety, while all their design is to increase their worldly wealth. (594-672.)

There are lovers also of this kind, who deceive by flattery and soft speech, and who pretend to be suffering sickness for love, but are ready always to beguile the woman who trusts them. Art thou one of these, my son?

Nay, father, for I have no need to feign: my heart is always more sick than my visage, and I am more humble towards my lady within than any outward sign can show. I will not say but that I may have been guilty towards others in my youth; but there is one towards whom my word has ever been sincere.

It is well, my son, to tell the truth always towards love; for if thou deceive and win thereby, thou wilt surely repent it afterwards, as a tale which I will tell may show. (672-760.)

Mundus and Paulina. At Rome, in the time of Tiberius, a worthy lady Pauline was deceived by Mundus, who bribed the priests of Isis and induced them to bring her to the temple at night on pretence of meeting the god Anubus. Mundus concealed himself in the temple and personated the god. Meeting her on her way home he let her understand the case, and she, overcome with grief and shame, reported the matter to her husband. The priests were put to death, Mundus was sent into exile, and the image of Isis was thrown into the Tiber. (761-1059.)

The Trojan Horse. Again, to take a case of the evil wrought by Hypocrisy in other matters, we read how, when the Greeks could not capture Troy, they made a horse of brass and secretly agreeing with Antenor and Eneas they concluded a feigned peace with the Trojans and desired to bring this horse as an offering to Minerva into the city. The gates were too small to admit it, and so the wall was broken down, and the horse being brought in was offered as an evidence of everlasting peace with Troy. The Greeks then departed to their ships, as if to set sail, but landed again in the night on a signal from Sinon. They came up through the broken gate, and slew those within, and burnt the city. (1060-1189.)

Thus often in love, when a man seems most true, he is most false, and for a time such lovers speed, but afterwards they suffer punishment. Therefore eschew Hypocrisy in love. (1190-1234.)

1235-1875. INOBEDIENCE. The second point of Pride is Inobedience, which bows before no law, whether of God or man. Art thou, my son, disobedient to love?

Nay, father, except when my lady bids me forbear to speak of my love, or again when she bids me choose a new mistress. She might as well say, ‘Go, take the Moon down from its place in heaven,’ as bid me remove her love out of my breast. Thus far I disobey, but in no other thing. (1235-1342.)

There are two attendants, my son, on this vice, called Murmur and Complaint, which grudge at all the fortune that betides, be it good or bad. And so among lovers there are those who will not faithfully submit to love, but complain of their fortune, if they fail of anything that they desire.

My father, I confess that at times I am guilty of this, when my lady frowns upon me, but I dare not say a word to her which might displease her. I murmur and am disobedient in my heart, and so far I confess that I am ‘unbuxom.’

I counsel thee, my son, to be obedient always to love’s hest, for obedience often avails where strength may do nothing; and of this I remember an example written in a chronicle. (1343-1406.)

There was a knight, nephew to the emperor, by name Florent, chivalrous and amorous, who seeking adventures was taken prisoner by enemies. He had slain the son of the captain of the castle to which he was led; and they desired to take vengeance on him, but feared the emperor. An old and cunning dame, grandmother to the slain man, proposed a condition. He should be allowed to go, on promise of returning within a certain time, and then he should suffer death unless he could answer rightly the question, ‘What do all women most desire?’ He gave his pledge, and sought everywhere an answer to the question, but without success. When the day approached, he set out; and as he passed through a forest, he saw a loathly hag sitting under a tree. She offered to save him if he would take her as his wife. He refused at first, but then seeing no other way, he accepted, on the condition that he should try all other answers first, and if they might save him he should be free. She told him that what all women most desire is to be sovereign of man’s love. He saved himself by this answer, and returned to find her, being above all things ashamed to break his troth. Foul as she was, he respected her womanhood, and set her upon his horse before him. He reached home, journeying by night and hiding himself by day, and they were wedded in the night, she in her fine clothes looking fouler than before. When they were in bed, he turned away from her, but she claimed his bond; and he turning towards her saw a young lady of matchless beauty by his side. She stayed him till he should make his choice, whether he would have her thus by night or by day; and he, despairing of an answer, left it to her to decide. By thus making her his sovereign, he had broken the charm which bound her. She was the king’s daughter of Sicily, and had been transformed by her stepmother, till she should win the love and sovereignty of a peerless knight. Thus obedience may give a man good fortune in love. (1407-1861.)

Know then, my son, that thou must ever obey thy love and follow her will.

By this example, my father, I shall the better keep my observance to love. Tell me now if there be any other point of Pride. (1862-1882.)

1883-2383. SURQUIDRY or PRESUMPTION holds the third place in the court of Pride. He does everything by guess and often repents afterwards: he will follow no counsel but his own, depends only on his own wit, and will not even return thanks to God.

When he is a lover, he thinks himself worthy to love any queen, and he often imagines that he is loved when he is not. Tell me, what of this, my son?

I trow there is no man less guilty here than I, or who thinks himself less worthy. Love is free to all men and hides in the heart unseen, but I shall not for that imagine that I am worthy to love. I confess, however, that I have allowed myself to think that I was beloved when I was not, and thus I have been guilty. But if ye would tell me a tale against this vice, I should fare the better. (1883-1976.)

My son, the proud knight Capaneus trusted so in himself that he would not pray to the gods, and said that prayer was begotten only of cowardice. But on a day, when he assailed the city of Thebes, God took arms against his pride and smote him to dust with a thunderbolt. Thus when a man thinks himself most strong, he is nearest to destruction. (1977-2009.)

Again, when a man thinks that he can judge the faults of others and forgets his own, evil often comes to him, as in the tale which follows.

The Trump of Death. There was a king of Hungary, who went forth with his court in the month of May, and meeting two pilgrims of great age, alighted from his car and kissed their hands and feet, giving them alms also. The lords of the land were displeased that the king should thus abase his royalty, and among them chiefly the king’s brother, who said that he would rebuke the king for his deed. When they were returned, the brother spoke to the king, and said he must excuse himself to his lords. He answered courteously and they went to supper.

Now there was ordained by the law a certain trumpet of brass, which was called the Trump of Death: and when any lord should be put to death, this was sounded before his gate. The king then on that night sent the man who had this office, to blow the trumpet at his brother’s gate. Hearing the sound he knew that he must die, and called his friends together, who advised that he with his wife and his five children should go in all humility to entreat the king’s pardon. So they went lamenting through the city and came to the court. Men told the king how it was, and he coming forth blamed his brother because he had been so moved by a mere human sentence of death, which might be revoked. ‘Thou canst not now marvel,’ he said, ‘at that which I did: for I saw in the pilgrims the image of my own death, as appointed by God’s ordinance, and to this law I did obeisance; for compared to this all other laws are as nothing. Therefore, my brother, fear God with all thine heart; for all shall die and be equal in his sight.’ Thus the king admonished his brother and forgave him. (2010-2253.)

I beseech you, father, to tell me some example of this in the cause of love.

My son, in love as well as in other things this vice should be eschewed, as a tale shows which Ovid told.

There was one Narcissus, who had such pride that he thought no woman worthy of him. On a day he went to hunt in the forest, and being hot and thirsty lay down to drink from a spring. There he saw the image of his face in the water and thought it was a nymph. Love for her came upon him and he in vain entreated her to come out to him: at length in despair he smote himself against a rock till he was dead. The nymphs of the springs and of the woods in pity buried his body, and from it there sprang flowers which bloom in the winter, against the course of nature, as his folly was. (2254-2366.)

My father, I shall ever avoid this vice. I would my lady were as humble towards me as I am towards her. Ask me therefore further, if there be ought else.

God forgive thee, my son, if thou have sinned in this: but there is moreover another vice of Pride which cannot rule his tongue, and this also is an evil. (2367-2398.)

2399-2680. AVANTANCE. This vice turns praise into blame by loud proclaiming of his own merit; and so some lovers do. Tell me then if thou hast ever received a favour in love and boasted of it afterwards.

Nay, father, for I never received any favour of which I could boast. Ask further then, for here I am not guilty.

That is well, my son, but know that love hates this vice above all others, as thou mayest learn by an example. (2399-2458.)

Alboin and Rosemund. Albinus was king of the Lombards, and he in war with the Geptes killed their king Gurmond in battle, and made a cup of his skull. Also he took Gurmond’s daughter Rosemund as his wife. When the wars were over, he made a great feast, that his queen might make acquaintance with the lords of his kingdom; and at the banquet his pride arose, and he sent for this cup, which was richly set in gold and gems, and bade his wife drink of it, saying, ‘Drink with thy father.’ She, not knowing what cup it was, took it and drank; and then the king told how he had won it by his victory, and had won also his wife’s love, who had thus drunk of the skull. She said nothing, but thought of the unkindness of her lord in thus boasting, as he sat by her side, that he had killed her father and made a cup of his skull. Then after the feast she planned vengeance with Glodeside her maid. A knight named Helmege, the king’s butler, loved Glodeside. To him the queen gave herself in place of her maid, and then making herself known, she compelled him to help her. They slew Albinus, but were themselves compelled to flee, taking refuge with the Duke of Ravenna, who afterwards caused them to be put to death by poison. (2459-2646.)

It is good therefore that a man hide his own praise, both in other things and also in love, or else he may fail of his purpose.

2681-3066. VAIN GLORY thinks of this world only and delights in new things. He will change his guise like a chameleon. He will make carols, balades, roundels and virelays, and if he gets any advantage in love, he rejoices over it so that he forgets all thought of death. Tell me if thou hast done so.

My father, I may not wholly excuse myself, in that I have been for love the better arrayed, and have attempted rondels, balades, virelays and carols for her whom I love, and sung them moreover, and made myself merry in chamber and in hall. But I fared none the better: my glory was in vain. She would not hear my songs, and my fine array brought me no reason to be glad. And yet I have had gladness at times in hearing how men praised her, and also when I have tidings that she is well. Tell me if I am to blame for this.

I acquit thee, my son, and on this matter I think to tell a tale how God does vengeance on this vice. Listen now to a tale that is true, though it be not of love. (2681-2784.)

There was a king of whom I spoke before, Nabugodonosor by name. None was so mighty in his days, and in his Pride he ruled the earth as a god. This king in his sleep saw a tree which overshadowed the whole earth, and all birds and beasts had lodging in it or fed beneath it. Then he heard a voice bidding to hew down the tree and destroy it; but the root (it said) should remain, and bear no man’s heart, but feed on grass like an ox, till the water of the heaven should have washed him seven times and he should be made humble to the will of God. The King could find none to interpret this dream, and sent therefore for Daniel. He said that the tree betokened the king, and that as the tree was hewn down, so his kingdom should be overthrown, and he should pasture like an ox and be rained upon and afflicted, until he acknowledged the greatness of God. The punishment was ordained, he said, for his vain glory, and if he would leave this and entreat for grace, he might perchance escape the evil.

But Pride will not suffer humility to stand with him. Neither for his dream nor yet for Daniel’s word did this king leave his vain glory, and so that which had been foretold came upon him.

Then after seven years he remembered his former state and wept; and though he might not find words, he prayed within his heart to God and vowed to leave his vain glory, reaching up his feet towards the heaven, kneeling and braying for mercy. Suddenly he was changed again into a man and received his power as before, and the pride of vain glory passed for ever from his heart. (2785-3042.)

Be not thou, my son, like a beast, but take humility in hand, for a proud man cannot win love. I think now again to tell thee a tale which may teach thee to follow Humility and eschew Pride.

3067-3425. HUMILITY. The Three Questions. There was once a young and wise king, who delighted in propounding difficult questions, and one knight of his court was so ready in answering them that the king conceived jealousy and resolved to put him to confusion. He bade him therefore answer these three questions on pain of death: (1) What is it that has least need and yet men help it most? (2) What is worth most and yet costs least? (3) What costs most and is worth least? The knight went home to consider, but the more he beat his brains, the more he was perplexed. He had two daughters, the younger fourteen years of age, who, perceiving his grief, entreated him to tell her the cause. At length he did so, and she asked to be allowed to answer for him to the king. When the day came, they went together to the court, and the knight left the answers to the maiden, at which all wondered. She replied to the first question that it was the Earth, upon which men laboured all the year round, and yet it had no need of help, being itself the source of all life. As to the second, it was Humility, through which God sent down his Son, and chose Mary above all others; and yet this costs least to maintain, for it brings about no wars among men. The third question, she said, referred to Pride, which cost Lucifer and the rebel angels the loss of heaven, and Adam the loss of paradise, and was the cause also of so many evils in the world.

The king was satisfied, and looking on the maiden he said, ‘I like thine answer well, and thee also, and if thou wert of lineage equal to these lords, I would take thee for my wife. Ask what thou wilt of me and thou shalt have it.’ She asked an earldom for her father, and this granted, she thanked the king upon her knees, and claimed fulfilment of his former word. Whatever she may have been once, she was now an earl’s daughter, and he had promised to take her as his wife. The king, moved by love, gave his assent, and thus it was. This king ruled Spain in old days and his name was Alphonse: the knight was called Don Petro, and the daughter wise Peronelle. (3067-3402.)

Thus, my son, thou mayest know the evil of Pride, which fell from his place in heaven and in paradise; but Humility is gentle and debonnaire. Therefore leave Pride and take Humility.

My father, I will not forget: but now seek further of my shrift.

My son, I have spoken enough of Pride, and I think now to tell of Envy, which is a hellish vice, in that it does evil without any cause. (3403-3446.)

LIB. II.

1-220. SORROW FOR ANOTHER’S JOY. The next after Pride is ENVY, who burns ever in his thought, if he sees another preferred to himself or more worthy. Hast thou, my son, in love been sick of another man’s welfare?

Yea, father, a thousand times, when I have seen another blithe of love. I am then like Etna, which burns ever within, or like a ship driven about by the winds and waves. But this is only as regards my lady, when I see lovers approach her and whisper in her ear. Not that I mistrust her wisdom, for none can keep her honour better; yet when I see her make good cheer to any man, I am full of Envy to see him glad.

My son, the hound which cannot eat chaff, will yet drive away the oxen who come to the barn; and so it is often with love. If a man is out of grace himself, he desires that another should fail. (1-96.)

Acis and Galatea. Ovid tells a tale how Poliphemus loved Galathea, and she, who loved another, rejected him. He waited then for a chance to grieve her in her love, and he saw her one day in speech with young Acis under a cliff by the sea. His heart was all afire with Envy, and he fled away like an arrow from a bow, and ran roaring as a wild beast round Etna. Then returning he pushed down a part of the cliff upon Acis and slew him. She fled to the sea, where Neptune took her in his charge, and the gods transformed Acis into a spring with fresh streams, as he had been fresh in love, and were wroth with Polipheme for his Envy. (97-200.)

Thus, my son, thou mayest understand that thou must let others be.

My father, the example is good, and I will work no evil in love for Envy. (200-220.)

221-382. JOY FOR ANOTHER’S GRIEF. This vice rejoices when he sees other men sad, and thinks that he rises by another’s fall, as in other things, so also in love. Hast thou done so, my son?

Yes, father, I confess that when I see the lovers of my lady get a fall, I rejoice at it; and the more they lose, the more I think that I shall win: and if I am none the better for it, yet it is a pleasure to me to see another suffer the same pains as I. Tell me if this be wrong.

This kind of Envy, my son, can never be right. It will sometimes be willing to suffer loss, in order that another may also suffer, as a tale will show. (221-290.)

The Travellers and the Angel. Jupiter sent down an angel to report of the condition of mankind. He joined himself to two travellers, and he found by their talk that one was covetous and the other envious. On parting he told them that he came from God, and in return for their kindness he would grant them a boon: one should choose a gift and the other should have the double of what his fellow asked. The covetous man desired the other to ask, and the other, unwilling that his fellow should have more good than he, desired to be deprived of the sight of one eye, in order that his fellow might lose both. This was done, and the envious man rejoiced. (291-364.)

This is a thing contrary to nature, to seek one’s own harm in order to grieve another.

My father, I never did so but in the way that I have said: tell me if there be more.

383-1871. DETRACTION. There is one of the brood of Envy called Detraction. He has Malebouche in his service, who cannot praise any without finding fault. He is like the beetle which flies over the fields, and cares nothing for the spring flowers, but makes his feast of such filth as he may find. So this envious jangler makes no mention of a man’s virtue, but if he find a fault he will proclaim it openly. So also in Love’s court many envious tales are told. If thou hast made such janglery, my son, shrive thee thereof. (383-454.)

Yes, father, but not openly. When I meet my dear lady and think of those who come about her with false tales, all to deceive an innocent (though she is wary enough and can well keep herself), my heart is envious and I tell the worst I know against them; and so I would against the truest and best of men, if he loved my lady; for I cannot endure that any should win there but I. This I do only in my lady’s ear, and above all I never tell any tale which touches her good name. Tell me then what penance I shall endure for this, for I have told you the whole truth.

My son, do so no more. Thy lady, as thou sayest, is wise and wary, and there is no need to tell her these tales. Moreover she will like thee the less for being envious, and often the evil which men plan towards others falls on themselves. Listen to a tale on this matter. (454-586.)

Tale of Constance. The Roman Emperor Tiberius Constantinus had a daughter Constance, beautiful, wise, and full of faith. She converted to Christianity certain merchants of Barbary, who came to Rome to sell their wares, and they, being questioned by the Soldan when they returned, so reported of Constance that he resolved to ask for her in marriage. He sent to Rome and agreed to be converted, and Constance was sent with two cardinals and many other lords, to be his bride. But the mother of the Soldan was moved by jealousy. She invited the whole company to a feast, and there slew her own son and all who had had to do with the marriage except Constance herself, whom she ordered to be placed alone in a rudderless ship with victuals for five years, and so to be committed to the winds and waves. (587-713.)

For three years she drifted under God’s guidance, and at last came to land in Northumberland, near a castle on the bank of Humber, which was kept by one Elda for the king of that land Allee, a Saxon and a worthy knight. Elda found her in the ship and committed her to the care of Hermyngheld his wife, who loved her and was converted by her. Hermyngheld in the name of Christ restored sight to a blind man, at which all wondered, and Elda was converted to the faith. On the morrow he rode to the king, and thinking to please him, who was then unwedded, told him of Constance. The king said he would come and see her. Elda sent before him a knight whom he trusted, and this knight had loved Constance, but she had rejected him, so that his love was turned to hate. When he came to the castle he delivered the message, and they prepared to receive the king; but in the night he cut the throat of Hermyngheld and placed the bloody knife under the bed where Constance lay. Elda came the same night and found his wife lying dead and Constance sleeping by her. The false knight accused Constance and discovered the knife where he had placed it. Elda was not convinced, and the knight swore to her guilt upon a book. Suddenly the hand of heaven smote him and his eyes fell out of his head, and a voice bade him confess the truth, which he did, and thereupon died. (714-885.)

After this the king came, and desiring to wed Constance, agreed to receive baptism. So a bishop came from Bangor in Wales and christened him and many more, and married Constance to the king. She would not tell who she was, but the king perceived that she was a noble creature. God visited her and she was with child, but the king was compelled to go out on a war, and left his wife with Elda and the bishop. A son was born and baptized by the name of Moris, and letters were written to the king, and the bearer of them, who had to pass by Knaresborough, stayed there to tell the news to the king’s mother Domilde. She in the night changed the letters for others, which said, as from the keepers of the queen, that she had been delivered of a monster. The messenger carried the letters to the king, who wrote back that they should keep his wife carefully till he came again. On his return the messenger stayed again at Knaresborough, and Domilde substituted a letter bidding them on pain of death place Constance and her child in the same ship in which she had come, and commit them to the sea. They grieved bitterly, but obeyed. She prayed to heaven for help and devoted herself to the care of the child (886-1083). After the end of that year the ship came to land near a castle in Spain, where a heathen admiral was lord, who had a steward named Theloüs, a false renegade. He came to see the ship and found Constance, but he let none else see her; and at night he returned, thinking to have her at his will. He swore to kill her if she resisted him, and she bade him look out at the port to see if any man was near: then on the prayer of Constance he was thrown out of the ship and drowned. A wind arose which took her from the land, and after three years she came to a place where a great navy lay. The lord of these ships questioned her, but she told him little, giving her name as Couste. He said that he came from taking vengeance on the Saracens for their treachery, but could hear no news of Constance. He was the Senator of Rome and was married to a niece of the Emperor named Heleine. She came to Rome with her child and dwelt with his wife till twelve years were gone, and none knew what she was, but all loved her well. (1084-1225.)

In the meantime king Allee discovered the treachery and took vengeance on his mother, who was burnt to death after confession of her guilt; and all said that she had well deserved her punishment and lamented for Constance. Having finished his wars, the king resolved to go to Rome for absolution, and leaving Edwyn his heir to rule the land, he set forth with Elda. Arcennus reported to his wife and to Couste the coming of king Allee, and Couste swooned for joy. The king, after seeing the Pope and relieving his conscience, made a feast, to which he invited the Senator and others. Moris went also, and his mother bade him stand at the feast in sight of the king. The king seeing him thought him like his wife Constance, and loved him without knowing why. He asked Arcennus if the child were his son, and from him he heard his story and the name of his mother. The king smiled at the name ‘Couste,’ knowing that it was Saxon for Constance, and was eager to ascertain the truth. After the feast he besought the Senator to bring him home to see this Couste, and never man was more joyful than he was when he saw his wife. (1226-1445.)

The king remained at Rome for a time with Constance, but still she did not tell him who she was. After a while she prayed him to make an honourable feast before he left the city and to invite the Emperor, who was at a place a few miles away from the city. Moris was sent to beseech him to come and eat with them, which request he granted; and at the time appointed they all went forth to meet the Emperor. Constance, riding forward to welcome him, made herself known to him as his daughter. His heart was overcome, as if he had seen the dead come to life again, and all present shed tears. So a parliament was held and Moris was named heir to the Emperor. King Allee and Constance returned home to the great joy of their land; but soon after this the king died, and Constance came again to Rome. After a short time the Emperor also died in her arms, and she herself in the next year following. Moris was crowned Emperor and known as ‘the most Christian.’ (1446-1598.)

Thus love at last prevailed and the false tongues were silenced. Beware then thou of envious backbiting and lying, and if thou wouldest know further what mischief is done by backbiting, hear now another tale. (1599-1612.)

Demetrius and Perseus. Philip king of Macedoine had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus. Demetrius the elder was the better knight, and he was heir to the kingdom; but Perseus had envy of him and slandered him to his father behind his back, saying that he had sold them to the Romans. Demetrius was condemned on suborned evidence and by a corrupt judge, and so put to death. Perseus then grew so proud that he disdained his father and usurped his power, so that the father perceived the wrong which had been done; but the other party was so strong that he could not execute justice, and thus he died of grief.

Then Perseus took the government and made war on Rome, gathering a great host. The Romans had a Consul named Paul Emilius, who took this war in hand. His little daughter wept when she parted from him, because her little dog named Perse was dead, and this seemed to him a prognostic of success, for Perseus had spoken against his brother like a dog barking behind a man’s back. Perseus rode with his host, not foreseeing the mischief, and he lost a large part of his army by the breaking of the ice of the Danube. Paulus attacked him and conquered both him and his land, so that Perseus himself died like a dog in prison, and his heir, who was exiled from his land, gained his bread by working at a craft in Rome. (1613-1861.)

Lo, my son, what evil is done by the Envy which endeavours to hinder another.

I will avoid it, my father; but say on, if there be more.

My son, there is a fourth, as deceptive as the guiles of a juggler, and this is called False Semblant. (1862-1878.)

1879-2319. FALSE SEMBLANT. This is above all the spring from which deceit flows. It seems fair weather on that flood; but it is not so in truth. False Semblant is allied with Hypocrisy, and Envy steers their boat. Therefore flee this vice and let thy semblant always be true. When Envy desires to deceive, it is False Semblant who is his messenger; and as the mirror shows what was never within it, so he shows in his countenance that which is not in his heart. Dost thou follow this vice, my son?

Nay, father, for ought I know; but question me, I pray you.

Tell me then, my son, if ever thou hast gained the confidence of any man in order to tell out his secrets and hinder him in his love. Dost thou practise such devices?

For the most part I say nay; but in some measure I confess I may be reckoned with those that use false colours. I feign to my fellow at times, until I know his counsels in love, and if they concern my lady, I endeavour to overthrow them. If they have to do with others than she, I break no covenant with him nor try to hinder him in his love; but with regard to her my ears and my heart are open to hear all that any man will say,—first that I may excuse her if they speak ill of her, and secondly that I may know who her lovers are. Then I tell tales of them to my lady, to hinder their suit and further mine. And though I myself have no help from it, I can conceal nothing from her which it concerns her to know. To him who loves not my lady, let him love as many others as he will, I feign no semblant, and his tales sink no deeper than my ears. Now, father, what is your doom and what pain must I suffer? (1879-2076.)

My son, all virtue should be praised and all vice blamed: therefore put no visor on thy face. Yet many men do so nowadays, and especially I hear how False Semblant goes with those whom we call Lombards, men who are cunning to feign that which is not, and who take from us the profit of our own land, while we bear the burdens. They have a craft called Fa crere, and against this no usher can bar the door. This craft discovers everything and makes it known in foreign lands to our grievous loss. Those who read in books the examples of this vice of False Semblant, will be the more on their guard against it. (2077-2144.)

Hercules and Deianira. I will tell thee a tale of False Semblant, and how Deianira and Hercules suffered by it. Hercules had cast his heart only upon this fair Deianira, and once he desired to pass over a river with her, but he knew not the ford. There was there a giant called Nessus, who envying Hercules thought to do him harm by treachery, since he dared not fight against him openly. Therefore, pretending friendship, he offered to carry the lady across and set her safe on the other shore. Hercules was well pleased, and Nessus took her upon his shoulder; but when he was on the further side, he attempted to carry her away with him. Hercules came after them and shot him with a poisoned arrow, but before he died he gave Deianira his shirt stained with his heart’s blood, telling her that if her lord were untrue, this shirt would make his love return to her. She kept it well in coffer and said no word. The years passed, and Hercules set his heart upon Eole, the king’s daughter of Eurice, so that he dressed himself in her clothes and she was clothed in his, and no remedy could be found for his folly. Deianira knew no other help, but took this shirt and sent it to him. The shirt set his body on fire, and clove to it so that it could not be torn away. He ran to the high wood and tore down trees and made a huge fire, into which he leapt and was burnt both flesh and bones. And all this came of the False Semblant which Nessus made. Therefore, my son, beware, since so great a man was thus lost. (2145-2312.)

Father, I will no more have acquaintance with False Semblant, and I will do penance for my former feigning. Ask more now, if more there be.

My son, there is yet the fifth which is conceived of Envy, and that is Supplantation, by means of which many have lost their labour in love as in other things. (2313-2326.)

2327-3110. SUPPLANTATION. This vice has often overthrown men and deprived them of their dignities. Supplantation obtains for himself the profit of other men’s loss, and raises himself upon their fall. In the same way there are lovers who supplant others and deprive them of what is theirs by right, reaping what others have sown. If thou hast done so, my son, confess.

For ought I know, father, I am guiltless in deed, but not so in thought. If I had had the power, I would long ago have made appropriation of other men’s love. But this only as regards one, for whom I let all others go. If I could, I would turn away her heart from her other lovers and supplant them, no matter by what device: but force I dare not use for fear of scandal. If this be sin, my father, I am ready to redress my guilt. (2327-2428.)

My son, God beholds a man’s thought, and if thou knewest what it were to be a supplanter in love, thou wouldest for thine own sake take heed. At Troy Agamenon supplanted Achilles, and Diomede Troilus. Geta and Amphitrion too were friends, and Geta was the lover of Almena: but when he was absent, Amphitrion made his way to her chamber and counterfeited his voice, whereby he obtained admittance to her bed. Geta came afterwards, but she refused to let him in, thinking that her lover already lay in her arms. (2429-2500.)

The False Bachelor. There was an Emperor of Rome who ruled in peace and had no wars. His son was chivalrous and desirous of fame, so he besought leave to go forth and seek adventures, but his father refused to grant it. At length he stole away with a knight whom he trusted, and they took service with the Soldan of Persia, who had war with the Caliph of Egypt. There this prince did valiantly and gained renown; moreover, he was overtaken by love of the Soldan’s fair daughter, so that his prowess grew more and more, and none could stand against him. At length the Soldan and the Caliph drew to a battle, and the Soldan took a gold ring of his daughter and commanded her, if he should fall in the fight, to marry the man who should produce this ring. In the battle this Roman did great deeds, and Egypt fled in his presence. As they of Persia pursued, an arrow struck the Soldan and he was borne wounded to a tent. Dying he gave his daughter’s ring to this knight of Rome. After his burial a parliament was appointed, and on the night before it met, this young lord told his secret to his bachelor and showed him the ring. The bachelor feigned gladness, but when his lord was asleep, he stole the ring from his purse and put another in its stead. When the court was set, the young lady was brought forth. The bachelor drew forth the ring and claimed her hand, which was allowed him in spite of protest, and so he was crowned ruler of the empire. His lord fell sick of sorrow, caring only for the loss of his love; and before his death he called the lords to him and sent a message to his lady, and wrote also a letter to his father the Emperor. Thus he died, and the treason was known. The false bachelor was sent to Rome on demand of the Emperor, to receive punishment there, and the dead body also was taken thither for burial. (2501-2781.)

Thus thou mayest be well advised, my son, not to do so; and above all when Pride and Envy are joined together, no man can find a remedy for the evil. Of this I find a true example in a chronicle of old time, showing how Supplant worked once in Holy Church. I know not if it be so now. (2782-2802.)

Pope Boniface. At Rome Pope Nicholas died, and the cardinals met in conclave to choose another Pope. They agreed upon a holy recluse full of ghostly virtues, and he was made Pope and called Celestin. There was a cardinal, however, who had long desired the papacy, and he was seized with such envy that he thought to supplant the Pope by artifice. He caused a young priest of his family to be appointed to the Pope’s chamber, and he told this man to take a trumpet of brass and by means of it speak to the Pope at midnight through the wall, bidding him renounce his dignity. This he did thrice; and the Pope, conceiving it to be a voice from heaven, asked the cardinals in consistory whether a Pope might resign his place. All sat silent except this cardinal of whom we have spoken, and he gave his opinion that the Pope could make a decree by which this might be done. He did so, and the cardinal was elected in his stead under the name of Boniface. But such treason cannot be hid; it is like the spark of fire in the roof, which when blown by the wind blazes forth. Boniface openly boasted of his device; and such was his pride that he took quarrel with Louis, King of France, and laid his kingdom under interdict. The king was counselled by his barons, and he sent Sir William de Langharet, with a company of men-at-arms, who captured the Pope at Pontsorge near Avignon and took him into France, where he was put in bonds and died of hunger, eating off both his hands. Of him it was said that he came in like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a dog. By his example let all men beware of gaining office in the Church by wrongful means. God forbid that it should be of our days that the Abbot Joachim spake, when he prophesied of the shameful traffic which should dishonour the Church of God. (2803-3084.)

Envy it was that moved Joab to slay Abner treacherously; and for Envy Achitophel hanged himself when his counsel was not preferred. Seneca says that Envy is the common wench who keeps tavern for the Court, and sells liquour which makes men drunk with desire to surpass their fellows. (3085-3110.)

Envy is in all ways unpleasant in love; the fire within dries up the blood which should flow kindly through his veins. He alone is moved by pure malice in that which he does. Therefore, my son, if thou wouldest find a way to love, put away Envy.

Reason would that I do so, father; but in order that I may flee from this vice, I pray you to tell me a remedy.

My son, as there is physic for the sick, so there are virtues for the vices, which quench them as water does a fire. Against Envy is set Charity, the mother of Pity, which causes a man to be willing to bear evil himself rather than that another should suffer. Hear from me a tale about this, and mark it well. (3111-3186.)

Constantine and Silvester. In Latin books I find how Constantine, the Emperor of Rome, had a leprosy which could not be cured, and wise men ordered for his healing a bath of the blood of children under seven years old. Orders were sent forth, and mothers brought their children from all parts to the palace. The Emperor, hearing the noise of lamentation, looked forth in the morning and was struck with pity. He thought to himself that rich and poor were all alike in God’s sight, and that a man should do to others as he would that others should do to him. He resolved rather to suffer his malady than that so much innocent blood should be shed, and he sent the mothers and children away happy to their homes. In the night he had a vision of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, saying to him, that as he had shown mercy, mercy should be shown to him, and bidding him send to fetch Silvester from Mount Celion, where he was hiding for fear of the Emperor, who had been a foe to Christ’s faith. They told him their names and departed, and he did as they commanded. Silvester came and preached to the Emperor of the redemption of mankind and the last judgement, and said that God had accepted the charity and pity which he had shown. Constantine received baptism in the same vessel which had been prepared for the blood; and as he was being baptized, a light from heaven shone in the place and the leprosy fell from him as it were fishes’ scales. Thus body and soul both were cleansed. The Emperor sent forth letters bidding all receive baptism on pain of death, and founded two churches in Rome for Peter and Paul, to which he gave great worldly possessions. His will was good, but the working of his deed was bad. As he made the gift, a voice was heard from heaven saying that the poison of temporal things was this day mingled with the spiritual. All may see the evil now, and may God amend it. (3187-3496.)

I have said, my son, how Charity may help a man in both worlds; therefore, if thou wouldest avoid Envy, acquaint thyself with Charity, which is the sovereign virtue.

My father, I shall ever eschew Envy the more for this tale which ye have told, and I pray you to give me my penance for that which I have done amiss, and to ask me further.

I will tell thee, my son, of the vice which stands next after this. (3497-3530.)

LIB. III.

There is a vice which is the enemy to Patience and doth no pleasure to nature. This is one of the fatal Seven and is called IRE, which in English is WRATH.

25-416. He has five servants to help him, of whom the first is MELANCHOLY, which lours like an angry beast and none knows the reason why. Hast thou been so, my son?

Yea, father, I may not excuse myself therof, and love is the cause of it. My heart is ever hot and I burn with wrath, angered with myself because I cannot speed. Waking I dream that I meet with my lady and pray her for an answer to my suit, and she, who will not gladly swear, saith me nay without an oath, wherewith I am so distempered that I almost lose my wits; and when I think how long I have served and how I am refused, I am angry for the smallest thing, and every servant in my house is afraid of me until the fit passes. If I approach my lady and she speaks a fair word to me, all my anger is gone; but if she will not look upon me, I return again to my former state. Thus I hurt my hand against the prick and make a whip for my own self; and all this springs from Melancholy. I pray you, my father, teach me some example whereby I may appease myself.

My son, I will fulfil thy prayer. (25-142.)

Canace and Machaire. There was a king called Eolus, and he had two children, a son Machaire and a daughter Canace. These two grew up together in one chamber, and love made them blind, so that they followed only the law of nature and saw not that of reason. As the bird which sees the food but not the net, so they saw not the peril. At length Canace was with child and her brother fled. The child was born and the truth could not be hid. The father came into her chamber in a frenzy of wrath, and she in vain entreated for mercy. He sent a knight to her with a sword, that she might slay herself; but first she wrote a letter to her brother, while her child lay weeping in her breast. Then she set the pommel of the sword to ground and pierced her heart with the point. The king bade them take the child and cast it out for wild beasts to devour. Little did he know of love who wrought such a cruel deed. (143-336.)

Therefore, my son, have regard to love, and remember that no man’s might can resist what Nature has ordained. Otherwise vengeance may fall, as in a tale that I will tell. (337-360.)

Tiresias saw two snakes coupled together and smote them with his staff. Thereupon, as he had disturbed nature, so he was transformed against nature into a woman. (361-380.)

Thus wrote Ovid, and thus we see that we ought not to be wroth against the law of nature in men. There may be vice in love, but there is no malice.

My father, all this is true. Let every man love whom he will; I shall not be wroth, if it be not my lady. I am angry only with myself, because I can find no remedy for my evils. (381-416.)

417-842. CHESTE. The second kind of Wrath is Cheste, which has his mouth ever unlocked and utters evil sayings of every one. Men are more afraid of him than of thunder and exclaim against his evil tongue. Tell me, my son, if thou hast ever chid toward thy love.

Nay, father, never: I call my lady herself to witness. I never dared speak to her any but good words. I may have said at times more than I ought, the best plowman balks sometimes, and I have often spoken contrary to her command; but she knows well that I do not chide. Men may pray to God, and he will not be wroth; and my lady, being but a woman, ought not to be angry if I tell her of my griefs. Often indeed I chide with myself, because I have not said that which I ought, but this avails me nothing. Now ye have heard all, therefore give me absolution.

My son, if thou knewest all the evils of Cheste in love, thou wouldest learn to avoid it. Fair speech is most accordant to love; therefore keep thy tongue carefully and practise Patience.

My father, tell me some example of this. (417-638.)

Patience of Socrates. A man should endure as Socrates did, who to try his own patience married a scolding wife. She came in on a winter day from the well and saw her husband reading by the fire. Not being able to draw an answer to her reproaches, she emptied the water-pot over his head: but he said only that rain in the course of nature followed wind, and drew nearer to the fire to dry his clothes. (639-698.)

I know not if this be reasonable, but such a man ought truly to be called patient by judgement of Love’s Court.

Here again is a tale by which thou mayest learn to restrain thy tongue. (699-730.)

Jupiter, Juno and Tiresias. Jupiter and Juno fell out upon the question whether man or wife is the more ardent in love, and they made Tiresias judge. He speaking unadvisedly gave judgement against Juno, who deprived him of his sight. Jupiter in compensation gave him the gift of prophecy, but he would rather have had the sight of his eyes. Therefore beware, and keep thy tongue close. (731-782.)

Phebus and Cornide. Phebus loved Cornide, but a young knight visited her in her chamber. This was told to Phebus by a bird which she kept, and he in anger slew Cornide. Then he repented, and as a punishment he changed the bird’s feathers from white to black. (783-817.)

Jupiter and Laar. The nymph Laar told tales of Jupiter to Juno, and he cut off her tongue and sent her down to hell. There are many such now in Love’s Court, who let their tongues go loose. Be not thou one of these, my son, and above all avoid Cheste.

My father, I will do so: but now tell me more of Wrath. (818-842.)

843-1088. HATE is the next, own brother to Cheste. Art thou guilty of this?

I know not as yet what it is, except ye teach me.

Listen then: Hate is a secret Wrath, gathering slowly and dwelling in the heart, till he see time to break forth.

Father, I will not swear that I have been guiltless of this; for though I never hated my lady, I have hated her words. Moreover I hate those envious janglers who hinder me with their lies, and I pray that they may find themselves in the same condition as I am. Then I would stand in their way, as they stand in mine, and they would know how grievous a thing it is to be hindered in love.

My son, I cannot be content that thou shouldest hate any man, even though he have hindered thee. But I counsel thee to beware of other men’s hate, for it is often disguised under a fair appearance, as the Greeks found to their cost. (843-972.)

King Namplus and the Greeks. After the fall of Troy the Greeks, voyaging home, were overtaken by a storm and knew not how to save their ships. Now there was a king, Namplus, who hated the Greeks because of his son Palamades, whom they had done to death, and he lighted fires to lure their ships towards his rocky coast. They supposed that the fires were beacons to guide them into haven, and many of their ships ran on the rocks. The rest, warned by the cry of those that perished, put forth again to sea.

By this, my son, thou mayest know how Fraud joins with Hate to overthrow men. (973-1088.)

1089-2621. CONTEK and HOMICIDE. Two more remain, namely Contek, who has Foolhaste for his chamberlain, and Homicide. These always in their wrath desire to shed blood, and they will not hear of pity. Art thou guilty of this, my son?

Nay, my father, Christ forbid. Yet as regards love, about which is our shrift, I confess that I have Contek in my heart, Wit and Reason opposing Will and Hope. Reason says that I ought to cease from my love, but Will encourages me in it, and he it is who rules me.

Thou dost wrong, my son, for Will should ever be ruled by Reason, whereof I find a tale written. (1089-1200.)

Diogenes and Alexander. There was a philosopher named Diogenes, who in his old age devised a tun, in which he sat and observed the heavens. King Alexander rode by with his company and sent a knight to find out what this might be. The knight questioned Diogenes, but he could get no answer. ‘It is thy king who asks,’ said the knight in anger. ‘No, not my king,’ said the philosopher. ‘What then, is he thy man?’ ‘Nay, but rather my man’s man.’ The knight told the king, who rode himself to see. ‘Father,’ he said,’tell me how I am thy man’s man.’ Diogenes replied, ‘Because I have always kept Will in subjection to me, but with thee Will is master and causes thee to sin.’ The king offered to give him whatsoever he should ask. He replied, ‘Stand thou out of my sunshine: I need no other gift from thee.’

From this thou mayest learn, my son; for thou hast said that thy will is thy master, and hence thou hast Contek in thine heart, and this, since love is blind, may even breed Homicide. (1201-1330.)

Pyramus and Thisbe. In the city of Semiramis there dwelt two lords in neighbouring houses, and the one had a son named Piramus, and the other a daughter, Tisbee. These loved each other, and when two are of one accord in love, no man can hinder their purpose. They made a hole in the wall between them and conversed through this, till at length they planned to meet near a spring without the town. The maiden was there first; but a lion came to drink at the spring with snout all bloody from a slain beast, and she fled away, leaving her wimple on the ground. This the lion tore and stained with blood, while she lay hid in a bush, not daring to move. Piramus came soon and supposed she had been slain. Reproaching himself as the cause of her death, he slew himself with his sword in his foolhaste. Tisbee came then and found him dead, and she called upon the god and goddess of love, who had so cruelly served those who were obedient to their law. At last her sorrow overcame her, so that she knew not what she did. She set the sword’s point to her heart and fell upon it, and thus both were found lying. (1331-1494.)

Beware by this tale that thou bring not evil on thyself by foolhaste.

My father, I will not hide from you that I have often wished to die, though I have not been guilty of the deed. But I know by whose counsel it is that my lady rejects me, and him I would slay if I had him in my power.

Who is this mortal enemy, my son?

His name is Danger, and he may well be called ‘sanz pite.’ It is he who hinders me in all things and will not let my lady receive my suit. He is ever with her and gives an evil answer to all my prayers. Thus I hate him and desire that he should be slain. But as to my lady, I muse at times whether she will be acquitted of homicide, if I die for her love, when with one word she might have saved me.

My son, refrain thine heart from Wrath, for Wrath causes a man to fail of love. Men must go slowly on rough roads and consider before they climb: ‘rape reweth,’ as the proverb says, and it is better to cast water on the fire than burn up the house. Be patient, my son: the mouse cannot fight with the cat, and whoso makes war on love will have the worse. Love demands peace, and he who fights most will conquer least. Hasten not to thy sorrow: he has not lost who waits.

Thou mayest take example by Piramus, who slew himself so foolishly. Do nothing in such haste, for suffrance is the well of peace. Hasten not the Court of Love, in which thou hast thy suit. Foolhaste often sets a man behind, and of this I have an example. (1495-1684.)

Phebus and Daphne. Phebus laid his love on Daphne and followed his suit with foolish haste. She ever said him nay, and at length Cupid, seeing the haste of Phebus, said that he should hasten more and yet not speed. He pierced his heart therefore with a golden dart of fire, and that of Daphne with a dart of lead. Thus the more Phebus pursued, the more she fled away, and at length she was changed into a laurel tree, which is ever green, in token that she remained ever a maid. Thus thou mayest understand that it is vain to hasten love, when fortune is against it.

Thanks, father, for this: but so long as I see that my lady is no tree, I will serve her, however fortune may turn.

I say no more, my son, but think how it was with Phebus and beware. A man should take good counsel always, for counsel puts foolhaste away.

Tell me an example, I pray you. (1685-1756.)

Athemas and Demephon. When Troy was taken and the Greeks returned home, many kings found their people unwilling to receive them. Among these were Athemas and Demephon, who gathered a host to avenge themselves and said they would spare neither man, woman, nor child. Nestor however, who was old and wise, asked them to what purpose they would reign as kings, if their people should be destroyed, and bade them rather win by fair speech than by threats. Thus the war was turned to peace: for the nations, seeing the power which the kings had gathered, sent and entreated them to lay aside their wrath. (1757-1856.)

By this example refrain thine heart, my son, and do nothing by violence which may be done by love. As touching Homicide, it often happens unadvisedly through Will, when Reason is away, and great vengeance has sometimes followed. Whereof I shall tell a tale which it is pity to hear. (1857-1884.)

Orestes. Agamenon, having returned from Troy, was slain by his wife Climestre and her lover Egistus. Horestes, his infant son, was saved and delivered into the keeping of the king of Crete. When he grew up, he resolved to avenge his father, and coming to Athens gathered a power there with the help of the duke. When he offered sacrifice in a temple for his success, the god gave him command to slay his mother, tearing away her breasts with his own hands and giving her body to be devoured. He rode to Micene and took the city by siege: then he sent for his mother and did as the oracle had commanded. Egistus, coming to the rescue of Micene, was caught in an ambush and hanged as a traitor.

Fame spread these deeds abroad, and many blamed Horestes for slaying his mother. The lords met at Athens and sent for him to come and answer for his deed. He told how the gods had laid a charge upon him to execute judgement, as he had done, and Menesteus, a duke and worthy knight, spoke for him and championed his cause. They concluded upon this that since she had committed so foul an adultery and murder, she had deserved the punishment, and Horestes was crowned king of Micene. Egiona, daughter of Egistus and Climestre, who had consented to the murder of Agamenon, hanged herself for sorrow that her brother had been acquitted. Such is the vengeance for murder. (1885-2195.)

My father, I pray you tell me if it is possible without sin to slay a man.

Yea, my son, in sundry wise. The judge commits sin if he spares to slay those who deserve death by the law. Moreover a man may defend his house and his land in war, and slay if no better may be.

I beseech you, father, to tell me whether those that seek war in a worldly cause, and shed blood, do well. (2196-2250.)

War. God has forbidden homicide, and when God’s Son was born, his angels proclaimed peace to the men of good will. Therefore by the law of charity there should be no war, and nature also commends peace. War consorts with pestilence and famine and brings every kind of evil upon the earth. I know not what reward he deserves who brings in such things; and if he do it to gain heaven’s grace, he shall surely fail. Since wars are so evil in God’s sight, it is a marvel what ails men that they cannot establish peace. Sin, I trow, is the cause, and the wages of sin is death. Covetousness first brought in war, and among the Greeks Arcadia alone was free from war, because it was barren and poor. Yet it is a wonder that a worthy king or lord will claim that to which he has no right. Nature and law both are against it, but Wit is here oppressed by Will, and some cause is feigned to deceive the world. Thou mayest take an example of this, how men excuse their wrong-doing, and how the poor and the rich are alike in the lust for gain. (2251-2362.)

Alexander and the Pirate. A sea-rover was brought before Alexander and accused of his misdeeds. He replied, ‘I have a heart like thine, and if I had the power, I would do as thou dost. But since I am the leader of a few men only, I am called a thief, while thou with thy great armies art called an Emperor. Rich and poor are not weighed evenly in the balance.’ The king approved his boldness and retained him in his service. (2363-2417.)

Thus they who are set on destruction are all of one accord, captain and company alike. When reason is put aside, man follows rapine like a bird of prey, and all the world may not suffice for his desires. Alexander overran the whole earth and died miserably, when he thought himself most secure. Lo, what profit it is to slay men for covetousness, as if they were beasts. Beware, my son, of slaying. (2418-2484.)

Is it lawful, my father, to pass over the sea to war against the Saracen?

My son, Christ bade men preach and suffer for the faith. He made all men free by his own death, and his apostles after him preached and suffered death: but if they had wished to spread the faith by the sword, it would never have prevailed. We see that since the time when the Church took the sword in hand, a great part of that which was won has been lost to Christ’s faith. Be well advised then always ere thou slay. Homicide stands now even in the Church itself; and when the well of pity is thus defouled with blood, others do not hesitate to make war and to slay. We see murder now upon the earth as in the days when men bought and sold sins.

In Greece before Christ’s faith men were dispensed of the guilt of murder by paying gold: so it was with Peleus, Medea, Almeus, and so it is still. But after this life it shall be known how it fares with those who do such things. Beasts do not prey upon their own kind, and it is not reasonable that man should be worse than a beast.

Solinus tells a tale of a bird with man’s face, which dies of sorrow when it has slain a man. By this example men should eschew homicide and follow mercy. (2485-2621.)

I have heard examples of this virtue of MERCY among those who followed the wars. Remember, my son, that this virtue brings grace, and that they who are most mighty to hurt should be the most ready to relieve. (2622-2638.)

Telaphus and Theucer. Achilles and his son Telaphus made war on Theucer, king of Mese. Achilles was about to slay the king in the battle, but Telaphus interceded for him, saying that Theucer once did him good service. Thus the king’s life was spared but the Greeks won the victory. Theucer, grateful for this and for other service before rendered by Achilles, made Telaphus heir to all his land, and thus was mercy rewarded. (2639-2717.)

Take pity therefore, my son, of other men’s suffering, and let nothing be a pleasure to thee which is grief to another. Stand against Ire by the counsel of Patience and take Mercy to be the governor of thy conscience: so shalt thou put away all homicide and hate, and so shalt thou the sooner have thy will of love.

Father, I will do your hests; and now give me my penance for Wrath, and ask further of my life.

My son, I will do so. Art thou then guilty of Sloth?

My father, I would know first the points which belong to it.

Hearken then, and I will set them forth: and bear well in mind that shrift is of no value to him that will not endeavour to leave his vice. (2718-2774.)

LIB. IV.

1-312. LACHESCE is the first point of SLOTH, and his nature is to put off till to-morrow what he ought to do to-day. Hast thou done so in love?

Yes, my father, I confess I am guilty. When I have set a time to speak to that sweet maid, Lachesce has often told me that another time is better, or has bidden me write instead of speaking by mouth. Thus I have let the time slide for Sloth, until it was too late. But my love is always the same, and though my tongue be slow to ask, my heart is ever entreating favour. I pray you tell me some tale to teach me how to put away Lachesce. (1-76.)

Eneas and Dido. When Eneas came with his navy to Carthage, he won the love of the queen Dido, who laid all her heart on him. Thence he went away toward Ytaile; and she, unable to endure the pain of love, wrote him a letter saying that if he came not again, it would be with her as with the swan that lost her mate, she should die for his sake. But he, being slothful in love, tarried still away, and she bitterly complaining of his delay, thrust a sword through her heart and thus got rest for herself. (77-146.)

Ulysses and Penelope. Again, when Ulixes stayed away so long at Troy, his true wife Penolope wrote him a letter complaining of his Lachesce. So he set himself to return home with all speed as soon as Troy was taken. (147-233.)

Grossteste. The great clerk Grossteste laboured for seven years to make a speaking head of brass, and then by one half-minute of Lachesce he lost all his labour. (234-243.)

It fares so sometimes with the lover who does not keep his time. Let him think of the five maidens whose lamps were not lit when the bridegroom came forth, and how they were shut out.

My father, I never had any time or place appointed me to get any grace: otherwise I would have kept my hour. But she will not alight on any lure that I may cast, and the louder I cry, the less she hears.

Go on so, my son, and let no Lachesce be found in thee. (244-312.)

313-538. PUSILLANIMITY means in our language the lack of heart to undertake man’s work. This vice is ever afraid when there is no cause of dread. So as regards love there are truants that dare not speak, who are like bells without clappers and do not ask anything.

I am one of those, my father, in the presence of my lady.

Do no more so, my son, for fortune comes to him who makes continuance in his prayers. (313-370.)

Pygmaleon. There was one named Pymaleon, a sculptor of great skill, who made an image of a woman in ivory, fairer than any living creature. On this he set his love and prayed her ever for a return, as though she understood what he said. At length Venus had pity on him and transformed the image into a woman of flesh and blood. Thus he won his wife; but if he had not spoken, he would have failed. By this example thou mayest learn that word may work above nature, and that the god of love is favourable to those who are steadfast in love. About which also I read a strange tale. (371-450.)

Iphis. King Ligdus told his wife that if her child about to be born should be a daughter, it must be put to death. A daughter was born, whom Isis the goddess of childbirth bade bring up as a boy. So they named him Iphis, and when he was ten years old he was betrothed to Iante. Cupid took pity on them at last for the love that they had to one another, and changed Iphis into a man. (451-505.)

Thus love has goodwill towards those who pursue steadfastly that which to love is due.

My father, I have not failed for lack of prayer, except so far as I said above. I beseech Love day and night to work his miracle for me. (506-538.)

539-886. FORGETFULNESS. There is yet another who serves Accidie, and that is Foryetelness. He forgets always more than the half of that which he has to say to his love.

So it has often been with me, father: I am so sore afraid in her presence that I am as one who has seen a ghost, and I cannot get my wits for fear, but stand, as it were, dumb and deaf. Then afterwards I lament and ask myself why I was afraid, for there is no more violence in her than in a child of three years old. Thus I complain to myself of my forgetfulness; but I never forget the thought of her, nor should do, though I had the Ring of Oblivion, which Moses made for Tharbis. She is near my heart always, and when I am with her, I am so ravished with the sight of her, that I forget all the words that I ought to speak. Thus it is with me as regards forgetfulness and lack of heart.

My son, love will not send his grace unless we ask it. God knows a man’s thought and yet he wills that we should pray. Therefore pull up a busy heart and let no chance escape thee; and as touching Foryetelness I find a tale written. (539-730.)

Demophon and Phyllis. King Demephon, as he sailed to Troy, came to Rhodopeie, of which land Phillis was queen. He plighted his troth to her, and she granted him all that he would have. Then came the time that he should sail on to Troy, but he vowed to return to her within a month. The month passed and he forgot his time. She sent him a letter, setting him a day, and saying that if he came not, his sloth would cause her death. She watched and waited, putting up a lantern in a tower by night, but he did not return. Then when the day came and no sail appeared, she ran down from the tower to an arbour where she was alone, and hanged herself upon a bough with a girdle of silk. The gods shaped her into a tree, which men called after her Philliberd, and this name it has still to the shame of Demephon, who repented, but all too late. Thus none can guess the evil that comes through Foryetelness. (731-886.)

887-1082. NEGLIGENCE is he who will not be wise beforehand, and afterwards exclaims, ‘Would God I had known!’ He makes the stable-door fast after the steed is stolen. If thou art so in love, thou wilt not achieve success.

My father, I may with good conscience excuse myself of this. I labour to learn love’s craft, but I cannot find any security therein. My will is not at fault, for I am busy night and day to find out how love may be won.

I am glad, my son, that thou canst acquit thyself of this, for there is no science and no virtue that may not be lost by Negligence. (887-978.)

Phaeton. Phebus had a son named Pheton, who, conspiring with his mother Clemenee, got leave to drive the chariot of the Sun. Phebus advised him how he should do, and that he should drive neither too low nor too high. But he through Negligence let the horses draw the car where they would, and at last the world was set on fire. Phebus then caused him to fall from the car, and he was drowned in a river. (979-1034.)

Icarus. As in high estate it is a vice to go too low, so in low estate it does harm to go too high. Dedalus had a son named Icharus, and they were in prison with Minotaurus and could not escape. This Dedalus then fashioned wings for himself and his son, and he warned his son not to fly too high, lest the wax with which his wings were set on should melt with the sun. Icharus neglected his father’s warning and fell to his destruction: and so do some others. (1035-1082.)

1083-2700. IDLENESS is another of the brood of Sloth and is the nurse of every vice. In summer he will not work for the heat and in winter for the cold. He will take no travail for his lady’s sake, but is as a cat that would eat fish and yet not wet his claws. Art thou of such a mould? Tell me plainly.

Nay, father, towards love I was never idle.

What hast thou done then, my son?

In every place where my lady is, I have been ready to serve her, whether in chamber or in hall. When she goes to mass, I lead her up to the offering; when she works at her weaving or embroidery, I stand by, and sometimes I tell tales or sing. When she will not stay with me, but busies herself elsewhere, I play with the dog or the birds and talk to the page or the waiting-maid, to make an excuse for my lingering. If she will ride, I lift her into the saddle and go by her side, and at other times I ride by her carriage and speak with her, or sing. Tell me then if I have any guilt of Idleness.

Thou shalt have no penance here, my son; but nevertheless there are many who will not trouble themselves to know what love is, until he overcome them by force. Thus a king’s daughter once was idle, until the god of love chastised her, as thou shalt hear. (1083-1244.)

Rosiphelee, daughter of Herupus, king of Armenie, was wise and fair, but she had one great fault of sloth, desiring neither marriage nor the love of paramours. Therefore Venus and Cupid made a rod for her chastising, so that her mood at length was changed. She walked forth once in the month of May, and staying alone under the trees near a lawn, she heard the birds sing and saw the hart and the hind go together, and a debate arose within her as to love. Then casting her eyes about, she saw a company of ladies riding upon white horses. They had saddles richly adorned and were clothed in the fairest copes and kirtles, all alike of white and blue. Their beauty was beyond that of earthly things, and they wore crowns upon their heads such that all the gold of Cresus could not have purchased the least of them.

The king’s daughter drew back abashed and hid herself to let them pass, not daring to ask who they were. Then after them she saw a woman on a black horse, lean, galled and limping, yet with a richly jewelled bridle. The woman, though fair and young, had her clothing torn and many score of halters hanging about her middle. The princess came forth and asked her what this company might be, and she said these were they who had been true servants to love, but she herself had been slow and unwilling; and therefore each year in the month of May she must needs ride in this manner and bear halters for the rest. Her jewelled bridle was granted her because at last she had yielded to love, but death came upon her too suddenly. ‘I commend you to God, lady,’ she said, ‘and bid you warn all others for my sake not to be idle in love, but to think upon my bridle.’ Thus she passed out of sight like a cloud, and the lady was moved with fear and amended her ways, swearing within her heart that she would bear no halters. (1245-1446.)

Understand then, my son, that as this lady was chastised, so should those knights take heed who are idle towards love, lest they deserve even a greater punishment. Maidens too must follow the law of love and not waste that time during which they might be bearing the charge of children for the service of the world. And about this I think to tell them a tale. (1447-1504.)

Jephthah’s daughter. Among the Jews there was a duke named Jepte, who going to war against Amon, made a vow that if victory were granted to him, he would sacrifice to God the first who should meet him on his return. He overcame his foes and returning met his daughter, who came forth to welcome him with songs and dances. When she saw his sorrow and heard the vow that he had made, she bade him keep his covenant, and asked only for a respite of forty days to bewail her maidenhead, in that she had brought forth no children for the increase of her people. So with other maidens she went weeping over the downs and the dales, and mourned for the lost time which she never could now redeem. (1505-1595.)

Father, ye have done well to rebuke maidens for this vice of Sloth: but as to the travail which ye say men ought to take for love, what mean ye by this?

I was thinking, my son, of the deeds of arms that men did in former times for love’s sake. He who seeks grace in love must not spare his travail. He must ride sometimes in Pruce and sometimes in Tartary, so that the heralds may cry after him, ‘Valiant, Valiant!’ and his fame may come to his lady’s ear. This is the thing I mean. Confess, if thou hast been idle in this. (1596-1647.)

Yea, my father, and ever was. I know not what good may come of slaying the heathen, and I should have little gain from passing over the sea, if in the meantime I lost my lady at home. Let them pass the sea whom Christ commanded to preach his faith to all the world; but now they sit at ease and bid us slay those whom they should convert. If I slay a Saracen, I slay body and soul both, and that was never Christ’s lore.

As for me, I will serve love, and go or stay as love bids me. I have heard that Achilles left his arms at Troy for love of Polixenen, and so may I do: but if my lady bade me labour for her, I would pass through sky or sea at her command. Nevertheless I see that those who labour most for love, win often the least reward, and though I have never been idle in deed, yet the effect is always idleness, for my business avails me nothing. Therefore idle I will call myself.

My son, be patient. Thou knowest not what chance may fall. It is better to wait on the tide than to row against the stream. Perchance the revolution of the heavens is not yet in accord with thy condition. I can bear witness to Venus that thou hast not been idle in love; but since thou art slow to travail in arms and makest an argument of Achilles, I will tell thee a tale to the contrary. (1648-1814.)

Nauplus and Ulysses. King Nauplus, father of Palamades, came to persuade Ulixes to go with the Greeks to Troy. He, however, desired to stay at home with his wife, and feigning madness he yoked foxes to his plough and sowed the land with salt. Nauplus saw the cause and laid the infant son of Ulixes before his plough. The father turned the plough aside, and Nauplus rebuked him for thus unworthily forsaking the honour of arms and for setting love before knighthood. He repented of his folly and went forth with them to Troy. (1815-1891.)

Thus a knight must prefer honour to worldly ease and put away all dread, as did Prothesilai, whose wife wrote to him that he should lose his life if he landed at Troy; and he took no heed of her womanish fears, but was the first to land, choosing rather to die with honour than to live reproved. (1892-1934.)

Saul too, when the spirit of Samuel told him that he should be slain in battle, would not draw back from the danger, but with Jonathas his son he met his enemies on the mountains of Gelboe, and won eternal fame. (1935-1962.)

Education of Achilles. Prowess is founded upon hardihood, and we know how Achilles was brought up to this by Chiro, called Centaurus. He was taught not to make his chase after the beasts that fled from him, but to fight with such as would withstand him. Moreover a covenant was set that every day he should slay, or at least wound, some savage beast, as a lion or a tiger, and bring home with him a token of blood upon his weapon. Thus he came to surpass all other knights. (1963-2013.)

Other examples there are, as of Lancelot and many more, which show how Prowess in arms has led to success in love. Let this tale be witness of it. (2014-2044.)

Hercules and Achelons. King Oënes of Calidoyne had a daughter Deianire, who was promised in marriage to Achelons, a giant and a magician. Hercules, that worthy knight who set up the two pillars of brass in the desert of India, sought her love, and the king dared not refuse him. It was ordained then that combat should decide between them. Achelons, stirred up to prowess by love, fought boldly, but Hercules seized him with irresistible strength. Then Achelons tried his craft, changing himself into a snake first and then a bull. Hercules, however, held him by the horns and forced him down, till at length he was overcome. Thus Hercules won his wife by prowess. (2045-2134.)

So Pantasilee, queen of Feminee, for love of Hector did deeds of prowess at Troy; and Philemenis, because he brought home the body of Pantasilee and saved some of her maidens, had a tribute granted to him of three maidens yearly from the land of Amazoine. Eneas also won Lavine in battle against king Turnus. By these examples thou mayest see how love’s grace may be gained, for worthy women love manhood and gentilesse. (2135-2199.)

What is Gentilesse, my father?

Some set that name upon riches coming down from old time, but there is no true merit in riches; and as for lineage, all are descended from Adam and Eve. Rich and poor are alike in their birth and in their death; the true gentilesse depends upon virtue, and for virtue love may profit much. Especially love is opposed to Sloth, and Sloth is most of all contrary to the nature of man, for by it all knowledge is lost. (2200-2362.)

By Labour it was that all useful arts were found out, and the names of many inventors have been handed down by fame, as Cham, Cadmus, Theges, Termegis, Josephus, Heredot, Jubal, Zenzis, Promotheus, Tubal, Jadahel, Verconius, and among women Minerve and Delbora. Saturnus found out agriculture and trade, and he first coined money. (2363-2450.)

Many philosophers have contrived the getting and refining of metals and the science of Alconomie, by which gold and silver are multiplied, with the working of the seven bodies and the four spirits for the finding of the perfect Elixir.

The philosophers of old made three Stones: the Vegetable, by which life and health are preserved, the Animal, by which the five senses are helped in their working, and the Mineral, by which metals are transformed. This science is a true one, but men know not how to follow it rightly, so that it brings in only poverty and debt. They who first founded it have great names, as Hermes, Geber, Ortolan and others. (2451-2632.)

With regard to Language, Carmente was the first who invented the Latin letters, and then came those who laid down the rules of rhetoric, as Aristarchus, Dindimus, Tullius and Cithero. Jerome translated the Bible from Hebrew, and others also translated books into Latin from Arabic and Greek. In poetry Ovid wrote for lovers, and taught how love should be cooled, if it were too hot.

My father, I would read his books, if they might avail me; but as a tree would perish if its roots were cut away, so if my love were withdrawn, my heart would die.

That is well said, my son, if there be any way by which love may be achieved; and assuredly he who will not labour and dares not venture will attain to nothing. (2633-2700.)

2701-3388. SOMNOLENCE. The chamberlain of Sloth is Somnolence, who sleeps when he should be awake. When knights and ladies revel in company, he skulks away like a hare and lays himself down to rest; and there he dreams and snores, and when he wakes, he expounds his dreams. If thou wilt serve love, my son, do not thou so.

Surely not, father; it were better for me to die than to have such sluggardy, or rather it were better I had never been born. I have never been sleepy in the place where my lady was, whether I should dance with her, or cast the dice, or read of Troilus. When it is late and I must needs go, I look piteously upon her and take leave upon my knee, or kiss her if I may; and then before I depart from the house, I feign some cause to return and take leave of her again. Then afterwards I curse the night for driving me away from her company, and I sigh and wish for day, or think of the happiness of those who have their love by their side all the long night through. At last I go to bed, but my heart remains still with her: no lock may shut him out, and he passes through the strongest wall. He goes into her bed and takes her softly in his arms, and wishes that his body also were there. In my dreams again I suffer the torments of love, or if I dream sometimes that I meet her alone and that Danger has been left behind, I wake only to find all in vain.

My son, in past times many dreams have told of truth, as thou mayest know by a tale. (2701-2926.)

Ceix and Alceone. Ceix, king of Trocinie, went on a pilgrimage for the sake of his brother Dedalion, and left at home Alceone his wife. She besought him to fix the time of his return, and he said ‘Within two months.’ The time passed and she heard no tidings, and Juno, to whom she prayed, sent Yris to the house of Sleep, bidding him show this lady by dream how the matter was.

Yris bent the heaven like a bow and came down, and she went to the place where Sleep had his dwelling, in a cave where no sun ever shone and no sound could be heard but the murmur of the river Lethes, which ran hard by. He himself was sleeping in a chamber strewn up and down with dreams, and long it was ere her words could pierce his ears. When he at length understood the message, he chose out three, Morpheus, Ithecus and Panthasas, to do this deed. Morpheus appeared to Alceone in the form of her husband lying dead upon the shore, while the other two showed her in action the scene of the tempest and the wreck. She cried out in terror and awoke, and on the morrow, going down to the sea, she saw his body floating on the waves. Careless of death she leapt into the deep, and would have caught him in her arms; but the gods pitied them and changed them into birds of the sea, and so they dwelt together lovingly. (2927-3123.)

Thus dreams prove sometimes true.

Father, I have said that when I am in my lady’s company, I do not desire to sleep. But at other times I care little to wake, for I cannot endure to be in company without her. I know not if this be Somnolence.

I acquit thee, my son, and I will tell a tale to show how little love and sleep are in accord. (3124-3186.)

Prayer of Cephalus. He who will wake by night for love may take example by Cephalus, who when he lay with Aurora prayed to the Sun and to the Moon that the night might be made longer and the day delayed, in order that he might follow only the law of love. Sloth cares nothing for the night except that he may sleep, but Cephalus did otherwise. (3187-3275.)

My father, that is no wonder, since he had his love by his side. But this is never my case, so I have never need to entreat the Sun to stay his chariot, or the Moon to lengthen her course. Sometimes I have a dream that makes me glad, but afterwards I find it untrue: so that I know not of what use sleep is to man.

True, my son, except that it helps nature, when it is taken in due measure. But he who sleeps unduly may come by misfortune, as I can show by a tale. (3276-3316.)

Argus and Mercury. Jupiter lay by Io, wherefore Juno changed her into a cow and gave her into the keeping of Argus, who had a hundred eyes. Mercury came to steal the cow, and he piped so cunningly that Argus fell asleep. So Mercury smote off his head and took away Io. Therefore, my son, beware thou sleep not overmuch. (3317-3364.)

Love will not let me do so, father: but ask further, if there be more.

Yea, my son, one there is to tell of still. (3365-3388.)

3389-3692. TRISTESCE. When Sloth has done all that he may, he conceives Tristesce, which drives him to utter wretchedness. With Tristesce is Obstinacy, and despair follows them. So it is with some lovers, who lose all hope.

I am one of these, father, except that I do not cease to pray.

My son, do not despair; for when the heart fails, all is lost. Listen to a tale about this. (3389-3514.)

Iphis and Araxarathen. Iphis, son of king Theucer, loved a maid of low estate. Though a prince, he was subject to love, but she would not listen to his suit. At length being brought to despair, he came before her house in the night, and having bewailed his case and lamented her hardness of heart, he hanged himself upon the post of the gate. On the morrow the maiden took the guilt upon herself, and prayed that no pity might be shown to her, as she had shown no pity to him. The gods took away her life and changed her into stone; and men carried the body of Iphis to the city and set up the stone image of the maiden above his tomb, with an epitaph telling of their fate. (3515-3684.)

Thus, my son, despair, as I say, is a grievous thing.

Father, I understand now the nature of Sloth, and I will take heed.

LIB. V.

AVARICE is the root of all strife among men. He ever gets more and more and lets nothing go, and yet he has never enough. He has no profit from his riches any more than an ox from his ploughing or a sheep from his wool: instead of being master of his wealth, he serves it as a slave. Dost thou fare so in love, my son?

No, my father, for I was never in possession; but I cannot here excuse my will, for if I had my lady, I would never let her go; and herein I am like the avaricious man. Moreover, though I have not the wealth, yet I have the care, and am like that ox of which ye told before. Judge if this be Avarice.

My son, it is no wonder if thou art a slave to love; but to be a slave to gold is against nature and reason. (1-140.)

Midas. Bacchus had a priest named Cillenus, and he being drunk and wandering in Frige was brought in bonds before Mide, the king of that land. This king dealt with him courteously, and Bacchus in reward of this bade him ask what worldly thing he would. He debated long within himself between three things, pleasure, power and wealth; and at length he asked that all things might be turned by his touch to gold. The boon granted, he tried his power on stone and leaf, but when he at length sat down to meat, then he saw the folly of Avarice, and prayed Bacchus to take back his gift. The god took pity and bade him bathe in Paceole, and so he recovered his first estate; but the stones in the bed of the river were changed to gold. He went home and put away his Avarice, and taught his people to till the land and breed cattle rather than seek increase of gold. (141-332.)

Before gold was coined, war and usury were unknown, but now through Avarice all the world is out of joint. When thou seest a man have need, give him of thy substance, for the pain of Tantalus awaits those who will not give: they stand in a river up to their chin and yet cannot drink, and fruit hangs over and touches their lips, of which they cannot eat. Thus Avarice hungers ever after more, though he has enough, and gets no good from that which he has. If thou desirest to be beloved, thou must use largess and give for thy love’s sake: if thou wilt have grace, be gracious, and eschew the disease of Avarice. Some men have no rest for fear their gold should be stolen, and so some lovers cannot be at peace for Jealousy. (333-444.)

What is this Jealousy, my father?

It is like a fever, my son, which returns every day. It makes a man look after his lady wherever she goes, and if she make the least sign of countenance to another man, he turns it to a cause of quarrel. Nothing can please him that she does. If he goes from home, he leaves some one to report her doings, and finds fault where there is none. The wife who is married to such a man may well curse the day when the gold was laid upon the book. As the sick man has no appetite for food, so the jealous man has no appetite for love, and yet like the avaricious he is tormented with the fear of losing his treasure. Love hates nothing more than this fever of which I speak, and to show how grievous it is, I will tell thee an example. (445-634.)

Vulcan and Venus. Vulcan the smith had the fair Venus for his wife, whom Mars loved and was beloved again. Jealousy caused Vulcan to spy upon them, and he devised so by his craft that they were caught as they lay together and bound with chains. He called the gods to see, but was only rebuked for his pains. Hence earthly husbands may learn that by Jealousy they bring shame upon themselves. (635-725.)

This example, my father, is hard to understand. How can such things happen among the gods, when there is but one God who is Lord of all? How come such gods as these to have a place?

My son, such gods are received by the unwise in sundry places: I will tell thee how. (726-747.)

747-1970. THE RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD. There were four forms of belief before Christ was born.

The Chaldees worshipped the Sun, Moon and Stars and the Elements, which cannot be gods because they suffer change. (747-786.)

The Egyptians worshipped beasts, and also three gods and a goddess, of whom the goddess, Ysis, came from Greece and taught them tillage. (787-834.)

The Greeks deified the men who were their rulers or who became famous, as Saturnus king of Crete and Jupiter his son,—such was their folly. Of gods they had besides these Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Vulcan, Eolus, Neptune, Pan, Bacchus, Esculapius, Hercules, Pluto, and of goddesses Sibeles, Juno, Minerva, Pallas, Ceres, Diana, Proserpine; also Satyrs, Nymphs and Manes,—it would be too long to tell the whole. (835-1373.)

Yes, father, but why have ye said nothing of the god and the goddess of love?

I have left it for shame, my son, because I am their priest, but since thou desirest it, I will tell thee. Venus was the daughter of Saturn, and she first taught that love should be common. She had children both by gods and men: she lay with her brother Jupiter and her son Cupid, and she first told women to sell their bodies. Therefore they called her the goddess of love and her son the god. (1374-1443.)

The Greeks took a god to help in whatsoever they had to do. Dindimus, king of the Bragmans, wrote to Alexander, blaming the Greek faith, and saying that they had a god for every member of their body, Minerva for the head, Mercury for the tongue, and so on. (1444-1496.)

Idol-worship came first through Cirophanes, who set up an image of his son, and after that Ninus made a statue of his father Belus, which he caused to be worshipped, and third came the statue of Apis or Serapis, who spoke to Alexander in the cave, when he came riding with Candalus. (1497-1590.)

Thus went the misbeliefs of Grece, of Egypt and of Chaldee. Then, as the book says, God chose a people for himself. Habraham taught his lineage to worship only the one true God, and after they had multiplied in Egypt, God delivered them wondrously by Moises and brought them into the land of promise. But when Christ was born, they failed and fell away; so that they now live out of God’s grace, dispersed in sundry lands. (1591-1736.)

God sent his Son down from heaven to restore the loss which we suffered in Adam: so that original sin was the cause of man’s honour at the last. By this faith only we can attain to Paradise once more, but faith is not enough without good deeds. Therefore be not deceived by Lollardy, which sets the true faith of Christ in doubt. (1737-1824.)

Christ wrought first and then taught, so that his words explained his deeds, but we in these days have the words alone. Our prelates are like that priest who turned away his eyes and let Anthenor steal the Palladion of Troy. Christ died for the faith, but they say that life is sweet, and they follow only their own ease. Therefore the ship of Peter is almost lost in the waves, and tares are sown among the corn. Gregory complains of the sloth of the prelacy, and asks how we shall appear beside the Apostles in the day of Judgement. We shall be like the man who hid his lord’s besant and got no increase upon it. We are slow towards our spiritual work, but swift to Avarice, which, as the apostle says, is idolatry.

My father, for this which ye have said I shall take the better heed: but now tell me the branches of Avarice as well in love as otherwise. (1825-1970.)

1971-2858. COVEITISE. Avarice has many servants, and one of these is Coveitise, who is her principal purveyor and makes his gain in every place. He is as the pike who devours the smaller fishes: for him might is always right. I will tell thee a tale of the punishment of this vice. (1971-2030.)

Virgil’s Mirror. Virgil made a mirror at Rome, wherein the motions of all enemies for thirty miles round might be seen. They of Carthage had war with Rome, and took counsel with the king of Puile how they might destroy this mirror. Crassus, the Roman Emperor, was above all things covetous. They sent therefore three philosophers to Rome with a great treasure of gold, which they buried in two places secretly. These men professed to the Emperor that by dreams they could discover ancient hoards of gold, and first one and then the other of these buried treasures was found. Then the third master announced a yet greater treasure, to be found by mining under the magic mirror. As they mined, they underset the supports of the mirror with timber, and on a certain night these three set fire to the timber and fled out of the city. So the mirror fell and was destroyed, and Hanybal slew so many of the Romans in a day, that he filled three bushels with their gold rings. The Romans punished their Emperor by pouring molten gold down his throat, so that his thirst for gold might be quenched. (2031-2224.)

Coveitise in a king or in those of his court is an evil thing, my son; but he who most covets often gains least, and Fortune stands for much as well in courts as elsewhere. (2225-2272.)

The Two Coffers. A king heard that his courtiers complained of unequal rewards for their service. He resolved to show them that the fault lay not with him, and he caused two coffers to be made in all respects alike, the one of which he filled with gold and jewels, and the other with straw and stones. He called before him those who had complained, and bade them choose. They chose the worthless coffer, and he proved to them by this, that if they were not advanced, their fortune only was to blame. (2273-2390.)

Like this is the story of the Two Beggars whom the Emperor Frederick heard disputing about riches, and for whom he prepared two pasties, one containing a capon and the other full of florins. (2391-2441.)

Thus it is often with love: though thou covet, yet shalt thou not obtain more than fortune has allotted thee. Yet there are those that covet every woman whom they see, finding something to their liking in each. They can no more judge in matters of love than a blind man can judge of colours.

My father, I had rather be as poor as Job than covet in such a manner. There is one whom I would have, and no more. (2442-2513.)

There are some also who choose a woman not for her face nor yet for her virtue, but only for her riches.

Such am not I, father. I could love my lady no more than I do, if she were as rich as Candace or Pantasilee; and I think no man is so covetous that he would not set his heart upon her more than upon gold. To one who knows what love is, my lady seems to have all the graces of nature, and she is also the mirror and example of goodness. It were better to love her than to love one who has a million of gold. I say not that she is poor, for she has enough of worldly goods; yet my heart has never been drawn to her but for pure love’s sake.

It is well, my son, for no other love will last. Hear now an example of how coveitise prevailed over love. (2514-2642.)

The King and his Steward’s Wife. There was a king of Puile, whom his physicians counselled to take a fair young woman to his bed, and he bade his steward provide. The steward had a wife whom he had married for lucre and not for love, and he set his coveitise before his honour. Having received a hundred pounds from the king to procure him the woman, he brought at night his own wife, against her will. Before the morning he came and desired to take her away, but the king refused to let her go, and at length the steward was compelled to tell him who she was. The king threatened him with death if he remained one day longer in the land, and afterwards he took the woman for his wife. (2643-2825.)

Beware, my son, of this, for it is a great evil when marriage is made for lucre.

Father, so think I, and yet riches may sometimes be a help to love. Now ask me more, if more there be. (2826-2858.)

2859-4382. FALSE WITNESS and PERJURY. Coveitise has two counsellors, False Witness and Perjury, who make gain for their master by lying. So lovers often swear faithful service to a woman, and it is all treachery.

I am not one of these, father: my thought is not discordant to my word. I may safely swear that I love my lady, and if other men should bear witness of it for me, there would be no false swearing.

My son, I will tell thee a tale to show that False Witness is at last found out. (2859-2960.)

Achilles and Deidamia. Thetis, in order that her son Achilles might not go to Troy, disguised him as a girl and put him to dwell with the daughters of king Lichomede. There he was the bedfellow of Deidamie, and so her maidenhead was lost. The Greeks in the meantime assailed Troy in vain, and it was told them by divination that unless they had Achilles, their war would be endless. Ulixes therefore was sent with Diomede to bring him, and coming to the kingdom of Lichomede he could not distinguish Achilles from the rest. Then he set forth the gifts which he had brought for the women, and among them a knight’s harness brightly burnished. Achilles left all the rest and chose this, and then he came forth armed in it before them. He was glad enough, but not so Lichomede, who had been so overseen. Thus came out the treachery of False Witness; and if Thetis, who was a goddess, thus deceived Deidamie, what security have women against the untruth of lovers? (2961-3218.)

My father, tell me some tale about Perjury.

I will tell thee, my son, how Jason did to Medea, as it is written in the book of Troy. (3219-3246.)

Jason and Medea. Jason was the nephew of king Peleus; and desiring to achieve adventures and see strange lands, he took a company of knights, and among them Hercules, and sailed to the isle of Colchos to win the fleece of gold. On the way they touched at Troy, where the king Lamedon treated them discourteously, and then they came to Colchos. Oëtes, who was king there, endeavoured to persuade Jason to leave his adventure, but without success; and then the princess Medea entertained him with welcome. Moved by love of him she offered him her help to win the fleece, and he plighted his troth to her and swore that he would never part from her. She taught him what to do, and gave him a magic ring and an ointment, telling him also what charms and prayers to use, so that he might slay the serpent which guarded the fleece, yoke the fire-breathing oxen to the plough, sow the teeth of the serpent and slay the knights who should spring up.

He took his leave of her, and passing over the water in a boat did as Medea bade him. Returning with the fleece he was welcomed back by Medea and the rest, and that night he took Medea and her treasure on board his ship and they sailed away to Greece. It was vain to pursue: they were gone.

When they came to Greece, all received them with joy, and these lovers lived together, till they had two sons. Medea with her charms renewed the youth of Eson, Jason’s father, and brought him back to the likeness of a young man of twenty years. No woman could have shown more love to a man than she did to Jason; and yet, when he bare the crown after his uncle Peleus was dead, he broke the oath which he had sworn and took Creusa, daughter of king Creon, to wife. Medea sent her the gift of a mantle, from which fire sprang out and consumed her; then in the presence of Jason she killed his two sons, and was gone to the court of Pallas above before he could draw his sword to slay her. Thus mayest thou see what sorrow it brings to swear an oath in love which is not sooth. (3247-4229.)

I have heard before this how Jason won the fleece, but tell me now who brought that fleece first to Colchos.

Phrixus and Helle. King Athemas by his first wife had two children, Frixus and Hellen; but his second wife Yno hated them and contrived a device against them. She sowed the land with sodden wheat; and when no harvest came, she caused the priests of Ceres to say that the land must be delivered of these children. The queen bade men throw the children into the sea; but Juno saved them, and provided a sheep with golden fleece, which swam with them over the waves. Hellen for dread fell off his back and so was lost, but her brother was borne over to the isle of Colchos, and there the fleece was set, which was the cause why Jason was so forsworn.

My father, he who breaks his troth thus is worthy neither to love nor to be beloved. (4230-4382.)

4383-4670. USURY. Another of the brood of Avarice is Usury, whose brokers run about like hounds, hunting after gain. He has unequal weights and measures, and he takes back a bean where he has lent a pea. So there are many lovers, who though the love they gave will hardly weigh a mite, yet ask a pound again; and often by the help of their brokers these buy love for little.

My father, I am not guilty of this. That which I give is far more than ever I take again. Usury will have double, but I would be content with half. If my lady reward me not the better, I can never recover my cost. Nor yet have I ever used brokers in love. But thought is free, my father, and to me it seems that my lady herself cannot be excused of this that ye call Usury. For one glance of her eye she has my whole heart, and she will render me nothing again. She has all my love and I go loveless: she says not so much as ‘Thanks.’ Myself I can acquit, and if she be to blame in this, I pray God to give her grace to amend.

My son, thou speakest ill in that thou accusest thy lady. She may be such that her one glance is worth thy heart many times reckoned. Moreover in love the balance is not even: though thy love weigh more, thou must not ask for return as a debt that is due; for Love is lord and does after his own will. Be patient, and perchance all may turn to good. I am well pleased that thou hast used in love no brokerage to deceive. (4383-4572.)

Echo. Brokers of love receive at last that which they have deserved. Juno had Echo among her maidens, and she was of accord with Jupiter to get him new loves and to blind her lady’s eyes. When Juno understood this, she reproved her and took vengeance, sending her to dwell in the woods and hills and repeat always the sound of the voices that came to her ears. (4573-4652.)

If ever thou be wedded man, my son, use no such means as this.

4671-4884. PARSIMONY or SCARCENESS. Another there is whom Avarice has for the keeper of his house, and his name is Scarceness. It is easier to flay the flint than to get from him the value of a rush to help another. How is it with thee, my son? Hast thou been scarce or free towards thy love?

My father, if I had all the treasure of Cresus or the gold of Octovien, I would give it all to her, if I might. But indeed I never gave her any gift, for from me she will not take any, lest I should have some small cause of hope. Yet she takes from others and gives again, so that all speak well of her. As for me, she knows that my heart and all that I have is at her command and will be while I live. (4671-4780.)

Babio and Croceus. Scarceness accords not with love, and often a man has lost the coat for the hood. With gift a man may do much, and meed keeps love in house. Babio had a love named Viola, who was both fair and free; but he was a niggard, and so she was ill served. Croceus, liberal and amorous, came in her way, and she left Babio loveless. (4781-4862.)

My father, if there be anything amiss in me toward my love in this matter, I will amend it.

Thou sayest well, and I will pass on. (4863-4884.)

4885-5504. INGRATITUDE or UNKINDNESS. This is a vice which repays no service, and when he has received a barnful, grudges to give a grain in return. God and Nature both condemn this vice, and even a beast loves the creature who does him kindness, as this tale will show by example. (4885-4936.)

Adrian and Bardus. Adrian, a great lord of Rome, while hunting in a forest, fell into a pit. He cried for help all day, but none heard till evening, when one Bardus, a woodcutter, came by with his ass, and heard Adrian promise to give half his goods to him who should help him. He let down a rope, and first an ape and then a serpent was drawn up by it. Bardus was terrified, but still the voice implored help, and at length Adrian was drawn up. At once this lord departed without thanks, and threatened Bardus with vengeance if ever he should claim the promise. The poor man went home, not daring to speak more, and on the next day, going to get wood, he found that the ape had requited his kindness by gathering for him a great heap of sticks, and so continued to do day by day; and the serpent brought him a precious stone in her mouth. This last he sold to a jeweller and afterwards found it again in his purse, and as often as he sold it, the same thing followed. At length this came to be known, and the Emperor heard of it. Calling Bardus before him he listened to his tale, and gave judgement that Adrian should fulfil his promise. (4937-5162.)

Flee this vice, my son, for many lovers are thus unkind.

Alas, father, that such a man should be, who when he has had what he would of love, can find it in his heart to be false. As for me, I dare not say that my lady is guilty of this Unkindness, but I for my part am free.

Thou must not complain of thy lady, my son. Perchance thy desire is not such as she in honour can grant. It is well that thou art not guilty of Unkindness, and I will tell thee a tale to keep thee in that course. (5163-5230.)

Theseus and Ariadne. Minos, king of Crete, having war with those of Athens, compelled them as a tribute to send nine men yearly, whom he gave to be devoured by Minotaurus. The lot fell at last upon Theseus, son of the king of Athens, and he went with the rest to Crete. Adriagne, daughter of Minos, loved him, and she gave him help to slay the monster. Then he took her away with him by ship, and her sister Fedra went in their company. They rested in the isle of Chio, and there he left Adriagne sleeping, and sailed away with Fedra. Thus by his ingratitude and falsehood he broke the law of love, and evil came of it afterwards. (5231-5495.)

5505-6074. RAVINE. Ravine, in whose service is extortion, seizes other men’s goods without right and without payment. So there are lovers who will take possession by force. (5505-5550.)

Tereus. Pandion, king of Athens, had two daughters, Progne and Philomene. Progne was married to Tereus, king of Thrace, and desiring to see her sister, she sent Tereus to Athens to bring her. Coming back in company with Philomene he ravished her, and then maddened by her reproaches cut out her tongue, so that she could speak no articulate words. Then he shut her up in prison, and coming home to his wife, he told her that her sister was dead. Philomene in her prison prayed for deliverance, and at length weaving her story with letters and imagery in a cloth of silk, she sent it by a privy messenger to Progne. Progne delivered her sister, and together they concerted vengeance, with prayers to Venus, Cupid and Apollo. Progne slew the son which she had by Tereus and served up his flesh to him for meat, and when he would have pursued the sisters to take vengeance, the gods transformed them all three, Philomene to a nightingale, which complains ever for her lost maidenhead, Progne to a swallow, which twitters round houses and warns wives of the falsehood of their husbands, and Tereus to a lapwing, the falsest of birds, with a crest upon his head in token that he was a knight. (5551-6047.)

Father, I would choose rather to be trodden to death by wild horses or torn in pieces, than do such a thing as this against love’s law. (6048-6074.)

6075-6492. ROBBERY. The vice of Robbery gets his sustenance by that which he can take on the high-roads, in woods and in fields. So there are lovers, who, if they find a woman in a lonely place, will take a part of her wares, no matter who she may be; and the wife who sits at home waiting for her husband’s return from hunting will hear from him nothing of this, but only how his hounds have run or his hawks have flown. (6075-6144.)

Neptune and Cornix. Cornix was a maid attendant on Pallas, and as she went upon the shore, Neptune thought to rob her of the treasure which passes all others and is called the maidenhead. She prayed to Pallas, and by her help escaped from him in the form of a crow, rejoicing more to keep her maidenhead white under the blackness of the feathers than to lose it and be adorned with the fairest pearls. (6145-6217.)

Calistona. King Lichaon had a daughter Calistona, who desired ever to be a maiden and dwelt with the nymphs of Diane. Jupiter by craft stole her maidenhead, and Diane discovering it reproached her, so that she fled away. She was delivered of a son, Archas, but Juno in vengeance transformed her into a bear. In that likeness she met her son in the forest, and he bent his bow against her, but Jupiter ordained for them both so that they were saved from misfortune. (6225-6337.)

Such Robbery, my son, is ever to be avoided, and I will tell thee how in old days VIRGINITY was held in esteem.

Valerius tells how the Emperor did honour to the virgin, when he met her in the way, and we hear also of Phirinus, who thrust out his eyes in order that he might the better keep his virginity.

Valentinian moreover, the Emperor, in his old age rejoiced more that he had overcome his flesh, than that he had conquered his enemies in battle. (6338-6428.)

Evil follows when Virginity is taken away in lawless manner, as when Agamenon took Criseide from the city of Lesbon, and plague came upon the host, so that they sent her back with prayer and sacrifice.

Therefore do no Robbery in love’s cause, my son. (6429-6492.)

6493-6960. STEALTH. Coveitise has also a servant called Stealth, who takes his prey in secret, coming into houses at night, or cutting purses by day. Like the dog that comes back from worrying sheep, he looks all innocent, so that no man knows what he has done. There are lovers also who take by stealth, either kisses or other things. Hast thou done so? (6493-6561.)

I dare not, father, for my heart is hers and will not do anything against her. Moreover Danger is so watchful a warden that none can steal anything from her. Strong locks make thieves into honest men, and by no lying in wait can I slip through his guard. Yet at night I often wake when others sleep, and I look out from my window upon the houses round, and mark the chamber where she lies. I stand there long in the cold and wish for some device of sorcery, whereby I might enter that chamber and steal. It brings me ease for the time to think of these things, but it profits me nothing in the end. It is for you to judge if I deserve penance for this or no.

Stealth does little good, my son, in the end. I will tell thee a tale from Ovid of stealth which was done by day. (6562-6712.)

Leucothoe. Phebus loved Leuchotoe, whom her mother kept close in chamber and seldom allowed to go forth. On a day he came in suddenly through her chamber wall and stole her maidenhead. Her father, when he knew, dared not take quarrel with Phebus, but without pity he caused her to be buried alive; and Phebus wrought so that she sprang up as a golden flower, which ever follows the sun. (6713-6783.)

No wonder that this came to evil, my father, because it was done in broad day, but lovers sometimes have kept their thefts more secret. Tell me of something done by night. (6784-6806.)

Hercules and Faunus. Hercules and Eolen, going together on a pilgrimage towards Rome, rested in a cave. Faunus, with Saba and her nymphs, were in a wood hard by, and Faunus, having had a sight of Eolen, thought to come by night and steal. Hercules and Eolen went to rest on separate beds, having to offer sacrifice on the morrow, and as they had exchanged clothes with one another in sport, she had his mace by her and his clothes upon her bed, and he her wimple round his face and her mantle over him. The servants slept like drunken swine. Faunus came into the cave, and feeling the mace and lion’s skin, he left her bed alone and went over to the other. Hercules seized him and threw him on the floor, where he still lay helpless on the morrow, a laughing-stock to Saba and the nymphs.

I have too faint a heart, father, for any such michery. (6807-6960.)

6961-7609. SACRILEGE. God has laid down a law that men shall not steal, but work for their sustenance, and yet there are those who will even take the goods of holy Church, and this is called Sacrilege. [There are three kinds of Sacrilege, namely, theft of holy thing from holy place, of common thing from holy place, or of holy thing from common place. (7015*-7029*.)] Three princes especially in old days were guilty of this, Antiochus, Nabuzardan and Nabugodonosor. This last wrought sacrilege in the temple at Jerusalem, and Baltazar his heir paid the penalty. (6961-7031.) [A tale is told of one Lucius at Rome, who robbed the statue of Apollo of a ring, a golden mantle and a golden beard, and excused himself, saying that he took the ring because it was held out towards him and offered, the mantle because it was too heavy for summer and too cold for winter, and the beard because it was not fit that Apollo should have a beard, when his father, who stood near him, was beardless. Thus can men feign and excuse themselves. (7105*-7209*.)]

There are lovers who at mass will whisper in their lady’s ear or take from her hand a ring or glove. Some go to churches to seek out women and to show themselves there in fresh array, looking round upon them all and sighing, so that each thinks it is for her; and yet such a man loves none of them, but goes there only to steal their hearts. All this is Sacrilege.

My father, I do not so: but when my lady goes to matins or to mass, thither I go also; and then my looks are for her alone, and my prayers are that God may change her heart. I watch and wait to steal from her a word or look, and when I lead her up to the offering with my hand about her waist, I win a touch as well. Except in such things I have done no Sacrilege, but it is my power and not my will that fails.

Thy will is to blame, my son; the rest that thou hast said is of little account. Yet all things have their time and place: the church is for prayer and the chamber for other things. That thou mayest know how Sacrilege is punished, I will spend on thee a tale. (7032-7194.)

Paris and Helen. Lamedon was king of Troy, and against him the Greeks made war, and they slew him and destroyed his city. With other prisoners they took the fair Esiona his daughter, and she was given to Thelamon. Priamus, son of Lamedon, built up Troy again, and with advice of his parliament he sent Antenor to demand back Esiona. The Greeks and Thelamon stoutly refused his request, and Priamus called his parliament again to debate of war or peace. Hector spoke for peace, alleging grounds of prudence, though he was ever the first in war; but his brother Paris gave his voice for avenging the wrong. He told how, as he slept beside a well, three goddesses came before him in a vision, and Venus, to whom he assigned the golden apple which was the prize of beauty, had promised to give him in Greece the fairest woman of all the earth. Paris then went forth to Greece, though Cassandra and Helenus lamented for the evil that was to come. Landed in an isle he met the queen Heleine, who came to do sacrifice there to Venus, and he stole her heart. Heleine was in the temple all the night, offering prayer to Venus, and Paris came all suddenly and bore her to his ship. This Sacrilege was the cause why the Greeks laid siege about Troy, and at last burnt and slew all that was within it. (7195-7590.)

Note also how Achilles saw Polixena in the temple of Apollo, and how Troilus first laid his love on Criseide in a holy place. Take heed therefore to thyself.

Thus Avarice has more branches than any other vice, and the working of it is everywhere seen; but if a man would live rightly, he must do Largess. (7591-7640.)

7641-7844. PRODIGALITY and LARGESS. Virtue lies between two extremes: here we see Avarice and Prodigality, and between them Liberality or Largess, which holds the middle path between too much and too little. Where Largess guides a man, he does what is right both to God and the world, and God rewards him with the gift of heaven. The world gives ever to him who hath; but it is better to give than to receive, to have thine own good than to crave that of others. ‘If thy good suffice thee not, then refrain thy desires and suffice to thy good.’ Charity begins with itself: if thou enrich others making thyself poor, thou wilt have little thanks. ‘Jack is a good fellow,’ they say while his money lasts, but when that is gone, then ‘Jack was a good fellow,’ and they leave him to starve. (7641-7760.)

There are lovers who spend and waste their love with Prodigality, setting their heart upon many. But he who makes himself thus common, loses the special love of one, if she be wise. Hast thou thus wasted thy love?

Nay, father: I have tasted here and there, but never truly loved any excepting one. On her indeed my love is wasted, for it brings no return: I know not whether this is what ye mean by Prodigality.

My son, perchance thy love is not lost nor wasted. None can say how such a thing will end; therefore I know not whether thou hast lost or won. As summer returns after winter, so perchance thou mayest yet recover thy grace of love. (7761-7834.)

LIB. VI.

1-14. GLUTTONY. The great original sin which brought death on all mankind was Gule, that is, Gluttony. The branches of it are many, but I shall speak of two only.

15-616. DRUNKENNESS makes a wise man foolish and a fool think himself wise. The drunken man thinks that there is nothing that he does not know and nothing that he cannot do, yet he is withal so helpless that he can neither stand nor go; he knows not what he is, nor whether it is day or night. In the morning he calls again for the cup which made him lose his wits at night. The wine binds him fast and makes him a subject and a slave. (5-75.)

There are lovers so besotted with love, that they know no more than drunken men what reason is. The greatest men have been thus overcome: Salomon, Sampson, David, Virgil and Aristotle. Confess if thou art thus drunken, for I think by thy countenance thou art schapen to this malady.

It is true, my father: I confess that I am drunk with love, and often I know not what I do, so that men marvel at me. When I am absent from my lady I am drunk with the thoughts of her, and when I am present, with looking upon her. At times I am in Paradise, and then I wake and my joy is turned to woe. I suffer then the fever of hot and cold, and the evil is that the more I drink, the more I am athirst. Yet I think if I had truly a draught of the drink that I desire, I should be sobered and do well; but tasting of this is forbidden me. (76-305.)

Love-drunkenness, my son, is a grievous thing, and yet none can withstand it. It is not all of one kind, for Jupiter has two tuns full of love-drink in his cellar, the one sweet and the other bitter. Cupid is butler of both, and being blind he gives men to drink of them by chance, now of this and now of that, so that some laugh and others lower. I know by thy tale that thou hast drunk of the potion that is bitter. (306-390.)

Bacchus in the Desert. But thou must ever pray to attain to the other, whereby thy thirst may be allayed, as Bacchus prayed in the desert, when he and all his host were in danger of perishing by thirst. Jupiter sent a ram, which spurned the ground, and there sprang up a fountain of water. (391-439.)

Pray thou thus in thy need: a dumb man seldom gets land. Remember moreover that the butler is blind, and he may by chance give thee a drink of the sweet, which shall cause thee to grow sober.

Of love-drunkenness an example is Tristram, who drank with Bele Ysolde of the drink which Brangwein gave them: and that thou may the more eschew the company of drunken men, hear this tale. (440-484.)

Marriage of Pirithous. The fair Ipotacie was wedded to Pirotoüs, and he invited his friends to the feast. They became drunk both with wine and with desire, and so they carried away the bride by violence from her husband. (485-529.)

Galba and Vitellus were rulers of Spain, and so drunken were they both that the land cried out against them. They ravished both wife and maid, but at length they were brought under the law and condemned to die. Then they filled full a great vessel of wine and drank until their senses left them, and so they were slain, being already half dead. (537-595.)

617-1260. DELICACY. The vice of Delicacy will not lack any pleasure which meat or drink can give, and desires always something new.

So he who is delicate in love cannot content himself with what he has; but though he have a fair wife, yet he will set his heart on others, and though his lady make him cheer, he must have more than she can with honour give.

I am not guilty of this, father: I would be satisfied if I could be fed at all, except with woe. Yet some dainties I pick which please me for the time. (617-752.)

My sight is fed with dainties when I look upon her face and form, yet it may never be fed to the full, but always longs for more. (753-826.)

My hearing has a dainty feast when men commend her worthiness and grace, and above all when I hear her speak, for her words are to me like the winds of the South. Or again, I feed my ears with tales of those who loved before I was born, of Ydoine and Amadas and of many more, and I think how sorrow endures but for a time. (827-898.)

Finally, I have a cook whose name is Thought, who keeps his pots ever boiling with fancy and desire, and sets before me on the table all the pleasant sights that I have seen and words that I have heard. Yet it is no full meal, but one of woulds and wishes, so that the food I have does me little good, and serves only to keep off starvation, till I have the feast which shall satisfy my hunger. (899-938.)

Such are my three delights, and I take my food thus of thinking, hearing and seeing, as a plover does of air. By Delicacy such as this I hope that I do no Gluttony.

It is in small things only that thou hast thy delight, my son; but remember always that the delights of the body do grievance to the soul. (939-974.)

Dives and Lazarus. Christ tells a tale against this vice, which is read in Latin, but for the better knowledge of the truth I will declare it in English. Christ saith, &c. (975-1109.)

Thus, my son, he who follows Delicacy and gives no alms shall fall into distress. He who has power over the good things of this world may wear the richest ornaments and eat the choicest food, yet he must put away Delicacy, if he would not starve his soul while feeding his body. (1110-1150.)

Nero followed his lusts against nature, and in regard to Delicacy he wrought a subtle thing to know how his stomach fared. He chose three men to eat and drink at his table. On a certain day after meat he caused one to ride, another to walk, and the third to sleep, and after this he killed them, in order that he might see which had best digested his food.

He refrained from nothing that was pleasant to him, and above all he set his heart on women, so that he spared neither wife nor maid. So drunk was he with his lusts. (1151-1226.)

Delicacy and Drunkenness go together and pass all bounds of reason. Thus too Love is at times so unrestrained that he takes no heed of God’s law, but calls in the powers of heaven and earth and hell to achieve his purpose. (1227-1260.)

1261-2407. SORCERY. There is nothing that love will not dare. He follows no law but his own, and goes forth like Bayard the blind horse, till he fall into the ditch. Thus at times he follows Sorcery, whether Geomance, Ydromance, Piromance or Nigromance, with all the craft both of invocation of spirits and of natural magic.

I know nothing of this, father; but to win my lady I would once have done all that might be done, whether in hell or heaven.

That goes very near, my son: but I warn thee that he who does so is beguiled at last, and that Sorcery has no good end. (1261-1390.)

Ulysses and Telegonus. Of those that were at Troy Uluxes had a name above all for craft and magic arts. This king was vexed by storms as he returned, and in spite of needle and stone his ship was driven upon the strand of Cilly, where he found two queens, Calipsa and Circes. These were sorceresses and they changed many of his men to the form of beasts, but he overcame them with his sorceries, and at length he took his course for home, leaving Circes with child. His wife and all his people rejoiced at his home-coming, but when a man is most in his prosperity, then fortune makes him soonest fall. He had a dream, as he lay upon his bed, and he seemed to see a form of heavenly beauty. He embraced that image and it embraced him again, and it said to him: ‘Our acquaintance shall be hereafter to our sorrow: one of us two shall take his death from this love in which we now rejoice.’ It showed him then a sign, three fishes wrought upon a pennon, and so all suddenly went forth from him.

Uluxes started from sleep, and making his calculations upon this, he judged that the danger was to be feared from his son Thelamachus. Him therefore he shut up within castle wall, and he made for himself a stronghold and set his servants to keep guard. But none can make resistance against his fate: Thelogonus, his son by Circes, came to find his father, bearing as his ensign a pennon with three fishes upon his spear, and he came to this stronghold of Uluxes. The guards denied him entrance and an affray arose at the gate. The king came forth, and Thelogonus cast his spear at him, not knowing who he was. Uluxes was wounded to death, but he recognized the figure of his dream and the sign upon the pennon, and embraced his son, commending him to the care of Thelamachus before he died.

Lo, what evil came to him of Sorcery: by Sorcery he begat his son, and that which was done against nature was against nature avenged. (1391-1788.)

Nectanabus. The king of Egypt, Nectanabus, a great magician, fled from his enemies to Macedoine. In the chief city there the queen Olimpias kept the feast of her nativity and rode forth to be seen by the people. Nectanabus stood with the others, and gazed upon her so steadfastly, that the queen sent for him and asked him who he was. He replied that he was one who had a message for her, which must be said in private. She appointed a time, and he told her how the god Amos of Lybia desired to be her bedfellow and would beget a child of her who should subdue the whole earth. To prove his words he caused her by his magic to have a vision, which she took for prophecy; and so at length, coming in the person of the god and transforming himself into various shapes, he had his will of her and begat a son. Nectanabus caused Philip the king, being from home, to have a vision whereby he supposed that a god had lain with his wife, and returning he found her with child. Still he doubted, but by further signs and wonders Nectanabus caused him to forget his jealousy. Amid portents of earthquake and of tempest the child was born, and his name was called Alexander. He grew up, and Aristotle taught him philosophy, while Nectanabus instructed him in astronomy. On a certain night, when they were upon a tower observing the stars, Nectanabus prophesied by them that his own death should be by the hands of his son. Alexander, to prove that he lied, threw him from the tower to the ground, asking what was the use of his art if he could not prophesy his own fate rightly. Nectanabus made known the truth, and Alexander was sorry, and told his mother how it was. Thus he died and was buried, and this was the reward of Sorcery. (1789-2366.)

Zoroaster too and Saul came to evil by Sorcery. I counsel thee never to use this, my son. (2367-2400.)

I will not, father. But I beseech you tell me something of that Philosophy which, as ye said, Aristotle taught to Alexander: for to hear of something new might ease my pain.

Thou sayest well; but I, who am of the school of Venus, know not much of this high lore. Yet, as it is comprehended in a book, I can in part show forth to thee how it is. (2401-2440.)

LIB. VII.

1-60. Thou hast prayed me to declare to thee the school of Aristotle, and how Alexander was taught. This is not the matter on which we were set to speak; yet since wisdom is to be desired above all things, I will tell thee of that which Calistre and Aristotle wrote to Alexander.

There are three principal points of Philosophy: Theoric, Rhetoric, Practic.

61-1506. THEORIC. The parts of Theoric are three: Theology, Physics and Mathematics. The first treats of God and things spiritual; the second of bodily things, such as man, beast, herb and stone; and the third has four divisions, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry and Astronomy. (61-202.)

Aristotle taught this young king of the four elements and the four complexions of man, of the principal divisions of the earth, and of the fifth element, Orbis, which contains the whole. (203-632.)

To speak next of Astronomy, this Orbis is that which we call the firmament, and in it are first the seven Planets, and then the twelve Signs of the Zodiac, about each of which Alexander was taught in turn. (633-1280.)

Nectanabus, teaching him natural magic, informed him of the Fifteen Stars and of the stone and herb appropriate to each, by means of which wonders may be worked. (1281-1438.)

The authors who taught this science of Astronomy were first Noë, then Nembrot, and after them many others, but principally Tholomee, who wrote the book of Almagest, and Hermes. (1439-1492.)

Thus these Philosophers taught Alexander in regard to that which is called Theoric. (1493-1506.)

1507-1640. RHETORIC. Speech is given to man alone and he must take heed that he turn it to no evil use. There is virtue in stones and in herbs, but word has virtue more than any earthly thing. But the word must not be discordant with the thought, as when Uluxes by his eloquence persuaded Anthenor to betray to him the city of Troy. Words are both evil and good, they make friend of foe and foe of friend. For a true example of Rhetoric read how Julius and the consul Cithero pleaded against one another when the treason of Catiline was discovered.

1641-5397. PRACTIC. This has three divisions, Ethics, Economics and Politics. A king must learn the first in order that he may rule himself in the way of good living, the second teaches him how to order his household, and the third how to govern his kingdom. (1641-1710.)

1711-1984. The first point of Policy is TRUTH, which above all things ought to be found in a king; and this is in part signified by the jewels of his crown.

To show thee that Truth is the sovereign virtue of all, I will tell thee a tale. (1711-1782.)

King, Wine, Woman and Truth. Daires, Soldan of Perce, had three wise men about his chamber, Arpaghes, Manachaz and Zorobabel. To them he put the question, which is strongest, wine, woman, or a king. Of this they disputed in turn, and Arpaghes said, ‘A king is the strongest, for he has power over men and can raise them up and cast them down: also he alone stands free from the law.’ Manachaz said, ‘Wine is the strongest, for this takes reason away from the wise and makes the fool seem learned, this turns cowardice to courage and avarice to largess.’ Zorobabel said, ‘Women are the strongest, for the king and all other men come of women and bow to the love of women,’ and he told how he had seen Cirus upon his throne overcome by the love of Apemen, daughter of Besazis, so that she did with him what she would. Women too make men desire honour, and woman is next to God the greatest help of man, as Alceste, wife of Ametus, gave her life to save her husband. Thus Zorobabel told his opinion, but nevertheless he said that above all these the mightiest of all earthly things is Truth: and so the question was concluded, and Zorobabel was most commended for his judgement. (1783-1984.)

1985-2694. LARGESS is the second point of Policy. A king must be free from the vices both of Avarice and of Prodigality. As Aristotle taught by the ill example of the king of Chaldee, he must spend his own substance and not that of his people, he must do justice before he makes gifts, and his gifts must be to those who have deserved them. (1985-2060.)

Julius and the poor Knight. A knight came to plead his cause at Rome, where the Emperor Julius was in presence; but he could get no advocate, because he was poor. He prayed for justice to the Emperor, and Julius assigned him an advocate. The knight was angry, and said, ‘When I was with thee in Afric, I fought myself and put no man in my stead: and so thou here shouldest speak for me thyself.’ Julius took his cause in hand; and thus every worthy king should help his servants when in need. (2061-2114.)

Antigonus and Cinichus. A king should know how much to give. A poor knight asked King Antigonus for a great sum, and he replied, ‘That is too much for thee to ask’: then when the knight asked a very small gift, he said, ‘That is too little for me to give.’

Kings must not exceed the due measure in giving, and especially they ought not to give to flatterers, who offend against God, against the prince and against the people. Yet flattery is always found in the courts of kings. (2115-2216.)

Diogenes and Aristippus. Two Philosophers went from Carthage to Athens to learn, and thence returned again. The one, Diogenes, was content to dwell apart and study, the other, Arisippus, went to court and got honour and wealth by flattery. Diogenes was gathering herbs in his garden and washing them in the river, when Arisippus passed by with a company, and said, ‘If thou hadst known how to make thyself pleasing to thy prince, there would have been no need for thee to pick herbs.’ The other replied, ‘If thou hadst known how to pick herbs, there would have been no need for thee to make thyself pleasing by thy flatteries.’ (2217-2317.)

But the example of Arisippus is chiefly followed, and flattery is that which makes men beloved. [Dante the poet said once to a flatterer, ‘Thou hast many more servants than I, for a poet cannot find how to feed and clothe himself, but a flatterer may rule and lead a king and all his land.’] There was a custom among the Romans, which was established against flattery, as follows. (2318-2354.)

Roman Triumph. When an Emperor had a triumph after victory, he went in pomp with four white horses and the nobles of the land before and behind him: but one sat with him in his car, who said continually, ‘Know thyself, and remember that good fortune is only for a time.’ Moreover he and every other man might speak whatever truth he knew to the Emperor, whether good or bad. (2355-2411.)

The Emperor and his Masons. Again, when an Emperor was enthroned, his masons came to ask him how he would have the stone made for his tomb. There was no flattery then, to deceive princes. (2412-2448.)

Caesar’s Answer. One came and did reverence to Cesar, as if he were a god: then he came and sat down by his side as an equal. ‘If thou art a god,’ he said, ‘I have done well in worshipping thee, but if a man, in sitting by thy side.’ Cesar answered that he was a fool, and had done ill in one of two things, either in sitting by the side of his god or in worshipping a mere man. They that heard this took it as a lesson against flattery. (2449-2490.)

The king who bestows his goods upon flatterers does harm to himself and his land. There is an example in the Bible. (2491-2526.)

Ahab and Micaiah. 1 Kings xxii. (2527-2694.)

2695-3102. JUSTICE is the third point of Policy. A land is nothing without men, and men cannot be without law. It is for the king above all others to guide the law, and though he is above the law, yet he must not do things which are against it. He must make his own life right towards God, and then endeavour to rule his people rightly, and he must see that his judges are both wise and true. (2695-2764.)

Maximin, when he appointed a judge, inquired carefully whether he were virtuous or no. Thus the course of law was not hindered by coveitise. (2765-2782.)

Gaius Fabricius, consul of Rome, when the Samnites brought him gold, tried it with taste and smell, and said he knew not for what it would serve. It was better, he said, to rule the men who had the gold, than to possess gold and lose the liberty to be just. (2783-2817.)

In those times none was preferred to the office of judge unless he were a friend to the common right. (2818-2832.)

Conrad ordered matters so that in his time no man durst set aside the law for gold. (2833-2844.)

Carmidotoire the consul slew himself rather than allow his own law to be broken, when by inadvertence he had come armed to the Senate-house. (2845-2888.)

Cambyses flayed a corrupt judge, and nailed his skin upon the chair where his son was set to judge in his place. (2889-2904.)

Ligurgius, prince of Athens, having established good laws in his city, took an oath from the citizens that they would change nothing during his absence; and so he departed, never to return, desiring that Athens might still enjoy good laws. (2917-3028.)

The first Lawgivers. The names of those who first made laws ought to be handed down to fame. They are Moses, Mercurius, Neuma Pompilius, Ligurgius, Foroneus, Romulus. Kings ought to be led by law, and it is a scandal to a king if the law be not executed. (3029-3102.)

3103-4214. The fourth point of Policy is PITY. This is the virtue by which the King of kings was moved when he sent his Son down to this earth. Every subject should fear his king, and every king should have mercy on his people. [The apostle James says that he who shows no pity shall find none. Cassodre says that the kingdom is safe where pity dwells. Tullius that the king who is overcome by pity bears a shield of victory. We read how a knight appealed from the wrath of Alexander to his pity and so obtained grace. (3149*-3179*.)] Constantine said, ‘He who is a servant to pity, is worthy to rule all else.’ Troian said that he desired his people to obey him rather from love than fear. (3103-3162.)

[The Pagan and the Jew. Two travellers went through the desert together, and each asked the other of his belief. The one said, ‘I am a Pagan, and by my faith I ought to love all men alike and do to others as I would they should do to me.’ The other, ‘I am a Jew, and by my faith I ought to be true to no man, except he be a Jew, as I am.’ The day was hot and the Pagan rode on an ass with his baggage, while the Jew went on foot. The Jew asked the Pagan to let him ease his weariness by riding, and the other assented. So they went on, but when the Pagan desired his ass back, the Jew rode on, saying that thus he did his duty by his law. The Pagan prayed to God to judge his quarrel, and going on further he found the Jew slain by a lion and the ass with the baggage standing by him. Thus a man may know how the pitiful man deserves pity, and that lack of pity is the cause of evil. (3207*-3360*.)]

Codrus, king of Athens, having a war, was informed by Apollo that either he must perish in the battle or his people be discomfited. He had pity upon his people and gave his life for them. Where have we such kings now? (3163-3214.)

Pompey had war against the king of Ermenie, and having taken him captive, he gave him his crown again and restored him to his kingdom. (3215-3248.)

Cruelty is the opposite of Pity. (3249-3266.)

Leoncius the tyrant cruelly cut off the nose and lips of the merciful Justinian: he was so served himself by Tiberius, and Justinian was restored to the empire. (3267-3294.)

Siculus the cruel king caused Berillus to make a bull of brass, within which men should be burnt to death. Berillus was himself the first who suffered this torture. (3295-3332.)

Dionys fed his horses on man’s flesh and was slain by Hercules. (3341-3354.)

Lichaon devoured the bodies of his guests and was changed into a wolf. (3355-3369.)

Tyranny may not last. The Lion will not slay the man who falls down before him to entreat mercy, and how then ought a Prince to destroy the man who asks his mercy? Yet some tyrants have been so cruel that Pity cannot move them. (3370-3416.)

Spertachus, a warrior and a cruel man, made war on the queen Thameris, and having taken her son prisoner, he slew him without mercy. The queen gathered a power and took the tyrant in an ambush. Then she filled a vessel with the blood of his princes and cast him therein, bidding him drink his fill of blood. (3417-3513.)

A king, however, must not fail to slay in the cause of Justice, and he must be a champion of his people without any weak pity. If he fears without cause, he is like those in the fable who were in dread when the Mountain was in labour, and at length it brought forth a mouse.

As there is a time for peace, so there is also a time for war, and here too virtue stands between two extremes, between foolish pity and rash cruelty. Of men who have undertaken war for a righteous cause there are examples in the Bible, and of those I will tell thee one. (3514-3626.)

Story of Gideon. Judges vii. (3627-3806.)

Saul and Agag. Saul failed to obey God’s command to slay Agag, showing pity wrongfully: therefore he lost his life and his kingdom. (3807-3845.)

On the other hand Salomon obeyed his father David’s command in slaying Joab, and yet he showed mercy in his reign and wrought no tyranny. Also he was wise and had worthy men about him, and there is nothing better for a ruler than Wisdom. Salomon asked for this gift from God, and this it is which a king chiefly needs in order to hold the balance even between Justice and Pity. (3846-3944.)

Courtiers and Fool. Lucius, king of Rome, asked his steward and his chamberlain what men said about him. The steward merely flattered in his reply, but the chamberlain answered that people thought he would be a worthy king if he had good counsellors. The fool, who played with his bauble by the fire, laughed at both, and said, ‘If the king were wise, the council would not be bad.’ Thus the king was instructed and put away his bad counsellors. (3945-4010.)

Folly of Rehoboam. 1 Kings xii. 1-20. (4027-4129.)

Counsel of young men thus leads to ruin. There is a question whether it is better that the king be wise or his council. The answer is that it is better to have wise counsellors. (4130-4180.)

The Emperor Anthonius said he would rather have one of his subjects saved than a thousand of his enemies slain. Mercy mingled with justice is the foundation of every king’s rule. Thus I have spoken of four points, Truth, Largess, Pity and Justice. There is yet a fifth. (4181-4214.)

4215-5397. CHASTITY, the fifth point of Policy. The male is made for the female, but one must not desire many. A man must keep the troth he has plighted in marriage, and this all the more in the high and holy estate of a king.

Aristotle advised Alexander to frequent the company of fair women, but not to beguile himself with them. For it is not they who beguile the men, but the men beguile themselves. The water is not to blame if a man drown himself in it, nor the gold if men covet it. It is by nature that a man loves, but not by nature that he loses his wits: that is like frost in July or hose worn over the shoe. Yet great princes have been thus misled. (4215-4312.)

Sardanapalus lost his kingdom and his honour, because he became effeminate in his lusts. (4313-4343.)

David, however, though he loved many women, preserved the honour of knighthood. (4344-4360.)

Cyrus had a war with the Lydians, and he could not conquer them. Then, feigning, he made a perpetual peace with them, and they fell into idleness and fleshly lust, so that he subdued them easily. (4361-4405.)

Balaam advised king Amalech to send fair women among the Hebrews, and these led them into lust, so that they were discomfited in battle, till Phinees caused them to amend their ways. (4406-4445.)

This virtue of Chastity belongs especially to a king.

Salomon took wives of sundry nations and did idolatry in his folly. Therefore after his death his kingdom was divided.

Antonie, son of Severus, gave an evil example of lust; and the tale which here follows will show what is the end of tyranny and lechery. (4446-4592.)

Tarquin the tyrant had many sons, and among them Arrons. He had a war with the Gabiens, and to their city Arrons went, showing wounds which he said he had received from his father and brethren. They took him as their leader, and he by his father’s advice cut off the heads of their chief men, and so the Romans conquered the city. They made a solemn sacrifice in the temple of Phebus, and a serpent came and devoured the offerings and quenched the fires. Phebus said that this was for the sin and pride of Tarquin and his son, and that he who should first kiss his mother, should avenge the wrong. Brutus fell to the ground and kissed his mother Earth. (4593-4753.)

Tarquin had a war afterwards with Ardea, and they were long at the siege. A dispute arose between Arrons and Collatin as to the virtue of their wives, and they rode to Rome to see how they were employed. At the palace they found the wife of Arrons full of mirth and thinking nothing of her husband; at the house of Collatin, Lucrece was working with her women and praying for her husband’s return. Arrons was smitten with love of her, and returning again the next day he ravished her. She on the morrow called her husband and her father, with whom came Brutus, and told them her tale. Refusing their forgiveness she slew herself, and they took the body into the market-place, where Brutus told the tale to the people. They remembered also the former evil doings of Tarquin and his son, and sent both into exile. (4754-5130.)

Virginia. When Appius Claudius was governor of Rome, he set his desire upon a gentle maid, daughter of Livius Virginius, and he caused his brother Marcus to claim her unrightfully as his slave. Her father was with the host, but he rode hastily to Rome; and when Appius adjudged her to his brother against the law, finding that he could save her from dishonour in no other way, he thrust her through with his sword and made his way back to the host. Thus the tyranny came to men’s ears and the unrighteous king was deposed by the common consent. (5131-5306.)

As an example of chastity in marriage we read the story of Sarra the daughter of Raguel. Seven men who married her were strangled by the fiend Asmod, because they took her only for lust; but Thobie, taught by Raphael, had his will and yet kept the law of marriage. God has bound beasts by the law of nature only, but men must follow also the law of reason and do no lechery. Thus the philosopher taught to Alexander. (5307-5397.)

I thank you, father. The tales sound in my ears, but my heart is elsewhere; for nothing can make me forget my love. Leave all else therefore, and let us return to our shrift.

Yes, my son, there is one point more, and this is the last. (5398-5438.)

LIB. VIII.

1-198. LAWS OF MARRIAGE. God created Adam and Eve to repair the loss of Lucifer and his angels, and bade them increase and multiply. In the first generation by God’s law brother and sister were joined in marriage, then afterwards cousin wedded cousin, as in the time of Habraham and Jacob. At last under Christian law Marriage was forbidden also in the third degree. Yet some men take no heed to kinship or religion, but go as a cock among the hens and as a stallion among the mares. Such love may be sweet at first, but afterwards it is bitter.

199-2008. EXAMPLES OF INCEST. Caligula the Roman Emperor bereft his three sisters of their virginity: therefore God bereft him of his life and of his empire.

Amon lay with his sister Thamar, and Absolon his brother took vengeance upon him.

Lot lay with his daughters, and the stocks which came from them were not good.

Thus if a man so set his love, he will afterwards sorely repent it; and of this I think to tell a tale which is long to hear. (199-270.)

Apollonius of Tyre. In a Chronicle called Pantheon I read how king Antiochus ravished his daughter and lived with her in sin. To hinder her marriage, he proposed a problem to those who sought her love, and if a man failed to resolve it, he must lose his head. At length came the Prince Apollinus of Tyre, and the king proposed to him the question. He saw too clearly what the riddle meant, and Antiochus fearing shame put off the time of his reply for thirty days. (271-439.)

The Prince feared his vengeance and fled home to Tyre, and thence he departed secretly in a ship laden with wheat. Antiochus sent one Taliart in all haste to Tyre, with command to make away with the Prince by poison. Finding that Apollinus had fled, he returned.

In the meantime the Prince came to Tharsis, and took lodging there with one Strangulio and his wife Dionise. The city was suffering famine, and Apollinus gave them his wheat as a free gift, in return for which they set up a statue of him in the common place. (440-570.)

A man came to him from Tyre and reported that king Antiochus desired to slay him. He was afraid and fled thence again by ship. A storm came upon him and the ship was wrecked: Apollinus alone came alive to land. A fisherman helped him and directed him to the town of Pentapolim, where he found the people gathered to see games, and the king and queen of the country there present. (571-695.)

He surpassed all others in the games, and the king called him to supper in his hall. At supper he was sad and ate nothing, and the king sent to him his daughter to console him. To her he told his name and country, and with that he let the tears run down his cheeks. She fetched a harp and sang to it, and he took it from her hand and played and sang divinely. They all saw that he was of gentle blood. (696-799.)

The king’s daughter desired her father that he might be her teacher, and in the course of time she turned with all her heart to love of him. She so lost her appetite for meat and drink and sleep that she was in danger of her life.

Three sons of princes demanded her in marriage, and she by letter informed her father how the matter stood: if she might not have Apollinus, she would have none other. (800-911.)

The king sent for Apollinus and showed him his daughter’s letter. He assented gladly, and the marriage took place with great festivity. Soon after this men came from Tyre reporting that Antiochus and his daughter were dead, having been both struck by lightning, and entreating him to return to his own people. All were rejoiced to hear that the king’s daughter had married so worthy a prince. (912-1019.)

Apollinus sailed away with his wife, she being with child. A storm arose and she began to be in travail. In anguish she was delivered of a maid child, but she herself lay dead. (1020-1058.)

Apollinus sorrowed as never man sorrowed before, but the master of the ship required that the dead body be cast out of the ship, because the sea will not hold within itself any dead creature, and the ship would be driven on the shore if the body remained within her. They made therefore a coffer closely bound with iron and covered with pitch, in which they placed the corpse, with gold and jewels, and with a letter praying that she might receive burial; and so they cast it overboard. Apollinus in the meantime sailed first to Tharsis. (1059-1150.)

The coffer was cast up at Ephesim and was found by Cerymon, a great physician. He by his art restored the seeming corpse to life, and she took upon herself the rule of religion and dwelt with other women in the temple of Diane. (1151-1271.)

Apollinus coming to Tharsis entrusted his infant daughter Thaise to the care of Strangulio and Dionise, and so he sailed on to Tyre. This daughter, until she was fourteen years old, grew up with the daughter of Strangulio, but Thaise was preferred to the other in all places where they went, and Dionise was therefore wroth. She bade her bondman Theophilus take Thaise down to the shore of the sea and there slay her. He brought her to the sea, but her cry called forth pirates from their hiding-place, who carried her with them away to Mitelene and sold her to Leonin, master of a brothel. (1272-1423.)

The young men who came to her were moved by compassion and did her no wrong, so that Leonin sent his own servant in to her. She entreated to be permitted to make gain for him in some other way, and being taken from the brothel and placed in security, she taught such things as gentlewomen desire to learn, and her name went forth over all the land. (1424-1497.)

Theophilus reported that he had slain Thaise, and Dionise, pretending that she had died suddenly, made a great funeral and set up a tomb with an epitaph. After this, Apollinus came to seek for his daughter at Tharsis, and hearing that she was dead, he put forth to sea again in grievous sorrow. He lay weeping alone in the darkness of the ship’s hold, until under stress of storm they came to Mitelene. (1498-1617.)

Hearing of his grief, the lord of the city, Athenagoras, sent Thaise to comfort him. He at first rejected all her consolation, but then to his joy discovered that she was the daughter for whom he mourned. Athenagoras asked for her in marriage and was wedded to her. (1618-1776.)

They went forth all together with intent to avenge the treason at Tharsis, but Apollinus was warned in a dream to go to Ephesim, and there in the temple of Diane he found the wife whom he supposed to have been dead. Thence they voyaged to Tyre and were received with joy. Athenagoras and Thaise were there crowned king and queen, and Apollinus sailed away and took due vengeance upon Strangulio and Dionise. (1777-1962.)

When this was done, a letter came to him from Pentapolim, praying him to come and receive that kingdom, since the king was dead. They had a good voyage thither, and he and his wife were crowned there and led their life happily. (1963-2008.)

Thus, my son, thou mayest see how it is with those that love in a good manner, but it is not love when men take their lust like beasts.

2029-3172. CONCLUSION. Father, I may acquit myself in this, but I entreat your counsel as to what way I shall follow in my love.

I counsel thee, my son, to labour no more in things which bring thee no profit. The end of every pleasure is pain. Love is blind, and makes all his servants blind: thou mayest yet withdraw and set thyself under the law of reason.

It is easy to say so, father. My woe is but a game to you, feeling nothing of that which I feel. The hart that goes free knows not the sorrows of the ox under the yoke. But I entreat you to present for me a Supplication to Venus and Cupid, and bring me a good answer back. (2009-2188.)

Then arose a great debate between my Priest and me: my reason understood him well, but my will was against him. At length he agreed to deliver my Supplication, and with tears instead of ink I wrote the letter thus: ‘The wofull peine of loves maladie,’ &c. (2189-2300.)

The Priest went forth to present my petition, and I abode. Suddenly Venus stood by me, and I fell upon my knee and prayed her to do me grace. ‘What is thy name?’ she said, as if in game. ‘John Gower,’ I replied. ‘I have read thy bill,’ she said, ‘in which thou hast complained to Nature and to me. Nature is mistress where she will, and I excuse thee for following her law: but as for what thou sayest, that I am bound to relieve thee, because thou hast served in my Court, I will give thee medicine that will heal thy heart, but perchance it will not be such as thou desirest.’ (2301-2376.)

Half in scorn she spoke to me of my age and hoary locks, and counselled me to make a ‘beau retret,’ while there was yet time; for even though I should attain to my desire, I could not hold covenant duly with love.

I grew cold suddenly for sorrow of my heart, and lay swooning on the ground. Then methought I saw Cupid with his bow bent, and with him a great company, those gentle folk who once were lovers, arrayed in sundry bands. (2377-2459.)

Youth was the leader of one company, and these had garlands, some of the leaf and some of the flower. They went with piping and with song which resounded all about: they laughed and danced and played, and talked of knighthood and of ladies’ love. There was Tristram with Ysolde, Lancelot with Gunnore, Jason with Creusa, Hercules with Eole, Troilus with Criseide, but in his mirth he was yet heavy of cheer because of Diomede. Those also I saw who died for love, as Narcissus, Piramus, Achilles; and the women who were forsaken, Dido, Phillis, Adriagne, Deianire and Medea. Many others too I saw, but four women especially who were most commended as examples in marriage, Penolope, Lucrece, Alceste and Alcione. Youth, which led this company, took no heed of me. (2460-2665.)

Then came Eld, leading a company not so great. Their music was low and their dancing soft: they smiled, but they did not laugh aloud. There was David with Bersabee, and Salomon with his wives and concubines, Sampson with Dalida, and Aristotle with the queen of Greece; Virgil also and Plato and Ovid the poet. (2665-2725.)

When this company was come to the place where I lay, they entreated Venus for me, and even some of the younger band said that it was great pity. Cupid came with Venus to me as I lay, and the lovers all pressed round to see. Some said that love was folly in the old, and others that no age could be free, and that while there was yet oil in the lamp, it might always be set alight. Cupid groped after me till he found me, and then he drew forth that fiery lance which before he had cast through my heart, and Venus anointed my wound with a cooling ointment and gave me a mirror in which I might behold myself. I saw my face wrinkled and my eyes dim, and I likened myself to that time of year when winter has despoiled the earth. Then Reason returned to me and I was made sober and sound. (2726-2869.)

Venus beheld me, and laughing asked me what Love was. I answered with confusion that I knew him not, and prayed that I might be excused from my attendance on her Court. As touching my Confession too, I asked an absolution, and the Priest gave it readily. Then the queen delivered to me a pair of beads to hang about my neck, and on them was written Por reposer in gold. ‘Thus,’ said she, ‘have I provided for thine ease, and my will is that thou pray for peace. Stay no more in my Court, but go where moral virtue dwells, where are those books which men say that thou hast written: thou and I must commune together never again.[O]Adieu, for I must go from thee.’ And so enveloped in a starry cloud, Venus was taken to her place above, and her Priest departed also at the same time. I stood for a while amazed; and then I smiled, thinking of the beads that she had given me and of the prayers that I should say. And thus I took my way softly homeward. (2870-2970.)

To God, the Creator of all things, I pray for the welfare of this land, and that it may have peace and unity, which every estate should desire. I pray that the clergy may work after the rule of charity, that the order of knighthood may cause extortion to cease and defend the right of the Church, that merchants may follow honesty, and above all that the king may keep himself and all the other estates of the kingdom in the right way. The king who humbly follows the law of God shall be blessed, and his name shall be remembered for ever. (2971-3105.)

I promised to make in English a book between play and earnest, and now I ask that I may be excused for lack of curious skill. I have written in rude plain words, as sickness and age would suffer me; and I pray my lords that I may stand in their grace, for I desire to do pleasure to those under whose rule I am. (3106-3137.)

And now my Muse bids me rest and write no more of love, which turns the heart away from reason. Of this love then I take my final leave. But that love which stands confirmed by charity, which may save the body and amend the soul, such love may God send us, that in heaven our joy may be without end. (3138-3172.)

iv. ORTHOGRAPHY AND PHONOLOGY.—In the remarks upon Gower’s language which here follow there is no systematic completeness. Attention is called to such points as seem to be important or interesting, reference being made especially to the language of Chaucer, as dealt with in B. ten Brink’s Chaucers Sprache und Verskunst (second edition, 1899). It is necessary perhaps to remark here upon a difference of procedure which distinguishes this investigation from those which have for their object the text of Chaucer or of other writers whose work is handed down to us in manuscripts which do not proceed from the author himself. In such cases we have first to ascertain what the author actually wrote, before we can draw any valid conclusions about the laws of his language. It may even be necessary to restrict the discussion to such forms as are authenticated by rhyme; but when we are compelled to do this, we must remember that we are accepting a rather dangerous limitation. The conclusions drawn from the rhyme-words of a Middle English author will probably not be precisely applicable to his language in general. The sphere of our investigations will be that in which the licentious and exceptional is most likely to be found. If he has any tendency to borrow from other dialects than his own or to use irregular forms, this tendency will be most seen in his rhymes, for it will probably be the exigencies of rhyme which suggest the variation. Chaucer repeatedly uses ‘here,’ in the sense of the modern ‘her,’ to rhyme with such words as ‘bere,’ ‘spere,’ but we should certainly not be justified in concluding that this and not ‘hire’ was the normal form of his language. Similarly in the case of Gower by examination of his rhymes alone we might be led to many very doubtful results. For example, we should gather that he almost always used the form sinne rather than senne, wile (verb) and not wole or wol, axe and not aske, sek (adj.) and never sik, hond and never hand, couthe and never coude, sente (pret.) rather than sende, the adverb ending -ly in preference to -liche or -lich. In these cases and in many others we might easily be misled, the forms of these words as used in rhyme being determined chiefly by the comparative frequency of the various rhyme-syllables. Most of the conclusions above mentioned, and others like them, have in fact been arrived at in a paper by K. Fahrenberg, published in the Archiv für die neueren Sprachen, vol. 89. The author of this paper, having only Pauli’s text before him, very properly confines himself to an examination of the rhymes, and within these limits most of his results are sound enough; but it would be very unsafe to treat them as generally applicable to the language of Gower. In our case it must be understood that the Fairfax manuscript is regarded (for reasons which will afterwards be stated) as a practically accurate reproduction of the author’s original text, and consequently the occurrence of a particular form in rhyme is not held necessarily to be of any special significance.

ORTHOGRAPHY.—This being premised, we shall proceed to note first some points which call for attention in the orthography of the text.

In describing the British Museum MS. Harl. 3869, Pauli takes occasion to observe: ‘This copy is very remarkable on account of its orthography, which has been carried through almost rigorously according to simple and reasonable principles.’ This system he appears to attribute to the copyist of the manuscript in question, but it is in fact that of the author, the text being copied very faithfully from the Fairfax manuscript itself. Pauli appears to have been repelled by the outward appearance of this ‘small stout folio’ with its rather untidy writing. He did not take the trouble to examine the Oxford copies; but he seems to have perceived that its orthography was the same as that of the Stafford manuscript, and this should have enlightened him. In fact, if instead of taking Berthelette as his basis, he had simply printed the text of the Harleian volume, there would hardly have been need of another edition.

The orthography of the Fairfax text, first hand, confirmed as it is in almost every particular by that of the Stafford manuscript, and supported also by the testimony of others, more especially of MS. Bodley 902, may be assumed to be that of the author; and it is well worthy of our attention, for he evidently regarded exactness and consistency in spelling as a matter of some importance.

We may observe in the first place that it was not Gower’s practice to mark vowel-length by doubling the vowel. Naturally there are some MSS. in which this is occasionally found, and in particular the third hand of A gives caas, paas, glaade, maade, saake, waas, bee, breeþ, soo, aroos, moore, schoon, ooþer, toold, &c. with considerable frequency, while very many MSS. have book, look, took, oon, heere, mateere, and some other forms of the same kind; but this is not in accordance with the author’s rule. In the Fairfax MS. the cases of doubled vowel are only occasional, except in the instance of good, which is thus regularly distinguished from god.

Of oo there are very few cases except good. We have oon about three times for on, and blood, brood, cooste, do (=doe), foode, hool, schoo, too (=toe), woot, in isolated instances. The doubling of e is more frequent, as beere, cheeke, cleene, dee (pl. dees), degree, eem, eer, fee, feede, feer, feere, feet, greene, meene, meete, pees, queene, scheete, see (subst.), seene, slee, spreede, thee, tree, weer, weere, wreeche, ȝee, ȝeer, and a few more. Most of the above words, however, and in general all others, are written usually with a single vowel, and we have quite regularly (for example) ded, dede, drem, ek, fend, fre, gret, hed, her (=hair), lef, red, slep, bok, bon, brod, fol, gon, hot, lok, non, schon, sone (soon), tok, wok, and so on. Where there is variation of spelling in this respect, it is not felt to be a matter which concerns the rhyme; for we have weer: pouer, pees: reles, sene: meene, there: feere, good: stod, fode: goode, do: schoo, &c., though sometimes the spelling of the rhyme-words is evidently brought into harmony, as meene: Almeene, ii. 2465 f., beere: weere, iv. 1323 f., brood: good, v. 4375 f., goode: foode, vii. 519 f. In a few cases however a phonetic distinction seems to be intended, as when we find eet as preterite of ete, and beere (also bere) pret. plur. of beren.

Maii (the month) is regularly written with ii, but rhymes with mai, gay, &c.

The doubling of final consonants, apparently to indicate vowel shortness, is more common, as in all, bladd, charr, hadd, happ, madd, bedd, fedd, fett, spedd, bitt, bridd, chidd, godd, rodd, beside al, char, had, hap, mad, bed, fet, &c.

The doubling of s in a final tone syllable seems to have no such significance, as in Achilles: press, iv. 2161 f., but Ulixes: pres, iv. 147 f., so natheles: encress, pes: encress, in all of which the vowel must be long.

One of the most noteworthy points of the orthography is the frequent use of ie in tonic syllables for close ē. This appears in French words such as achieve, appiere, chief, chiere, clier, grieve, matiere, messagier, pier, &c. (also in many of these cases e, as chere, cler, matere), but it is very commonly used also in words of English origin and seems invariably to be associated with the close sound of the vowel. Thus we have hiede, spriede, lief (but levere), sieke, diel, stiel, whiel, dieme, sieme, diere, fiere (= company), hiere (adv.), hiere (verb), liere, stiere, and others, which have in most cases the alternative spelling with e, as hede, sprede, seke, del, stel, whel, deme, seme, &c., but in all of which the vowel has the close sound.

It is impossible here to discuss the question how far this habit of spelling may have been introduced by analogy from French words with a similar sound of the vowel, and how far it may have grown out the Kentish use of ie, ye for O. E. ēo, ē, īe. Reference may be made to the remarks in the Introduction to the volume of Gower’s French Works, p. xxi, where it is suggested that ie, having lost its value as a diphthong in later Anglo-Norman, came to be regarded as a traditional symbol in many cases for close ē, and hence such forms as clier, clief, pier, prophiete, &c., and as regards ie in the Kentish dialect there is a useful statement in the paper by W. Heuser, Zum Kentischen Dialekt im Mittelenglischen, published in Anglia, xvii, 78 ff.

In any case the fact is pretty clear that this variation was confined by Gower to words in which he gave to the vowel a close sound, and it is therefore useful as a distinguishing note, though there are few words in which this is the only form of spelling.

Both in stems of words and in their terminations i is on the whole preferred to y, so that we have crie, hide, lif, like, mile, ride, &c. more usually than crye, hyde, &c. (but perhaps y more often after m, n, as knyht, myhte, nyht), and also arrai, mai, dai, hardi, ladi, worþi, mi, thi, more often on the whole than array, may, &c., but -ly in adverbs more often than -li.

In some few cases it seems that a distinction is pretty consistently made, as between wryte (inf.) and write (past participle), and perhaps between wite (know) and wyte (blame).

Before gh followed by t we find a, o almost regularly in place of au, ou. Thus we have aghte, straghte, taghte, boghte, broghte, doghter, noght, oghte, oght, soghte, wroghte, &c., but occasionally broughte, doughter, ought, &c. Beside some of these there are forms in which au (aw), ou (ow) are written, but followed by simple h, as strawhte, tawhte, douhter (dowhter).

There is no difference between -oun and -on as terminations of such French words as divisioun, complexioun, &c., but -oun is much the more usual form[P]. Where they occur in rhyme, the rhyme-words are usually assimilated to one another in form of spelling, but sometimes -oun, -on rhyme together, as division: doun, ii. 1743 f., toun: condicion, v. 2551, constellacioun: relacion, vi. 2253 f.

In the case of an followed by a consonant in a tone-syllable the variation to aun seems to be merely a question of spelling, and we have such rhymes as chaunce: remembrance, ii. 893 f., demande: comaunde, iv. 2794, supplanted: enchaunted, ii. 2491, covenant: supplaunt, ii. 2367. In the French terminations -ance, -ant, the simple form is decidedly preferred (but governaunce: porveaunce, Prol. 187 f., graunt: amblaunt, ii. 1505 f.), and so also in many other words, as change, strange, comande, demande, supplante (also comaunde, supplaunte). In other cases au is either the usual or the only form, as daunce, daunte, enchaunte, haunte, sclaundre.

With regard to the consonants, it should be observed that Gower consistently wrote sch for sh initially, so that we have regularly schal, schape, sche, schewe, schip, schrifte, and also lordschipe, worschipe, &c.[Q], in other places usually ssh, as bisshop (also bisschop), buissh, fissh, fleissh (also fleisch), freissh, reisshe, wisshe.

The almost regular use of h for gh in such words as hih, nyh, sih, kniht, liht, miht, niht, heihte, sleihte, &c. will be spoken of later.

Gower did not use ȝ for h or gh. Such forms as miȝte, riȝt, uȝte, wrouȝt, are practically unknown in the best MSS. (F has nouȝt once.) On the other hand initially in such words as ȝe, ȝer, ȝive (forȝive), ȝong, &c., ȝ is regularly used. Only late and inferior MSS. have y. In regard to this letter Gower’s usage is exactly the reverse of that which we find in the Ayenbite of Inwyt. We have þ for th regularly except in the case of a capital letter being required, as at the beginning of a line, or in connexion with some foreign words and names as thalemans, thevangile, rethorique, Athemas, Anthenor, Thebith. Cases of th for þ in ordinary English words are very rare in F (but i. 2890, v. 2319, vii. 4203).

In some words there is an interchange of c and s, as decerte, pourchace pourchase, service servise, rancoun, suffice suffise, sufficant, &c., and the French termination -esse is also spelt -esce, as largesse largesce, simplesce simplesse; so also encresce, redresce, &c. In such points the orthography of Romance words is usually in accordance with that which we find in the author’s French writings, in which also are found such etymological forms as deceipte, doubte.

Before quitting the general subject, we ought to note certain words of common occurrence which are spelt not quite in the usual way. The author regularly writes bot for but, be for by, when used as a preposition and unemphatic, ous for us (pers. pron.), noght for not (not being used for ne wot). Some forms of proper names, as Habraham, Irahel, are characteristic. In these points, as in many others, the writer evidently followed a definite system, and in spite of the variations recorded, the orthography of the Fairfax and Stafford MSS. certainly conveys to the reader the general impression of regularity and consistency.

PHONOLOGY. (1) O. E. SHORT VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.

O. E. a, æ, ea. In the case of a (o) before a lengthening nasal combination, ld, nd, mb, ng, &c., we may note that though hond, honde, hondes are preferred, as by Chaucer, yet hand, handes pretty frequently occur, as i. 2, 1807, 2994, ii. 574, iii. 116, v. 1505, &c. (also handle, iii. 1956, v. 1949), and that without any necessity of rhyme. In fact hand seems to be rather preferred except in rhyme. Contrary to what is apparently Chaucer’s usage we find thonk, thonke as the regular forms in Gower, and only occasionally thank, as ii. 60, 2012. This may be due to the Kentish tendency to lengthen before nk, which perhaps was pronounced nearly as ng (see Morsbach, Mittelengl. Gramm., p. 128), and in this connexion we may note the fact that the Fairfax MS. twice has þong for þonk. On the other hand there is no definite trace of the principle which has been discovered in some of the Kentish texts of lengthening before these combinations when a vowel follows, while preserving a when the consonant group ends the word, honde, stonde, þonke, &c., but hand, stand, þank[R]. Gower uses handes as well as hand, and interchanges hange and honge, sang and song, according to convenience.

Note that upon rhymes freely with on (= one), anon, gon, &c., but the supposed rhyme on (ăn): mone, i. 2179, noted by Fahrenberg, is really one (ān): mone. In some cases of original ǣ shortened to æ Gower prefers e to a, as eny, only occasionally any, eddre beside addre, but lesse, ledde only for the sake of rhyme.

ea before h becomes ī in sih (from seah, sæh, pret. of sēon), which in Gower is the usual form of the word, æg forms ai (ay), as in dai, lay, mai, fain, slain, and other ai forms, which are not interchangeable with ei (but said with variant seid by influence of seie).

O. E. e. When we are dealing with so careful a rhymer as Gower, we need hardly remark upon the absolute distinction made between ę̄ derived from O. E. ĕ and ẹ̄ of whatever origin. The case of skiereþ: hiereþ, cited by Fahrenberg as an instance of the opposite, cannot be regarded as a real exception, in view of the uncertain derivation of skiere. His other cases of supposed ę : ẹ are instances of the pret. pl. spieke (speke), from sprǣcon, as spieke : beseke, ii. 959, sieke : spieke, ii. 1455. One is doubtful, viz. seke : mispeke, ii. 2007, where mispeke may be pret. subjunctive; and besides these, undergete: flete, ii. 1133 f. is irregular.

There is, however, also a well-marked distinction between new-lengthened ę̄ in words like trede, stede, bere, spere, &c., forȝete, gete, begete (inf. and partic.), mete (subst.), &c., and ę̄ from ǣ or ēa, the distinction being due presumably to imperfect lengthening. With the first class rank also words in which e is derived from O. E. y in open syllables, as lere (loss) from O. E. lyre, stere (stir) from styrian, dede (pret.) from dyde, and also e in answere.

Thus we find the following quite distinct sets of rhymes: bede, forbede (past participles), bede (subst.), dede (pret. = did), stede (stead), trede, forming one class and rhyming together, while they are kept entirely apart from threde, drede, dede (= dead), rede, pl. adj. (= red), which have ę̄ from ēa or ǣ. On the other hand, bede the pret. plur. of bidde (from bǣdon) rhymes with dede (dead), e.g. i. 2047.

So also answere, bere (subst.), bere (verb inf.), forbere, dere (destroy), lere (loss), stere (stir), bestere, swere (verb), tere (verb), were (wear), were (defend), form one class of rhyme-words as against ere, fere (fear), there, were (from wǣron), &c. But eere (verb) from erian rhymes with there, v. 819 f., and scheres with teres, v. 5691. The case of bere rhyming with were (from wǣron), i. 2795 f., vii. 1795 f., is not an exception to the rule, being the preterite plural, from bǣron.

Another group is chele, fele (many), hele (cover), stele, wele, as against hele (heal), dele, &c.: but we find hele (hǣlo): hele (helan), iii. 2755 f.

Again we have ete, gete (inf. and partic.), begete, forȝete, mete (meat), sete (past partic.), kept apart from grete (great), bete (beaten), strete, tete, lete (lǣtan), swete (verb, = sweat), threte, whete, &c. It may be noted that beȝete (subst.) belongs to the class grete, bete, &c.

There is every reason to suppose that the same distinction would hold with other endings, in the case of which no sufficient rhyme-test is forthcoming, as breke, speke (inf.), wreke (inf. and past partic.), which have no other words with ę̄ with which they could be rhymed, eke, seke, meke, &c., all having ẹ̄.

On the whole we may say that this distinction is very carefully kept in Gower’s rhymes, and must certainly indicate a difference of pronunciation.

The adverb wel, also written wiel, has a double sound, as in Chaucer, either ę̄ or ẹ̄, rhyming with del (diel), stiel, whiel, &c., and also with naturel, Daniel, and the substantive wel for wele.

eg forms ei, which is often interchangeable with ai, as seie, leie, weie, aȝein.

O. E. i. There is nothing in Gower’s rhymes to lend support to the theory that i from O. E. ĭ in open syllables (i.e. before a single consonant followed by a vowel), as in the past participles write, drive, schrive, and the infinitives ȝive, wite, is of doubtful quantity. The past participle and plural preterite write have ĭ and rhyme with wite (know), while the infinitive wryte rhymes with wyte (blame), verb and substantive: the infinitives live, ȝive, forȝive and the participles drive, ȝive, schrive, &c. rhyme among themselves and not with schryve (inf.), alyve, fyve: the short vowel words wile (verb), skile, bile are separate from wyle (subst.), whyle, ile, &c. This would not be worth mentioning but for ten Brink’s argument (Chaucers Sprache, §§ 35, 325), based on the very smallest positive evidence.

hire (hir) is used regularly for the personal and possessive pronoun of the third person sing. fem. (= her), and never here, as is Chaucer’s usage in rhyme.

cherche is Gower’s regular form from cirice, but chirche is common in the orthography of the Praise of Peace, e.g. 197, 210, 225, &c., beside cherche, 232, 254.

O. E. o. wolde, scholde, golde, molde rhyme with tolde, holde, colde, &c., but in open syllables a distinction is observed (as in the case of e) between new-lengthened ǭ and ǭ from O. E. ā, so that tofore, before, therfore, score and the participles bore, forbore, lore, schore, swore are kept separate in rhyme from such words as hore, more, lore (subst.), ore, rore, sore, to which later group should be added More (Moor), and the Romance verb restore[S]. This distinction seems to be recognized by Chaucer, cp. Troilus, v. 22-26, but with a good many exceptions, as Legend of Good Women, 452 f., 550 f., 1516 f., Cant. Tales, A 1541 f., 3237 f., &c., chiefly, but not exclusively, in the case of more. Gower is very much stricter and allows very few exceptions (overmore: tofore, i. 3361 f., nomore: therfore, vii. 3279* f., more: therfore, vii. 3869 f., more: fore, viii. 991 f.), which must be regarded as imperfect rhymes. Considering the frequency with which words of these two classes occur in rhyme, it is remarkable that the distinction should be so well kept.

We may note that bowe (subst.) from boga rhymes with words like knowe, in which ow is from āw.

O. E. u. In some words o and u interchange, as begonne begunne, conne cunne, coppe cuppe, dronkeschipe drunkeschipe, further forther, ronne (over)runne, sonne sunne, thurgh thorgh(soght), tonge tunge, tonne tunne, &c., but we have without variation, bole, hunger, note (nut), some, under, wonder, &c. The regular rhyme under: wonder is enough to show that the sound was the same.

love, above rhyme together and not with any other word. (For the rhyme at v. 7047 f., see under ō.)

sone (from sunu), wone (custom), astone, rhyme only with one another: in the rhyme wones: ones, which occurs iv. 2217 f., viii. 611 f., we have to do of course with a different word.

dore (door) rhymes with spore and dore (subjunctive of dar), bole with wole (verb).

O. E. y. This is usually represented by e (except before h, gh), e.g. abegge, berie, berthe, besy, bregge, dede (did), evel, felle (also fille), felthe, ferst, fest, hell (also hill, hull), ken (also kin), kende (usually kinde), kesse (also kisse), knette, krepel, lere, lest (listen), lest (= pleases, also list), mende (also minde), merie, merthe, pet (also pitt, put), scherte, schetten, senne (also sinne), stere (stir), thenke (from þyncan), werche (also worche), werse (also worse): to these must be added hedde, hed, pret. and past partic. of hyde, in which original ȳ was shortened (also hidde, hid). On the other hand, we have gilt (also gult), gultif, lifte (sky), stinten (not stenten), thinne (not thenne), thurste, wierdes. Gower does not use the forms birthe, bisy, dide (did), mirie, mirthe, stire.

The results obtained for certain words from rhymes by Fahrenberg[T] are rather misleading. For example, he suggests the conclusion that fille (subst.) and fulfille are used with i only, but of the nineteen instances which he quotes, all but two are in rhyme with wille, a natural combination (at least for fulfille), and one which has determined the form in most cases. Apart from this, both felle (subst.) and fulfelle are found (felle in rhyme, iii. 2609).

Again, senne is much more common than would appear from the rhymes. Fahrenberg can quote only one instance in rhyme, as against twenty-nine of sinne, but this is certainly due to the greater frequency of the words (such as beginne, winne, &c.), which give rhymes to sinne. The word occurs seven times in the Prologue, once it is in rhyme, Sinne : inne, and of the other six instances five are of senne and one only of sinne. On the other hand, hell (from hyll) alone appears in rhyme, but hill or hull are commoner forms in use.

The mistakes tell both ways, but on the whole the conclusion that i is much commoner than e in these words is seriously incorrect.

For the use in rhyme of the words of this class with open tone syllable, as stere, lere (from lyre), see under e.

(2) O. E. LONG VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.

O. E. ā. The ǭ of hom rhymes, as in Chaucer, with the ọ̄ of the preterites com, nom, and also fom with nom, v. 4007. These must be regarded as imperfect rhymes, due to the want of strictly correct rhyme-words. Gower has regularly most (O. E. māst) and but once in rhyme mest (O. E. mǣst), lest : althermest, i. 3101 f.: also regularly oght, noght, and oghte (verb), but tawht : awht, i. 2770, and aghte : betaghte, viii. 747.

O. E. ǣ. This, when representing West-Germanic ā, Gothic ē, appeared as ē in the Old Anglian and Kentish dialects, and might naturally be expected to be sometimes close e in the language of Chaucer and Gower. It is well known that Chaucer uses many of the words which have this vowel in a variable manner.

The same is true to some extent also in words where the original ǣ corresponds to Germanic ai, and in which we find Old Kentish ē. Of these leden, clene, menen, leeren appear in Chaucer sometimes with ẹ̄ (and evere, nevere always). For these and some other cases see ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, § 25.

When we compare Chaucer’s usage with that which we find in our author, we find what our former experience has prepared us to expect, viz. a greater strictness and regularity of usage in Gower. The examples of fluctuation between the two sounds are comparatively few.

Taking first the words in which ē is from ǣ corresponding to West-Germanic ā, we find the following with ę̄:

bede (pret. pl.), from bǣdon, (dede : bede, i. 2047 f.).

breth (: deth, i. 119, 2127, &c.).

fere, ‘fear,’ (: ere, i. 462, ii. 46).

her, ‘hair,’ (heres : teres, i. 2999).

lete, from lǣtan, (: grete, i. 3365, &c.).

lewed (: thewed, i. 274, beschrewed, iii. 479).

sete, pret. pl., (sete : grete, iv. 1309), but siete (not in rhyme), v. 3339.

strete (: grete, i. 938, bete, i. 1156).

there (: ere, i. 499, 558, &c.), but also there : swere (neck), iv. 859, and hiere (adv.) : there, Praise of Peace, 178.

were, from wǣron, (: ere, Prol. 235, i. 2808, &c.), but also ẹ̄ in a few instances, as hiere (verb): were, i. 2741 f., hiere (adv.): were, v. 747 f.

where (e.g. elleswhere: eere, Prol. 9), but here (adv.): elleswhere, v. 361 f.

The substantive and verb red, rede rhyme about equally with ẹ̄ and ę̄, the latter cases being almost all with ded, dede (dead, sing. and pl.), as i. 1446, iv. 1940, 1960, &c. On the other hand, rede : hiede, i. 447 f., rede : spede, i. 1293 f., ii. 103 f., &c., red : sped, iii. 1991 f.

The following words of this class have as a rule ẹ̄:

cheke (chieke) (: mieke, v. 2471, eke, v. 3019).

dede, ‘deed,’ (: fede, Prol. 465, mede, i. 1553, &c., spede, i. 2653, &c., ȝede, ii. 855, forbiede, iii. 1122), but dede (dead): dede, i. 1037 f.

drede (: nede, i. 1987, 2240[U], : spede, iv. 629, : hiede, iv. 1448, &c.), but dede (dead) : drede, ii. 3405 f., drede : rede (from rēad), iv. 185 f.

leche (: seche, ii. 3220, beseche, iii. 413).

meete, ‘dream,’ (: meete, from mētan, iii. 51).

mete (unmete), adj. (: mete, from mētan, ii. 458, iii. 1100).

slep, slepe, subst. and verb, (kepe : slepe, Prol. 309 f., 475 f., slep : kep, i. 155, &c.), but slep : hep (hēap), iv. 3007 f.

speche (spieche) (: seche, Prol. 174, beseche, i. 1986).

spieke (speke), from sprǣcon, pret. pl. (: beseke, ii. 959, sieke, ii. 1456).

thred (: sped, i. 1419).

ȝer, ȝere, (ȝere : stiere, ii. 2379, ȝer : hier, iii. 129, ȝeeres : pleiefieres, iv. 481), with no instances apparently of ę̄.

If we take now the words in which ē is from ǣ corresponding to Germanic ai, we obtain the following results.

With ę̄:

er (: ner, ii. 2285).

geth (: deth, ii. 1804, 2616, &c.).

lene, ‘lend,’ (: bene, v. 4407).

leve, ‘remain,’ (: bereve, Prol. 412).

se (see), ‘sea,’ (: stree, iii. 86, iv. 1715, sle, iv. 1664), but be : se, iv. 1625 f., me : see, viii. 1723 f.

ȝe (ȝee), ‘yea,’ (: slee, iii. 262, 2068, stree, iii. 668).

(stre, slee, have no ẹ̄ rhymes, so we have no reason to suppose, as in the case of Chaucer, that final ē has a close sound.)

With ẹ̄:

areche, from ārǣcan, (: beseche, ii. 666).

clene (: sene, ii. 3461).

del (diel), somdiel, &c. (: whiel, Prol. 137, stiel, Prol. 612, 828).

evere, nevere, (: levere, Prol. 38, ii. 5, ii. 2417, &c.).

-hede (-hiede) as a suffix: hiede : godhiede, Prol. 497 f., cp. i. 1211 f., 1719 f., v. 595 f., viii. 95 f., mede : wommanhiede, iii. 1607 f., wommanhiede : fiede, vi. 695 f., maidenhede : spede, vii. 5145 f., viii. 1419 f., and so on, but once ę̄, Maidenhede : rede (from rēad), v. 5987.

hete, subst. and verb, ‘heat,’ (: swete, ‘sweet,’ ii. 2740, vi. 249), but hete : tobete, iii. 121 f., hete : bete, viii. 1195 f.

lede (: hiede, v. 156, : fede, vii. 2336*), but dede (dead) : lede, ii. 2779 f.

lere (liere), from lǣran, (: hiere, verb, i. 454, iii. 2204, v. 2029, diere, viii. 1462, hiere (adv.), viii. 1497, unliered : stiered, Prol. 233 f.).

mene (meene), verb, (: sene, ii. 2830, iv. 1645, wene, i. 1937, &c., grene, i. 777, &c., tene, iii. 771, queene, iv. 786).

sprede (spriede) (: fede, i. 2824, spede, ii. 504, spredeth : nedeth, v. 7679 f., feedeth, vi. 895 f.), but sprede : hede (head), vii. 845 f.

teche (: beseche, i. 590, 2260, iii. 132).

The above are the results arrived at by examination of the rhymes with vowels of undoubted quality; i.e. ę̄ from O. E. ēa, and ẹ̄ from O. E. ē, ēo, īe. In addition to this, an investigation has been made of the rhyming of these words among themselves and with words of Romance origin, in the process of which some additional words with ē from ǣ, as dele, hele, swete, ‘sweat,’ wete, are brought in. This cannot here be given in full, but it may be said that in almost all points it confirms the results arrived at above. A few words, however, to which an open vowel is assigned above, rhyme with other words from ǣ which almost certainly have ẹ̄, and therefore must be set as having unstable pronunciation. Thus, in spite of the rhyme lene (lend) : bene mentioned above, we have lene : mene (both verb and subst.) and lene : clene, and though fere rhymes more than once with ere, we have lered : afered and unlered : afered, which suggest that the close sound was possible.

On the whole we may set down the following as the result of our examination.

With open vowel: of the ǣ (ē) class, bede, pret. pl., breth, her (pl. heres), lete, lewed, strete: of the ā = ai class, er, geth, leve (remain), ȝee (yea).

With close vowel: of the former class, leche, meete (dream), mete (fit), slepe, speche, speke, pret. pl., thred, wete, wreche, ȝer, and with one exception only in each case dede, slep: of the latter class, areche, clene, del, evere, lere, mene, nevere, teche, and with one exception in each case, -hede (-hiede), lede, sprede.

With unstable vowel: from ǣ (ē), drede, eve, fere (fear), red (subst.), rede, there, were, where: from ǣ = ai, hete, lene, see (sea).

The conclusions to which we are led are, first that in Gower’s usage there is less instability of vowel-sound in these words than in Chaucer, the number of words with unstable vowel being smaller and the variations even in their case more exceptional; secondly that Gower’s language has a strongly pronounced leaning towards ẹ̄; and finally that this tendency is quite as much visible in the words of the ǣ = ai class as in the others.

O. E. ēa. The substantive believe has ẹ̄ by influence of the verb.

There is no use apparently of nę̄de from nēad or of ȝę̄r from gēar, and ek, eke, seems invariably to have ẹ̄.

From ēage, flēah, hēah, nēah we have yhe, flyh, hih, nyh.

There seems no reason to suppose that stre, sle had ẹ̄, as has been concluded for Chaucer’s language because of such rhymes as sle : he, stre : she, stree : we, see ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, §23.

It has already been shown that see (sea), which we have supposed to have unstable vowel quality, very seldom rhymes with words having ẹ̄, notwithstanding the frequent opportunity for such rhymes, and ȝee, ‘yea,’ never. It may be questioned whether the rule laid down by ten Brink for Chaucer is a sound one, and whether Chaucer’s practice does not really depend simply upon the larger supply of rhymes in ẹ̄, such as he, she, me, thee, be, se (verb), tre, three, &c. It is at least possible that the difference here between Gower and Chaucer arises from the fact that the latter was less strict in his rhymes, and certainly the later developments of sle, see, stre, ȝee supply no confirmation of the idea that they had ẹ̄ regularly in Chaucer’s language.

O. E. ēo. By the side of sek (siek) there is occasionally sik.

The form fil, fille for fell, felle, pret. sing. and pl. from falle, are not used by Gower. He rhymes fell (fēoll) : hell (hyll) and felle, pret. pl.: felle (fyllan).

The personal pronoun ȝow (ȝou) from ēow rhymes with thou, now, &c.

O. E. ī. Fahrenberg’s instances of ī : ē, i. 177 f. and iii. 413 f., are both founded on mistakes.

O. E. ū. The personal pronoun from O. E. ūs is always written ous, but rhymes in some instances with -us in Latin names, e.g. Tricolonius : ous, Tereüs : ous.

būtan is shortened to bot, not but. It occurs also as a dissyllable in the form bote.

O. E. ȳ. The only example of ȳ as ē is fer from fȳr, which occurs in rhyme with ȝer, iii. 694, (elsewhere fyr). Chaucer has fere, dat., rhyming with here, adv., Troilus, iii. 978, and also afere in rhyme with stere, ‘stir,’ Troilus, i. 229.

The cases of hedde, hed, pret. and past participle (from hȳdan), are examples of shortened ȳ passing naturally to e, and so also fest from fȳst, felthe from fȳlþe, threste from þrȳsta.

From ȳg in drȳge we have dreie, but also drye.

O. E. ō. Gower, like Chaucer, rhymes the word do (misdo, undo, &c.), and occasionally to in therto, with words that have ǭ derived from ā, not only so, also, two, wo, but also tho, adv. (i. 2609, iii. 683, v. 5331, &c.), go, ago (ii. 2483, 3513, iv. 1161, 3465, v. 5173, &c.), overmo (i. 2385), no (v. 4776), fo (iv. 3407). These words also rhyme with proper names, such as Juno, Lichao, Babio. The other forms of do, as doth, don, rhyme nearly always with ọ̄, but once we have doth : goth, v. 3967 f., and once don : anon, v. 3627 f. The rhyme soth : goth also occurs, v. 1579 f. This latter class of rhyme, as don : anon, don : gon, sothe : bothe, soth : wroth, occurs frequently in Chaucer’s earlier work, as the Book of the Duchess, but much less so in the later.

These rhymes, like those of hom with com, &c., noticed above under ā, are to be explained as due to scarcity of exactly corresponding rhyme words. The only exact rhyme for do and to is in fact schoo, which is found in Prol. 356, but obviously could not be of frequent occurrence. The explanation given by ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, § 31, and repeated mechanically by others, is that certain words which have ǭ from ā, as wo, two, so (swā), may equally have ọ̄ upon occasion owing to the influence of w. This is shown to be wrong both by the fact that the rhymes in question are, as we have seen, by no means confined to these words, and by the absence of other evidence in the case of wo and so that they ever had a tendency to ọ̄. The fact that the rhyme do : so is by far the commonest instance is due simply to the more frequent occasion for using the words.

In the rhyme glove : love, v. 7047 f., we have to deal with ọ̄, and there can be no question here of love from lufian. Both sense and rhyme point to a verb love corresponding to the substantive lof or love, mod. luff, and signifying the action of bringing a ship’s head up nearer to the wind. The other rhymes used with glove are behove, Prol. 357, prove, iii. 2153.

We may note that wowe from wōgian rhymes with bowe (būgan), which does not fit in with ten Brink’s very questionable theory about the development of ou (ow), Chaucers Sprache, § 46, Anm.

(3) ROMANCE VOWELS. A few notes only will be added here to what has already been said in the Introduction to Gower’s French Works.

Words with -oun (-on) ending, as condicioun (-on), opinioun (-on), &c., rhyme only among themselves or with toun, doun, &c. There are no rhymes like Chaucer’s proporcion : upon, and it is to be noted especially that the rhyming of proper names in -on, as Salamon, Acteon, &c., with this class of words, which is very common in Chaucer, does not occur in Gower’s English, though we occasionally find it in his French. At the same time the possibility of such rhymes cannot be denied, for we have toun : Ylioun, v. 7235 f., and Lamedon : Jasoun, v. 7197 f.

Adjectives in -ous do not rhyme with -us, as in Chaucer Aurelius : amorous, Theseüs : desirous.

The terminations -arie, -orie are not used at all, but instead of them the French forms -aire, -oire, as adversaire, contraire, necessaire, gloire, histoire, memoire, purgatoire, victoire. Latin proper names in o rhyme with ǭ, as Cithero (: also), Leo (: also), Phito (: tho), Juno (: so, tho), &c., but also in several cases with do. There seems no sufficient reason to suppose, as ten Brink does, that they regularly had ọ̄.

(4) CONSONANTS. The termination -liche (-lich) in adjectives and adverbs, which Fahrenberg judging by the rhymes sets down as very uncommon compared with -ly, is by far the more usual of the two. It is true that -ly occurs more frequently in rhyme, but that is due chiefly to the greater abundance of rhyme words corresponding to it, e.g. forthi, by, cri, merci, enemy: we have, however, redely : properly, Prol. 947 f. The general rule of usage is this: -ly usually in rhyme (but besiliche : swiche, iv. 1235 f.), and before a consonant in cases where the metre requires a single syllable, as i. 2069, ‘Al prively behinde his bak’ (but frendlich, viii. 2173), -liche or -lich before a vowel, as i. 373, ‘That ronne besiliche aboute,’ cp. ii. 1695, v. 1247, and -liche of course where two syllables are required, as i. 1035, ‘Was thanne al openliche schewed,’ so ii. 918, iv. 57, and compare also iii. 2065 f.,

‘Unkindely for thou hast wroght,

Unkindeliche it schal be boght.’

But in Prol. 719 we have only before a vowel,

‘Noght al only of thorient,’

though onliche occurs in a similar position, i. 1948, and onlich, iii. 42. Again, 911,

‘And sodeinly, er sche it wiste,’

but Prol. 503,

‘Al sodeinliche, er it be wist,’

cp. iv. 921, compared with i. 1336.

The treatment of the O. E. spirant h (= χ) deserves some attention. This occurring before t is recognized as having in M. E. a palatal or a guttural sound, according to the nature of the preceding vowel, but the texts of our period usually give it as gh in both cases. Gower, however, makes a distinction, writing almost regularly alihte, briht, dihte, fihte, flihte, kniht, liht, miht, mihte, niht, riht, sihte, wiht, heihte, sleihte, &c., but aghte, caghte, straghte, boghte, broghte, noght, oght, oghte, soghte. Occasionally however in the first class we find g, as rarely bryghte, lighte, more frequently heighte, sleighte, and pretty regularly eighte; and there are several words in the second which have variants with h, but in these cases w(u) is inserted, as cawhte, strawhte, dowhter (douhter), owhte: otherwise u is generally absent, as we have already seen. The form referred to is commoner with the vowel a than with o.

It is hardly necessary to repeat here that plit is a word of Romance origin, and rhymes properly with delit, appetit, not with liht, niht, &c., being separate in etymology from O. E. pliht.

From the fact that there is no rhyming of -iht with -it either in Gower or Chaucer, we may certainly gather that the sounds were somewhat different; but the fact that Gower does not usually write gh after i indicates, no doubt, that in this case the sound of the spirant was less marked than when preceded by broader vowels.

Where O. E. h is a final aspirate, g is not usually written, as sih, hih, nih, bowh, lowh, plowh, slowh, ynowh, except in the case of thogh, but very occasionally we find such forms as drogh, plogh. In the words which have w(u) h is often dropped, as in bowes, low, slow (preterites), ynow.

v. INFLEXION.—(1) SUBSTANTIVES. In a certain number of words there is variation in the matter of final e: thus we have drink drinke, felawe felawh (fela), flyht flyhte, half halve, help helpe, kep kepe, lack lacke, lyf lyve, myn myne, queene queen, sor sore, wel wele, will wille, wyndou wyndowe, to which must be added many words with the suffixes -hede, -hode, -schipe, and the termination -inge, e.g. falshed(e), knyhthod(e), manhed(e), felaschip(e), hunting(e), knowleching(e), teching(e), wenyng(e). In these latter cases the presence of the e ending is not wholly dependent on the accent, for we have huntíng, i. 350, but húntynge, iv. 2429, techyng and techinge both equally in rhyme, i. 1592, v. 611, gládschipe, i. 3128, knithód, v. 2057, felaschíp, ii. 1217. Accent however has some influence, and it is hardly conceivable that the final e should count in the metre except where the accent falls on the preceding syllable, so that where the accent is thrown back, we find that the word is regularly followed by a vowel. In the case of the (English) termination -ere the final e is usually written: such words are beggere, forthdrawere, hindrere, ledere, lovere, makere, repere, spekere, writere. This -e, however, is either elided or passed over in the metre (as with janglere, v. 526), unless an accent falls on the termination, in which case it may be sounded, as vii. 2348, ‘The Sothseiere tho was lief.’

The forms game, gamen appear side by side both in singular and plural, as i. 347, vi. 1849, viii. 680.

As regards the oblique cases we note the following genitive forms: cherche, herte (also hertes), hevene, ladi, soule, sterre (pl.), wode (also wodes), to which add dowhter (also dowhtres), fader (also fadres), moder. In the expressions horse side, horse heved, &c., horse is genitive singular.

The -e termination of the dative appears in a good many prepositional phrases: to (in) bedde, in boke, to borwe, be (to) bote, with (of) childe, unto the chinne (but unto the chin, i. 1682), be daie, to (fro) dethe (also fro deth), of dome, on (under) fote (but upon the fot, at his fot), on fyre, to (upon) grounde, fro (unto) the grounde (also fro the ground), on hede, at (fro) home (also at hom), in (on, upon) honde, to (into) honde, (but ‘bar on hond,’ be the hond), on horse, to horse, to (in, of) house (but in myn hous), to (into) londe, be (in, over) londe, of (out of) londe, fro the londe, (but of his lond, &c.), be lyhte, to lyve, to manne, to mowthe, be mowthe, be nyhte (also be nyht, and regularly at nyht, on nyht, a nyht, to nyht), to rede, be (to, into, out of) schipe (also to schip), to scorne, to slepe (also to slep), to toune, to wedde, to wyve, to ȝere, be ȝere.

In the plural we have hors, schep unchanged, and also with numerals, mile, monthe, pound, ȝer (beside ȝeres), wynter. The plural of thing is thinges, sometimes thinge, not thing. Mutation plurals, feet, men, teeth, wommen. Plurals in -en, brethren, children, oxen (also oxes), ton, yhen.

The forms in -ere have plurals -ers, as janglers, kepers, lovers. From maiden we have beside maidens also maidenes (three syllables), iv. 255, which is perhaps the true reading in Chaucer, Leg. of G. Women, 722. From angel we have plural anglis, iii. 2256, as well as angles, and Nimphis, v. 6932, but there are few examples of plural in -is.

With regard to Romance substantives Gower appears to be stricter than Chaucer in preserving their form. He gives us regularly beste ‘beast,’ feste, requeste, tempeste. We have however baner (also banere), host, maner, matier (beside manere, matiere), press (beside presse), travaile, conseile (substantives) very occasionally for travail, conseil.

Several distinctively feminine forms are used, as capiteine, chamberere, citezeine, cousine, enemie.

In some cases the Latin inflexion is introduced, as Tantaly, Apollinis, Centauri, in Cancro, Achillem, Esionam, Phebum, the two last apparently introduced after the first recension.

(2) ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS. A few adjectives vary as regards final e in the uninflected form, for example ech eche, lich liche, low lowe, many manye, moist moiste, old olde, other othre, such suche (?), trewe trew, wommanyssh wommannysshe.

In comparative forms -e is often dropped, as fairer, further, longer, rather, ȝonger, but more often written, as furthere, deppere, ferre, gladdere, grettere, lengere, rathere. This -e, however, is either elided or passed over in the metre (as ii. 503, iv. 1459, vi. 1490, 1525, 2010). Where there is syncope of the penultimate, as after v(u) in levere, the final e counts regularly as a syllable, so that in case of elision the word is reduced to a monosyllable, which never takes place with rathere, furthere, &c.

When adjectives or adverbs ending in weak e are combined with a suffix or another word, -e is often dropped; thus we have everemore evermore, furthermore, joieful joiful, hevenely hevenly, trewely trewly (so also trewman), and so on. In such cases a previously syncopated penultimate ceases to be so on loss of the following e.

A few cases occur of -id for -ed in adjective endings, as nakid (also naked), wickid wikkid (usually wicked), also hundrid (usually hundred).

The definite form is used pretty regularly in the case of English monosyllabic adjectives, and usually also in monosyllables of French origin. This rule applies (1) to adjectives used after the definite article, a demonstrative pronoun or a possessive; (2) to those employed as vocatives in address; (3) to adjectives in combination with proper names or words used as proper names[V]. Thus we have regularly (1) ‘the grete hert,’ ‘the stronge coffre,’ ‘The qwike body with the dede,’ ‘this proude vice,’ ‘this ȝonge lord,’ ‘my longe wo,’ ‘his lose tunge,’ ‘thi fulle mynde,’ ‘whos rihte name,’ &c. (2) ‘O derke ypocrisie,’ ‘O goode fader,’ ‘lieve Sone,’ &c. (3) ‘grete Rome,’ ‘Blinde Avarice,’ ‘proude Envie’ (but ‘proud Envie,’ Prol. 712), ‘faire Eole,’ ‘stronge Sampson,’ ‘wise Tolomeüs,’ &c.

We must note also the inflexions in the following expressions, ‘so hihe a love,’ ii. 2425 (but hih, vii. 2413), ‘so grete a wo,’ v. 5737, so grete a lust,’ v. 6452, ‘so schorte a time,’ vii. 5201.

With Romance adjectives we find ‘his false tunge,’ ‘the pleine cas,’ ‘false Nessus,’ &c., and so usually in monosyllables.

In the case of English monosyllables the exceptions are few. ‘His full answere,’ i. 1629, ‘hire good astat,’ i. 2764, ‘here wrong condicion,’ ii. 295, ‘his slyh compas,’ ii. 2341 (but ‘his slyhe cast,’ ii. 2374), ‘the ferst of hem,’ iii. 27, v. 2863, cp. 5944 (usually ‘the ferste,’ as i. 580, &c.), ‘my riht hond,’ iii. 300, ‘the trew man,’ iii. 2346, ‘his hih lignage,’ iv. 2064 (due perhaps to the usual phrase ‘of hih lignage’), ‘the hih prouesse,’ v. 6428*, ‘hire hih astat,’ v. 6597, ‘the gret oultrage,’ vii. 3413, ‘hire freissh aray,’ vii. 5000, ‘hire hol entente,’ viii. 1222, cp. viii. 1710, 2968 (but ‘ȝoure hole conseil’).

Among Romance adjectives the want of inflexion is more frequent in proportion to the whole number of instances, e.g. ‘the vein honour,’ Prol. 221, ‘the fals emperour,’ Prol. 739, ‘Hire clos Envie,’ ii. 684, &c.

In the case of adjectives of more than one syllable, whether English or French, the definite form is exceptional. The commonest case is that of superlatives, in which the definite form -este is regularly used when the accent falls on the termination, whether in rhyme or otherwise, as faireste, i. 767, v. 7427, slyheste, i. 1442, wiseste: myhtieste, i. 1097 f., wofulleste, vii. 5017. Even when the accent is thrown back, the definite inflexion is more usually given than not, as faireste, i. 1804, hoteste, i. 2492, treweste, ii. 1282, povereste, iv. 2238, heyeste, vii. 935, but sometimes dropped, as ‘the purest Eir,’ Prol. 921, ‘the ȝongest of hem,’ i. 3133, ‘the lowest of hem alle,’ vii. 224: in all cases, however, where the accent is thrown back, the adjective is followed by a word beginning with a vowel, so that the metre is not affected.

Other adjectives of which the termination is capable of accent may take the definite inflexion, when the accent is thrown on the termination, as ‘the covoitouse flaterie,’ ‘this lecherouse pride,’ this tyrannysshe knyht,’ but on the other hand ‘his fals pitous lokynge,’ ‘the pietous Justinian,’ ‘the proude tyrannyssh Romein,’ and cases where the adjective is used as a substantive, ‘the coveitous’, ‘This Envious,’ ‘thaverous,’ &c. We have ‘the parfite medicine,’ iv. 2624 (but ‘the parfit Elixir,’ iv. 2522, with accent thrown back), and ‘O thou gentile Venus,’ viii. 2294; but perhaps parfite, gentile are to be regarded as feminine forms, as almost certainly devolte, i. 636.

Where the final syllable of the adjective is incapable of accent, there is ordinarily no question of a definite inflexion, except where there is syncope after v (u), as in evele. Such words are croked, wicked, cruel, litel, middel, biter, dedly, lusti, sinful(l), wilful, woful(l), wrongful, and we may note that comparatives in -ere and adjectives in -liche (with accent thrown back) sometimes appear in the truncated form of spelling even where a definite termination is suggested by their position, e.g. ‘hire ȝonger Soster,’ v. 5395, ‘hir goodlych yhe,’ ii. 2026, ‘Ha, thou ungoodlich ypocrite,’ v. 6293, ‘hire dedlich yhe,’ vii. 5089 (-lich in these latter cases to avoid the hiatus of ‘ungoodly ypocrite,’ &c.). As an exceptional instance the form nakede should be observed, ‘his nakede arm,’ iv. 421, given so both by F and S.

The formation of plurals in adjectives and participles used attributively is governed by the same principles. We have ‘preciouse Stones,’ iv. 1354, but ‘the most principal’(pl.), v. 1115. In the expression ‘the chief flodes,’ v. 1112, chief must be considered perhaps as a substantive, like hed in ‘the hed planete.’ Naturally words like wicked, woful, lusti, &c., take no plural inflexion, but we have manye (manie) beside many apparently as a plural form, though manye also occurs in the singular, and enye once as plural of eny. In the expression ‘som men’ som is without inflexion in the plural, e.g. Prol. 529, iii. 2113, but ‘somme clerkes,’ Prol. 355, ‘some thinges,’ i. 1265.

Adjectives used as predicates or in apposition are to some extent treated according to convenience of metre or rhyme, but in the case of monosyllables there is a decided preference for inflexion. The following are some of the instances: ‘Whan we ben dede,’ Prol. 2, ‘hem that weren goode,’ 42, ‘my wittes ben to smale,’ 81, ‘Ther ben of suche manie glade,’ 299, ‘become grete,’ 303, ‘ben with mannes senne wrothe,’ 920, so blinde, i. 774, smale, 1145, glade, 1151, hyhe, smale, i. 1678 f., hore and whyte, i. 2045, stronge, iii. 1112, dulle, iv. 947, whyte, fatte, grete, iv. 1310, &c. We have also ‘hise thoghtes feinte,’ iv. 118, ‘thinges ... veine,’ i. 2689, ‘hise bedes most devoute,’ i. 669, ‘in wordes so coverte,’ iv. 1606, wher the men ben coveitouse, v. 4800.

On the other hand, ‘Of hem that ben so derk withinne,’ i. 1077, ‘Hire chekes ben with teres wet,’ i. 1680, ‘Thei wexen doumb,’ iv. 345, ‘Here bodies weren long and smal,’ iv. 1320, ‘Thei weren gracious and wys,’ vii. 1447, ‘thei weren glad,’ viii. 881, and so frequently.

The participle used as predicate is ordinarily uninflected, but there are a few examples of a plural form adopted for the rhyme, as made, Prol. 300, ansuerde, i. 3246, iv. 2343, hidde, v. 6789.

The usage of al, alle as an adjective is in some ways peculiar, but tolerably consistent. In the singular before an article, a demonstrative pronoun or a possessive, the uninflected form al (occasionally all) is used, as ‘al the baronie,’ ‘al the world,’ ‘al his welthe,’ ‘all his proude fare,’ ‘al a mannes strengthe’ (also ‘the Cite all,’ ii. 3473), but before a substantive the form alle (dissyllable)[W], as ‘alle grace,’ ‘alle thing,’ ‘alle untrouthe,’ ‘alle vertu,’ ‘in alle wise,’ ‘in alle haste,’ ‘alle wel,’ ‘alle charite,’ but sometimes before vowels al, as ‘al honour,’ i. 879, ‘al Erthe,’ i. 2825, ‘al Envie,’ ii. 168, ‘al untrowthe,’ ii. 1684. In the plural, ‘al the,’ ‘all these,’ ‘alle the,’ &c. (‘alle’ being counted as a monosyllable), and without the article, ‘alle’ (but ‘al othre,’ iv. 1532).

Note also the adverbial expression ‘in none wise,’ cp. ‘othre wise.’ In cases of the combination of a French adjective with a feminine substantive of the same origin the adjective occasionally takes the French feminine form. Instances are as follows: ‘devolte apparantie,’ i. 636, ‘veine gloire,’ i. 2677 ff., ‘vertu sovereine,’ ii. 3507, ‘seinte charite,’ iv. 964, ‘herbe sovereine,’ vii. 1392, ‘joie sovereine,’ viii. 2530, and even as predicate, ‘Dame Avarice is noght soleine,’ v. 1971. Possibly also, ‘O thou divine pourveance,’ ii. 3243, ‘the parfite medicine,’ iv. 2624, ‘a gentile ... on,’ v. 2713, and ‘O thou gentile Venus,’ viii. 2294, may be examples of the same usage.

There is one instance of the French plural adjective in -s, Prol. 738, evidently introduced for the sake of the rhyme.

(3) PRONOUNS. The personal pronoun of the first person is regularly I, not ich. It is usually written y by the copyist of the last 235 lines of the Fairfax MS. and in the Praise of Peace.

The third person sing. fem. is sche (never written she), once scheo: the oblique case is hire, hir (never here), and hire, though usually equivalent to a monosyllable, sometimes has -e fully sounded, as i. 367, iv. 766, v. 1178.

The third person neuter is it, seldom hit.

In the first person plural the oblique case is ous, not shortened to us in spelling.

The possessives of the first and second persons sing., min, thin, have no plural inflexion, but the disjunctive form thyne pl. occurs, i. 168. On the other hand his, originally an uninflected form, has usually the plural hise, but sometimes his. The form hise is never a dissyllable.

The feminine possessive, 3rd pers., is hire or hir, freely interchanged and metrically equivalent. There is no question of a plural inflexion here, and we find ‘Hire Nase,’ ‘hire browes,’ ‘hir lockes,’ ‘Hire Necke,’ quite indifferently used, i. 1678 ff. The disjunctive is hire, v. 6581, and hires, v. 6857. The forms oure, ȝoure are usual for the possessives of the 1st and 2nd pers. plur., and these are commonly used as monosyllables, e.g. i. 2062, 2768, and interchanged with our, ȝour; but they are also capable of being reckoned as dissyllables, e.g. Prol. 5, iii. 1087. Here again there is no plural inflexion (‘ȝour wordes,’ iii. 627). The disjunctive ȝoures occurs in i. 1852.

The possessive of the 3rd pers. plur. is here, her, which is practically never confused in good MSS. with hire, hir of the fem. sing.[X] We are fully justified in assuming that for Gower the distinction was absolute.

The ordinary relatives are which and that: who is little used as a relative except in the genitive case, whos. The plural whiche is usually pronounced as a monosyllable, as ii. 604, iv. 1496, v. 1320, and often loses -e in writing, as Prol. 1016, iv. 1367, 1872, v. 4041, but also sometimes counts as a dissyllable, e.g. i. 404, vii. 1256.

In combination with the definite article the singular form is ‘the which,’ not ‘the whiche,’ as Prol. 71, 975.

(4) VERBS. In the Infinitive and Gerund, apart from the cases of do, go, se, sle, &c., few instances occur of the loss of final e. The verb sein (sain) has seie and also say, and beside the regular infinitive pute we have also put in several instances, the next word beginning with a vowel or mute h. The cases are as follows: ‘And thoghte put hire in an Ile,’ i. 1578, ‘To put his lif,’ &c., i. 3213, ‘put eny lette,’ ii. 93, and so also ii. 1021, iii. 1166, iv. 756, 2615, v. 273, viii. 892: but also, ‘It oghte pute a man in fere,’ i. 462, ‘To puten Rome in full espeir,’ ii. 1551, ‘Theucer pute out of his regne,’ iii. 2648, &c. In addition to the above there are a few instances of the same in other verbs, as ‘get hire a thank,’ ii. 60, ‘It schal noght wel mow be forsake,’ ii. 1670, ‘flitt his herte aside,’ iv. 214, ‘let it passe,’ viii. 2056. (In vi. 202, ‘If that sche wolde ȝif me leve,’ we ought perhaps to read ȝive with S: cp. i. 1648.)

The gerund ‘to done’ is common, but we do not find either ‘to sene’ or ‘to seine.’

Present Tense. In the 1st pers. sing, of the present, apart from such forms as do, go, &c., and prai beside preie praie, there are a few cases of apocope, as in the infinitive: ‘Than cast I,’ iv. 560, ‘let it passe,’ iv. 363, ‘I put me therof in your grace,’ i. 732, ‘I put it al,’ v. 2951, ‘I red thee leve,’ vi. 1359, ‘Nou thenk I,’ vii. 4212. In two of these instances it will be noticed that the following word begins with a consonant.

In the 3rd pers. sing. the syncopated and contracted forms are very much used by Gower. He says regularly bit, ett, get, put, schet, set, sit (2nd pers. sist), smit, writ; arist, bint, fint, holt (halt), lest, went, wext; berth, brekth, bringth, crith, drawth, drinkth, falth, farth, forsakth, leith, lyth, preith, spekth, takth (or tath), thenkth, ȝifth, and only occasionally draweth, drinketh, fareth, kepeth, sitteth, waxeth, &c. In vi. 59 the best MSS. agree in giving sterte for stert, and in viii. 2428 most have sitte for sit, but these are probably accidental variations. For the 3rd pers. plural Fahrenberg (p. 404) quotes several supposed instances of th ending. Of these most are expressions like ‘men seith,’ where ‘men’ is used as singular indefinite. One only is valid, viz. vii. 1107, ‘Diverse sterres to him longeth’: cp. vii. 536.

Preterite. With regard to the tense formation of Strong Verbs reference may be made to the Glossary, where all the characteristic forms are recorded. We confine ourselves here to a few remarks.

The following instances may be noticed of gradation between the singular and the plural of the preterite: began, pl. begunne begonne, gan, pl. gonnen, ran, pl. runne, wan, pl. wonne, bond, pl. bounden, fond, pl. founden, song (sang), pl. songe sunge, sprong, pl. spronge sprungen, drank (dronk), pl. drunke, bar, pl. bere (beere), brak, pl. brieken, spak, pl. spieke, sat, pl. sete(n) siete(n) seete, bad, pl. bede, lay (lih), pl. lihe leie(n), wax, pl. woxen, wrot, pl. write(n), rod, pl. riden, ches, pl. chose, and among preterite-presents can, pl. conne, mai, pl. mowe, schal, pl. schulle schull schol, wot, pl. wite.

There are some few instances in F of strong preterites with irregular -e termination in the 1st or 3rd pers. singular, but in no case is this authenticated by metre or rhyme. The following are examples in which F and S are agreed, ‘schope a wile,’ v. 4278, ‘he bare him,’ v. 5236, ‘which sihe his Soster,’ v. 5810, ‘lete come,’ vi. 1186, ‘he tho toke hire in his arm,’ viii. 1732. These are perhaps mistakes, and they have sometimes been corrected in the text on the authority of other MSS.

The 2nd pers. sing. has the -e termination, as sihe (syhe), iii. 2629, iv. 599, were, iv. 600, knewe, vi. 2313, come, viii. 2076, but tok, i. 2421. The 2nd pers. sing. of the preterite-present mai is regularly miht (myht), never ‘mayest.’ Occasionally the best MSS. give it as mihte, e.g. i. 2457, vii. 2637, 3819, but there is no metrical confirmation of this form. The preterite plural is very rarely found without -e, as v. 3300, 7534, vii. 3574.

Among Weak Verbs those which have the short or syncopated form keep the -e termination almost regularly. Such preterites are, for example, aspide, cride, deide, leide, obeide, payde, preide, seide, teide, hadde, made, brende, sende, answerde, ferde, herde, solde, spilde, tolde, wende, betidde, dradde, fedde, fledde, hedde, gradde, ladde, radde, spedde, spradde, crepte, duelte, felte, hente, kepte, kiste, lefte, lepte, loste, mente, slepte, wente, wepte, alihte, caste, dihte, grette, knette, kutte, laste, liste, mette, plyhte, putte, schette, sette, sterte, triste, arawhte, broghte, cawhte, oghte, roghte, schryhte, soghte, strawhte, tawhte, thoghte, wroghte, cowthe, dorste, mihte, moste, scholde, wiste, wolde.

At the same time it must be noted (as in the case of the infinitive) that with some of these forms there is an occasional tendency to drop the -e before a vowel at the beginning of the next word (that is, where elision would take place), and the agreement of the best MSS., especially F and S, makes it certain this was sometimes done by the author. It is impossible to trace any system, but the number of verbs affected is not large, and in nearly every case the instances of this kind of elision-apocope are largely outnumbered by the examples of normal inflexion in the same verb[Y].

The following is a tolerably full list of references for these preterite forms, which are given in alphabetical order: ‘Beraft hire,’ v. 5647, ‘it betidd upon the cas,’ vii. 4381, ‘Sche cast on me,’ i. 152, ‘cast up hire lok,’ v. 5436, ‘he cast his lok,’ vi. 1035, ‘dorst he,’ ii. 1633, ‘drad him,’ viii. 1368, ‘And felt it’ (subj.), viii. 2165, ‘so ferd I,’ viii. 2445, ‘had herd hem,’ v. 5865, ‘Hir bodi hent up,’ v. 5702, ‘herd he noght sein,’ iii. 2082, ‘And kept hire,’ ii. 181, ‘Sche kept al doun,’ v. 1495, ‘he kest him,’ vi. 1746, ‘And kist him,’ v. 3777, 5592, ‘and knet it,’ v. 6866, ‘he kut it,’ vii. 4525, ‘what him list he tok,’ iii. 2446, ‘Sche lost al,’ ii. 2290, cp. v. 3465, ‘That mad hem,’ ii. 310, and so also v. 986, 3393, 3822, ‘ne myht I,’ i. 1280, ‘miht eschuie,’ iii. 1356, and so also iii. 1440, vii. 4285, ‘Put under,’ Prol. 683, ‘Wan and put under,’ Prol. 718, ‘He put hem into,’ i. 1013, ‘Sche put hire hand,’ i. 1807, and so also ii. 3267, v. 3045, 4088, 5326, 6409, vi. 2062, vii. 4402, viii. 2702, ‘thei putt hem,’ v. 7417, ‘Of ous, that schold ous,’ Prol. 543 (so SF), ‘schold every wys man,’ ii. 578, ‘And seid hir,’ i. 3188, ‘Seid ek,’ v. 4309, ‘And set hire,’ ii. 2220, ‘He set him,’ v. 3691, ‘he set an essamplaire,’ vii. 4262, ‘And tawht hem so’ (‘tawhte’ S), iii. 176, ‘told him,’ i. 3187, ii. 803, 2865 (‘tolde’ S), vii. 4688, told hem,’ v. 3883, viii. 1555, ‘he told out,’ ii. 884, ‘every man went on his syde,’ v. 7403, ‘And went hem out’ (pl.), v. 7533, ‘sche wist it,’ ii. 2010, ‘thanne wold I,’ i. 183, ‘and wold have,’ v. 4217, ‘I wold stele,’ v. 7137, ‘wold I,’ viii. 2298, to which we may add ‘myht obeie,’ and ‘behight him’ from the Praise of Peace, 39, 41.

Of these examples it is to be remembered, first that in only one case, ‘I wold stele,’ v. 7137, does this apocope take place before a consonant, though in one other instance, v. 5865, the following word begins with an aspirated h; and secondly, that with all these, except perhaps put, the full form of the preterite is that which usually occurs before a vowel as well as elsewhere. Even in the case of put we have the form putte frequently when it is subject to elision, as Prol. 1069, ‘And putte awey malencolie,’ and so ii. 713, 2684, iv. 399, 1368, &c., as well as regularly before a consonant, as ‘With strengthe he putte kinges under,’ i. 2797. The form putt occurs in v. 7417, and in this case the verb is plural. The only other instances of plurals in the list are Prol. 543 and v. 7533.

With regard to the weak verbs which form preterites with ending -ede, the loss of the final e is somewhat more common, but it is usually retained, and sometimes it counts as a syllable in the verse. Where this is not the case, it is either elided in the usual way, or if it be dropped in writing, this is only under the conditions which apply to the verbs mentioned above, namely, before a vowel at the beginning of the succeeding word.

It is, however, noteworthy that the use of these forms, whether in -ede or -ed, is decidedly rare, and was avoided by our author even in cases where the -e would have been subject to elision. It is evident that he was always conscious of this ending, even if he did not always write it, and yet he felt that the two weak syllables ought not to have full value in the metre. The result was that he avoided the use of the form generally, so far as it was reasonably possible to do so. The whole number of these preterites in -ede, -ed to be found in the Confessio Amantis is surprisingly small, both actually and relatively, that is, taking account of the extent to which the verbs in question are employed in their other tenses. The method pursued is chiefly to substitute in narrative the present tense, or the perfect formed with ‘hath,’ for the 3rd person singular of the preterite, ‘Conforteth’ for ‘Confortede,’ ‘Hath axed’ for ‘axede,’ ‘feigneth’ for ‘feignede,’ and this apparently as a matter of habit and even in cases where a vowel follows. No doubt the use of the present tense in narrative is quite usual apart from this, but the extremely frequent combination of strong or syncopated preterites with the present tenses of verbs of this class seems to me to indicate clearly how the matter stood.

The following are a few of the examples of this: ‘For sche tok thanne chiere on honde And clepeth him,’ i. 1767 f., ‘The king comandeth ben in pes, And ... caste,’ 3240 f., ‘Comendeth, and seide overmore,’ 3361, ‘he him bethoghte,... And torneth to the banke ayein,’ ii. 167 ff., ‘for hem sente And axeth hem,’ 613 f., ‘lay ... clepeth oute ... sterte,’ 848 ff., ‘Sche loketh and hire yhen caste,’ 1066, ‘This child he loveth kindely ... Bot wel he sih ... axeth ... seide,’ 1381 ff., ‘Sche preide him and conseileth bothe,’ 1457, ‘Which semeth outward profitable And was,’ 2201 f., ‘And he himself that ilke throwe Abod, and hoveth there stille,’ iii. 1232 f., and so on.

These examples will serve to illustrate a tendency which every reader will observe, when once his attention has been called to it. There are indeed many narrative passages in which nearly all the strong or syncopated verbs are used in the preterite, and all the others in the present, and it is evident that this cannot be accidental[Z].

There are, however, a certain number of instances of the use of weak preterites, indicative or subjunctive, and a few in which the final e (or -en) is sounded in the metre.

The following are examples of -ede preterites (in one instance -ide): ‘I wisshide after deth,’ i. 120, ‘he passede ate laste,’ 142, ‘he hem stoppede alle faste,’ 522, ‘And warnede alle his officiers,’ 2506, ‘Mi ladi lovede, and I it wiste,’ ii. 502, ‘he axede hem anon,’ 1248, ‘he rounede in thin Ere,’ 1944, ‘Bot he hire lovede, er he wente,’ 2027, ‘Thogh that he lovede ten or tuelve,’ 2063, ‘Supplantede the worthi knyht,’ 2453, ‘Sche pourede oute,’ iii. 679, so also iii. 1631, 2556, iv. 468, 825, 842, 934, 1340, 1345, 1444, ‘Lo, thus sche deiede a wofull Maide,’ iv. 1593, ‘it likede ek to wende,’ 2150, ‘Controeveden be sondri wise,’ 2454, ‘Translateden. And otherwise,’ 2660, ‘And foundeden the grete Rome,’ v. 904, ‘He feignede him,’ 928, ‘And clepede him,’ 951, ‘He percede the harde roche,’ 1678, ‘Thei faileden, whan Crist was bore,’ 1697, ‘Thei passeden the toun,’ 2182, ‘Alle othre passede of his hond,’ 3258, ‘Welcomede him,’ 3373, ‘walkede up and doun’ (pl.), 3833, ‘axede him,’ 5129, so also 5774, 6132, 6791, 6887, ‘oppressede al the nacion’ (pl.), vi. 568, ‘That loveden longe er I was bore,’ 882, ‘he usede ay,’ 1207, ‘exilede out of londe,’ 2348, ‘Enformeden,’ vii. 1495, ‘Devoureden,’ 3346, ‘Ensamplede hem’ (pl.), 4441, ‘Restorede hem,’ 4445, so also 4632, 4986, 4992, 4998, &c., ‘Eschuieden to make assay,’ viii. 373, ‘With love wrastlede and was overcome,’ 2240.

This list of examples, which is fairly complete up to v. 1970, will sufficiently show the manner in which -ede preterites are used. In more than three-fourths of the instances quoted the -e is subject to elision, and of those that remain nine are examples of the plural with -eden termination, and three only of the ending -ede, viz. ii. 2063, ‘Thogh that he lovede ten or tuelve,’ ii. 2453, ‘Supplantede the worthi knyht,’ and v. 1678, ‘He percede the harde roche,’ of which the first is really a case of syncope, ‘lov’de,’ as also ii. 502 (cp. vi. 882) and iv. 1593, whereas in ii. 2027 ‘lovede’ occurs unsyncopated but with -e elided. It will be noted that in the plural the form -eden is used regularly when the syllables are to be fully pronounced, though -ede can be used for the sake of elision.

The -ed form of preterite is less frequent than the other, and I am not aware of any clear example of its employment before a consonant or in rhyme. We have, for example, ‘And used it,’ i. 342, ‘Sche cleped him,’ i. 1535 (‘humbled him,’ i. 2065, is probably a participle, ‘to have humbled himself’), ‘pryded I me,’ i. 2372, ‘ne feigned I,’ ii. 2061, ‘the goddes ... Comanded him,’ iii. 2140 f., ‘Thei cleped him,’ v. 876, cp. 1057, &c. In iii. 1759, ‘The Gregois torned fro the siege,’ we have most probably a participle, ‘were torned.’ We may observe that the -ed form stands also in the plural.

Among weak preterites from originally strong verbs we may notice abreide, crepte (but past participle crope), foghte, fledde, schotte, slepte (also slep, with past participle slepe), smette (beside smot), wepte. The pret. satte in vii. 2282, ‘He satte him thanne doun,’ seems to arise from confusion of sat and sette.

Imperative. The Confessio Amantis is peculiarly rich in imperatives. Beside the regular imperative singular forms, e.g. ared, besech, behold, ches, com, do, forsak, griet, help, hier, hyd, kep, lef, ly, lei, lest, lep, prei, put, say, schrif, spek, tak, tell, thenk, understond, ȝif, &c., the MSS. give us also hyde, iii. 1502, seie, vii. 4084, speke, vii. 5422, take, iv. 2674, v. 6429, thenke, iii. 1083, but not in such positions as to affect the metre. The forms axe, herkne, loke, wite are regular, but lok also occurs (i. 1703, v. 1220).

In some instances the short form of imperative seems to be used as 3rd pers., e.g. ‘hold clos the ston,’ v. 3573, for ‘let him hold,’ ‘tak in his minde,’ viii. 1128, for ‘let him take,’ cp. viii. 1420. The singular and plural forms are often used without distinction, as v. 2333 ff., ‘Ches ... and witeth ... ches and tak ... goth ... taketh,’ v. 3986, ‘So help me nou, I you beseche,’ with ‘Helpeth,’ just above, several persons being addressed, and so ‘taketh hiede And kep conseil,’ viii. 1509 f., to one person. In the interchange of speech between the Confessor and the Lover, while sometimes the distinction is preserved, the Confessor saying tak, tell, understond, and the Lover telleth, axeth (e.g. i. 1395, 1875), at other times the Lover says lest, say, tell, lef, &c. (i. 1942, 1972, ii. 2074, iii. 841, &c.)AA.

Present Participle. The form of the present participle is the most characteristic part of Gower’s verb inflexion as compared (for example) with Chaucer’s. Chaucer seems regularly to have used the form in -inge (often with apocope -ing): Gower uses ordinarily the form -ende, and normally with the accent thrown on the termination, as i. 204, ‘To me spekende thus began,’ 236, ‘Whos Prest I am touchende of love,’ 428, ‘Stondende as Stones hiere and there,’ 633, ‘So that semende of liht thei werke,’ 1379 f., ‘That for I se no sped comende, ... compleignende,’ 1682, ‘Hangende doun unto the chin.’

Sometimes the same form is used with accent on the preceding syllable, and in this case the -e is systematically elided, e.g. Prol. 11, ‘In tyme comende after this,’ 259, ‘Belongende unto the presthode,’ i. 296, ‘As touchende of my wittes fyve’ (cp. 334, 742), 3025, ‘And wailende in his bestly stevene.’

In a relatively small number of instances the form -inge occurs either in rhyme, as i. 524, ‘So whan thei comen forth seilinge,’ in rhyme with ‘singe,’ i. 1710, ‘And liveth, as who seith, deyinge,’ in rhyme with ‘likynge’ (subst.), or with the accent thrown back, as i. 115, ‘Wisshinge and wepinge al myn one,’ v. 518, ‘Abidinge in hir compaignie,’ vi. 717, ‘I mai go fastinge everemo’; rarely out of rhyme and with accent, as i. 2721, ‘Mi fader, as touchinge of al.’

The final e is never lost in writing, but when the accent is thrown back it is always elided.

Past Participle. The -id termination of weak past participles is very rarely found in the Fairfax MS., except in the concluding passage, which is copied in a different hand from the rest. It occurs commonly in the Praise of Peace. Examples found elsewhere in F are weddid, iv. 650, medlid, iv. 1475.

From setten besides the regular past participle set there appears the form sete twice in rhyme, vii. 2864, forȝete: sete, and viii. 244, misgete (past partic.): upsete. This seems to be formed after the analogy of gete. On the other hand we have ferd, i. 445, &c., but also fare(n), iii. 2692, v. 3797, &c. The past participle of se is sen, sein, seie, but most commonly sene. In a few instances a final e is given by the MSS. in weak past participles, e.g. herde for herd, v. 4231, schope for schop, v. 4278, sette for set, vi. 10, wiste for wist, viii. 37.

The cases of weak past participles with plural inflexion (e.g. Prol. 300, i. 3246, iv. 2343, v. 6789) have already been mentioned in dealing with adjectives.

There is hardly any use of the prefix y- (i-), but we have ybore, ii. 499.

vi. DIALECT. Gower’s language is undoubtedly in the main the English of the Court, and not a provincial dialect. Making allowance for the influences of literary culture and for a rather marked conservatism in orthography and grammatical inflexions, we can see that it agrees on the whole with the London speech of the time, as evidenced by the contemporary documents referred to by Prof. Morsbach. At the same time its tendencies are Southern rather than Midland, and he seems to have used Kentish forms rather more freely than Chaucer. This is shown especially (1) in the more extensive use of the forms in which e stands for O. E. y̆, as senne, kesse, pet, hell, &c.; (2) in the frequent employment of ie, both in French and English words, to represent ẹ̄, a practice which can hardly be without connexion with the Kentish cliene, diepe, diere, hier, hield, niede, &c.; (3) in the use of -ende as the normal termination of the present participle. (The Ayenbite regularly has -inde.) Probably also the preference shown by Gower for the close sound of ē, from O. E. ǣ, may be to some extent due to Kentish influence. Other points of resemblance between the language of Gower and that of the Ayenbite (for example) are the free use of syncopated forms in the 3rd pers. sing. of verbs and the regular employment of ous for us.

vii. METRE, &c. The smoothness and regularity of Gower’s metre has been to some extent recognized. Dr. Schipper in Englische Metrik, vol. i. p. 279, remarks upon the skill with which the writer, while preserving the syllabic rule, makes his verse flow always so smoothly without doing violence to the natural accentuation of the words, and giving throughout the effect of an accent verse, not one which is formed by counting syllables. Judging by the extracts printed in Morris and Skeat’s Specimens (which are taken from MS. Harl. 3869, and therefore give practically the text of Fairfax 3), he observes that the five principal licences which he has noted generally in the English verse of the period are almost entirely absent from Gower’s octosyllabics, and in particular that he neither omits the first unaccented syllable, as Chaucer so often does (e.g. ‘Be it rouned, red or songe,’ Hous of Fame, ii. 214, ‘Any lettres for to rede,’ iii. 51, ‘Of this hill that northward lay,’ iii. 62), nor displaces the natural accent (as ‘Of Decembre the tenthe day,’ Hous of Fame, i. 111, ‘Jupiter considereth wel this,’ ii. 134, ‘Rounede everych in otheres ere,’ iii. 954), nor slurs over syllables.

To say that Gower never indulges in any of these licences would be an exaggeration. Some displacement of the natural accent may be found occasionally, even apart from the case of those French words whose accent was unsettled, but it is present in a very slight degree, and the rhythm produced does not at all resemble that of the lines cited above from Chaucer: e.g. i. 2296, ‘Wher that he wolde make his chace,’ 2348, ‘Under the grene thei begrave,’ 2551, ‘“Drink with thi fader, Dame,” he seide.’ Such as it is, this licence is nearly confined to the first foot of the verse, and is not so much a displacement of the natural accent of the words as a trochaic commencement, after the fashion which has established itself as an admitted variety in the English iambic. We may, however, read long passages of the Confessio Amantis without finding any line in which the accent is displaced even to this extent.

Again, as to slurring of syllables, this no doubt takes place, but on regular principles and with certain words or combinations only. There are hardly more than three or four lines in the whole of the Confessio Amantis where a superfluous syllable stands unaccounted for in the body of the verse, as for example,

iv. 1131, ‘Som time in chambre, som time in halle,’

v. 447, ‘Of Jelousie, bot what it is,’

v. 2914, ‘And thus ful ofte aboute the hals,’

v. 5011, ‘It was fantosme, bot yit he herde.’

The writer seems to have no need of any licences. The narrative flows on in natural language, and in sentences and periods which are apparently not much affected by the exigencies of metre or rhyme, and yet the verse is always smooth and the rhyme never fails to be correct. If this is not evidence of the highest style of art, it shows at least very considerable skill.

In Gower’s five-accent line, as exhibited in the Supplication of viii. 2217-2300 and in the poem In Praise of Peace, Schipper finds less smoothness of metre, ‘owing perhaps to the greater unfamiliarity and difficulty of the stanza and verse’ (Englische Metrik, i. 483 ff.). His examples, however, are not conclusive on this point. Some of the lines cited owe their irregularity to corruptions of text, and others prove to be quite regularly in accordance with Gower’s usual metrical principles.

For instance, in viii. 2220 the true text is

‘That wher so that I reste or I travaile,’

which is a metrically perfect line. Again, in the Praise of Peace, l. 79,

‘And to the heven it ledeth ek the weie,’

it is impossible, according to Gower’s usage, that ‘heven’ should stand as a dissyllable. He wrote always ‘hevene,’ and the penultimate was syncopated. So also ‘levere’ in l. 340, ‘evere,’ l. 376. Hence there is no ‘epic caesura’ in any of these cases. Nor again in l. 164, ‘Crist is the heved,’ can ‘heved’ be taken as a dissyllable in the verse: it is always metrically equivalent to ‘hed.’ The only fair instance of a superfluous syllable at the caesura is in l. 66,

‘For of bataile the final ende is pees.’

It seems that the trochee occurs more commonly here than in the short line. Such examples as Schipper quotes, occurring at the beginning of the line,

‘Axe of thi god, so schalt thou noght be werned,’

‘Pes is the chief of al the worldes welthe,’

are of the same character as those which we find in the octosyllabics. Perhaps, however, a difference is afforded by the more frequent occurrence of the same licence in other parts of the verse, as,

‘So that undir his swerd it myht obeie,’ 39.

The rhyming on words like ‘manhode,’ ‘axinge,’ &c., is in accordance with the poet’s general usage.

On the whole, the combination of the syllabic and the accentual system is effected in the five-accent line of these stanzas almost as completely as in the short couplet; and in his command of the measure, in the variety of his caesura, and the ease with which he passes without pause from line to line and rounds off the stanza with the matter, the author shows himself to be as fully master of his craft upon this ground as in the more familiar measure of the Confessio Amantis.

As regards the treatment of weak syllables in the metre, Gower’s practice, in accordance with the strict syllabic system which he adopted, is very different from Chaucer’s. The rules laid down by ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, § 260, as to the cases in which weak final e is never counted as a syllable in the verse, except in rhyme, require some qualification even when applied to Chaucer (for example, ‘sone’ is certainly a dissyllable in Cant. Tales, A 1963, Hous of Fame, i. 218), and they are almost wholly inapplicable to Gower, as we shall see if we examine them. (α) Gower has the forms hire, oure, ȝoure, all occasionally as dissyllables apart from special emphasis or rhyme. (β) these, some, whiche are all sometimes dissyllables. (γ) The strong participles with short stems as come, drive, write as a rule have the final e sounded. (δ) The -e of the 2nd pers. sing. of the strong preterite may be sounded, e.g. iii. 2629 (but ‘Were thou,’ iv. 600). (ε) The form made, both singular and plural, regularly has -e sounded, were (pret.) usually, and wite sometimes. (ζ) sone, wone, schipe (dat.), and the French words in -ie (ye), &c., have -e regularly counted in the metre: so also beste, entente, tempeste. (η) before, tofore, there are used in both ways.

Gower’s usage with reference to this matter is as follows:

The personal and possessive pronouns hire, oure, ȝoure, here and hise (as plural of his), written also hir, our, &c., are as a rule treated as monosyllables. We have however ‘Fro hire, which was naked al,’ i. 367, ‘And thenke untoward hire drawe,’ iv. 559, so v. 1178, 2757, vii. 1899, &c., ‘In oure tyme among ous hiere,’ Prol. 5 (but ‘Oure king hath do this thing amis,’ i. 2062), ‘As ȝe be ȝoure bokes knowe,’ iii. 1087, cp. v. 2951 (but ‘Bot, fader, of ȝoure lores wise,’ i. 2768). Add to these alle (pl.) before definite article.

In the following words also the final e is sometimes suppressed for the verse: these (also thes), Prol. 900, 1037, i. 435, ii. 237, &c. (but thesë, v. 813, 1127, vii. 1005, &c.): whiche plur. (also which), ii. 604, iv. 1496, &c. (but whichë, i. 404, v. 1269, vii. 822, 1256, &c.): eche (also ech), v. 6883, according to F, cp. Prol. 516: there (usually ther), viii. 2311, 2689 (but therë, iii. 1233, &c., and often in rhyme): were pret. ind. or subj. (also wer), iii. 1600, iv. 600, 1657, 1689 (but more usually werë, as Prol. 1072, iii. 762, v. 2569, vii. 4458): where (usually wher), v. 4355 (but wherë, v. 2720): more (also mor), ii. 26, v. 2239, 6207, vii. 3237 (but morë, Prol. 55*, 640, iv. 2446, vii. 3287, &c.): before, tofore (also befor, tofor), i. 2054, 2864, iii. 2052 (but beforë, Prol. 848, and often in rhyme): foure, vii. 2371 (but fourë, ii. 1037, iv. 2464): fare (wel), iii. 305, iv. 1378 (but farëwel, v. 4218): sire, i. 2878, ii. 2995 (but sirë, v. 3547, 5593): wite, ii. 455 (but witë, v. 3150, 3445): wole (also wol), v. 2891, 2911, &c.: bothe, ii. 1966, 2154, iv. 2138, &c. (but bothë, Prol. 1068, i. 851, &c.): wolde (also wold), v. 4413 (usually woldë): come, ii. 789, iv. 2826 (but comë, pp. iv. 1283, vi. 1493, vii. 4840, inf. viii. 1362): some, pl. subst., iii. 2112, v. 2252 (but somë, i. 2034 ff.): have, Prol. 708, i. 169, 2724, ii. 550, iv. 1600 (but havë, ii. 332, iv. 1598): love, subst. iv. 930, vi. 1261 (but lovë much more often, e.g. i. 103, 251, 760, &c.): tuelve (also tuelf), iv. 1983 (but tuelvë, vii. 1005): trewe (also trew), v. 2877 (but trewë, pl., Prol. 184, def., iii. 2228): mowe, inf. (also mow), iv. 38: seie, inf. and 1st s. pres. iii. 1737, iv. 672, v. 2616, 6428, &c. (but seië often): preie, 1st s. pres. (also prai), v. 4531 (but preië, v. 3230): furthere, forthere (also further, forther), iii. 81, 885: lengere (also lenger), i. 1516, ii. 2602: rathere (also rather), ii. 503, vii. 4161, viii. 2141: janglere, v. 526: also some isolated cases, as aboute, v. 2914, Take, v. 7169, Minotaure, v. 5327 (but Minotaurë, 5291, &c.), Theophile, viii. 1500.

In iv. 1131, v. 447, 5011, which we have quoted above, the superfluous syllable in each case may be connected with the pause in the sentence, as in Mirour de l’omme, 10623, ‘L’un ad franchise, l’autre ad servage.’

Syncope (so far as regards the metre) regularly takes place in the following: covere (discovere, &c.), delivere (but not deliverance, i. 1584, v. 1657), evene, evere, fievere, havene, hevene, levere, nevere, povere, sevene (also sefne), swevene (also swefne), and some other words of a similar kind, to which add heved, evel, devel. In these cases a final e is always pronounced unless elided, and in case of elision a word like hevene, nevere is reduced to a monosyllable, as

‘This world which evere is in balance.’

The following also are sometimes syncopated: lovede, loveden, ii. 502, vi. 882, but without syncope ii. 2027, beloved, i. 1928, belovëd, i. 1920 f., behovely, behovelich, iii. 1330, v. 4012, vii. 1949 (but unbehovëly, viii. 2884), leveful, v. 7053, Averil, vii. 1029, soverein, vii. 1776 (but usually three syllables, as Prol. 186, i. 1609, and sovereinete, five syllables, i. 1847), amorous, iii. 745 (but usually three syllables, as i. 1414), fader, ii. 2387, cp. fadre, ii. 2519 (but ordinarily a dissyllable), unkendeli, ii. 3124 (but unkindëly, iii. 2065), comelieste, comelihiede, v. 3048, 6734 (but comëly, ii. 441), namely, viii. 3041, also namly, ii. 47 (but usually three syllables, as Prol. 144, iii. 63), Termegis, iv. 2408. We may note, however, that this kind of syncope is less used by Gower than by Chaucer, and that chivalerie, chivalerous, foreward, foretokne, loveday, pilegrin, surquiderie, &c., are fully pronounced.

Unaccented i before weak e either final or in inflexions has the force of a semi-vowel, and forms no syllable of itself: so studie, carie, tarie, chirie, merie, manye, &c. are equivalent to dissyllables, and are reduced by elision to the value of monosyllables, as Prol. 323, ‘To studie upon the worldes lore,’ i. 452, ‘To tarie with a mannes thoght,’ i. 3238, ‘And manye it hielden for folie,’ ii. 2648, ‘Thei carie til thei come at Kaire’; and so also in the other parts of the same words, e.g. i. 1645, ‘And thus he tarieth long and late,’ and in plurals like bodies, iv. 2463. Similarly Mercurie is made into a dissyllable by elision, ‘And ek the god Mercurie also,’ i. 422. Akin to this in treatment is the frequent combination many a, many an, counting as two syllables (so ‘ful many untrewe,’ v. 2886), but many on, manion as three. We may note also the case of statue, Prol. 891, ‘As I tolde of the Statue above,’ which is reduced by elision to a monosyllable.

Elision of weak final e takes place regularly before a vowel or an unaspirated h. We must observe that several classical proper names ending originally in ē, as Alceone, Daphne, Progne, Phebe, have weak e and are subject to elision, and under this head it may be noted that Canace rhymes to place, whereas Chaucer (referring to Gower’s story) gives the name as Canacee, in rhyme with he. Also the combinations byme, tome, tothe, &c., have weak -e and are elided before a vowel.

An aspirated h prevents elision as effectively as any other consonant. We have ‘min holë herte,’ ‘gretë hornes,’ ‘Cadmë hyhte,’ ‘Mi Sonë, herkne,’ ‘proprë hous,’ ‘fastë holde’ (and even ‘othrë herbes,’ iv. 3008); but there are some words in which h is aspirated only when they are emphatic in sense or position, as have, hath, he, him, hire, how, &c. For example, elision takes place usually before have, he, how, but not so as a rule in cases where they are used in rhyme or with special emphasis, e.g. i. 2542, ‘Of such werk as it scholde have,’ ii. 2479, cp. v. 7766, ‘Wenende that it were he,’ iv. 3604, ‘And al the cause hou it wente.’ On the other hand, the preterite hadde seems to have an aspirated h even in unemphatic position, as ii. 589, ‘The Sceptre hadde forto rihte’: compare vii. 2364, ‘Victoire hadde upon his fo,’ with vii. 2392, ‘Thogh thou victoire have nou on honde.’ Elision also takes place before hierafter, though not before hiere.

There is one instance of hiatus, viii. 110, ‘That he his Sone Isaäc,’ and it may be noted that the same thing occurs with the same name in the Mirour, 12241, ‘De Isaak auci je lis.’

The article the regularly coalesces with a succeeding word beginning with a vowel or mute h, as thaffeccioun, thalemans, thamende, thapostel, thastat, theffect, themperour, thenvious, therbage, therthe, thexperience, thonour, thother, thunsemlieste, thyle, &c. The exceptions, which are very few, are cases of special emphasis, as i. 3251, ‘The Erthe it is.’ Similarly the negative particle ne with a succeeding verb beginning with a vowel, as nam, naproche, nis (but ne have), and also occasionally with some words beginning with w, forming nere, nost, not, nyle, nyste, &c. In some few instances to coalesces with the gerund, as tacompte, teschuie.

There is diaeresis regularly in such proper names as Theseüs, Peleüs, Tereüs, and also in Saül, Isaäc. We have Moïses usually, but Moises (dissyllable), iv. 648, Thaise usually, but Thaïsis in the epitaph, viii. 1536. One example occurs affecting the -ee termination, viz. Caldeë, v. 781 (usually a dissyllable), so Judeë, Galileë in Mirour, 20067, 29239. This is an essentially different case from that of degreës, which is found in Chaucer. The termination -ius is usually dissyllabic, but vii. 2967, ‘The god Mercurius and no man.’ The endings -ioun, -ious, -ien, &c., are always fully pronounced.

As regards accent, it has been already observed that the natural accent of words is preserved far better in Gower’s verse than in Chaucer’s. There are, however, a number of words of French origin, of which the accent was unsettled, and also some instances of English words in which a secondary syllable was capable of receiving the principal accent, either in case of composition, as in kingdom, knihthode, treweliche, or with a formative termination, as that of the superlative, fairéste, &c., or the present participle, as wepénde. In such cases the accent was often determined by the metre. Many Romance words are quite freely treated in the matter of accent, as for example folie, fortune, mercy, mirour, nature, parfit, preiere, resoun, science, sentence, tempeste. The terminations -hode, -hede, -inge, -liche, -ly, -nesse, -schipe are all capable of accent, and also the penultimate syllables of answere and felawe.

Nearly all that is important about rhyme has already been said under the head of Phonology. We may here remark on some of the instances in which the form of words is accommodated to the rhyme, these being sometimes cases where variants are supplied by neighbouring dialects. Thus we have aise for ese, ar for er, hair for heir, naght once for noght, fer once for fyr, hade, with the original long vowel, for hadde, geth (the originally correct form) for goth, fore for for; and alternatives such as moneie monoie, aweie awey away, seide saide, soverein soverain, are used in accordance with the rhyme, though it is difficult to say for certain in all cases whether there was difference of sound. Thus, while we have away as rhyme to day, awey is found rhyming to ey, i. 2545, said, saide rhyming with paid, Maide, while seide rhymes with alleide, obeide; we find soverein : aȝein, but brayn : soverain. The form yhe often varies to ÿe when in rhyme with -ie termination, as clergie : ÿe, Prol. 329 f., ÿe : agonie, i. 967 f. (but also yhe : pourpartie, i. 405 f., yhe : specefie, i. 571 f.). Sometimes however the other rhyme-word is modified to correspond to it, as pryhe : yhe, v. 469 f., and there was probably no perceptible difference of pronunciation in this case. So also the preterite lowh is written low when in rhyme with now, Prol. 1071, and similarly thou : ynou, vii. 2099 f. (but bowe: ynowhe, ii. 3225 f.). We have already seen that the use of such alternative forms as sinne senne, wile wole, lasse lesse, hedde hidde, -ende -inge is sometimes determined by the rhyme.

Alliteration is used by Gower in a manner which is especially characteristic of the new artistic style of poetry. It is sufficiently frequent, both in formal combinations, such as ‘cares colde,’ ‘lusty lif,’ ‘park and plowh,’ ‘swerd or spere,’ ‘lief and loth,’ ‘wel or wo,’ ‘dike and delve,’ ‘slepe softe,’ ‘spille ... spede,’ and as an element of the versification:

i. 886 f. ‘For so, thei seide, al stille and softe

God Anubus hire wolde awake.’

iv. 2590 ‘The lost is had, the lucre is lore.’

iv. 3384 f. ‘Which many a man hath mad to falle,

Wher that he mihte nevere arise.’

v. 3670 f. ‘And thanne he gan to sighe sore,

And sodeinliche abreide of slep.’

vii. 3468 f. ‘Sche hath hir oghne bodi feigned,

For feere as thogh sche wolde flee.’

But it is not introduced in accordance with any fixed rules, and it often assists the flow of the verse without in the least attracting the attention of the reader. We do not find any examples of the rather exaggerated popular style which Chaucer sometimes adopts in passages of violent action, e.g. Cant. Tales, A 2604 ff. The whole subject of alliteration in Gower has been carefully dealt with by P. Höfer in his dissertation, Alliteration bei Gower, 1890, where a very large number of examples are cited and classified; and to this the reader may be referred.

viii. TEXT AND MANUSCRIPTS. About forty manuscript copies of the Confessio Amantis are known to exist in public or private libraries or in the hands of booksellers, and probably there may be a few more in private possession, the existence of which has not yet been recorded. As the broad lines for their classification are necessarily laid down by the fact that the book was put forth by the author in several different forms, it is necessary, before proceeding further, to say something about this matter.

That the poem exists in at least two distinct forms, characterized by obvious differences near the beginning and at the end, has been matter of common knowledge. Even in Berthelette’s edition of 1532 the difference at the beginning was noted, and though the printer did not venture to deviate from the form of text which had been made current by Caxton, yet he gave in his preface the beginning of the poem as he found it in his manuscript. Dr. Pauli accordingly proceeded on the assumption that there were two normal forms, one having a dedication to Richard II at the beginning and a form of conclusion in which mention is made of Chaucer, and the other with a dedication to Henry of Lancaster and a conclusion in which Chaucer is not mentioned. Copies which do not conform to these standards are for him simply irregular. He is aware of the additional passages in Berthelette’s edition and in the Stafford MS., and in one place he speaks of three classes of MSS., but he does not know that there are any written copies except the Stafford MS. which contain the additional passages. If he had had personal knowledge of the manuscripts at Oxford and at Cambridge, instead of being satisfied to gather scraps of information about the former from Bodley’s Librarian and about the latter from Todd, he would have found the passages in question also in MS. Bodley 294 at Oxford and in the Trinity and Sidney MSS. at Cambridge.

There are then at least these three classes of manuscripts to be recognized even by a superficial observer, and we shall find that the more obvious differences which have been mentioned are accompanied by a number of others of less importance. The first recension according to our classification is that in which the conclusion of the poem contains praises of Richard II as a just and beneficent ruler and a presentation of the book for his acceptanceAB. The second has the additional passages of the fifth and seventh books, with a rearrangement of the sixth book which has not hitherto been noticed, while the conclusion of the poem has been rewritten so as to exclude the praises of the king, and in some copies there is also a new preface with dedication to Henry of Lancaster. The third exhibits a return to the form of the first as regards the additional passages, but has the rewritten preface and epilogue. Against this merely threefold division some objections might fairly be made. It might be pointed out that the so-called second recension includes at least two distinct forms, and moreover that upon further examination we see reason to divide the manuscripts of our first recension into two main groups, one exhibiting an earlier and the other a later text, this last being more in accordance generally with that of what we call the second and third recensions than with the earlier form of the first. For practical purposes, however, the division which has been laid down above may fairly be adopted. As regards the order of time, from the political tendency of the differences between them it is clear that what we call the first recension logically precedes the third. The intermediate position of the second is given chiefly by the fact that one of the seven existing manuscripts gives the earlier form of preface, and this may also have been the case with two others, which are defective at the beginningAC. However, as has been said, the name is used for convenience to cover a class of copies which, as regards the character of their text, do not all belong to the same period, and they must be looked upon as representing rather a concurrent variety of the first or the third recensionAD than as a type which is distinctly intermediate in order of time. At the same time the smaller variations of text exhibited by these seven MSS. in combination, as against all othersAE, mark them as really a family apart, more closely related to one another than to those that lie outside the group.

For the sake of clearness the manuscripts are in this edition regularly grouped according to this classification, and in the critical notes each class is cited by itself. At the same time it must not be assumed that the manuscripts of each recension stand necessarily by themselves, and that no connexion is traceable between one class and another. On the contrary, we shall find that many errors in the text of the first recension appear also in some copies of the second, and even of the third. The process by which this was brought about is made clearer to us by the fact that we have an example of a manuscript which has passed from one group into another partly by erasure and partly by substitution of leaves, apparently made under the direction of the author. This is MS. Fairfax 3, which forms the basis of our text, and the handwriting of some of the substituted pages is one which may be recognized as belonging to the ‘scriptorium’ of the poet.

The example is a suggestive one and serves to explain several things. It makes it easy to understand, for example, how the additional matter introduced into the second recension came to be omitted in the third. The author in this instance had before him a very fully revised and corrected copy of his first edition, and this by a certain amount of rewriting over erasure and by a substitution of leaves at the beginning and end of the poem was converted into a copy of what we call the third recension, which his scribes could use at once as an authoritative exemplar. The introduction of the additional passages in the fifth and seventh books could not have been effected without a process of recopying the whole book, which would have called for much additional labour of the nature of proof-reading on the part of the author, in order to secure its correctness. This argument would apply to a book which was intended to remain in the hands of the author, or rather of the scribes whom he employed, and to be used as an archetype from which copies were to be made. If a new book had to be specially prepared for presentation, the case would be different, and it might then be worth while to incorporate the additional passages with the fully revised and re-dedicated text, as we find was done in the case of the so-called Stafford MS.

Another matter which can evidently be explained in the same way is the reappearance in some copies of the second recension of errors which belong to the first. In producing the originals of such manuscripts as these, partially revised copies of the first recension must have been used as the basis, and such errors as had not yet received correction appear in the new edition.

The assumption that a certain number of errors are original, that is to say, go back either to the author’s own autograph or to the transcript first made from it, is in itself probable: we know in fact that some which appear in every copy, without exception, of the first and second recensions at length receive correction by erasure in Fairfax 3. So far as we can judge, the text of the Confessio Amantis during its first years exhibited a steady tendency to rid itself of error, and the process of corruption in the ordinary sense can hardly be said to have set in until after the death of the author. There are a large number of various readings in the case of which we find on the one side the great majority of first recension MSS., and on the other a small number of this same type together with practically the whole of the second and third recensions, as, for exampleAF:

i. 2836 to H₁XERCLB₂ do AJMG, SAdBΔΛ, FWH₃

2847 be om. H₁XGERCLB₂ ins. AJM, SAdBΔ, FWH₃

2953 wele H ... B₂ weie AJM, SAd BΔ, FWH₃

3027 preieth H₁ ... B₂, W braieth, AJM, S ... ΔΛ, FH₃

3374 an Erl hier H₁ ... B₂, Λ mad a Pier AJM, SAdBΔ, FW (H₃ def.)

3381 place H₁ ... B₂, BΛ maide AJM, SAdΔ, FW (H₃ defective)

ii. 833 that diere H₁ ... B₂, B that other AJ(M), SAdΔΛ, FWH₃

iii. 12 euermore H₁ ... B₂ enemy AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃

354 I may H₁ ... B₂ he may AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃

iv. 109 day H₁ ... B₂, H₃ lay AJM, SBTΔ, FW (Ad def.)

v. 316 thanne (than) H₁ ... B₂, Δ hom AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃

368 And for no drede now wol I wonde H₁ ... B₂, Λ In helle thou schalt understonde AJM, S ... Δ, FWH₃ cp. 394, 424, 786, &c.

2694 Whan that sche was bot of ȝong age For good ERCLB₂ That only for thilke avantage Of good AJMH₁XG, S ... ΔΛ, FWH₃

2771 nyh om. ERCLB₂ ins. AJMH₁XG, S ... Δ, FWH₃

3110 burned as the silver ERCLB₂ burned was as selver AJMH₁XG, S ... ΔΛ, FWH₃ cp. 3032, 3246, &c.

We see in these examples, selected as fairly typical, that some of the variants have evidently the character of errors, while in other cases the difference of reading is due to an alternative version. The circumstances, however, of these two cases are not distinguishable, the errors are supported by as much authority as the rest, and it must be supposed that both have the same origin. If then we assume that such variations as we find (for example) in i. 3396, 3416, v. 30, 47, 82, 368, 2694, &c., are due to the author, as is almost certain, there can be no doubt that the form of text which is given by the group AJM in combination with the second and third recensions is the later of the two: and if the group H₁ ... B₂ represents an earlier type as regards this class of variation, it must surely do so also as regards the errors, which, as we have seen, stand upon the same ground in respect of manuscript authority. As we cannot help believing that the author wrote originally ‘To holde hir whil my lif may laste,’ v. 82, and ‘The more he hath the more he greedeth,’ v. 394, so we may reasonably suppose that errors such as ‘it’ for ‘hid,’ i. 1755, ‘that diere’ for ‘that other,’ ii. 833, ‘what’ for ‘war,’ iii. 1065, existed in the copy which first served as an exemplar.

It may be observed here that in cases where revision seems to have taken place, we can frequently see a definite reason for the change; either the metre is made more smooth, as i. 1770, 2622, 3374, ii. 671, 751, 1763, iii. 765, 2042, 2556, iv. 234, v. 368, 1678, &c., or some name is altered into a more correct form, as where ‘Element’ is changed to ‘Clemenee,’ iv. 985, with a corresponding alteration of the rhyme, or the expression and run of the sentence is improved, as i. 368, 3416, v. 30, 1906, 6756, &c. In particular we note the tendency towards increased smoothness of metre which is shown in dealing with weak e terminations.

It is to be assumed on the principles which have been stated that the group ERCLB₂ and the other manuscripts which agree with them represent with more or less accuracy the first form of the author’s text, that H₁YXG and a few more form a class in which correction and revision has taken place to some extent, but partially and unsystematically, and that AJM &c. give us the first recension text in a much more fully revised and corrected form.

It has been already said that F was originally a manuscript of the first recension. We shall find however that it did not exactly correspond to any existing first recension manuscript. Setting aside the small number of individual mistakes to be found in it, there are perhaps about eighty instances (many of a very trifling character) in which its text apparently differed originally from that of any first recension copy which we have, and in about half of these the text of F agrees with that of the second recension. The manuscript which comes nearest to F in most respects is J (St. John’s Coll., Camb.), and there is a considerable number of instances in which this MS. stands alone among first recension copies in agreement with the Fairfax text. In the sixth book, for example, if J be set aside, there are at least twenty-three passages in which F gives an apparently genuine reading unsupported by the first recension; but in sixteen of these cases J is in agreement with F. It must be noted, however, that this state of things is not equally observable in the earlier part of the poem, and indeed does not become at all marked until the fifth book.

Besides variations of reading, there are in the Fairfax MS. a few additions to the text which are not found in any first recension copy. These are Prol. 495-498, 579-584 and i. 1403-1406, two passages of four lines each and one of six, as well as some additions to the Latin notes in the margin (at Prol. 195, i. 2705, and v. 7725), of which the first two were evidently put in later than the accompanying text. Finally, there are three other additions to the text which are found in a single copy of the first recension, MS. Harl. 3490 (H₁). These are i. 2267-2274, where four lines have been expanded into eight, i. 2343-2358, an interesting addition of sixteen lines to the tale of Narcissus, and i. 2369-2372. Thus in the matter of additions to the text H₁ stands nearer to F than AJM &c., and in a few other passages also it is found standing alone of its recension in company with F, e.g. i. 2043, 2398, ii. 2247. This manuscript does not belong to the ‘fully revised’ group, but it gives the revised readings more frequently perhaps than any other outside that group.

Thus notwithstanding the differences between the first recension copies, as we have them, and the Fairfax MS. as it originally stood, we shall have no difficulty in regarding the latter as having been originally a revised and corrected copy of that recension, exhibiting a text to which tolerably near approaches are made by A, J, and H₁, each in its own way, though no copy precisely corresponding to it is known to exist.

Passing to the second recension, we must first repeat what has already been said, that it did not supersede the first, but existed and developed by its side, having its origin probably in the very same year, or at latest in the next. Its characteristic point is the presence of considerable additions in the fifth and seventh books, together with a rearrangement of part of the sixth. There are seven manuscripts known to me, of which three are defective at the beginning. All these (except one, which is also defective at the end) have the rewritten epilogue, one in combination with the Chaucer verses and the others without them. Of the four which are perfect at the beginning, one, namely B, has the earlier form of preface, and the other three, ΛP₂ and S, the later. Of the others it is probable, but by no means certain, that T agreed with B in this respect, and practically certain that Δ agreed with S. A more satisfactory line of distinction, which divides the manuscripts of this class into two groups, is given by the general character of the text which they exhibit, and by the insertion or omission of certain of the additional passages of which we have spoken. While some of the passages, viz. v. 6395*-6438*, 7086*-7210*, vii. 3207*-3360*, are common to all the copies, as are also the transposition of vi. 665-964 and (except in case of Λ) the omission of v. 7701-7746, three of them are found in AdBTΛP₂ only, and are omitted in SΔAG, viz. v. 7015*-7036*, vii. 2329*-2340* and 3149*-3180*. Then, as regards the text generally, the five MSS. first mentioned all have connexions of various kinds with the unrevised form of the first recension, while the last two represent a type which, except as regards variants specially characteristic of the second recension, of which there may be about sixty in all, nearly corresponds with that of the Fairfax MS.AH

The relations of the group AdBTΛP₂ with the first recension and with one another are difficult to clear up satisfactorily. Broadly, it may be said that of these B represents an earlier type than the rest in regard to correction and Λ in regard to revision: that is to say, B retains a large number of first recension errors which do not appear in the rest (sharing some, however, with Λ), while at the same time, in cases where a line has been rewritten B almost regularly has the altered form, though with some exceptions in the first two books. On the other hand, though it often happens that Λ is free from original errors which appear in B, yet in many places where B has the revised form of text Λ gives us the original, in agreement with the earlier first recension type, while in others Λ agrees with B in giving the revised reading. Then again, there can be no doubt of the close connexion between B and T, but the agreement between them is not usually on those points in which B follows the first recension in error. It is as if they had been derived from the same archetype, but T (or a manuscript from which T was copied) sprang from it at a later stage than the original of B, when many of the errors noted in the first recension had been corrected, while the text of the book generally was allowed to remain as it wasAI. Finally, the text of Ad approaches very near to a fully revised and corrected type. It very occasionally reproduces the earlier first recension, as if by accident, but seems never deliberately to give an ‘unrevised’ reading. It should be observed that from a point towards the end of the fifth book (about v. 6280) AdBT is a group which is very frequently found in special agreement, whereas before that point we usually find BT (or BTΛ) with Ad on the other side.

Passing now to the third recension, which has the preface and epilogue as in Λ and S, but excludes the additional passages, we find it represented by eight manuscripts, with Fairfax 3 at their head. We have already seen that this manuscript was originally one of the first recension, and was altered by the author so as to substitute the new epilogue and the new preface. Besides these changes, fresh lines are in several places written over erasures, as i. 2713 f., iv. 1321 f., 1361 f., &c., the marginal date is erased at Prol. 331, and additions have been made to the marginal notes. All these alterations, as well as the points previously noted, in which F originally differed from the other copies of the first recension, are reproduced in the other MSS. of the third recension.

Of these remaining MSS. one is directly copied from F, and another seems to be certainly derived from the same source, though perhaps not immediately. In the case of H₃ (MS. Harl. 7184) the question of origin is not quite so simple. Its text generally seems to suggest ultimate dependence on F, but it is very unequal as regards accuracy, and in one part it regularly follows the early first recension readings and seems to belong for the time to the ERCLB₂ group. In addition to this it has a Latin marginal note at the beginning of the Prologue, which is wanting in F. The problem is perhaps to be solved by means of the Keswick MS. This is written in several hands, varying greatly in accuracy, and exactly in that place where H₃ seems to follow a first recension copy the Keswick MS. is defective, having lost several leaves. It also contains the marginal note referred to above, and on examination we find that a whole series of corruptions are common to the two MSS. There seems to be very little doubt that K is the source of H₃, the inequality of the latter MS. being to a great extent in accordance with the change of hands in K, and the variation of H₃ in a portion of the third book to a different type of text being exactly coincident with the gap left in K by loss of leaves, a loss which must apparently have taken place in the first forty or fifty years of its existenceAJ. As to the text of K itself, in the parts which are most carefully written it reproduces that of F with scrupulous exactness, giving every detail of orthography and punctuation, and for the most part following it in such small errors as it has. It is impossible for one who places these MSS. side by side, as I have been able to do, to avoid the conviction that in some parts at least the exemplar for K was the Fairfax MS. itself. On the other hand, the Latin marginal note at the beginning was derived from some other copy, and setting aside the many mistakes, which possibly are due to mere carelessness on the part of some of the scribes, the Keswick MS. does undoubtedly contain some readings which seem to be derived from a different source. In form of text generally it corresponds exactly with F, reproducing all the additions and corrections made by erasure or otherwise, and containing the same Latin and French pieces in the same order at the end, so far at least as it is perfect. The Magdalen College MS. must be derived ultimately from the same source as H₃, and it has the same lapse from the third recension to the first, coinciding with the gap in the Keswick book. On the other hand W, though in form of text it corresponds with these and with F, is quite independent of the group above mentioned, and probably also of the Fairfax MS. It is late and full of corruptions, but in several instances it assists in the correction of errors which appear in F, and it is apparently based on a copy which retained some of the variants of the earlier text still uncorrected.

As for the remaining manuscript, which was formerly in the Phillipps collection, but is now in the hands of a bookseller, I have had so little opportunity for examining it that I ought not to attempt a classification.

Reviewing the whole body of authorities, we can recognize readily that two are pre-eminent as witnesses for the author’s final text, that is to say, S and F, the Stafford and the Fairfax MSS. These are practically identical in orthography, and, except as regards the characteristic differences, which sufficiently guarantee their independence, exhibit essentially the same text, and one which bears the strongest marks of authenticity. Both are contemporary with the author, and it is perhaps difficult to say which best represents his final judgement as to the form of his work.

The Stafford MS. seems to be the earlier in time, that is to say, it probably precedes the final conversion of the Fairfax copy. It was evidently written for presentation to a member of the house of Lancaster, perhaps to Henry himself before his accession to the throne. It was doubtless for some such presentation copy that the preface was rewritten in 1392-3, with the dedication to Henry introduced into the English text, while most of the other copies issued during Richard’s reign probably retained their original form. If we suppose that the new forms of preface and epilogue were at first intended only for private circulation, we can account for the very considerable preponderance of the first recension in regard to the number of copies by which it is represented, and also allow sufficient time for the gradual development of the text, first into the type which we find in A or J, and finally into that of F, as it originally stood, a process which can hardly be satisfactorily understood if we suppose that from 1393 onwards the Lancastrian dedication had its place in all copies put forth by the author. It seems on the whole probable, for reasons to be stated afterwards, that the final conversion of F (that is as regards the preface) did not take place until after the deposition of Richard, and it is reasonable enough to suppose that copies were usually issued in the original form, until after that event occurred.

MANUSCRIPTS. The following account of the MSS. is given on my own authority in every detail. I have been able to see them all, and I wish here to express my thanks to the possessors of them, and to the librarians who have them in their charge, for the readiness with which they have given me the use of them. I am indebted especially to the Councils of Trinity College and St. John’s College, Cambridge, and to Corpus Christi, Wadham, Magdalen, and New College, Oxford, for allowing their MSS. to be sent to the Bodleian Library for my use, and to remain there for considerable periods. Except in the case of one or two, to which my access was limited, I have examined every one carefully, so that I am able to say (for example) to what extent, if at all, they are imperfect. They are arranged as far as possible in accordance with the classes and groups to which they belong, as follows:

1st Recension (a) AJMP₁ChN₂E₂ (b) H₁YXGOAd₂CathQ (c) ECRLB₂SnDArHdAsh 2nd Recension (a) SΔ (b) AdTBΛP₂ 3rd Recension FH₂NKH₃MagdWP₃ Hn

FIRST RECENSION.

(a) Revised.

A. BODLEY 902, Bodleian Library (formerly Arch. D. 33, not in Bernard’s Catalogue, 1697). Contains Confessio Amantis followed by ‘Explicit iste liber’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere freta,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 184, measuring 13⅜ × 9⅛ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46 lines in three different hands of early fifteenth cent., of which the first extends to the end of the second quire (ff. 2-16), the second from thence to the end of the tenth quire (ff. 17-80), and the third from f. 81 to the end. The columns nearly correspond with those of the Fairfax MS. up to f. 81, after which point some attempt is made to save space by writing the Latin verses in the margin. Latin summaries in the margin, except very occasionally, as on ff. 10 and 11 vo. Floreated half border in fairly good style at the beginning of each book except the fifth, and one miniature on f. 8, of the Confession, remarkable for the fact that the figure of the Lover is evidently intended as a portrait of the author, being that of an old man and with some resemblance in features to the effigy on Gower’s tomb. The Confessor has a red stole, which with his right hand he is laying on the penitent’s head, much as in the miniatures which we have in C and L. The note for the miniaturist still stands in the margin, ‘Hic fiat confessor sedens et confessus coram se genuflectendo.’

The first leaf of the book is lost, and has been supplied in the sixteenth cent. from Berthelette’s second edition. It should be noted that this is not the form of commencement which belongs properly to the MS., being that of the third recension, taken by Berthelette from Caxton. The first line of f. 2 is Prol. 144.

As to former possessors, we find written on the last leaf ‘Anniballis Admiralis dominicalis,’ on f. 80 ‘Be me Anne Russell’ (?), and on f. 115 ‘Elyzebeth Gardnar my troust ys in god,’ all apparently sixteenth cent. The first name is evidently that of Claude d’Annebaut (also called d’Hannybal), who was Admiral of France, and died in 1552. He was in England about the year 1547. The book came to the Bodleian from Gilbert Dolben, Esq., of Finedon, in Northamptonshire, in the year 1697, and not being in the Catalogue of 1697, it has to some extent escaped notice.

The text is a very good one of the revised type. It should be noted, however, that while in the earlier books AJM &c. stand very frequently together on the side of F as against the rest of the first recension, in the later, and especially in the seventh and eighth, AM &c. have an increasing tendency to stand with the first recension generally, leaving J alone in support of the corrected text. In the earlier books A sometimes stands alone in this manner, as i. 1960, ii. 961, 1356.

The orthography (especially that of the second hand) is nearly that of F. As regards final e, the tendency is rather to insert wrongly than to omit. Punctuation agrees generally with that of F.

J. ST. JOHN’S COLL., CAMB. B 12. Contains the same as A. Parchment, ff. 214, 12 × 9½ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: double column of 39 lines, written in a very neat hand of the first quarter of fifteenth century. Latin summaries usually omitted, but most of them inserted up to f. 5 (Prol. 606), and a few here and there in the fifth and seventh books.

The first page has a complete border, but there are no other decorations except red and blue capitals. Old wooden binding.

The seventh leaf of quire 12 (v. 57-213) and the first of quire 14 (v. 1615-1770) are cut out, and a passage of 184 lines is omitted in the first book (i. 631-814) without loss of leaf, which shows that the manuscript from which it was copied, and which here must have lost a leaf, had the normal number of 46 lines to the column.

Various names, as Thomas Browne, Nicolas Helifax, J. Baynorde, are written in the book, and also ‘John Nicholas oweth this book,’ with the date 1576. At the beginning we find ‘Tho. C. S.’, which stands for ‘Thomas Comes Southampton.’ The book was in fact bought with others by Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, from William Crashaw, Fellow of St. John’s College, and presented by him to the College Library in the year 1635.

This MS. gives a text which is nearer to the type of F than that of any other first recension copy. In the later books especially it seems often to stand alone of its class in agreement with F, as v. 649, 1112, 1339, 1578, 3340, 4351, 4643, 5242, 6059, 6461, 6771, vi. 162, 442, 784, 973, 2089, vii. 445, 1027, 1666, 2424, 3235, 4336, 5348, viii. 13, 239, 747, 845, 1076, 1415, 1456 ff., 2195, 2220, 2228, 2442, 2670 ff., and it is noteworthy that this is the only first recension copy which supplies the accidental omission of ‘eorum disciplina—materia’ in the author’s Latin account of the Conf. Amantis at the end. As regards individual correctness it is rather unequal. In some places it has many mistakes, as vi. 1509 ff., while in others it is very correct. The spelling is in most points like that of F, and it is usually good as regards terminations; but the scribe has some peculiarities of his own, which he introduces more or less freely, as ‘ho’ for ‘who,’ ‘heo’ for ‘sche’ (pretty regularly), ‘heor’ for ‘her,’ ‘whech’ for ‘which.’ It must also be an individual fancy which leads him regularly to substitute ‘som tyme’ for ‘whilom’ wherever it occurs. Punctuation usually agrees with that of F.

M. CAMB. UNIV. Mm. 2.21 (Bern. Cat. ii. 9648). Contains Conf. Amantis only, without ‘Explicit,’ &c. (the last leaf being lost). Parchment, ff. 183, 14 × 9½ in. Quires of eight with catchwords and signatures: double columns of 46 lines: Latin summaries usually in margin, but occasionally in the text, as in A. Several hands, as follows, (1) ff. 1-32, 41-64, 73-88, 97-136, 145-152, 161-176; (2) ff. 33-40, 89-96, 137-144; (3) ff. 65-72; (4) ff. 153-160; (5) ff. 177-183. Finally another, different from all the above, adds sometimes a marginal note which has been dropped, as on ff. 4, 32 vo, 65, 72 vo. The first hand, in which more than two-thirds of the book is written, is fairly neat: the third much rougher than the rest, and also more inaccurate.

Floreated half border in fairly good style at the beginning of each book, except the third, fifth, and seventh, and two rather rudely painted miniatures, viz. f. 4 vo, Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (the king in bed, crowned), and f. 8, the Confession, a curious little picture in the margin. The priest is laying his stole on the head of the penitent, whose features are evidently meant for a portrait. It is quite different however from that which we have in A. Below this picture we find the note, ‘Hic fiat Garnimentum.’

The last leaf is lost, containing no doubt the ‘Explicit,’ ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ as in A.

The names Stanhope and Yelverton are written on f. 39 (sixteenth cent.), and ‘Margareta Straunge’ on the first leaf (seventeenth cent.). Later the book belonged to Bishop Moore of Norwich (No. 462 in his library), and it passed with the rest of his books to the University of Cambridge in 1715, as a gift from the king.

M is very closely connected with A, as is shown by very many instances of special agreement, and some considerations suggest that it may be actually derived from it, as for example the writing of the Latin verses in the margin after f. 80, which in A seems to be connected with a change of hand, whereas in M it begins at the same point without any such reason. On the other hand M has a good many readings which are clearly independent, either correcting mistakes and omissions in A, as Prol. 195 marg., 937, i. 673 marg., 924, 1336, 3445, ii. 951, iii. 2529, vi. 620, or giving an early reading where A has a later, e.g. Prol. 869, i. 1118, 1755, ii. 961, 3516, iii. 1939, v. 3914, 5524, &c. In correctness of text and of spelling M is much inferior to A, especially as regards final e: for example, on f. 53 vo,

Came neuer ȝit to mannes ere Cam A

Tiding | ne to mannes siȝt Tidinge ... sihte A

Merueil whiche so sore aflihte Merueile which A

Amannes herte as it þe dede þo A

To hym whoche in þe same stede him which A

P₁, formerly PHILLIPPS 2298, bought in June, 1899, by Mr. B. Quaritch, who kindly allowed me to see it. Parchment, leaf measuring about 9 × 6½ in., double column of 39 lines, in a fairly neat running hand, with many contractions because of the small size of the leaf. Latin summaries omitted. No decoration. Text agrees with AJM group, so far as I have examined it.

Ch. CHETHAM’S LIBR., MANCHESTER, A. 6. 11 (Bern. Cat. ii. 7151). Contains Conf. Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (4 lines) and ‘Quam cinxere.’ Parchment, ff. 126, about 15¼ × 10¾ in., quires usually of 12 or 14 leaves. Rather irregularly written in double column of 47-61 lines, late fifteenth century. No ornament. Marginal Latin almost entirely omitted, but some English notes by way of summary occasionally in margin, perhaps by later hand.

The first leaf is lost, the MS. beginning Prol. 193, and also two leaves in the second quire (i. 1092-1491) and one in the tenth (viii. 2111-2343); but besides these imperfections there are many omissions, apparently because the copyist got tired of his work, e.g. ii. 3155-3184, iii. 41-126, 817-842, 877-930, 1119-1196, iv. 17-72, 261-370, 569-704, 710-722, 915-968, 1117-1236, v. 72-112. There is also a good deal of omission and confusion in v. 6101-7082. At the end in a scroll is written ‘Notehurste,’ which indicates probably that the book was copied for one of the Chethams of Nuthurst, perhaps Thomas Chetham, who died 1504. The word ‘Notehurst’ also occurs at the end of the Glasgow MS. of the ‘Destruction of Troy,’ which has in another place the names of John and Thomas Chetham of ‘Notehurst’ as the owners of it.

In text it belongs to the AJM group, and sometimes, as iv. 208, stands alone with J. There are many corruptions, however, and the spelling is late and bad.

N₂. NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD, 326. Contains Conf. Amantis only (no ‘Explicit’). Parchment, ff. 207 + 4 blanks, about 13¾ × 9½ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords; neatly written in double column of 40 lines (or 39). No Latin summaries or verses. The handwriting changes after f. 62 (at iii. 2164) and becomes rather larger and more ornamental.

Two leaves lost after f. 35, containing ii. 1066-1377, and some of the leaves of the MS. from which it was copied had been displaced, so that iv. 2501-2684 comes after 2864, then follows 3049-3232, then 2865-3048, and after these 3233 ff. (two leaves displaced in the original). Lines omitted sometimes with blanks left, as i. 1044, 2527.

From the coats of arms which it contains the book would seem to have been written for Thomas Mompesson of Bathampton, sheriff of Wilts in 1478 (K. Meyer, John Gower’s Beziehungen, &c.). It was given to John Mompesson by Sir Giles Mompesson in 1650, and to New College by Thomas Mompesson, Fellow, in 1705.

The text is a combination of two types. It has the Lancaster dedication at the beginning, but the conclusion which belongs to the first recension. On examination it proves that the scribe who wrote the first eight quires followed a manuscript not of the F, but of the SΔ class (agreeing for example with S in i. 1881 f., 2017 ff., ii. 2387, iii. 168, 1241, and differing from F in regard to i. 2267 ff., 2343 ff., &c.), while the copyist of the remainder followed one of the revised first recension. The spelling is poor.

E₂. BIBL. EGERTON 913, Brit. Museum. A fragment, containing Conf. Amantis from the beginning to i. 1701. Paper, ff. 47, 11½ × 8 in., in quires of 16 with catchwords: single column, 30-37 lines on page: Latin summaries in margin. Three hands, (1) f. 1-26, 31-36; (2) 27-30; (3) 37-47.

On f. 26 vo. there is an omission of i. 387-570 (one leaf of 184 lines lost in the copy). This is supplied by the insertion of four leaves after f. 26, containing i. 375-580.

The text belongs to the revised group, as shown by Prol. 6, 7, 115, 659, 869, i. 162, 278, 368, 1262, &c.

(b) Intermediate.

H₁. HARLEIAN 3490, Brit. Museum. Contains, ff. 1-6 St Edmund’s Speculum Religiosorum, ff. 8-215 Confessio Amantis, left unfinished on f. 215 vo. Parchment, 215 leaves, 14½ × 10 in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: double column of 34-51 lines, small neat hand of middle fifteenth cent., with some corrections, perhaps in the same hand. Latin summaries in the text, underlined with red. Blank leaf cut out after f. 6, and f. 7 left blank, so that Gower begins on the first leaf of the second quire. The text is left unfinished at viii. 3062*, part of the last page remaining blank.

Floreated pages at the beginning of the books and also at f. 11, with various coats of arms painted.

The text given by this MS. is of an intermediate type. Occasionally throughout it is found in agreement with AJM &c. rather than with ERC &c., as Prol. 6, 7, i. 162, 630, 1755, 1768 ff., 1934, &c., and in a large portion of the fifth book it passes over definitely in company with XG &c. to the revised class, but it does not contain the distinctive readings of XG. Sometimes it stands alone of the first recension in company with F &c., as iv. 2414, vii. 1749, viii. 2098, and especially in regard to the three passages, i. 2267 ff., 2343 ff., 2369 ff. In individual correctness of text and spelling the MS. does not rank high, and it is especially bad as regards insertion and omission of final e, as ‘Wherof him ouht welle to drede,’ ‘Ayenste the poyntes of the beleue,’ ‘Of whome that he taketh eny hede.’ It has th regularly for þ and y for ȝ.

Y. In the possession of the MARQUESS OF BUTE, by whose kindness I have been allowed to examine it. Contains Confessio Amantis, imperfect at beginning and end. Parchment, 15½ × 10¾ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords on scrolls. Very well written in double column of 50 lines, early fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Floreated page finely illuminated at the beginning of each book, with good painting of large initials, some with figures of animals, in a style that looks earlier than the fifteenth cent. Spaces left on f. 2, apparently for two miniatures, before and after the Latin lines following i. 202.

Begins in the last Latin summary of the Prologue, ‘Arion nuper citharista,’ followed by Prol. 1053, ‘Bot wolde god,’ &c., having lost six leaves. Again, after iv. 819 nine leaves are lost, up to iv. 2490, and one leaf also which contained vi. 2367-vii. 88: the book ends with viii. 2799, two or three leaves being lost here. The book belonged to the first Marquess of Bute, who had his library at Luton. At present it is at St. John’s Lodge, Regent’s Park.

This is a good manuscript, carefully written and finely decorated. There are very few contractions, and in particular the termination -oun is generally written in full, as ‘confessioun,’ i. 202, ‘resoun,’ iii. 1111, ‘devocioun,’ ‘contemplacioun,’ v. 7125 f. &c., and th is written regularly for þ. As regards individual accuracy and spelling it is very fair, but the scribe adds -e very freely at the end of words. The type of text represented is evidently intermediate to some extent, but I have not been able to examine it sufficiently to determine its exact character. It supports the revised group in a certain number of passages, e.g. i. 264, 630, 3374, 3396, 3416, ii. 31, 1328, 1758, &c., sometimes in company with H₁ and sometimes not. In particular we may note the passage i. 3374 ff., where in some lines it is revised as above mentioned, and in others, as 3381, 3414, 3443, it keeps the earlier text. Occasionally Y seems to have a tendency to group itself with B, as i. 208, 604, and in other places we find YE or YEC forming a group in agreement with B, as i. 161, iii. 633, v. 1946, 3879.

X. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, 134. Contains, ff. 1-30 Lydgate’s Life of the Virgin (imperfect at beginning), f. 1 begins in cap. xiii. ‘Therefore quod pees,’ ff. 30-249 Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ ff. 250-283, Hoccleve’s Regement of Princes, with ‘Explicit Thomas Occlef,’ ff. 283 vo, metrical version of Boethius [by John Walton of Osney] with leaves lost at the end, ends ‘Amonges hem þat dwellen nyȝe present.’ Parchment, ff. 297, about 15 × 11 in., in quires of 8 without catchwords, in a good and regular hand. The Conf. Amantis is in double column of 41 lines. Latin summaries in text (red). Ornamental borders at the beginning of books and space for miniature of Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream on f. 34 vo. One leaf lost between ff. 134 and 135, containing v. 1159-1318.

The book belonged formerly to the Rev. Charles Lyttelton, LL.D., who notes that it came originally from the Abbey of Hales Owen.

I owe thanks to the librarian of the Society of Antiquaries for courteously giving me access to the manuscript.

The text is of the intermediate type, passing over in a part of the fifth book with H₁ &c. to the revised group, but not giving the revised readings much support on other occasions. It forms however a distinct sub-group with GOAd₂, these manuscripts having readings apparently peculiar to themselves in several passages, e.g. v. 3688 and after v. 6848.

The spelling is not very good, and in particular final e is thrown in very freely without justification: there are also many -is, -id, -ir terminations, as ‘servantis,’ ‘goodis,’ ‘nedis,’ ‘ellis,’ ‘crokid,’ ‘clepid,’ ‘vsid,’ ‘chambir,’ ‘aftir,’ and ȝ usually for gh (h), as ‘hyȝe,’ ‘nyȝe,’ ‘ouȝt,’ ‘lawȝe,’ ‘sleyȝtis,’ &c. The text however is a fair one, and the use of it by Halliwell in his Dictionary preserved him from some of the errors of the printed editions. The scribe was apt to drop lines occasionally and insert them at the bottom of the column, and some, as iii. 2343, are dropped without being supplied.

G. GLASGOW, HUNTERIAN MUSEUM, S. i. 7. Contains Confessio Amantis, imperfect at the end. Parchment, ff. 181 (numbered 179 by doubling 94 and 106) with two blanks at the beginning, 16½ × 10¾ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: well and regularly written in double column of 46 lines, early fifteenth century. Latin summaries in the text (red). Floreated page at the beginning of each book, so far as they remain, and illuminated capitals. Many catchwords lost by cutting of the margin: it must once have been a very large book.

The manuscript has lost about sixteen leaves at the end, and eight altogether in various other places. In every case except one, however, the place of the lost leaf is supplied by a new leaf inserted, one of which has the missing portion of the text copied out from an early edition, while the rest are blank. The leaves lost are mostly such as would probably have had miniatures or illuminations, including the beginning of the first, second, sixth, seventh, and eighth books. The losses are as follows: f. 4 (containing Prol. 504-657, probably with a miniature), text supplied by later hand, f. 7 (Prol. 984-i. 30), f. 9 (i. 199-336, probably with a miniature), f. 28 (i. 3402-ii. 108), f. 129 (131) (v. 7718-vi. 40), f. 143 (145) (vi. 2343-vii. 60), a leaf after f. 175 (177) (vii. 5399-viii. 126), f. 177 (179) (viii. 271-441), and all after f. 179 (181), that is from viii. 783 to the end.

A former owner (seventeenth cent.) says, ‘This Book, as I was told by the Gent: who presented it to me, did originally belong to the Abbey of Bury in Suffolk.’ If so, the Confessio Amantis was probably read in this copy by Lydgate.

I am under great obligations to Dr. Young, Librarian of the Hunterian Museum, for the trouble he has taken to give me access to this excellent manuscript.

The Glasgow MS. is especially related to X (iv. 2773, v. 1486, 3582, 3688, 4110, 6848 ff., vi. 101, vii. 769, &c.), and belongs more generally to the group H₁X &c., which passes over to the revised class almost completely in a considerable part of the fifth book. The text, however, is on the whole much better than that of X, being both individually more correct and more frequently found on the side of the corrected readings, e.g. i. 2836, ii. 1441, 1867, v. 781, 1203, 2996, 4425, 5966, 6839, 7223, 7630, vi. 86, 746 (corrected), 1437, vii. 510, 1361, 1574, 2337, 3902, viii. 568. In at least one place, vii. 1574, it stands alone of the first recension, while in others, as v. 4425, 5966, 7630, vi. 746, 1437, &c., it is accompanied only by J. On the other hand in some passages, as v. 5802, 6019, 6257, vii. 1172 marg. &c., G has an earlier reading and X the later, while there is also a whole series of passages where G, sometimes in company with X, seems to show a special connexion of some kind with B (BT), as ii. 1925, iii. 733, iv. 2295, 2508, v. 4, 536, 2508, 3964, 4072, 7048, vi. 1267, 1733, vii. 3748, 4123, &c.

The book is carefully written, and corrected in the same hand, e.g. v. 3145, 5011, vi. 430, 746, vii. 4233. The spelling is pretty good, and in particular it is a contrast to X in the matter of final e. This is seldom wrongly inserted, and when it is omitted it is usually in places where the metre is not affected by it. Punctuation often in the course of the line, but not at the end.

O. STOWE 950, Brit. Museum. Confessio Amantis, imperfect at beginning and end. Parchment, ff. 175 (177 by numbering leaves of another book pasted to binding), 14¼ × 10 in., in eights with catchwords and signatures, double column of 44-46 lines; written in a small, neat hand. Latin summaries in text (red). No decorated pages.

Has lost seven leaves of the first quire, to i. 165 (incl.), and also after f. 16 one leaf (i. 2641-2991), after f. 35 one (ii. 2486-2645), after f. 44 two (iii. 673-998), after f. 97 one (v. 3714-3898), after f. 108 two (v. 5832-6184), after f. 136 two (vii. 771-1111), and at least four leaves at the end (after viii. 2549).

Formerly belonged to Lord Ashburnham.

In text this belongs to the XG group, agreeing with them, for example, at v. 3688, 6848, and in general with H₁XG, where they go together (so far as I have examined the book), e.g. in the Latin verses after v. 2858 (‘Vltra testes falsos,’ ‘penitus’) and in the readings of v. 1893, 1906, 2694, 3110, &c.

The handwriting is somewhat like that of H₁: the spelling sometimes fairly good, but unequal; bad especially at the beginning. The metre generally good.

Ad₂. ADDITIONAL 22139, Brit. Museum. Confessio Amantis, imperfect, with the author’s account of his books, ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ at the end, followed by Chaucer’s poems, ‘To you my purse,’ ‘The firste stok,’ ‘Some time this worlde,’ ‘Fle fro the pres.’ Parchment, ff. 138, 13¾ × 10¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: regularly and closely written in double column of 53 lines by two hands, the first (ff. 1-71) somewhat pointed, the second rounder and smaller. Date 1432 on a shield, f. 1. Latin summaries in text (red). Illuminated borders at beginning of books (except the eighth) and many gilt capitals: a miniature cut out on f. 4 (before Prol. 595).

The first leaves are much damaged, f. 1 having only two lines left (f. 2 begins Prol. 177), f. 3 has lost Prol. 455-478 and 505-527, &c., f. 4 has a miniature cut out, with Prol. 716-726 on the other side, f. 6 has lost Prol. 979-1061. After f. 7 there is a loss of seventeen leaves (i. 199-ii. 56), after f. 31 (originally 48) two quires (sixteen leaves) are lost and f. 32 is damaged (iii. 1150-iv. 1517), after f. 81 one leaf lost (v. 7807-vi. 154).

Bought by Brit. Museum from Thos. Kerslake of Bristol, 1857.

The text is closely connected with that of X, but not copied from that manuscript itself (see ii. 1711, vii. 92, viii. 2650). There are corrections here and there in a somewhat later hand, e.g. ii. 671, 1045, 1457, iii. 1052, iv. 2922, several of which are cases of lines supplied, which had been dropped. In v. 3688 the ordinary reading has been substituted doubtless for that of X, and in some cases the alterations are wrong, as vii. 2639, viii. 51. The manuscript has a good many individual errors and the spelling is rather poor.

Cath. ST. CATHARINE’S COLL., CAMB. Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 188, 17¾ × 12¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: well written in double column of 47 lines, afterwards 40, before the middle of fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Floreated whole border at the beginning of each book: miniature on f. 4 vo of Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream, and f. 8 vo the Confession (Priest on stool to left of picture, laying hand but not stole on penitent’s head), fairly well painted.

Leaves are missing which contained i. 3089-3276, ii. 3331-3518, v. 1182-1363, 6225-6388, vi. 107-460, vii. 984-1155, and viii. 2941-3114*, and the last leaf containing ‘Explicit,’ &c., is placed now at the beginning of the volume. There is a confusion of the text in the third book, iii. 236-329 being repeated after 678 and 679-766 left out, also a considerable omission in the fourth (iv. 2033-3148) without loss of leaves in this MS. (The statement in the MS. that seven leaves are here lost is a mistake.) In the passage vii. 1486-2678 several leaves have been disarranged in the quire.

Given to the College in 1740 by Wm. Bohun of Beccles (Suffolk), to whose great-grandfather, Baxter Bohun, it was given in 1652 by his ‘grandmother Lany.’

The text is of a rather irregular type, but often agrees with the XGO group. It has many mistakes and the spelling is poor.

Q. Belonged to the late Mr. B. Quaritch, who kindly allowed me to examine it slightly. Parchment, leaves measuring about 14 × 8¾ in., in double column of 49 lines, well written, early fifteenth cent. Ends with the account of the author’s books, ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Floreated pages at the beginning of books and a good miniature of the Confession on f. 3, of a rather unusual type—the priest seated to the left of the picture and the penitent at a little distance. Latin summaries in text (red). Begins with Prol. 342, having lost two leaves here, and has lost also Prol. 529-688, Prol. 842-i. 85, and perhaps more.

The book formerly belonged to a Marquess of Hastings.

This is a good manuscript, and the spelling is fairly correct. I place it provisionally here, because its readings seem to show a tendency towards the XG group.

(c) Unrevised.

E. EGERTON 1991, Brit. Museum. Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo Gracias. And þanne ho no more.’ Parchment, ff. 214, 15¼ × 10 in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: regularly written in a very good large hand in double column of 42 lines, early fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Floreated pages at beginning of books, and a finely painted miniature of the Confession on f. 7 vo.

Two leaves lost, originally ff. 1 and 3, containing Prol. 1-134 and 454-594. The book has also suffered from damp, and parts of the first and last leaves are so discoloured as to be illegible.

A seventeenth cent. note on f. 1 vo tells us that the book was given on April 5, 1609, ‘at Skarborough Castle’ to the lady Eliz. Dymoke by her aunt the lady Catherine Burghe, daughter of Lord Clynton, who was afterwards earl of Lincoln and Lord High Admiral, to whom it came by her mother, the lady Eliz. Talboys. On f. 2 we find the register of the birth of Master Harry Clinton, son and heir of Lord Clinton, born at Canbery, June 6, 1542. The name Willoughby occurs also in the book (sixteenth cent.), and on a flyleaf inserted at the beginning we find ‘John Brograve, 1682,’ with Latin lines in the form of an acrostic about his family, signed ‘Thomas Tragiscus, Bohemus.’ Bought by the Brit. Mus. August 6, 1865, at Lord Charlemont’s sale.

The text of this fine MS. belongs clearly to the unrevised group. At the same time its original must have had some corrections, and some also appear on the face of this MS. It stands alone of the first recension in agreement with S, F in a few passages, as v. 5438, vi. 1954, vii. 4318 marg., and with J in ii. 2576, iii. 176, v. 4989 f., 7327, vii. 3484. It has also some connexion with B (BTΛ), standing in this matter either with C (or YC), as iii. 633, v. 3688, 3814, 5667, 6318, or by itself, as Prol. 169, i. 2122, ii. 1353, iv. 3401, v. 3992, 6336, vii. 323, 978, viii. 1761, 2706.

The scribe seems to have had a good ear for metre, and seldom goes wrong in any point of spelling which affects the verse, though apt to omit final e in case of elision. Sometimes, however, he drops words, as ‘swerd,’ i. 433, ‘so,’ v. 122, ‘chaste,’ v. 6277. On the whole the text of E is probably the best of its class.

C. CORPUS CHRISTI COLL., OXF. 67 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 1534). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo Gracias.’ Parchment, large folio, ff. 209, of which three blank, in quires of 8 with catchwords: written in double column in a good hand of first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Pages with complete borders at beginning of books (except Lib. i), and two very fair miniatures, f. 4 vo Nebuchadnezzar’s Image, f. 9 vo the Confession (priest laying stole on youthful penitent’s head). The book has lost four leaves, the second of the first quire (Prol. 144-301), the last of the 22nd and first of the 23rd (vii. 3137-3416), and the first of the 26th (viii. 1569-1727).

We find on the last leaf in a hand perhaps as early as the fifteenth cent. ‘Liber partinet Thomam Crispe Ciuem et Mercerium Londiniarum,’ and on the flyleaf at the beginning a device containing the same name, and also A. Crispe, F. Crispe, W. Rawson, Anne Rawson. ‘Augusten Crispe me Iure tenet’ is written on the first leaf of the text, and also ‘Liber Willelmi Rawson Ao. Dni 1580.’ Finally, ‘Liber C. C. C. Oxon. 1676.’ The device referred to above appears also in the decoration of the book both at the beginning and the end, but the manuscript must have been written much earlier than the time of Thomas Crispe.

This is a good copy of the unrevised group, having some connexion, as we have seen above, with E, but less good in spelling, especially as regards final e. For special connexion with B, see i. 2234, iv. 359, &c. CL go specially together apparently in some places, as Prol. 937 f., i. 94, 161, 165, 433, 916, but not throughout. There are some corrections by erasure of final e, and a line supplied by a different hand, vi. 1028. No punctuation.

R. REG. 18. C. xxii, Brit. Museum. Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 206, 14¼ × 3¾ in., in eights with catchwords: double column of 44 lines, well written, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin in text (red). Floreated border of first page with miniature of the Confession in the initial O; also a miniature on f. 4 vo of the Image of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (hill with stone to left of picture), and half borders at beginning of books, except Lib. i.

Two blanks cut away at the end, from one of which is set off ‘This boke appertayneth vnto the Right Honorable the Ladie Margaret Strange’ (presumably the same whose name appears in M). The binding has ‘Lady Mary Strainge.’

A very fair MS. of its class and almost absolutely typical, but gives distinctively revised readings in a few passages, as ii. 925, iv. 1342, v. 3145, viii. 1621. Omits vii. 2889-2916 and some of the Latin summaries. The words ‘pope’ and ‘papacie’ are regularly erased, see especially f. 47. Spelling and metre fairly good: no punctuation.

L. LAUD 609, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 754). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 170, 16 × 10¾ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: double column, first of 40 lines, then about 44, and after f. 16 of 51: well written, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin in the text (red). Floreated border of first page and half borders at the beginning of books, well executed. Two miniatures, on f. 5 vo the Image of the dream, and on f. 10 the Confession, both much like those in C and B₂, but damaged.

After f. 109 one leaf is lost (v. 5550-5739), one after f. 111 (v. 6140-6325), and eight (quire 16) after f. 118 (v. 7676-vi. 1373).

The names Symon and Thomas Elrington (sixteenth cent.) occur in the book, ff. 89, 170, and ‘Liber Guilielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuar. et Cancellarii Vniuersitatis Oxon. 1633’ on f. 1.

In correctness of text and spelling the text is decidedly inferior to the foregoing MSS. We may note apparently good readings in the following passages, Prol. 159, i. 3023, v. 1072, vii. 374, 3040, 3639, viii. 358, 483.

B₂. BODLEY 693, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 2875). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment (gilt edged), ff. 196, 15 × 10 in., in eights with catchwords. Well written, first quarter fifteenth cent., in double column of 46 lines. Latin in text (red). Floreated border of first page and half borders at beginning of books (also on f. 8 vo), well executed: two small miniatures, f. 4 vo the Image of the dream, f. 8 vo (within an initial T) the Confession, like those in C and L, but smaller.

At the end we have ‘ffrauncois Halle Ao MVcVI’ (i.e. 1506), ‘Garde le ffine.’ In the initial on f. 1 a coat of arms is painted surrounded by the Garter and its motto. The arms are those of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk (Brandon with quartering of Bruyn and Rokeley, see Doyle, Official Baronage, iii. 443), and on the same page is painted the Brandon crest (lion’s head erased, crowned per pale gules and arg., langued az.). These must have been painted in later than the date of the MS. The binding is deeply stamped with the arms of Great Britain and Ireland in colours, and the letters I. R., showing that the book belonged to James I. It was presented to the Bodleian by Dr. John King, who was Dean of Ch. Ch. 1605-1611. We must suppose that James gave it to Dr. King.

The fineness of the vellum and the general style of the book seems to indicate that it was written for some distinguished person. The text is very typical of its class. In correctness and spelling it is less good than L, oftener dropping final e and having less regard for the metre.

Sn. ARCH. SELD. B. II, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 3357). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Paper (with some leaves of parchment), ff. 169, 14½ × 10¾ in. Quires with varying number of leaves, usually 12 or 16, signatures and catchwords. (No written leaves lost, but blanks cut away in quires nine and ten.) Written in double column of 44-65 lines (no ruling), in a small hand, middle fifteenth cent. Latin in text. Red and blue initials, but no other decoration.

The book has the name ‘Edwarde Smythe’ (sixteenth cent.) as the owner. It came into the Bodleian among John Selden’s books.

The text is a poor one with a good many corruptions, from the first line of the Prologue (‘To hem’ for ‘Of hem’) onwards, many of them absurd, as ‘who thoghte’ for ‘we the while’ (v. 6752), ‘homicides’ for ‘houndes’ (vii. 5256), and some arising from confusion between þ, ȝ, and y. Thus the scribe (who usually has th for þ and y for ȝ) is capable of writing ‘aþen’ or ‘athen’ for ‘aȝein,’ ‘yer of’ for ‘þer of,’ ‘yeff’ for ‘þef,’ ‘biþete’ for ‘biȝete.’ There are many mistakes in the coloured initials, e.g. ii. 2501, iii. 2033, 2439. Some northern forms, as ‘gude,’ iii. 1073, ‘Qwhat,’ iii. 2439. Note agreement with B in some places, as i. 365, 1479, iii. 1222, v. 2417, 6296, and a few more.

D. CAMB. UNIV. Dd. viii. 19 (Bern. Cat. ii. 9653). Confessio Amantis (imperfect). Parchment, ff. 127, quires of 8 with catchwords: double column of 48 (sometimes 50) lines, regularly written in a hand using very thick strokes. Latin in text (red). Spaces left for miniatures, f. 4 vo, f. 8 vo (the latter marked ‘hic Imago’), and perhaps also f. 1. Many spaces left for illuminated capitals.

After f. 83 follows a quire of six with 5 vo blank (after end of Lib. iv.) and 6 lost: then a quire of eight with 5 and 6 (also part of 4) blank, and 7, 8 lost: then, f. 94, ‘Incipit liber Sextus.’ So that of Lib. v. we have only about four leaves (v. 1444-2149). The leaves numbered 16, 17, 15 should stand last (in that order), and the text ends (on f. 15) with vii. 3683, the line unfinished and the rest of the page blank.

Successive owners in sixteenth cent., Magister Asshe, Thom. Carson (or Cursson), Ambr. Belson, J. Barton. It was one of Bishop Moore’s books (No. 467), and came to the University in 1715.

The text shows no leaning, so far as I know, to the revised group. Perhaps somewhat akin to the MSS. which precede and follow: see Prol. 331 marg., i. 110, 370.

Ar. ARUNDEL 45, College of Arms (Bern. Cat. ii. 5547). Confessio Amantis (imperfect). Paper, 168 leaves (numbered 167, but one dropped in numbering after f. 42) + two parchment blank at beginning, 11½ × 8¼ in. Quires of 8 (usually), with catchwords, double column of 46-51 lines, small neat writing, middle fifteenth cent. Latin in text (red): no illumination, but spaces left for initials.

One leaf lost after f. 7 (i. 63-216), two after f. 116 (v. 5229-5594), and all after viii. 1102 (about twelve leaves gone at the end).

Former possessors, ‘Thomas Goodenston, Gerdeler of London,’ and (before him probably) ‘Jhon Barthylmewe, Gerdyllarr and Marchant.’

Hd. At CASTLE HOWARD, the property of the Earl of Carlisle, who most kindly sent it for my use. Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 111 (numbered as 110) 14 × 11 in., in quires of 8 (usually), marked iiii, v, vi, &c. In double column of 60-74 lines, rather irregularly written in a small, fairly clear hand, later fifteenth cent. Latin in text. Some red and blue initials; no other decoration.

Seventeen leaves lost at the beginning, f. 1 begins at i. 3305, and f. 8 is the first leaf of quire iiii: after f. 73 four leaves lost, containing vi. 264-1306, and in the last quire one, containing viii. 2566-2833. The leaves in the latter half of the book, from f. 66, have been much disarranged in the binding.

The name ‘Tho. Martin’ is written at the beginning, in the handwriting of the well-known Thomas Martin of Palgrave. This of course is not the book mentioned in Bern. Cat. ii. 611 as among the books collected by Lord William Howard at Naworth Castle. There seems to be at present no Gower MS. at Naworth.

Some readings seem to show a connexion of Hd with L, as iii. 1885, 2763, ‘Now herkne and I þe þo,’ iv. 1341, 3086, 3449, 3535, but it is not derived from it. Note also the readings of ii. 1577 ‘Ne,’ 2825 ‘by,’ iii. 1173 ‘Iupartie,’ v. 3306 ‘Oute.’ There are many corruptions in the text as well as some deliberate alterations, as ‘cleped’ regularly to ‘called,’ and words are often dropped or inserted to the injury of the metre.

Ash. ASHMOLE 35, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 6916). Confessio Amantis (imperfect). Paper, ff. 182, 13½ × 9½ in. Quires of 12 (usually), with catchwords, double column of 42-48 lines, fairly well written: no Latin verses or summaries, but summaries in English written in the text (red), mostly omitted in the last thirty leaves. Some initials in red, spaces left for larger capitals.

Begins with Prol. 170, having lost two leaves (one blank) at the beginning. After f. 2 one leaf is lost (Prol. 541-725), one after f. 4 (i. 1-169), one after f. 32 (ii. 1749-1927), one after f. 91 (v. 2199-2366), three after f. 181 (viii. 2505-2893), one after f. 182, which ends with viii. 3082*. Half of f. 182 is torn away, but the beginning of the Chaucer verses remain, as well as a whole column of the early form of conclusion, in spite of the statement in the Ashmole Catalogue. Even if the conclusion were really wanting, there would be no difficulty in assigning the MS. to its proper class.

SECOND RECENSION.

(a) S. The STAFFORD MS., now in the possession of the Earl of Ellesmere, by whose kind permission I have been allowed to make use of it. Contains Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere.’ Parchment, ff. 172 (the last three blank), 14 × 9¾ in., quires of 8 with catchwords and signatures (24 in all, the last of five leaves): written in double column of 46 lines in a good square hand of late fourteenth century type. Latin summaries in the margin. The first page has a well-executed border of geometrical pattern and a rather rudely painted miniature of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, in style resembling that of F. This page has also three heraldic shields and a crest, of which more hereafter. Floreated half borders at the beginning of books and illuminated capitals throughout, well executed and with an unusual amount of gold. On f. 56 a well painted grotesque figure of a man with legs and tail of some animal, wearing a pointed headpiece and armed with an axe. This is part of the initial decoration of Lib. iv.

The book has unfortunately lost in all seventeen leaves, as follows: one after f. 1 (Prol. 147-320), one after f. 7 (Prol. 1055-i. 106), three after f. 46 (iii. 573-1112), one after f. 68 (iv. 2351-2530), two after f. 69 (iv. 2711-3078), one after f. 70 (iv. 3262-3442), two after f. 71 (iv. 3627-v. 274), one after f. 107 (v. 6821-7000), one after f. 125 (vi. 2357-vii. 88), two after f. 139 (vii. 2641-3004), two after f. 153 (vii. 5417-viii. 336). In addition to this, one leaf, f. 50 (iii. 1665-1848), is written in a different and probably rather later hand, and seems to have been inserted to supply the place of a leaf lost in quite early times.

The question about the former owners of this fine manuscript is an interesting one. As to the devices on the first page, the first shield (within the initial O) is sable and gules per pale, a swan argent, the second (in the lower margin) sable, three ostrich feathers (argent?) set in three scrolls or, while in the right margin there is a crest of a lion, collared with label of three points, standing on a chapeau, and below is suspended a shield quartered az. and gules, with no device. The crest is evidently meant for that of John of Gaunt, though it is not quite correct, and the three ostrich feathers (properly ermine) were used by him as a recognisance (see Sandford’s Genealogical Hist. p. 249), while the swan is the well-known badge of Henry his son, to be seen suspended from Gower’s own collar of SS on his tomb and in the miniature of the Fairfax MS. It seems probable then that the book was prepared for presentation to a member of the house of Lancaster, probably either John of Gaunt or Henry. If it be the fact that the swan badge was not adopted by Henry until 1397, this would not be the actual copy sent on the occasion of the dedication to him in 1392-93. On the other hand the absence of all royal emblems indicates that the book was prepared before Henry’s accession to the throne.

In the sixteenth cent. (Queen Elizabeth’s reign) the book belonged to one William Downes, whose name is written more than once on f. 170. The ornamental letters W. D. on f. 21 are probably his initials, and on f. 76 we have Phillipp Downes in a fifteenth-cent. hand. On f. 171 vo there is a note about ‘the parsonages of Gwend ... and Stythians in the county of Cornewell, percell of the possessions of the late monastary of Rewley,’ and also about the ‘personage of Croppreadin in the county of Oxforde,’ granted for xxi years by Edward VI and paying lvi pounds a year. ‘T. P. Goodwyn’ is another name (seventeenth cent.). When Todd saw the MS. at the beginning of this century, it belonged to the Marquess of Stafford.

S has the Lancaster dedication and the rewritten epilogue, and with these the three additional passages, v. 6395*-6438*, 7086*-7210*, vii. 3207*-3360*, omitting v. 7701-7746, and transposing vi. 665-964. In correctness it is inferior only to F, and these two stand far above all others as primary authorities. Their independence of one another is certain, and the general agreement of their text gives it the highest guarantee of authenticity. The spelling is practically the same, as will be seen in those passages which are printed from S in this edition, e.g. vii. 3207*-3360*, indeed in most places the two texts are absolutely the same, letter for letter. As regards f. 50, which is in a different hand, it should be noted not only that it is far less correct than the rest, but also that it is copied from a different original, a MS. of the unrevised first recension, distinctive readings of which are given in iii. 1686, 1763, 1800, 1806, while no trace of such readings appears in any other part of S.

Δ. SIDNEY SUSSEX COLL., CAMB. Δ. 4. 1 (Bern. Cat. i. 3. 726). Contains Confessio Amantis, with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’ (ff. 2-202 vo), and then an English version of Cato’s Disticha. Paper, ff. 211 (of which four blank), 11½ × 8½ in., in quires of 12 with catchwords and signatures. Written in double column of 41-48 lines in a fairly good hand, middle fifteenth century, with a good many contractions. Latin summaries usually in text, sometimes in margin. No decoration. The first leaf is lost, containing Prol. 1-140.

The book was left to the College by Samuel Ward, Master, 1643. One of the blank leaves has the word ‘temsdytton’ (i.e. Thames Dytton) in an early hand.

In regard to form of text this MS. agrees throughout with S, and it must no doubt have had the Lancaster preface. It is remarkable as containing the additional lines printed by Caxton at the end of the Prologue (which may have been also in S), and it has eleven Latin hexameters substituted for the prose summaries at Prol. 591 and 617, beginning,

‘Dormitans statuam sublimem rex babilonis,’

and again four after the Latin prose at vii. 2891, beginning,

‘Sede sedens ista iudex inflexibilis sta.’

The text has many corruptions and the spelling is not very good. Δ does not give the first recension readings on f. 50 of S, which of itself is sufficient proof that it is not derived from that manuscript, for the insertion of this leaf must be much earlier than the date of Δ.

(b) Ad. ADDITIONAL 12043, British Museum. Confessio Amantis, imperfect at beginning and end. Parchment, ff. 156 (the last blank), 13 × 9¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: well written in double column of 45-50 lines, beginning of fifteenth century. Latin summaries in the margin up to f. 16 (ii. 382), after which they are omitted. Floreated pages in good style at the beginning of each book.

More than twenty leaves are lost, viz. ten at the beginning, up to and including i. 786, one after f. 45 (iv. 1-190), two after f. 47 (iv. 559-932), two after f. 86 (v. 4605-4983), one after f. 131 (vii. 3071-3269*), one after f. 151 (viii. 1440-1632), and five or more at the end, after viii. 2403. There is also omitted without loss of leaf iii. 1665-1848, no doubt owing to loss of leaf in the copy: see below.

‘Elizabeth Vernon’ (fifteenth century?) on blank leaf at the end. The book belonged in the present century to Bp. Butler of Lichfield.

This MS. heads the group AdBTΛ, being nearer to the fully revised type than any of the rest, and showing only very occasional traces of the earlier readings (but iii. 254, 941, v. 6418, vii. 3298, viii. 856, 1076, &c.). It agrees with the rest, as against SΔ, in giving v. 7015*-7034*, vii. 2329*-2340*, and 3149*-3180*, but does not seem fully to join the group until the latter part of the fifth book. In connexion with this we may note the curious fact that the omitted passage, iii. 1665-1848, is precisely that contained in f. 50 of S, which apparently was supplied in place of a lost leaf. In correctness and spelling the MS. is very fair, but not good in regard to final e. Punctuation often where there is a pause in the line.

T. TRIN. COLL., CAMB. R. iii. 2 (Bern. Cat. i. 3. 335). Contains, ff. 1-147, Confessio Amantis, imperfect at the beginning, with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’ ff. 148-152 vo the French Traitié, with the Latin pieces ‘Quis sit vel qualis,’ ‘Est amor in glosa,’ and ‘Lex docet,’ f. 152 ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ f. 152 vo-154 vo the Latin Carmen super multiplici viciorum pestilencia, ending with the ten lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno.’ Parchment, ff. 154, 14¾ × 10 in., quires of 8 with catchwords, double column of 46 lines. Latin summaries in margin, but in some parts omitted. Well written in several hands, early fifteenth century, of which the first wrote ff. 1-8, 50-57, 74-81, 84 vo-89, 98-113 ro, the second ff. 9-32, the third ff. 33-49, 58-65, 82, 83, 84 ro, 90-97, the fourth ff. 66-73, 113-154. No decoration except coloured or gilt capitals.

The book has lost five whole quires at the beginning, and begins at present with ii. 2687. Also the second col. of f. 84 ro is left blank with omission of v. 7499-7544. A large part of f. 33 is blank, but there is no omission.

Presented to the College by Thomas Nevile, Master.

A good MS., with form of text in v, vi, vii, like that of AdB, and obviously having a special connexion in its readings with B. T, however, is of a more fully corrected type than B, and it must remain doubtful whether the preface of the poem in T was of the earlier or the later form. In any case the original of the two, if (as it seems) they had a common original, was not made up earlier than 1397, for the resemblance of the manuscripts extends to the French and Latin poems which follow the Conf. Amantis, and the last of these is dated the 20th year of king Richard.

The third and fourth hands are neater and better than the other two. The first is rather less correct and less good in spelling than the others, and also it omits the Latin marginal notes. The parts written in this hand are ii. 2687-iii. 608, v. 1415-2874, 5805-7082, v. 7545-vi. 1040, vi. 2201-vii. 2532.

With regard to the connexions within the group AdBTΛ, attention may be drawn especially to v. 659, where Ad has the usual reading, T omits the line, leaving a blank, while B and Λ have bad lines made up for the occasion, to v. 4020, where Ad again has the usual text, TΛ omit, and B has a made-up line, and to v. 7303, where AdBT omit two lines necessary to the sense which Λ inserts. We may note the alteration by erasure in T of v. 5936, apparently from the reading of the unrevised text.

B. BODLEY 294, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 2449). Contents, as in T, ff. 1-197 Conf. Amantis, &c., ff. 197-199 vo Traitié, f. 199 vo ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ ff. 199 vo-201 Carmen super multiplici, &c., ending with the lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno.’ Parchment, ff. 201, 15½ × 10¾ in., quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column of 42-47 lines, first quarter of fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red): ‘Confessor,’ ‘Amans,’ usually omitted. Complete border of first page and at the beginning of each book except i and ii, painted in good style. Two miniatures, f. 4 vo Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (the king in bed crowned), f. 9 the Confession, nearly as in E. No leaves lost.

The name ‘Edwarde Fletewoode’ appears on f. 1, and the book was probably given by him to the University in 1601.

Form of text in v, vi, vii the same as AdT. We have in this MS. a combination of the early preface with the rewritten conclusion, a form which we might reasonably expect to find, and which may have been that of T, as it certainly was of the MS. used by Berthelette. Something has already been said of the text of this MS., and for the rest sufficient information will be found in the critical apparatus. The spelling of B is exemplified in the passages printed from it, Prol. 24*-92*, v. 7015*-7036*, vii. 2329*-2340*, 3149*-3180*. As in the case of E, the copyist is careful of metre, and while omitting final e freely before a vowel, rarely does so where it affects the metre, and seldom adds -e unduly. There is hardly any punctuation.

Λ. WOLLATON HALL, in the possession of Lord Middleton, who kindly allowed me to examine it. Contents as B. Parchment, ff. 197, 15¼ × 10½ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords and signatures. Well and regularly written in double column of 46 lines, early fifteenth century. Latin summaries in text (red) as a rule, sometimes in margin. Spaces left for miniatures at the beginning, and for initials throughout, not painted. No leaves lost.

The text of this MS. is in many ways interesting. It has Lancaster dedication, but in text it often seems to belong to the unrevised first recension; for though many of the errors of this group are found to be corrected in Λ, even in cases where B retains them, as Prol. 7, 219, Lat. Verses after 584, 812, 844, 937 f., i. 8, 54, 264, 278, &c., ii. 671, 833, &c., and though there are also many of the revised readings, as i. 368, ii. 1758 ff. (in both of which B is unrevised), iv. 517, 766, 985 f., 2954, 3153, v. 30, 47 f., 82, 2694 f., 3110, &c., yet in many other places the original readings stand in Λ, as i. 3374 ff., iv. 2407, 2556, v. 274, 316, 394, 1893, 1906 f., &c., where BT are revised. The characteristic second recension readings are almost regularly given by Λ, which agrees with AdBT against SΔ in regard to the passages inserted; but there are some important differences between this MS. and all others of its class, viz. (1) after v. 6430* it has a combination of first and second recensions. (2) v. 7701-7746 is inserted as in the first and third recensions. (3) viii. 2941-2959 is inserted as in the first recension (with the curious corruption ‘Cuther’ for ‘Chaucer’), the rewritten epilogue being carried on from the line ‘Enclosed in a sterred skye.’

It will be observed that BTΛ often form a distinct group, as (to take only a few examples) iv. 1567, 1996, 2034, 3132, 3138, v. 654 ff., 4138, &c. We may note, however, v. 7303 f. which are inserted by Λ, though omitted in AdBT, and the reading ‘she’ in iv. 2973.

P₂. PHILLIPPS 8192, at Thirlestaine House, Cheltenham. Same contents as BTΛ. Parchment, ff. 193, large fol. Well written in double col. of 46 lines, early fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in margin. Illumination on the first page and at the beginning of books, except i. and iii. On the first page a miniature of Nebuchadnezzar’s Image, with a small figure in the border, and also a figure painted in the initial O. Two leaves missing and supplied in blank after f. 1 (Prol. 154-509), and one later (vii. 3199-3382). On f. 1 vo ‘Joh: Finch Comitis Winchilsea filius 1700.’

A fine MS. of an early type. It has the Lancaster dedication in the Prologue and the later form of epilogue, and as regards the additional passages it agrees with AdBTΛ. In text P₂ is closely related to Λ, but it does not include v. 7701-7746 or viii. 2941-2960, nor does it agree with Λ in v. 6431* ff. As instances of their agreement we may cite Prol. 14, ‘It dwelleth oft in,’ 115, ‘vneuened,’ 127, ‘ben nought diuided,’ &c. In the marginal note of Prol. 22 P₂ has ‘sextodecimo,’ but the first three letters are over an erasure.

THIRD RECENSION.

F. FAIRFAX 3, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 3883). Contains, ff. 2-186, Confessio Amantis, with ‘Explicit’ and ‘Quam cinxere,’ ff. 186 vo-190 vo Traitié, &c., ff. 190 vo-194 Carmen de multiplici viciorum pestilencia, ending with the lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno,’ &c., f. 194 ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ f. 194 vo sixteen Latin lines by ‘a certain philosopher’ in praise of the author, beginning ‘Eneidos Bucolis que Georgica,’ f. 195 a leaf of a Latin moral treatise from the old binding. Parchment, ff. 195 (including one blank flyleaf at the beginning and one of another book at the end), 13½ × 9¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords; the first quire begins at f. 2, the twenty-fourth quire has six leaves and the twenty-fifth (last) three. The leaves of the seventh quire are disarranged and should be read in the following order, 50, 52, 53, 51, 56, 54, 55, 57. The Confessio Amantis is written in double column of 46 lines, in a very good hand of the end of the fourteenth cent. Latin summaries in the margin. Half borders, some with animal figures, at the beginning of each book, and two miniatures, one at the beginning, rather large, of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, and the other on f. 8 of the Confession, in which the priest is dressed in green and has a wreath of roses on his head, while the penitent, whose features are damaged, wears a hood and a collar of SS with a badge, probably a swan, dependent from it. This was no doubt intended as a portrait of the author: the collar and badge have somewhat the appearance of having been added after the original painting was made. The size of the illuminated capitals indicates precisely the nature of the various divisions of the work.

On f. 2 is written ‘The Ladie Isabell Fairfax daughter and hare of Thwats hir bouk,’ on f. 8 ‘This boke belongeth to my lady farfax off Steton,’ and on f. 1 ‘Sr Thomas fayrfax of Denton Knighte true owner of this booke, 1588.’ This Lady Isabell Fairfax was the granddaughter and heiress of John Thwaites of Denton, who died in 1511, and was married to Sir William Fairfax of Steeton. Sir Thomas Fairfax of Denton, whose name appears in the book, was her grandson. The book no doubt came from the Thwaites family, and we are thus able to trace it back as far as John Thwaites of Denton, who died in old age not much more than a hundred years after the death of the author. It was bequeathed with other MSS. to the University of Oxford by Sir Thomas Fairfax the parliamentary general, grandson of the above Sir Thomas Fairfax of Denton, and was placed in the Bodleian Library in 1675.

The first leaf of the text, up to Prol. 146, is written in a second hand which has also written ff. 186-194, including the last lines of the Conf. Amantis from viii. 3147. A third hand (with very different orthography) has written viii. 2938-3146, being the last 29 lines of f. 41 vo (over an erasure) and the whole of f. 185, which is a leaf inserted in the place of one cut away (the last of quire 23). At viii. 2938 there is visible a note, ‘now haue, etc.,’ for the guidance of the scribe after the erasure had been made. From the fact that two hands have been employed in the transformation of the MS. at the beginning and end it seems probable that the changes were made at two separate times (as we also know by the dates that the rewritten epilogue preceded the rewritten preface), and that what I have called the third hand was really the second in order of time, being employed to substitute the later epilogue for the former, while the other hand, doing its work probably after the accession of Henry IV, replaced the first leaf by one containing the Lancaster dedication, which had been in existence since 1392-3, but perhaps only in private circulation, and added also the Traitié and the Latin poems, with the account of the author’s books, ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ in its revised form. I say after the accession of Henry IV, because the reference in the third recension account of the books to Richard’s fall, ‘ab alto corruens in foueam quam fecit finaliter proiectus est,’ seems to require as late a date as this. It should be noted that this hand is the same as that which has made somewhat similar additions to the All Souls and Glasgow MSS. of the Vox Clamantis. Other examples of alteration of first recension readings by erasure in F are Prol. 331 marg., 336, i. 2713 f., iv. 1321 f., 1361 f., Lat. Verses after vii. 1640, Lat. Verses after vii. 1984.

As this edition prints the text of the Fairfax MS. and its relations have already been discussed, little more need be said here except as to the manner in which the text is dealt with in the printing. It should be noted then that i and j, u and v are used in accordance with modern practice, that no distinction is made between the two forms of s, that th is used for þ, and y for ȝ in ȝe, ȝit, ȝiue, aȝein, beȝete, &c. (this last rather against my judgement, for no good MS. has it). It should be observed also that the Fairfax scribe frequently uses v for u at the end of a word, as ‘nov,’ ‘hov’ (often ‘hou’), ‘þov’ (usually ‘þou’), ‘ȝov’ (also ‘ȝou’), ‘auov,’ ‘windov,’ ‘blev,’ ‘knev,’ &c., and sometimes in other positions, either for the sake of distinction from n or merely for ornament, as ‘comvne,’ ‘retenve,’ ‘rvnne,’ ‘þvrgh,’ ‘havk,’ ‘fovl,’ ‘hovndes,’ ‘movþ,’ ‘rovnede,’ ‘slovh,’ ‘trovþe,’ ‘ynovh,’ &c., beside ‘comune,’ ‘runne,’ ‘þurgh,’ ‘hauk,’ ‘foul,’ &c. In all these cases v is given in the text as u. The termination ‘-o̅n̅’ is regularly printed as ‘-oun.’ French words with this ending appear in F with -o̅u̅ or -o̅n̅, usually the latter (but ‘resoun’ in full, Prol. 151), and sometimes we have ‘to̅n̅’ for ‘toun,’ as vii. 5313, viii. 2523. So also ‘sto̅n̅de: wounde,’ i. 1425 f., ‘gro̅n̅de’ for ‘grounde,’ i. 2051, ‘expo̅n̅de: founde,’ i. 2867 f., ‘bra̅n̅che: staunche,’ i. 2837 f., ‘cha̅n̅ce,’ i. 3203, ‘gra̅n̅teþ,’ ii. 1463, ‘suppla̅n̅te,’ ii. 2369, ‘skla̅n̅dre,’ v. 5536 (‘sclaundre,’ v. 712), ‘coma̅n̅de: launde,’ vii. 2159.

The contraction ꝑ as a separate word is in this edition almost regularly given as ‘per.’ It is hardly ever written fully in F, but we have ‘Per aunter,’ v. 3351, ‘Per chaunce,’ v. 7816, and J regularly gives ‘per chance,’ ‘per cas,’ &c., without contraction. Other MSS., as A and B, incline rather to ‘par.’ F has ‘perceive,’ ‘aperceive,’ but ‘parfit.’

With regard to the use of capitals, this edition in the main follows the MS. Some letters, however, as k, v, w, y, can hardly be said to have any difference of form, and others are used rather rarely as capitals, while in the case of some, and especially s, the capital form is used with excessive freedom. It has seemed desirable therefore to introduce a greater degree of consistency, while preserving the general usage of the MS. Proper names are regularly given in this edition with capitals (usually so in the MS., but not always), and sentences are begun with capital letters after a full stop. On the other hand the I (or J), which is often used as an initial, has frequently been suppressed, and occasionally this has been done in the case of other letters. It may be observed, however, that capital letters are on the whole used very systematically in the MS., and other good MSS., especially S, agree with F in the main principles. Certain substantives as ‘Ere,’ ‘Erthe,’ ‘Schip,’ ‘Sone,’ ‘Ston,’ are almost invariably used with capitals, and names of animals, as ‘Cat,’ ‘Hare,’ ‘Hound,’ ‘Leoun,’ ‘Mous,’ ‘Oxe,’ ‘Pie,’ ‘Ro,’ ‘Schep,’ ‘Tigre,’ of some parts of the body, as ‘Arm,’ ‘Hiele,’ ‘Lippes,’ ‘Nase,’ ‘Pappes,’ ‘Skulle,’ and many other concrete substantives, are apt to be written with capitals, sometimes apparently in order to give them more importance. Capitals are seldom thus used except in the case of substantives and some numerals, as ‘Nyne,’ ‘Seconde,’ ‘Sexte,’ ‘Tenthe,’ and in many cases it is pretty evident that a distinction is intended, e.g. between ‘Sone’ and ‘sone’ (adv.), ‘Se’ (= sea) and ‘se’ (verb), ‘Dore’ and ‘dore’ (verb), see iv. 2825 f., ‘More’ and ‘more,’ ‘Pype’ and ‘pipe’ (verb), iv. 3342 f., ‘Myn’ and ‘myn’ (poss. pron.), ‘Mone’ and ‘mone’ (verb), but see v. 5804, 5808, ‘In’ and ‘in,’ vii. 4921 f., viii. 1169 f., 1285 f. That some importance was attached to the matter is shown by the cases where careful alterations of small letters into capitals have been made in the MS., as Prol. 949, i. 1687, v. 1435, 3206, 4019, vii. 2785, &c.

Many corrections were made by the first hand, and some of these are noteworthy, especially the cases where a final e seems to be deliberately erased for the sake of the metre or before a vowel, as i. 60 ‘get’ for ‘gete,’ iii. 2346 ‘trew’ for ‘trewe,’ vi. 1359 ‘I red’ for ‘I rede,’ vii. 1706 ‘ffyf’ for ‘ffyue,’ or where an e has been added afterwards, as ii. 3399 ‘deþe,’ iii. 449 ‘bowe,’ v. 1269, 3726, 5265, ‘whiche.’

It remains only to speak of the punctuation of the MS., which is evidently carried out carefully. The frequent stops at the ends of lines are for the most part meaningless, but those elsewhere are of importance and usually may be taken as a guide to the sense. They are sometimes certainly wrong (e.g. i. 1102 Togedre· 1284 will· 2965 fro· ii. 1104 wille· 1397 name· 2354 astat· iii. 2638 be· iv. 497 grace· 1751 besinesse· 1985 hardi· 2502 alle· 3354 Slep· 3635 lif· v. 4 good· 231 herte· 444 wynd· 1342 See· 1630 only· 2318 bord· &c.), but the proportion of error is small, and the punctuation of F generally must be treated with respect. There is usually a stop wherever a marked pause comes in the line, and this punctuation occurs on an average about once in ten lines. The following record of the punctuation of iv. 1301-1600 will serve as an illustration of its nature and extent: 1303 loue· 1307 ladis· 1316 cloþed· 1369 seide· 1374 seiþ· 1376 loue· 1388 slow· 1409 wepe· 1412 Dame· 1415 loue· 1439 hirself· 1457 is· 1459 peine· 1461 haltres· 1466 told· 1470 paramours· 1471 lawe· 1474 ianglinge· 1489 take· 1490 loue· 1491 herte· 1492 mariage· 1496 children· 1497 mai· 1499 tarie· 1501 let· 1512 god· seide· 1532 oþre· 1534 ferste· 1535 dovhter· 1536 cloþes· 1547 Tohewe· 1560 seiþ· 1561 point· 1566 maidenhod· 1567 had· 1591 come· 1592 deþ·

H₂. HARLEIAN 3869, Brit. Museum. Contains the same as F, with some religious poems in a different hand on blanks at the beginning and end. Paper, except outer leaves of each quire, ff. 368 (including four leaves at the beginning and two at the end with religious poems as above mentioned), 11¼ × 7½ in., in quires of 16 (usually), with signatures, first quire beginning f. 5 and having 14 leaves. Written in single column of 38-50 lines, rather irregularly. Latin summaries in margin (red). On f. 5 at the beginning of the Confessio Amantis a large picture of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, like that in F, on f. 8 an ill-painted picture of the Confession.

On f. 1 we find written ‘London ye 28 Jany. 1628, George Cogiluy,’ and on f. 2 ‘Jan. 22. 1721 Oxford’ (i.e. Harley). On the same page is the date, ‘1445 ye 23 of May.’

This MS. appears to be copied directly from F, and gives an excellent text, reproducing that of the Fairfax MS. with considerable accuracy, and for the most part copying also its mistakes and peculiarities, as Prol. 80 officie, 249 wich, 419 com, 588 sende, 592 befalle, 668 marg. diminuntur, 723 chiualrie, 1078 waxed, i. 120 wisshide, 160 scheo, 227 beleft, 234 sone sone, 335 whilon, 1626 vnsemylieste, 2511 Embroudred, ii. 352 Ennvie, Lat. after 382 infamen, 710 hiere, 949 þong, 1169 no, 1441 keste, 1539 om. the, and so on. Some obvious mistakes are corrected, however, as Prol. 370, i. 1257, 2105, 3357, ii. 117.

N. NEW COLLEGE, OXF. 266 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 1230). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere.’ Parchment, ff. 183 (originally 187), 13¼ × 9 in., quires of 8 (one of 10 and the last 9) with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46 lines usually, sometimes more, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in margin. Many floreated pages (half borders) and illuminated capitals, well executed. Also a large number of miniatures, of which some have been cut out and others much damaged.

The first two leaves are damaged, and four leaves have been cut out, viz. the original f. 7 (Prol. 1066-i. 106), f. 35 (ii. 1521-1704), f. 74 (iv. 2229-2397) and f. 113 (v. 5505-5662), also the outer half of f. 171 (viii. 271-318) and several miniatures with text at the back.

The name of John Cutt of Schenley, Hertfordshire, appears in the book (late fifteenth cent.), and on the first leaf ‘Thomæ Martin Liber,’ perhaps the Thomas Martin who was Fellow of New College 1538-1553, and died in 1584. The binding of old black leather has stamped upon it the letters W. D., with a double-headed eagle crowned.

This book seems to be derived from F, though perhaps not immediately. The orthography is like that of F, but differs in some points, as ‘shal,’ ‘she,’ &c., for ‘schal,’ ‘sche,’ ‘noht’ for ‘noght,’ besides being very uncertain about final e, often to the destruction of the metre. As examples of particular correspondence with F we may note Prol. 370 argumeten, 588 send, 592 befalle, 723 chiualrie, 957 mistormeth, i. 120 wisshide, 227 beleft, 234 sone sone, 1036 be shrewed, 3357 seled, ii. 318 ff. fela, felaw, felawh (varying as F), after 382 infamen, &c., but sometimes F is corrected in small matters, as Prol. 201 erthly, 249 which, 280 pacience, i. 110 to fare, &c.

The feature of the book is the series of miniatures, illustrating it throughout. In this respect it is unique, so far as I know; though other copies similarly illustrated must once have existed. The following is a complete list of the subjects (leaves cited by original number): f. 15 (i. 1417) Florent and the old woman, f. 18 (i. 2021) man blowing trumpet, lord, wife, and five children looking out of a castle, f. 23 (i. 2785) cut out, f. 34 (i. 3067) cut out and sewn in, much damaged, f. 30 (ii. 587) cut out, f. 44 (ii. 3187) mothers bringing babies to Constantine, f. 56 (iii. 1885) Clytemnestra torn by horses, two crowned persons conversing in the foreground, f. 59 (iii. 2363) Pirate brought before Alexander, f. 61 (iv. 1) Dido killing herself, Eneas riding away, f. 68 (iv. 1245) lady with halters and red bridle questioned by Rosiphelee, f. 71 (iv. 1815) cut out, f. 72 (iv. 2045) fight between Hercules and Achelous, f. 77 (iv. 2927) Alceone in bed dreaming, body of king in the water, f. 83 (v. 141) Midas at table, f. 93 (v. 2031) Crassus having gold poured down his throat, f. 94 (v. 2273) king opening coffers, f. 95 (v. 2391) cut out, f. 96 (v. 2643) cut out, f. 98 (v. 2961) almost defaced, f. 100 (v. 3247) cut out, f. 109 (v. 4937) Bardus pulling Adrian out of the pit, f. 111 (v. 5231) Ariadne left sleeping, ship sailing away, f. 117 (v. 6225) a procession of naked nymphs to bathe, f. 120 (v. 6807) cut out, f. 133 (vi. 1391) Telegonus supporting his father’s head, guards lying dead, f. 136 (vi. 1789) cut out, f. 150 (vii. 1783) cut out, f. 158 (vii. 3417) cut out, f. 159 (vii. 3627) Gideon and his men blowing trumpets, &c., enemy asleep in a tent, f. 165 (vii. 4593) cut out, f. 171 (viii. 271 ff.) half the page cut away, with probably three miniatures, for only 52 lines are gone, whereas there was space for 92.

K. KESWICK HALL, near Norwich, in the possession of J. H. Gurney, Esq., who most kindly sent it to Oxford for my use. Contains the same as F, but is slightly imperfect at the end. Parchment, ff. 189, 13 × 9¾ in., quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46 lines (corresponding column for column with F throughout), apparently in six different hands, of which the first wrote quires 1, 2, 6, 8-11, 21, the second 3 and perhaps 7, the third 4, 5, 16, 17, the fourth 12-15, 19, the fifth 18, and the sixth 20, 22-24. Latin summaries in the margin (sometimes omitted). Three leaves are lost in the seventh quire (iii. 1087-1632), and one at the end, containing the last thirteen lines of the Latin Carmen de multiplici, &c., with probably the account of the books and the piece ‘Eneidos, Bucolis.’ A floreated initial to each book, and space left for miniatures on ff. 1 and 7. Old stamped leather binding.

Former possessors, Thomas Stone ‘of Bromsberrowe in the County of Glouc.’, Henry Harman, William Mallowes (Q. Elizabeth’s reign?), John Feynton.

The various hands differ very much from one another in correctness. The first and the fourth give a text so closely corresponding to that of F, that it is almost impossible not to believe that it is copied from it. In the case of some of the other hands this exact correspondence in details of spelling and punctuation disappears, and a much less correct text is given, but this seems chiefly due to carelessness (the third hand, for example, is evidently inaccurate and much neglects the metre). At the same time it must be noted that K has the marginal note at the beginning of the Prologue, which is wanting in F, ‘Hic in principio,’ &c., and there are some readings which seem to be derived from another source, as iii. 778, 906, 921, 1732, 1832 (all in the seventh quire), where there is agreement with AM. On the whole the question of the dependence of K upon F must be left doubtful.

We can trace to this MS. a good many of the mistakes which appear in H₃ and the Magdalen MS., and found their way sometimes thus into printed editions, e.g. Prol. 160 bothe, 260 to make manhode, i. 3170 om. his, ii. 78 fader, 101 hem wolde, 103 all hys cause, 126 he, 135 pore, 138 wich, 162 In (originally The). The cause of the great increase of error about the beginning of the second book is the appearance on the scene of the careless third hand, which on f. 40 (for example) in its last ten lines has at least twenty variations in spelling, &c., from the text of F, while the first hand resuming has not a single one in its first eighteen lines. Indeed, whole columns may be found in the parts copied by the first or the fourth hand which do not differ from F in the smallest particular, either of spelling or punctuation.

H₃. HARLEIAN 7184, Brit. Museum. Confessio Amantis, imperfect. Parchment, ff. 134, 21½ × 14½ in., in quires of 12 with catchwords: regularly written in double column of 49 lines, in a large pointed hand of the middle fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in the text (red). Large capitals finely illuminated and pages bordered at the beginning of the books (the first page especially is richly decorated, but has suffered damage), also illuminated titles, ‘Liber Primus,’ &c., at the head of each page.

The book has lost more than fifty leaves, viz. one leaf after each of the following, f. 25 (i. 3322-ii. 46), f. 55 (iii. 1908-2103), f. 61 (iv. 400-576), f. 78 (iv. 3701-v. 161), f. 110 (v. 6183-6360), and f. 118 (vi. Latin Verses i. 4-182), twelve leaves after f. 126 (vi. 1571-vii. 1405), four after f. 131 (vii. 2354-3088), and thirty or more after f. 134, from vii. 3594 to the end of the book.

On the first page ‘Oxford B. H.’

This is a very large and magnificent volume, written on fine parchment, doubtless for some distinguished person. The text, however, is late and not very good. It is almost certain that it is derived ultimately from the Keswick MS. The evidence of this is as follows: (1) Mistakes made in that MS. are nearly regularly reproduced in H₃. Some instances have been referred to in the account of K: we may add here that where K omits the Latin summaries in a part of the seventh book, e.g. vii. 1641-1884, 1917-2765, H₃ does the same, and where variants apparently from the AM group appear in K, as iii. 778, 906, 921, 1732, they are found also in H₃. (2) The inequality which is to be observed in the text of H₃, some parts being much less correct than others, corresponds in the main with the difference of hands in K. Thus we find that a great crop of error springs up in H₃ from the point where the third hand of K begins, the preceding portion of the text being very fairly correct, and so to some extent elsewhere. For example, in v. 917-1017 (a part written in K by the first hand) there are about eight metrical faults in a hundred lines, while in vi. 183-283 (written in K by the third hand), there are at least twenty-five. (3) In a certain part of the third book H₃ suddenly ceases to follow the third recension text, and almost regularly gives the readings of the ERCLB₂ group. This appears first in iii. 1088 and ceases to be the case after iii. 1686, thus remarkably corresponding with the gap caused in K by the loss of three leaves after iii. 1086. It is difficult not to believe that this very marked change was caused by the following of another MS. in a place where K was defective.

The spelling of H₃ is rather late: there is no use of þ, and y is used for ȝ in ‘ye,’ ‘yiue,’ &c.

Magd. MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXF. 213 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 2354). Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and Table of Contents in English (on two fly-leaves at the beginning and one at the end). Parchment, ff. 180 + 3 (as above), 18¾ × 13¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: written in double column of 48 lines in a large hand of the middle fifteenth cent, something like that of H₃. Table of contents and columns 2, 3, 4 of f. 2 in a different hand. Latin summaries in text (red). Fine coloured letters with floreated half borders at the beginning of each book, and some neat drawing in connexion with the scrolls of the catchwords.

The book has lost one leaf after f. 22 (ii. 409-586) and eight after f. 88 (v. 701-2163). On f. 155 vo the MS. omits vii. 2519-2695 without loss of leaf or blank.

Presented to the College by Marchadin Hunnis in 1620. A note by the present Librarian states that he was elected a demy of the College in 1606, appointed second master of the College Grammar School in 1610, and dismissed from that office as ‘insufficiens’ in Dec. 1611. The book is reported missing in Coxe’s catalogue.

This MS. is in many points like H₃ in its text, and must certainly have the same origin, both being perhaps derived from a MS. dependent on K. It reproduces most of the corruptions which we find in H₃, adding many others of its own, and it has the same readings in the third book which we have already noted in H₃.

A point of interest about this MS. is its apparent connexion with Caxton’s edition. It seems evident that among the MSS. from which Caxton worked (and he had three at least) was either this very copy or one so like it as to be practically undistinguishable. Of this we shall say more when we speak of Caxton’s edition.

W. WADHAM COLL., OXF. 13. Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’ then the Traitié, slightly imperfect at the end, ending ‘un amie soulain,’ xvii. 9. Paper, ff. 450, including two original blanks at the beginning, 11½ × 8¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: written in column of 30-48 lines (without ruling) in two hands, of which the first wrote up to iv. 2132, and the other from thence to the end. Latin summaries in margin, but sometimes omitted or cut short. Some decoration of the first page of the text in black and red; capitals, titles, &c. in red.

Three leaves are lost in the Conf. Amantis, containing Prol. 728-794, iv. 2386-2473, and v. 1-78, and several also at the end of the volume. There is great confusion in the text of the Prologue, which goes as follows: 1-92, 499-860 (with loss as above), 93-144, 861-1044, 145-498, and then 1045 ff. This is not produced by any disarrangement of leaves in the present MS., but a considerable dislocation of quires has taken place in a later part of the volume, seven quires of the fourth and fifth books having been taken out of their proper place and bound up between vi. 2132 and 2133.

This book was evidently written for one John Dedwood, since his name and device, a piece of the trunk of a dead tree, occur as part of the decorations of the first page. The two blanks at the beginning are written over with a list of Mayors and Sheriffs for a series of years, and these prove to be those of the city of Chester from the year 1469-1499 (see Ormerod’s Hist. of Cheshire, i. 211 f.). The name of John Dedwood occurs among these as Sheriff in the year 1481 and as Mayor in 1483 (but the record in the MS. is here damaged). He had also been Mayor in 1468. We may therefore suppose that the MS. dates from about 1470. The name Troutbecke occurs several times (with other names) in the book, and later (1765) it belonged to Rich. Warner of Woodford Row, Essex.

The first hand of this MS. is cramped and ugly, varying a good deal in size, the second is neat and uniform. The text is late and full of mistakes, and the spelling bad, even such forms as ‘loves,’ ‘beres,’ ‘gos’ being quite common for ‘loveth,’ &c., and often -et or -ut as a participle termination, ‘despeyret,’ ‘resignet,’ ‘weddut,’ ‘cleput,’ &c. A certain interest attaches to the MS. however from the fact that it seems to be clearly independent of F as well as of the KH₃ group. While agreeing with F completely in form of text, and supporting it also as a rule against the mistakes of KH₃, it has a considerable number of readings which belong to the first recension uncorrected type, and in other cases it agrees specially with B. Instances of the former are to be found in Prol. 159, i. 8, 1839, 2423, 2801, 3027, ii. 961, 1200, 1441, 3306, 3516, iii. 68, 626, 2056, v. 1698, 2500, 3376, vi. 543, 1151, 1631, vii. 1490, Latin verses after 1640 and 1984, 5104, viii. 510, 2342, 2925, &c. These, with others of a similar kind, scattered through the whole book, seem to be of the nature of accidental survivals, a first recension copy (the remote ancestor of W) having been altered by collation with one resembling F. W agrees with apparent mistakes of F and the rest of the third recension in some passages, as iii. 446, iv. 2867, 2973, vii. 5135, viii. 1069, 1999, but supports what is apparently the true reading against them in Prol. 1078, i. 1068, ii. 2299, 2537, iii. 1605, v. 2906, &c. In most of these last instances W merely remains in agreement with the first recension, where F, &c. depart from it, therefore its testimony may be of an accidental character.

The list of Mayors and Sheriffs of Chester on the first pages has perhaps some local interest, as it is contemporary and probably made by a responsible person. Comparing it with that given in Ormerod’s Hist. of Cheshire, we find several differences, as ‘Ric. Sadler’ for ‘Rich. Smith’ as one of the Sheriffs of 1475, ‘John Monkesfelde, Rob. Pleche,’ Sheriffs for 1478, ‘Mathewe Hewse’ for ‘Mathew Johnson,’ 1479, ‘Rychard Kir e’ for ‘Rich. Barker,’ 1492. The same pages have some notes about current historical events, as (under 1469), ‘The which yere were hedet the lorde Wellybe and the lorde Well. his son for the grete insurreccion and rysing of the Comyns of the Counte of Lyncolne. Also the same yere entred our Souereyne and moste noble Prince Kynge Edward now reynynge,’ &c. Under 1470 is a note of the battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury, and at 1476 the record of a visit to Chester of ‘our Souereigne lorde Prince,’ who stayed there from Christmas to Easter.

P₃. Formerly PHILLIPPS 8942, bought in March, 1895, by Messrs. H. S. Nichols & Co., and afterwards in the possession of Messrs. Maggs, Booksellers. Confessio Amantis, imperfect, ending viii. 3119, ‘As Tullius som tyme wrot.’ Parchment, rather roughly written, middle of fifteenth century. From the Towneley Collection.

Hn. HATTON 51, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 4099). Confessio Amantis, imperfect. Parchment, ff. 206, 12 × 9 in., in quires first of 6 and then usually of 8 (lettered); double column of 42-48 lines, untidy writing. Has lost k 4 (iii. 1314-1475), n 2 (iv. 2118-2268), s 2 (v. 5169-5333), t 2 (v. 6774-6914), and five or six at the end (after viii. 2408). Copied from Caxton’s edition, including the Table of Contents and the confusion in leaf numbering.

Besides these, there are several MSS. which contain selections from the Confessio Amantis, as

HARL. 7333, Brit. Museum, which, besides the Canterbury Tales and other things, has seven stories from the Conf. Amantis, viz. f. 120 Tereus (v. 5551 ff.), f. 122 Constance (ii. 587 ff.), f. 126 The Three Questions (i. 3067 ff.), f. 127 vo The Travellers and the Angel (ii. 291 ff.), f. 127 vo Virgil’s Mirror, f. 128 vo The Two Coffers, f. 129 The Beggars and the Pasties, &c. (v. 2031-2498). Parchment, large folio, column of 66 lines, no Latin. These stories are in the same hand as the Cant. Tales, which go before, and the Parlement of Foules, which follows them. The text is that of the first recension unrevised; a very poor copy.

CAMB. UNIV. Ee. ii. 15. Paper, ff. 95, end of fifteenth or beginning of sixteenth cent., much mutilated. Contains ff. 30-32, a fragment of The Three Questions (i. 3124-3315), and ff. 33-35, a fragment of the Trump of Death (i. 2083 ff.).

CAMB. UNIV. Ff. i. 6. Paper, ff. 159, 8½ × 6 in., written in various hands. Contains, ff. 3-5, part of the tale of Tereus (v. 5920-6052), ff. 5-10, iv. 1114-1466 including the tale of Rosiphelee, ff. 45-51, The Three Questions (i. 3067-3425), ff. 81-84, iv. 2746-2926, ff. 84 vo-95, viii. 271-846. The text of iv. 1321 agrees with that of the second recension.

BALL. COLL., OXF. 354. Paper, ff. 253, 11½ × 4¼ in. Contains a miscellaneous collection of verse and prose, with memoranda &c., all, or nearly all, apparently in the hand of the owner of the book, one Richard Hill of Langley, Herts, who has registered on f. 21 (25) the birth of his seven children, from the year 1518 to 1526, and has kept a short journal of public events which ends with the year 1536. Among the extracts are several stories from the Confessio Amantis, neatly written, about 54-60 lines to the page, with no Latin. These extend over about 46 leaves of the book and are as follows (leaves by old numbering): ff. 55-70 vo Tale of Appolinus, viii. 271-2028, ff. 70 vo-81 vo Tales of Constance and of Perseus, ii. 587-1865, ff. 81 vo-83 vo Adrian and Bardus, v. 4937-5162, ff. 83 vo-84 vo, vi. 485-595, ff. 84 vo-86 vo Dives and Lazarus &c., vi. 975-1238, ff. 86 vo-89 vo Constantine, ii. 3187-3507, ff. 89 vo-91 vo Nebuchadnezzar, i. 2785-3066, ff. 91 vo-94 vo Tales of Diogenes and of Pyramus, iii. 1201-1502 and 1655-1672, ff. 94 vo-96 Midas (unfinished), v. 141-312, ff. 171 vo-175, The Three Questions, i. 3067-3402. The text is copied not from Caxton’s edition but from a MS. of the first recension (b) or (c). It is not very correct, and short passages or couplets are omitted here and there, as i. 3051-3054, viii. 1763-1766, 1945 f., &c.

RAWLINSON D. 82, Bodleian Library. Contains on ff. 25-33 Conf. Amantis, viii. 2377-2970. Paper, written in single column of 33 lines, no Latin. Copied from a MS. resembling B, but not apparently either from B itself or from Berthelette’s MS.

PHILLIPPS 22914 is reported as a fragment (four leaves) containing Confessio Amantis, v. 775-1542.

Nine good miniatures cut out of a MS. of the Conf. Amantis are in the possession of Mr. A. H. Frere, who kindly allowed me to see them. They are as follows. (1) Tereus, (2) Codrus, (3) Socrates and his wife, (4) Dives and Lazarus, (5) Roman Triumph, (6) Ulysses and Telegonus, (7) The Three Questions, (8) Lycurgus taking an oath from the Athenians (?), (9) King on a quay with bales and gold vessels, apparently landed from a ship near, perhaps Apollonius landing at Tarsis. Several of the pictures represent more than one scene of the story, as that of Tereus, in which we have the king at meat presented with the head of his son, while there are three birds in the background and the scene of the outrage on Philomene on the left; and again in (4), where the rich man and his wife are sitting at table and refusing food to the beggar, while in the background on the right an angel is receiving the soul of the dying Lazarus.

These miniatures are supposed to have belonged to Sir John Fenn, editor of the Paston Letters. The MS. from which they were cut seems to have been of the middle of the fifteenth cent.

Evidence is afforded of one other large and well written MS. of the Conf. Amantis by a fragment of parchment in the Shrewsbury School Library, of which a photograph has most kindly been sent to me by Dr. Calvert of Shrewsbury. It contains about 70 lines of the Prologue, viz. 189-195 (with the Latin), 224-244, 274-294, 323-343. The leaf to which it belonged must have measured at least 15½ × 11½ in., and was written in double column of 50 lines.

Three other MSS. are mentioned in the Catalogue of 1697 (vol. ii. pt. 1), viz. 611 ‘John Gower’s Old English Poems’ with ‘S. Anselmi Speculum Religiosorum,’ at Naworth Castle, which I strongly suspect is identical with Harl. 3490 (H₁), 4035, ‘Goweri Confessio Amantis, Fol. magn.,’ belonging to Ric. Brideoake, Esq., of Ledwell, Oxon., and 6974, ‘Jo. Gower’s Poems, fol.,’ belonging to Sir Henry Langley of the County of Salop (i.e. of the Abbey, Shrewsbury).

The average excellence of the Gower MSS. stands high, and there is a surprisingly large proportion of well written and finely decorated copies, which attain to more than a respectable standard of correctness. Manuscripts such as L or B₂, which stand in the third rank among copies of the Confessio Amantis, would take a very different place among the authorities for any of Chaucer’s works, second only to the Ellesmere MS. if they were copies of the Canterbury Tales, and easily in the first place if it were a question of the Legend of Good Women or the Hous of Fame. It is evident not only that Gower was careful about the text of his writings, but also that there was some organized system of reproduction, which was wanting in the case of Chaucer.

VERSION. It remains to say something of the Spanish prose version of the Confessio Amantis, which exists in manuscript in the Library of the Escorial (g. ii. 19). Information about this was first given me by Mr. J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, and since then by the learned Librarian of the Escorial, Fr. Guillermo Antolin, O.S.A., who most obligingly sent me an account of it. The Catalogue (1858) thus describes the book: ‘Confision del amante, libro así intitulado compuesto por Juan Goer natural del Reyno de Englaterra, e tornado en lengua Portuguesa por Roberto Payn ó Payna canónigo de la ciudad de Lisboa, e despues fué puesto en lenguaje castellano por Juan de Cuenca natural de Huete. Cod. escrito en papel el año de 1400, fol. menor. pasta.’ The statement about the author and the translators is taken from the beginning of the translation itself. It seems to be rather implied that the Castilian version made by Juan de Cuenca was based upon the Portuguese of Robert Payn, no doubt an Englishman. The present Librarian adds that it is a book of 411 leaves, and of the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth cent.

The translation was made from a copy of the first recension. So far as I can judge by the extracts with which the Librarian has furnished me, it is a tolerably close version. For example, Prol. 22 ff. ‘e por que pocos escriven en lenguaje yngles yo entiendo de componer en el un lybro a onrra del Rey rricardo cuyo sugebto yo so en todo obedescimiento de mi coraçon, como dicho sugebto puede y deue a su dicho señor,... asy fue que un tiempo acaescio como avía de ser que yo yendo en un batel a rremos por el rrio de atenas que va a la cibdad de noua troya ... y yo estonces falle por ventura a este mi señor e luego como me vido mando que fuese a una barca en que el venia, y entre otras cosas que me dixo,’ &c. And again viii. 2941 ff. (the Chaucer greeting), ‘Saluda de mi parte a caucer mi disciplo e mi poeta, quando con el topares, el qual por mi en la su mancibia fiso toda su diligencia para componer y escreuir desyres e cantares de diversas maneras de los quales toda la tierra es llena, por la qual cosa en especial le soy mucho tenido mas que a ninguno de los otros. Por ende dile que le enbio desir que tal esta en su postrimera hedad por dar fyn a todas sus obras se travaje de faser su testamento de amor, asi como tu has fecho agora en tu confision.’

EDITIONS. The Confessio Amantis has been already six times printed, viz. by Caxton, by Berthelette (twice), in Chalmers’ English Poets, by Pauli, and by Prof. Henry Morley. All the later editions are dependent, directly or indirectly, on Berthelette.

CAXTON printed the Conf. Amantis in 1483. His text is a composite one, taken from at least three MSS. At first he follows a copy of the third recension, either the Magdalen MS. itself or one remarkably like it, and he continues this for more than half the book, up to about v. 4500. Then for a time he seems to follow a second recension copy, either alone or in combination with the other, but from about v. 6400 to the end he prints from a manuscript of the unrevised first recension, inserting however the additional passages in the seventh book and the conclusion (after the Chaucer greeting) from one of his other MSS. The account of the books ‘Quia vnusquisque’ at the end is from a first recension MS. The principle, no doubt, was to include as much as possible, but two of the additional passages, v. 7015*-7036* and 7086*-7210*, were omitted, probably by oversight, while a first recension copy was being followed. The later form of epilogue was perhaps printed rather than the other because it is longer. Caxton prints the lines at the end of the Prologue, which are given only by Δ, and there are some other indications that he had a MS. of this type; but he had also one of the AdBT group, which alone contain vii. 2329*-2340* and 3149*-3180*.

On f. cxvi vo Caxton still agrees with Magd. almost regularly, e.g. v. 4450 And myn hap 4454 is not trouble 4465 But for that 4467 ne shall yeue and lene 4484 doo 4503 A good word, whereas on f. cxvii he differs repeatedly, e.g. 4528, 4532, 4543, 4555, 4560, 4572, and seems never to be in full agreement after this. That he is following a first recension copy after about v. 6400 is clear from the unbroken series of readings belonging to this class which he exhibits. The text generally is very poor and the metre extremely bad.

BERTHELETTE in 1532 printed the Conf. Amantis from a MS. very closely resembling B. He did not venture, however, to substitute the preface which he found in his copy for that to which Caxton had given currency, but merely expressed surprise that the printed copies should deviate so much from the MSS., and printed separately that which his manuscript gave. He also takes from Caxton the lines at the end of the Prologue, the additional third recension passages, Prol. 495-498, 579-584, i. 1403-1406, 2267-2274, 2343-2358, 2369-2372AK, and also the Chaucer greeting, viii. 2941-2960*, but he has overlooked v. 7701-7746. He inserts of course all the additional passages in v. and vii, as he found them in his MS., loudly protesting against Caxton for omitting ‘lynes and columnes, ye and sometyme holle padges.’

Berthelette’s text is better than Caxton’s, but his manuscript must have been decidedly inferior in correctness to B.

The second edition, 1554, is a reprint of the first, column for column, in different type. A few mistakes are corrected, and the spelling is somewhat changed, especially by substitution in many cases of i for y.

CHALMERS published the Conf. Amantis in vol. ii. of the collection of British Poets, 1810, taking the text from Berthelette’s edition of 1554.

PAULI professed to follow Berthelette’s first edition with collation throughout of MSS. Harl. 7184 and 3869, and occasional reference to Harl. 3490 and the Stafford MS. It is almost impossible that this full collation can really have been made, for by it nearly all Berthelette’s errors might have been corrected, whereas we find them as a matter of fact on every page of Pauli’s edition. As to the critical judgement of the editor, it is enough to say that he regarded Harl. 7184 as a better authority for the text and spelling than either Harl. 3869 or the Stafford MS. (being attracted apparently by the external magnificence of the volume), and that he actually pronounced it to be of the fourteenth cent. His diligence may be measured by the fact that because Harl. 3490 stops short at viii. 3062* (in the middle of a sentence), being left unfinished by the scribe, therefore Pauli’s edition omits the remainder of this conclusion, 3063*-3114*AL, though he had the MS. in the Royal Library (R) within his reach, by means of which he might have completed his copy. He is also seriously inaccurate in the statements which he makes about the Stafford MS. as regards the additional passages.

A certain number of the errors in Berthelette’s edition are corrected, but very many remain, and in some cases further corruption has been introduced by the editor, either from Harl. 7184 or otherwise. The orthography has been ‘restored,’ but hardly with success.

MORLEY (1889) followed Pauli’s text, with conjectural alterations of his own, and a few corrections from Berthelette, as i. 773. Often the changes are quite wrong, e.g. Prol. 82, 608, i. 777, 1675 f., 2957 f., the most extraordinary perhaps being iv. 2408 f. The editor professes to omit iii. 142-338 and a few lines here and there in other places. The omissions, however, are much more extensive than this seems to imply. In the fourth book alone they are as follows, 401-408, 428-436, 443-506, 516-523, 1467-1475, 1490-1594, 2131-2182, 2754-2770, 2858-2862, 2883-2888, 3181-3302, and in some cases it is impossible even to conjecture on what principle they are made.

THE PRESENT EDITION. The text follows the Bodleian Fairfax MS. and every deviation from this is noted. The critical apparatus is constructed upon the following principles.

Three manuscripts have been collated throughout with the text of F, viz. Bodley 902 (A), Corpus Christi Coll. 67 (C), and Bodley 294 (B). These are selected to represent respectively the first recension revised, the first recension unrevised, and the second recension texts. A is an excellent copy, the best of its class, C is a carefully written MS., the best of the group to which it belongs, with the exception of Egerton 1991, and B, besides being a good copy and almost the only second recension MS. which is not imperfect, has perhaps a special claim to attention because its text is of the type which all the editions except that of Caxton have followed. In all cases where variation has been found, except where it is merely of form and spelling or of a very trifling and accidental kind, the readings of at least fourteen other selected copies have been ascertained, and by this procedure those variations which are merely individual have been distinguished from those which are shared by a class or a group. The result is given in the critical notes, all the variations of A and B being there cited except those that are very triflingAM, while the readings of C are usually given only when shared by some other manuscript.

It is important that it should be observed which the manuscripts are which have thus been referred to and how their evidence is cited. They are divided always according to their recension, first, second or third, and they are cited in an unvarying order, as follows: AJMH₁X(G)ERCLB₂, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ (or K), so that A ... B₂ means the whole series of the first class, and S ... Δ that of the second, while H₁ ... B₂ stands for H₁X(G)ERCLB₂, and E ... B₂ for ERCLB₂. These nineteen (or eighteen) manuscripts are present as witnesses throughout, whether named or not; for when the manuscripts are named which give a variation, it is to be assumed that the remainder have the reading of the text. Thus the note

‘1295 wisdom] wordes H₁ ... B₂, H₃’

must be taken to imply that ‘wisdom’ is the reading of AJM, SAdBTΔ, FW and ‘wordes’ of H₁XGERCLB₂, H₃:

‘1296 gostly B’

means that the reading of the text, ‘goodly,’ is given by every one of the nineteen except B:

‘1318 How þer(e) H₁G ... B₂’

means that the reading of the text is that of AJMX, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ and that of the note belongs to H₁GERCLB₂:

‘1330 for to] þat þou SAdBTΔ’

indicates a reading of the second recension only:

‘3340 tho] þe AM ... B₂’

stands for the fact that all the first recension copies except J vary from F, while the rest agree. Occasionally readings of other MSS. are cited besides those mentioned above, as Y, Λ or Magd., but the absence of such citation must not be taken to imply anything.

It must be observed, however, that in some cases a more limited reference seemed desirable, especially on matters of form and spelling, points about which it would be idle to adduce any evidence but that of a few copies. Where selection of this kind is employed, the manuscripts on both sides are cited: thus such notes as

‘3691 set AJ, S, F sette C, B,’

‘4307 all S, F alle AJ, B’

must not be taken to imply the reading of any copy except those mentioned. In a few cases this form is used to avoid misunderstanding in passages where the record of readings is for some reason incomplete, as i. 2300, viii. 566, 1713, 1927.

In citing a variation as given by a class or group of MSS. no attempt is made to give the spelling of each one separately. The form cited is that given either by the majority or by a leading MS. with variations sometimes added in parentheses.

Attention should be paid also to the following points: (1) It was not found possible to complete the collation of the Glasgow MS. (G) before the text was printed, and consequently its readings must not be taken as implied, when not mentioned, any further than v. 1970. The collation has since been completed and some of the results are noted in the account of the MS. (2) K takes the place of H₃ in vi. 1671-vii. 1405, and vii. 3594 to the end, where H₃ is defective. (3) Before assuming the evidence of any MS. ex silentio it is necessary that the reader should assure himself that it is not defective in the part concerned. The means of doing this are fully afforded by the accounts given of the separate MSS., where their imperfections are noted, and it must be remembered that J and Ad are for the most part defective as regards the Latin summaries, and that this is the case with T also in certain parts. The readings of S on f. 50 are for the most part passed over, as not originally belonging to that MS. (4) A few abbreviated Latin terms are used in the critical notes, as in ras. to indicate that the text is written over an erasure, or p. m. to denote the reading of the first hand.

The lines are numbered in each book (for the first time), and the numbers with an asterisk attached are those of the lines in other recensions than that of the text. In addition to this it should be observed that as nearly all references to Gower for the last forty years have been made by Pauli’s edition, it has been thought advisable to place in the margin of this text indications of the volumes and pages of that edition: thus P. 1. 153 stands for ‘Pauli, vol. i. p. 153.’

Setting aside matters of spelling, punctuation and grammatical form, we may note that the material differences of reading between the text of this edition and that of Pauli are in number about two thousand.

OTHER ENGLISH WORKS. With regard to the text of the poem In Praise of Peace all that need be said will be found in the notes upon it. The Trentham MS., which contains it, has already been fully described in the volume of ‘French Works.’

A poem in five seven-line stanzas, beginning ‘Passe forthe þou pilgryme and bridel wele þy beste,’ occurs in (Shirley’s) MS. Ashmole 59, f. 17 vo (Bodl. Libr.), with the title ‘Balade moral of gode counseyle made by Gower.’ The same without the final stanza (owing to loss of a leaf) occurs in MS. Rawlinson C. 86, but with no title or ascription of authorship, and both texts have been printed (not quite correctly) by Dr. Karl Meyer in his John Gower’s Beziehungen, &c., 1889. In addition to these copies there is one in the British Museum MS. Addit. 29729, which has been published by Dr. Max Förster in the Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, vol. 102, p. 50. In this MS. the piece is ascribed to Benedict Burgh, and it is called ‘A leson to kepe well the tonge.’

It is almost impossible that these verses can have been written by Gower, but out of deference to Shirley’s authority (which is not very weighty however), and in order that the reader may judge, it is printed here, all deviations from the Ashmole text being noted, except in the case of ‘th’ for ‘þ,’ and some readings of the Rawlinson copy (R) being added in parentheses.

BALADE MORAL OF GODE COUNSEYLE MADE BY GOWER.

Passe forth, thou pilgryme, and bridel wel thy beeste;[1]

Loke not agein for thing that may betyde;[2]

Thenke what thou wilt, but speke ay with the leeste;

Avyse thee wel who stondeth thee besyde;[3]

Let not thyne herte beo with thy tonge bewryde;

Trust not to muche in fayre visayginge,

For peynted cheere shapeth efft to stynge.[4]

Byholde thy selff, or that thou other deme;

Ne beo not glad whane other done amyss;[5]

Sey never al that which wolde the sothe seme,[6] 10

Thou maist not wite what thy fortune is:[7]

For there is no wight on lyve iwyss[8]

That stondeth sure, ther fore I rede beware,[9]

And looke aboute for stumbling in the snare.

Reporte not muche on other mennes sawe;[10]

Be ay adrad to here a wicked fame;[11]

For man shal dye by dome of goddes lawe,

That here enpeyreth any mannes name.[12]

Avyse thee wel ther fore or thow attame[13]

Suche as thou mayst never revoke ageyn;[14] 20

A good name leste is leste for ay certain.[15]

Pley not with pecus ne ffawvel to thy feere;[16]

Chese thou hem never, yif thou do affter me;

The hande is hurt that bourdeth with the bere;[17]

Fawvel fareth even right as doth a bee;[18]

Hony mowthed, ful of swetnesse is she,[19]

But loke behinde and ware thee from hir stonge,[20]

Thow shalt have hurt yf thou play with hir longe.[21]

Dispreyse no wight but if effte thou may him preyse,

Ne preyse no firre but thou may discomende: 30

Weyghe thy wordes and hem by mesure peyse;

Thenke that the gilty may by grace amende,

And eke the gode may happen to offende:

Remember eke that what man doth amiss,[22]

Thou hast or art or may be suche as he is.[23]

This is full of lines that Gower would not have written, with superfluous syllables in the metre, as ll. 1, 5, 10, 17, 29, 33, 35 (omitting those that might pass with amended spelling), accent on weak syllables, as ll. 20, 25, 26, 31, defective rhyme, as ‘besyde’: ‘bewryde’ (participle), and ‘feere’ (companion): ‘bere,’ or suppression of syllable at the beginning, as in l. 12. The form ‘mayst’ (maist) for ‘miht’ is not found in any respectable Gower MS. Moreover the style is not that of Gower, but evidently imitated from Chaucer’s poem ‘Fle from the pres.’

LINENOTES:

1 1 forþe wele

2 2 ageine

3 4 weele stondeþe

4 7 shapeþe (efft] her R)

5 9 gladde (glad R) amysse

6 10 þee

7 11 wit (witte R)

8 12 ewysse

9 13 stondeþe

10 15 mens (mennys R)

11 16 adradde

12 18 enpeyreþe mans (mannes R)

13 19 wele þowe

14 20 ageyne

15 21 gode (good R) certaine

16 22 (Playe not pecus R)

17 24 hurte bourdeþe (a brere R)

18 25 fareþe doþe

19 26 right ful (full R)

20 27 frome

21 28 þowe shalt kache hareme to pley wt þeos beestis longe (Thow shalt haue hurt yf þou play with her longe R)

22 34 Remembre doþe amisse

23 35 haste arte

CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA

p. 2, note on 24-92, for Λ, read ΛP₂, and for Of these H₃ Magd. have read Of these Magd. has

p. 13, note on 331, for RSnDAr read RSnDAr, Δ

p. 14, l. 349, for new read newe

p. 19, note on 543, read scholde A, B, K schold S, F

p. 23, note on 668, for hol] hole AC read hol B, F hole AC note on 683, for A read AM

p. 25, l. 747, for for read forto

p. 29, l. 871, for form read forme

p. 33, l. 1024, for wist read wiste

p. 57, l. 782, for There read Ther

p. 60, l. 914, for She read Sche so also p. 244, l. 679

p. 64, l. 1052, for righte read rihte

p. 70, l. 1275, for Commandeth read Comandeth

p. 72, note on 1338, for SΔ read SAdΔ, H₃

p. 88, l. 1946, for wenyinge read wenynge

p. 96, l. 2248, for well read wel

p. 100, l. 2365, for myght read myht so also p. 117, l. 2990

p. 107, l. 2630, for discoevered read descoevered

p. 109, l. 2710, for all read al so also p. 156, l. 966, p. 238, l. 447, p. 346, l. 1668

p. 112, l. 2822, for bare read bar

p. 113, l. 2838, for But read Bot

p. 133, below l. 96, a small space should be left

p. 138, l. 274, for greveth read grieveth

p. 150, l. 750, for her read hire

p. 170, l. 1498, for Till read Til

p. 182, note on 1916, for RCLB₂, H₃ read RCLB₂, Δ, H₃

p. 200, note on 2592, for AdB read SAdBΔ

p. 234, note on 313, for H₁ ... B₂ read H₁ ... B₂, Δ

p. 252, note on 983, add pater Δ

p. 257, note on 1164, for XRCLB₂ read H₁XRCLB₂

p. 260, note on 1258, for AdT read AdTΔ

p. 262, note on 1336 (margin), add om. Δ

p. 265, note on 1448, for X ... B₂, WH₃ read X ... B₂, Δ, WH₃

p. 266, note on 1473, for AdBT read SAdBTΔ

p. 269, note on 1605, for SBΛ read BΛ and for AdTΔ read SAdTΔ

p. 280, note on 2023, for Phoreus T read Phoreus TΔ

p. 282, l. 2077, for hounde read hound

p. 284, note on 2166, for W read Δ, W

p. 289, l. 2357, for pouere read povere

p. 292, note on 2444, for H₁ ... B₂ read H₁ ... B₂, SΔ

p. 307, l. 225, for distruid read destruid

p. 314, l. 498, for accordant read acordant

p. 334, l. 1224 (margin), add Confessor

p. 346, l. 1653, for accompte read acompte

p. 351, note on 1872, for AC read AC, S

p. 387, l. 3188, for By read Be

p. 396, l. 3507, for thinge read thing

p. 421, l. 716, for harme read harm

p. 464, note on 745 ff., add The authority here followed is the Trésor of Brunetto Latini, pp. 84-88 (ed. 1863).

p. 468, note on 463 ff., add The authority for this is perhaps the Trésor, p. 191.

p. 473, l. 11, for 7101), Spertachus for Cyrus (vii. 3418), &c. read 7101).

p. 489, note on 2459 ff., for I am unable [to say where Gower found this version of the story. The name Geta is quite unknown in the classical] form of it. read The name Geta was taken by Gower from the Geta of Vitalis Blesensis, a dramatic piece in Latin elegiacs founded on Plautus, in which Geta takes the place of Sosia: see Wright’s Early Mysteries, &c., pp. 79-90.

p. 509, note on 2606, for on the ferst, read on the ferste,

AN ADDITIONAL MS. OF THE ‘CONFESSIO AMANTIS’

On June 12, 1902, a very valuable manuscript of the Confessio Amantis, which had not hitherto been described, was offered for sale by Messrs. Sotheby. By the kind assistance of Dr. Furnivall, who was allowed by the auctioneers to examine the book before the sale, I am able to give the following description of it.

FOUNTAINE MS. Contains Confessio Amantis with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo gracias.’ Then at the end an alphabetical index to the contents of the poem. Parchment, ff. 213 (originally), 17½ × 12¼ in., neatly written in double column of 46 lines to the column, Latin summaries in the text, red: middle of the fifteenth century. Illustrated throughout with well-painted miniatures, of which there were originally 108, including pictures of the signs of the Zodiac and of the positions of the principal stars. Of these miniatures nine are missing from the book, but these have now been identified with the series of nine miniatures in the possession of Mr. A. H. Frere, which are described on p. clxvi of my Introduction. At the end of the text (f. 203) is written ‘Andw. Fountaine, 1791. Æ. 20.’

This is a very large folio, giving a fair text of the first recension. The interest of it depends upon the miniatures. In describing the illustrated New College MS. 266 I remarked that other similar copies must once have existed. In saying this I was referring to the Frere miniatures, and it is a matter of some interest to me to have been able to identify these with the nine which are missing from the Fountaine MS. The subjects of the Frere miniatures correspond duly with the places from which pictures have been cut out, and the words which in some cases have been cut away with the pictures fit in with those that remain in the MS. For example, on f. 26 a miniature has been cut out before i. 3067 (the tale of the Three Questions), the text of the Latin summary above the missing picture being cut off after the words ‘tocius perdicionis.’ The Frere miniature which relates to this tale continues the sentence, supplying the words ‘causam sua culpa ministrat’; and so also with some of the others. In some respects we can now correct our account of the Frere miniatures. The subjects of seven are correctly given in the description, but the last two represent, as we can now see, (8) Alexander and the Pirate, iii. 2363 ff., (9) Lycurgus departing with his goods from Athens, vii. 2917 ff. The book was bought by Mr. Quaritch for £1550, certainly the highest price ever paid for a Gower manuscript.

G. C. M.

CONFESSIO AMANTIS[24a]

P. i. 1

i. Torpor, ebes sensus, scola parua labor minimusque

Causant quo minimus ipse minora canam:

Qua tamen Engisti lingua canit Insula Bruti

Anglica Carmente metra iuuante loquar.

Ossibus ergo carens que conterit ossa loquelis

Absit, et interpres stet procul oro malus.

Incipit Prologus

Of hem that writen ous tofore

The bokes duelle, and we therfore

Ben tawht of that was write tho:

Forthi good is that we also

In oure tyme among ous hiere[24]

Do wryte of newe som matiere,[25]

Essampled of these olde wyse[26]

So that it myhte in such a wyse,[27]

[DESIGN OF THE BOOK.]

Whan we ben dede and elleswhere,

Beleve to the worldes eere 10

In tyme comende after this.

Bot for men sein, and soth it is,

That who that al of wisdom writ

It dulleth ofte a mannes wit

P. i. 2

To him that schal it aldai rede,[28]

For thilke cause, if that ye rede,

I wolde go the middel weie

And wryte a bok betwen the tweie,

Somwhat of lust, somewhat of lore,

That of the lasse or of the more 20

Som man mai lyke of that I wryte:

And for that fewe men endite

Hic in principio declarat qualiter in anno Regis Ricardi secundi sexto decimo Iohannes Gower presentem libellum composuit et finaliter compleuit, quem strenuissimo domino suo domino Henrico de Lancastria tunc Derbeie Comiti cum omni reuerencia specialiter destinauit.

In oure englissh, I thenke make[29]

*A bok for Engelondes sake,[30]

P. i. 3

The yer sextenthe of kyng Richard.

What schal befalle hierafterward

God wot, for now upon this tyde

Men se the world on every syde[31]

In sondry wyse so diversed,[32]

That it welnyh stant al reversed, 30

As forto speke of tyme ago.

The cause whi it changeth so

It needeth nought to specifie,[33]

The thing so open is at ÿe

P. i. 4

That every man it mai beholde:

And natheles be daies olde,

Whan that the bokes weren levere,

Wrytinge was beloved evere[34]

Of hem that weren vertuous;

For hier in erthe amonges ous, 40

If noman write hou that it stode,[35]

The pris of hem that weren goode

Scholde, as who seith, a gret partie

Be lost: so for to magnifie

The worthi princes that tho were,

The bokes schewen hiere and there,[36]

Wherof the world ensampled is;[37]

And tho that deden thanne amis

P. i. 5

Thurgh tirannie and crualte,[38]

Right as thei stoden in degre, 50

So was the wrytinge of here werk.[39]

Thus I, which am a burel clerk,[40]

Purpose forto wryte a bok

After the world that whilom tok

Long tyme in olde daies passed:

Bot for men sein it is now lassed,

In worse plit than it was tho,

I thenke forto touche also

The world which neweth every dai,

So as I can, so as I mai. 60

Thogh I seknesse have upon honde

And longe have had, yit woll I fonde

To wryte and do my bisinesse,[41]

That in som part, so as I gesse,

The wyse man mai ben avised.

For this prologe is so assised

That it to wisdom al belongeth:

What wysman that it underfongeth,[42]

He schal drawe into remembrance

The fortune of this worldes chance, 70

The which noman in his persone[43]

Mai knowe, bot the god al one.[44]

Whan the prologe is so despended,

This bok schal afterward ben ended

Of love, which doth many a wonder[45]

And many a wys man hath put under.[46]

And in this wyse I thenke trete

Towardes hem that now be grete,

P. i. 6

Betwen the vertu and the vice

Which longeth unto this office.[47] 80

[DEDICATION.]

Bot for my wittes ben to smale

To tellen every man his tale,

This bok, upon amendment

To stonde at his commandement,

With whom myn herte is of accord,

I sende unto myn oghne lord,

Which of Lancastre is Henri named:

The hyhe god him hath proclamed

Ful of knyhthode and alle grace.

So woll I now this werk embrace 90

With hol trust and with hol believe;

God grante I mot it wel achieve.

*[48]A bok for king Richardes sake,[49]

To whom belongeth my ligeance[50]

With al myn hertes obeissance

In al that evere a liege man[51]

Unto his king may doon or can:

So ferforth I me recomande[52]

To him which al me may comande, 30*

Preyende unto the hihe regne[53]

Which causeth every king to regne,

That his corone longe stonde.

Hic declarat in primis qualiter ob reuerenciam serenissimi principis domini sui Regis Anglie Ricardi secundi[55] totus suus humilis Iohannes Gower, licet graui infirmitate a diu multipliciter fatigatus, huius opusculi labores suscipere non recusauit, set[59] tanquam fauum ex variis floribus recollectum, presentem libellum ex variis cronicis, historiis,[62] poetarum philosophorumque dictis, quatenus sibi infirmitas permisit, studiosissime compilauit.

I thenke and have it understonde,

As it bifel upon a tyde,

As thing which scholde tho betyde,—[54]

Under the toun of newe Troye,

Which tok of Brut his ferste joye,[56]

In Temse whan it was flowende[57]

As I be bote cam rowende,[58] 40*

So as fortune hir tyme sette,

My liege lord par chaunce I mette;

And so befel,[60] as I cam nyh,[61]

Out of my bot, whan he me syh,

He bad me come in to his barge.

And whan I was with him at large,

Amonges othre thinges seid[63]

He hath this charge upon me leid,[64]

And bad me doo my besynesse[65]

That to his hihe worthinesse 50*

Som newe thing I scholde boke,[66]

That he himself it mihte loke[67]

After the forme of my writynge.[68]

And thus upon his comandynge

Myn herte is wel the more glad[69]

To write so as he me bad;

And eek my fere is wel the lasse

That non envye schal compasse

Withoute a resonable wite[70]

To feyne and blame that I write. 60*

A gentil herte his tunge stilleth,

That it malice non distilleth,[71]

But preyseth that is to be preised;

But he that hath his word unpeysed

And handleth <onwrong> every thing,[72]

I preye un to the hevene king[73]

Fro suche tunges he me schilde.

And natheles this world is wilde

Of such jangling, and what befalle,[74]

My kinges heste schal nought falle,70*

That I, in hope to deserve

His thonk, ne schal his wil observe;

And elles were I nought excused,

For that thing may nought be refused

Which that a king himselve bit.[75]

Forthi the symplesce of my wit[76]

I thenke if that it myhte avayle[77]

In his service to travaile:[78]

Though I seknesse have upon honde,

And longe have had, yit wol I fonde,[79]80*

So as I made my beheste,[80]

To make a bok after his heste,[81]

And write in such a maner wise,

Which may be wisdom to the wise

And pley to hem that lust to pleye.

But in proverbe I have herd seye

That who that wel his werk begynneth[82]

The rather a good ende he wynneth;

And thus the prologe of my bok[83]

After the world that whilom tok, 90*

And eek somdel after the newe,

I wol begynne[84] for to newe.[85]

[THE FORMER TIME BETTER THAN THIS.]

ii. Tempus preteritum presens fortuna beatum

Linquit, et antiquas vertit in orbe vias.[86]

Progenuit veterem concors dileccio pacem,

Dum facies hominis nuncia mentis erat:

Legibus vnicolor tunc temporis aura refulsit,

Iusticie plane tuncque fuere vie.[87]

Nuncque latens odium vultum depingit amoris,

Paceque sub ficta tempus ad arma tegit;[88]

Instar et ex variis mutabile Cameliontis

Lex gerit, et regnis sunt noua iura nouis: (10)

[TEMPORAL RULERS.]

Climata que fuerant solidissima sicque per orbem

Soluuntur, nec eo centra quietis habent.

If I schal drawe in to my mynde

De statu regnorum, vt dicunt, secundum temporalia, videlicet tempore regis Ricardi secundi anno regni sui sexto decimo.[89]

The tyme passed, thanne I fynde

The world stod thanne in al his welthe:

Tho was the lif of man in helthe,

Tho was plente, tho was richesse,

Tho was the fortune of prouesse,

Tho was knyhthode in pris be name,

Wherof the wyde worldes fame 100

P. i. 7

Write in Cronique is yit withholde;

Justice of lawe tho was holde,

The privilege of regalie

Was sauf, and al the baronie

Worschiped was in his astat;

The citees knewen no debat,

The poeple stod in obeissance

Under the reule of governance,

And pes, which ryhtwisnesse keste,[90]

With charite tho stod in reste: 110

Of mannes herte the corage

Was schewed thanne in the visage;

The word was lich to the conceite[91]

Withoute semblant of deceite:

Tho was ther unenvied love,[92]

Tho was the vertu sett above

And vice was put under fote.

Now stant the crop under the rote,

The world is changed overal,

And therof most in special 120

That love is falle into discord.

And that I take to record

Of every lond for his partie

The comun vois, which mai noght lie;[93]

Noght upon on, bot upon alle

It is that men now clepe and calle,

And sein the regnes ben divided,[94]

In stede of love is hate guided,

The werre wol no pes purchace,

And lawe hath take hire double face, 130

P. i. 8

So that justice out of the weie

With ryhtwisnesse is gon aweie:

And thus to loke on every halve,

Men sen the sor withoute salve,

Which al the world hath overtake.

Ther is no regne of alle outtake,

For every climat hath his diel

After the tornynge of the whiel,

Which blinde fortune overthroweth;

Wherof the certain noman knoweth: 140

The hevene wot what is to done,

Bot we that duelle under the mone

Stonde in this world upon a weer,[95]

And namely bot the pouer[96]

Of hem that ben the worldes guides

With good consail on alle sides

Be kept upriht in such a wyse,[97]

That hate breke noght thassise

Of love, which is al the chief[98]

To kepe a regne out of meschief. 150

For alle resoun wolde this,

Apostolus. Regem honorificate.

That unto him which the heved is

The membres buxom scholden bowe,

And he scholde ek her trowthe allowe,

With al his herte and make hem chiere,[99]

Salomon. Omnia fac cum consilio.

For good consail is good to hiere.

Althogh a man be wys himselve,[100]

Yit is the wisdom more of tuelve;

And if thei stoden bothe in on,[101]

To hope it were thanne anon 160

P. i. 9

That god his grace wolde sende

To make of thilke werre an ende,

Which every day now groweth newe:

And that is gretly forto rewe

In special for Cristes sake,

Which wolde his oghne lif forsake

Among the men to yeve pes.

But now men tellen natheles

That love is fro the world departed,[102]

So stant the pes unevene parted 170

With hem that liven now adaies.

Bot forto loke at alle assaies,

To him that wolde resoun seche

After the comun worldes speche

It is to wondre of thilke werre,

In which non wot who hath the werre;

For every lond himself deceyveth

And of desese his part receyveth,

And yet ne take men no kepe.

Bot thilke lord which al may kepe, 180

To whom no consail may ben hid,

Upon the world which is betid,

Amende that wherof men pleigne

With trewe hertes and with pleine,

And reconcile love ayeyn,

As he which is king sovereign

Of al the worldes governaunce,

And of his hyhe porveaunce

Afferme pes betwen the londes

And take her cause into hise hondes, 190

P. i. 10

So that the world may stonde appesed

And his godhede also be plesed.

[THE CHURCH.]

iii. Quas coluit Moises vetus aut nouus ipse Iohannes,

Hesternas leges vix colit ista dies.

Sic prius ecclesia bina virtute polita

Nunc magis inculta pallet vtraque via.

Pacificam Petri vaginam mucro resumens

Horruit ad Cristi verba cruoris iter;

Nunc tamen assiduo gladium de sanguine tinctum

Vibrat auaricia, lege tepente sacra.[103]

Sic lupus est pastor, pater hostis, mors miserator,

Predoque largitor, pax et in orbe timor.[104] (10)

To thenke upon the daies olde,

De statu cleri, vt dicunt, secundum spiritualia, videlicet tempore Roberti Gibbonensis, qui nomen Clementis sibi sortitus est, tunc antipape.[105]

The lif of clerkes to beholde,

Men sein how that thei weren tho

Ensample and reule of alle tho

Whiche of wisdom the vertu soughten.

Unto the god ferst thei besoughten

As to the substaunce of her Scole,

That thei ne scholden noght befole 200

Her wit upon none erthly werkes,[106]

Which were ayein thestat of clerkes,

And that thei myhten fle the vice

Which Simon hath in his office,

Wherof he takth the gold in honde.[107]

For thilke tyme I understonde

The Lumbard made non eschange

The bisschopriches forto change,

Ne yet a lettre for to sende

For dignite ne for Provende,[108] 210

Or cured or withoute cure.

The cherche keye in aventure

P. i. 11

Of armes and of brygantaille

Stod nothing thanne upon bataille;

To fyhte or for to make cheste[109]

It thoghte hem thanne noght honeste;

Bot of simplesce and pacience

Thei maden thanne no defence:

The Court of worldly regalie[110]

To hem was thanne no baillie; 220

The vein honour was noght desired,

Which hath the proude herte fyred;

Humilite was tho withholde,

And Pride was a vice holde.

Of holy cherche the largesse

Yaf thanne and dede gret almesse

To povere men that hadden nede:

Thei were ek chaste in word and dede,

Wherof the poeple ensample tok;

Her lust was al upon the bok, 230

Or forto preche or forto preie,

To wisse men the ryhte weie

Of suche as stode of trowthe unliered.

Lo, thus was Petres barge stiered[111]

Of hem that thilke tyme were,

And thus cam ferst to mannes Ere

The feith of Crist and alle goode

Thurgh hem that thanne weren goode

And sobre and chaste and large and wyse.

Bot now men sein is otherwise, 240

Simon the cause hath undertake,

The worldes swerd on honde is take;

P. i. 12

And that is wonder natheles,

Whan Crist him self hath bode pes

And set it in his testament,

How now that holy cherche is went,

Of that here lawe positif

Hath set to make werre and strif

For worldes good, which may noght laste.[112]

God wot the cause to the laste 250

Of every right and wrong also;

But whil the lawe is reuled so

That clerkes to the werre entende,

I not how that thei scholde amende

The woful world in othre thinges,

To make pes betwen the kynges

After the lawe of charite,

Which is the propre duete

Belongende unto the presthode.

Bot as it thenkth to the manhode,[113] 260

The hevene is ferr, the world is nyh,

And veine gloire is ek so slyh,

Which coveitise hath now withholde,

That thei non other thing beholde,

Bot only that thei myhten winne.

And thus the werres thei beginne,

Wherof the holi cherche is taxed,[114]

That in the point as it is axed

The disme goth to the bataille,

As thogh Crist myhte noght availe 270

To don hem riht be other weie.

In to the swerd the cherche keie

P. i. 13

Is torned, and the holy bede

Into cursinge, and every stede

Which scholde stonde upon the feith

And to this cause an Ere leyth,

Astoned is of the querele.

That scholde be the worldes hele

Is now, men sein, the pestilence

Which hath exiled pacience[115] 280

Fro the clergie in special:

And that is schewed overal,

In eny thing whan thei ben grieved.

Bot if Gregoire be believed,

As it is in the bokes write,

He doth ous somdel forto wite

The cause of thilke prelacie,

Wher god is noght of compaignie:

For every werk as it is founded

Schal stonde or elles be confounded; 290

Who that only for Cristes sake

Desireth cure forto take,

And noght for pride of thilke astat,

To bere a name of a prelat,

He schal be resoun do profit

In holy cherche upon the plit

That he hath set his conscience;

Gregorius. Terrenis lucris inhiant, honore prelacie gaudent, et non vt prosint, set vt presint, episcopatum desiderant.

Bot in the worldes reverence

Ther ben of suche manie glade,

Whan thei to thilke astat ben made, 300

Noght for the merite of the charge,

Bot for thei wolde hemself descharge

P. i. 14

Of poverte and become grete;

And thus for Pompe and for beyete

The Scribe and ek the Pharisee

Of Moïses upon the See

In the chaiere on hyh ben set;

Wherof the feith is ofte let,

Which is betaken hem to kepe.

In Cristes cause alday thei slepe, 310

Bot of the world is noght foryete;

For wel is him that now may gete

Office in Court to ben honoured.

The stronge coffre hath al devoured

Under the keye of avarice

The tresor of the benefice,

Wherof the povere schulden clothe[116]

And ete and drinke and house bothe;

The charite goth al unknowe,

For thei no grein of Pite sowe: 320

And slouthe kepeth the libraire[117]

Which longeth to the Saintuaire;

To studie upon the worldes lore

Sufficeth now withoute more;

Delicacie his swete toth

Hath fostred so that it fordoth

Of abstinence al that ther is.

And forto loken over this,

If Ethna brenne in the clergie,

Al openly to mannes ÿe 330

At Avynoun thexperience[118]

Therof hath yove an evidence,

P. i. 15

Of that men sen hem so divided.

And yit the cause is noght decided;

Bot it is seid and evere schal,

Betwen tuo Stoles lyth the fal,[119]

Whan that men wenen best to sitte:

In holy cherche of such a slitte[120]

Is for to rewe un to ous alle;

God grante it mote wel befalle 340

Towardes him which hath the trowthe.[121]

Bot ofte is sen that mochel slowthe,

Whan men ben drunken of the cuppe,

Doth mochel harm, whan fyr is uppe,

Bot if somwho the flamme stanche;

And so to speke upon this branche,

Which proud Envie hath mad to springe,[122]

Of Scisme, causeth forto bringe

This newe Secte of Lollardie,

And also many an heresie 350

Among the clerkes in hemselve.

It were betre dike and delve

And stonde upon the ryhte feith,

Than knowe al that the bible seith[123]

And erre as somme clerkes do.

Upon the hond to were a Schoo

And sette upon the fot a Glove

Acordeth noght to the behove

Of resonable mannes us:

If men behielden the vertus 360

That Crist in Erthe taghte here,

Thei scholden noght in such manere,

P. i. 16

Among hem that ben holden wise,

The Papacie so desguise

Upon diverse eleccioun,

Which stant after thaffeccioun

Of sondry londes al aboute:

Bot whan god wole, it schal were oute,

For trowthe mot stonde ate laste.

Bot yet thei argumenten faste[124] 370

Upon the Pope and his astat,

Wherof thei falle in gret debat;

This clerk seith yee, that other nay,[125]

And thus thei dryve forth the day,

And ech of hem himself amendeth

Of worldes good, bot non entendeth

To that which comun profit were.

Thei sein that god is myhti there,

And schal ordeine what he wile,

Ther make thei non other skile 380

Where is the peril of the feith,

Bot every clerk his herte leith

To kepe his world in special,

And of the cause general,

Which unto holy cherche longeth,

Is non of hem that underfongeth

To schapen eny resistence:

And thus the riht hath no defence,

Bot ther I love, ther I holde.

Lo, thus tobroke is Cristes folde, 390

Wherof the flock withoute guide

Devoured is on every side,

P. i. 17

In lacke of hem that ben unware

Schepherdes, whiche her wit beware

Upon the world in other halve.

The scharpe pricke in stede of salve[126]

Thei usen now, wherof the hele

Thei hurte of that thei scholden hele;

And what Schep that is full of wulle

Upon his back, thei toose and pulle, 400

Whil ther is eny thing to pile:

And thogh ther be non other skile

Bot only for thei wolden wynne,

Thei leve noght, whan thei begynne,

Upon her acte to procede,

Which is no good schepherdes dede.

And upon this also men sein,

That fro the leese which is plein

Into the breres thei forcacche[127]

Her Orf, for that thei wolden lacche[128] 410

With such duresce, and so bereve

That schal upon the thornes leve

Of wulle, which the brere hath tore;

Wherof the Schep ben al totore

Of that the hierdes make hem lese.

Lo, how thei feignen chalk for chese,

For though thei speke and teche wel,

Thei don hemself therof no del:

For if the wolf come in the weie,[129]

Her gostly Staf is thanne aweie, 420

Wherof thei scholde her flock defende;[130]

Bot if the povere Schep offende

P. i. 18

In eny thing, thogh it be lyte,

They ben al redy forto smyte;

And thus, how evere that thei tale,

The strokes falle upon the smale,

And upon othre that ben grete

Hem lacketh herte forto bete.

So that under the clerkes lawe

Men sen the Merel al mysdrawe, 430

I wol noght seie in general,

For ther ben somme in special

In whom that alle vertu duelleth,

Qui vocatur a deo tanquam Aaron.

And tho ben, as thapostel telleth,

That god of his eleccioun

Hath cleped to perfeccioun

In the manere as Aaron was:

Thei ben nothing in thilke cas

Of Simon, which the foldes gate

Hath lete, and goth in othergate, 440

Bot thei gon in the rihte weie.

Ther ben also somme, as men seie,

That folwen Simon ate hieles,

Whos carte goth upon the whieles

Of coveitise and worldes Pride,

And holy cherche goth beside,

Which scheweth outward a visage

Of that is noght in the corage.

For if men loke in holy cherche,

Betwen the word and that thei werche[131] 450

Ther is a full gret difference:

Thei prechen ous in audience

P. i. 19

That noman schal his soule empeire,[132]

For al is bot a chirie feire

This worldes good, so as thei telle;

Also thei sein ther is an helle,

Which unto mannes sinne is due,[133]

And bidden ous therfore eschue

That wikkid is, and do the goode.

Who that here wordes understode, 460

It thenkth thei wolden do the same;

Bot yet betwen ernest and game

Ful ofte it torneth other wise.

With holy tales thei devise

How meritoire is thilke dede

Of charite, to clothe and fede

The povere folk and forto parte

The worldes good, bot thei departe

Ne thenken noght fro that thei have.

Also thei sein, good is to save 470

With penance and with abstinence

Of chastite the continence;

Bot pleinly forto speke of that,

I not how thilke body fat,

Which thei with deynte metes kepe

And leyn it softe forto slepe,

Whan it hath elles al his wille,

With chastite schal stonde stille:

And natheles I can noght seie,

In aunter if that I misseye. 480

Touchende of this, how evere it stonde,

I here and wol noght understonde,

P. i. 20

For therof have I noght to done:

Bot he that made ferst the Mone,

The hyhe god, of his goodnesse,

If ther be cause, he it redresce.[134]

Bot what as eny man accuse,[135]

This mai reson of trowthe excuse;

The vice of hem that ben ungoode

Is no reproef unto the goode: 490

For every man hise oghne werkes

Schal bere, and thus as of the clerkes

The goode men ben to comende,

And alle these othre god amende:

For thei ben to the worldes ÿe[136]

The Mirour of ensamplerie,

To reulen and to taken hiede

Betwen the men and the godhiede.

[THE COMMONS.]

iv. Vulgaris populus regali lege subactus

Dum iacet, vt mitis agna subibit onus.

Si caput extollat et lex sua frena relaxet,

Vt sibi velle iubet, Tigridis instar habet.

Ignis, aqua dominans duo sunt pietate carentes,

Ira tamen plebis est violenta magis.

Now forto speke of the comune,

It is to drede of that fortune 500

De statu plebis, vt dicunt, secundum accidencium mutabilia.[137]

Which hath befalle in sondri londes:

Bot often for defalte of bondes

Al sodeinliche, er it be wist,

A Tonne, whanne his lye arist,

Tobrekth and renneth al aboute,

Which elles scholde noght gon oute;

And ek fulofte a litel Skar

Upon a Banke, er men be war,

P. i. 21

Let in the Strem, which with gret peine,

If evere man it schal restreigne. [138] 510

Wher lawe lacketh, errour groweth,

He is noght wys who that ne troweth,

For it hath proeved ofte er this;

And thus the comun clamour is

In every lond wher poeple dwelleth,

And eche in his compleignte telleth

How that the world is al miswent,

And ther upon his jugement[139]

Yifth every man in sondry wise.

Bot what man wolde himself avise, 520

His conscience and noght misuse,

He may wel ate ferste excuse

His god, which evere stant in on:

In him ther is defalte non,

[MAN THE CAUSE OF EVIL.]

So moste it stonde upon ousselve

Nought only upon ten ne twelve,

Bot plenerliche upon ous alle,

For man is cause of that schal falle.

And natheles yet som men wryte

Nota contra hoc, quod aliqui sortem fortune, aliqui influenciam planetarum ponunt, per quod, vt dicitur, rerum euentus necessario contingit. Set pocius dicendum est, quod ea que nos prospera et aduersa in hoc mundo vocamus, secundum merita et demerita hominum digno dei iudicio proveniunt.

And sein that fortune is to wyte, 530

And som men holde oppinion

That it is constellacion,

Which causeth al that a man doth:

God wot of bothe which is soth.

The world as of his propre kynde

Was evere untrewe, and as the blynde

Improprelich he demeth fame,

He blameth that is noght to blame

P. i. 22

And preiseth that is noght to preise:

Thus whan he schal the thinges peise, 540

Ther is deceipte in his balance,

And al is that the variance

Of ous, that scholde ous betre avise;[140]

For after that we falle and rise,

The world arist and falth withal,

So that the man is overal

His oghne cause of wel and wo.

That we fortune clepe so

Out of the man himself it groweth;

And who that other wise troweth, 550

Behold the poeple of Irael:[141]

For evere whil thei deden wel,

Fortune was hem debonaire,

And whan thei deden the contraire,

Fortune was contrariende.

So that it proeveth wel at ende

Why that the world is wonderfull

And may no while stonde full,

Though that it seme wel besein;

For every worldes thing is vein, 560

And evere goth the whiel aboute,

And evere stant a man in doute,

Fortune stant no while stille,

So hath ther noman al his wille.

Als fer as evere a man may knowe,[142]

Ther lasteth nothing bot a throwe;

Boicius. O quam dulcedo humane vite multa amaritudine aspersa est!

The world stant evere upon debat,

So may be seker non astat,

P. i. 23

Now hier now ther, now to now fro,

Now up now down, this world goth so, 570

And evere hath don and evere schal:

Wherof I finde in special

A tale writen in the Bible,

Which moste nedes be credible;

And that as in conclusioun

Seith that upon divisioun

Stant, why no worldes thing mai laste,

Til it be drive to the laste.

And fro the ferste regne of alle[143]

Into this day, hou so befalle, 580

Of that the regnes be muable

The man himself hath be coupable,

Which of his propre governance

Fortuneth al the worldes chance.

[NEBUCHADNEZZAR’S DREAM.]

v. Prosper et aduersus obliquo tramite versus

Immundus mundus decipit omne genus.

Mundus in euentu versatur vt alea casu,[144]

Quam celer in ludis iactat auara manus.[145]

Sicut ymago viri variantur tempora mundi,

Statque nichil firmum preter amare deum.[146]

The hyhe almyhti pourveance,

In whos eterne remembrance

Fro ferst was every thing present,

He hath his prophecie sent,[147]

In such a wise as thou schalt hiere,

To Daniel of this matiere, 590

Hic in prologo tractat de Statua illa, quam Rex Nabugodonosor viderat in sompnis, cuius caput aureum, pectus argenteum, venter eneus, tibie ferree, pedum vero quedam pars ferrea, quedam fictilis videbatur, sub qua membrorum diuersitate secundum Danielis exposicionem huius mundi variacio figurabatur.

Hou that this world schal torne and wende,

Till it be falle to his ende;[148]

Wherof the tale telle I schal,

In which it is betokned al.

P. i. 24

As Nabugodonosor slepte,

A swevene him tok, the which he kepte

Til on the morwe he was arise,

For he therof was sore agrise.

To Daniel his drem he tolde,

And preide him faire that he wolde 600

Arede what it tokne may;

And seide: ‘Abedde wher I lay,

Me thoghte I syh upon a Stage

Wher stod a wonder strange ymage.

His hed with al the necke also

Thei were of fin gold bothe tuo;

His brest, his schuldres and his armes

Were al of selver, bot the tharmes,[149]

The wombe and al doun to the kne,

Of bras thei were upon to se;[150] 610

The legges were al mad of Stiel,[151]

So were his feet also somdiel,

And somdiel part to hem was take

Of Erthe which men Pottes make;

Hic narrat vlterius de quodam lapide grandi,[152] qui, vt in dicto sompnio videbatur, ab excelso monte super statuam corruens ipsam quasi in nichilum penitus contriuit.

The fieble meynd was with the stronge,

So myhte it wel noght stonde longe.[153]

And tho me thoghte that I sih

A gret ston from an hull on hyh[154]

Fel doun of sodein aventure

Upon the feet of this figure, 620

With which Ston al tobroke was

Gold, Selver, Erthe, Stiel and Bras,

That al was in to pouldre broght,

And so forth torned into noght.’

P. i. 25

Hic loquitur de interpretacione sompnii, et primo dicit[155] de significacione capitis aurei.

This was the swevene which he hadde,

That Daniel anon aradde,

And seide him that figure strange

Betokneth how the world schal change

And waxe lasse worth and lasse,

Til it to noght al overpasse. 630

The necke and hed, that weren golde,

He seide how that betokne scholde

A worthi world, a noble, a riche,

To which non after schal be liche.

De pectore argenteo.

Of Selver that was overforth

Schal ben a world of lasse worth;

De ventre eneo.

And after that the wombe of Bras

Tokne of a werse world it was.

De tibeis ferreis.

The Stiel which he syh afterward

A world betokneth more hard: 640

De significacione pedum, qui ex duabus materiis discordantibus adinuicem diuisi extiterant.

Bot yet the werste of everydel

Is last, whan that of Erthe and Stiel

He syh the feet departed so,

For that betokneth mochel wo.

Whan that the world divided is,

It moste algate fare amis,

For Erthe which is meynd with Stiel

Togedre may noght laste wiel,

Bot if that on that other waste;

So mot it nedes faile in haste. 650

De lapidis statuam confringentis significacione.

The Ston, which fro the hully Stage

He syh doun falle on that ymage,

And hath it into pouldre broke,

That swevene hath Daniel unloke,

P. i. 26

And seide how that is goddes myht,

Which whan men wene most upryht

To stonde, schal hem overcaste.

And that is of this world the laste,

And thanne a newe schal beginne,[156]

Fro which a man schal nevere twinne; 660

[THE EMPIRES OF THE WORLD.]

Or al to peine or al to pes

That world schal lasten endeles.

Hic consequenter scribit qualiter huius seculi regna variis mutacionibus, prout in dicta statua figurabatur, secundum temporum distincciones sencibiliter hactenus diminuuntur.158m

Lo thus expondeth Daniel[157]

The kynges swevene faire and wel

In Babiloyne the Cite,

Wher that the wiseste of Caldee

Ne cowthen wite what it mente;

Bot he tolde al the hol entente,[158]

As in partie it is befalle.

De seculo aureo, quod in capite statue designatum est, a tempore ipsius Nabugodonosor Regis Caldee vsque in regnum Ciri Regis Persarum.

Of gold the ferste regne of alle 670

Was in that kinges time tho,

And laste manye daies so,

Therwhiles that the Monarchie

Of al the world in that partie

To Babiloyne was soubgit;

And hield him stille in such a plit,

Til that the world began diverse:

And that was whan the king of Perse,

Which Cirus hyhte, ayein the pes

Forth with his Sone Cambises 680

Of Babiloine al that Empire,[159]

Ryht as thei wolde hemself desire,

Put under in subjeccioun[160]

And tok it in possessioun,

P. i. 27

And slayn was Baltazar the king,

Which loste his regne and al his thing.

And thus whan thei it hadde wonne,

De seculo argenteo, quod in pectore designatum est, a tempore ipsius Regis Ciri vsque in regnum Alexandri Regis Macedonie.

The world of Selver was begonne

And that of gold was passed oute:

And in this wise it goth aboute 690

In to the Regne of Darius;

And thanne it fell to Perse thus,

That Alisaundre put hem under,

Which wroghte of armes many a wonder,

So that the Monarchie lefte

With Grecs, and here astat uplefte,

And Persiens gon under fote,

So soffre thei that nedes mote.[161]

De seculo eneo, quod in ventre designatum est, a tempore ipsius Alexandri vsque in regnum Iulii Romanorum Imparatoris.

And tho the world began of Bras,

And that of selver ended was; 700

Bot for the time thus it laste,

Til it befell that ate laste

This king, whan that his day was come,

With strengthe of deth was overcome.

And natheles yet er he dyde,[162]

He schop his Regnes to divide

To knyhtes whiche him hadde served,

And after that thei have deserved

Yaf the conquestes that he wan;

Wherof gret werre tho began 710

Among hem that the Regnes hadde,

Thurgh proud Envie which hem ladde,

Til it befell ayein hem thus:

The noble Cesar Julius,

P. i. 28

Which tho was king of Rome lond,

With gret bataille and with strong hond

Al Grece, Perse and ek Caldee

Wan and put under, so that he[163]

Noght al only of thorient

Bot al the Marche of thoccident[164] 720

Governeth under his empire,

As he that was hol lord and Sire,

And hield thurgh his chivalerie[165]

Of al this world the Monarchie,[166]

And was the ferste of that honour

Which tok the name of Emperour.

De seculo ferreo, quod in tibeis designatum est, a tempore Iulii vsque in[167] regnum Karoli magni Regis Francorum.168m

Wher Rome thanne wolde assaille,

Ther myhte nothing contrevaille,

Bot every contre moste obeie:

Tho goth the Regne of Bras aweie, 730

And comen is the world of Stiel,

And stod above upon the whiel.[168]

As Stiel is hardest in his kynde

Above alle othre that men finde

Of Metals, such was Rome tho

The myhtieste, and laste so

Long time amonges the Romeins

Til thei become so vileins,

That the fals Emperour Leo[169]

With Constantin his Sone also 740

The patrimoine and the richesse,

Which to Silvestre in pure almesse

The ferste Constantinus lefte,

Fro holy cherche thei berefte.

P. i. 29

Bot Adrian, which Pope was,[170]

And syh the meschief of this cas,

Goth in to France forto pleigne,

And preith the grete Charlemeine,

For Cristes sake and Soule hele

That he wol take the querele[171] 750

Of holy cherche in his defence.

And Charles for the reverence

Of god the cause hath undertake,

And with his host the weie take[172]

Over the Montz of Lombardie;

Of Rome and al the tirandie

With blodi swerd he overcom,

And the Cite with strengthe nom;

In such a wise and there he wroghte,

That holy cherche ayein he broghte 760

Into franchise, and doth restore

The Popes lost, and yaf him more:

And thus whan he his god hath served,

He tok, as he wel hath deserved,[173]

The Diademe and was coroned.

Of Rome and thus was abandoned

Thempire, which cam nevere ayein

Into the hond of no Romein;[174]

Bot a long time it stod so stille

Under the Frensche kynges wille, 770

Til that fortune hir whiel so ladde,

That afterward Lombardz it hadde,

Noght be the swerd, bot be soffrance

Of him that tho was kyng of France,

P. i. 30

Which Karle Calvus cleped was;

And he resigneth in this cas

Thempire of Rome unto Lowis

His Cousin, which a Lombard is.

De seculo nouissimis iam temporibus ad similitudinem pedum in discordiam lapso et diuiso, quod post decessum ipsius Karoli, cum imperium Romanorum in manus Longobardorum peruenerat,[175] tempore Alberti et Berengarii incepit: nam ob eorum diuisionem contigit, vt Almanni imperatoriam adepti sunt maiestatem. In cuius solium quendam principem theotonicum Othonera nomine sublimari primitus constituerunt. Et ab illo regno incipiente diuisio per vniuersum orbem in posteros concreuit, vnde nos ad alterutrum diuisi huius seculi consummacionem iam vltimi expectamus.

And so hit laste into the yeer

Of Albert and of Berenger; 780

Bot thanne upon dissencioun

Thei felle, and in divisioun

Among hemself that were grete,

So that thei loste the beyete

Of worschipe and of worldes pes.

Bot in proverbe natheles

Men sein, ful selden is that welthe

Can soffre his oghne astat in helthe;

And that was on the Lombardz sene,

Such comun strif was hem betwene 790

Thurgh coveitise and thurgh Envie,

That every man drowh his partie,

Which myhte leden eny route,

Withinne Burgh and ek withoute:

The comun ryht hath no felawe,

So that the governance of lawe

Was lost, and for necessite,

Of that thei stode in such degre

Al only thurgh divisioun,

Hem nedeth in conclusioun 800

Of strange londes help beside.

And thus for thei hemself divide

And stonden out of reule unevene,

Of Alemaine Princes sevene[176]

P. i. 31

Thei chose in this condicioun,

That upon here eleccioun

Thempire of Rome scholde stonde.

And thus thei lefte it out of honde

For lacke of grace, and it forsoke,

That Alemans upon hem toke: 810

And to confermen here astat,

Of that thei founden in debat[177]

Thei token the possessioun

After the composicioun

Among hemself, and therupon

Thei made an Emperour anon,

Whos name as the Cronique telleth

Was Othes; and so forth it duelleth,

Fro thilke day yit unto this

Thempire of Rome hath ben and is 820

[THE LATEST TIME.]

To thalemans. And in this wise,[178]

As ye tofore have herd divise

How Daniel the swevene expondeth[179]

Of that ymage, on whom he foundeth

The world which after scholde falle,

Come is the laste tokne of alle;

Upon the feet of Erthe and Stiel

So stant this world now everydiel

Departed; which began riht tho,

Whan Rome was divided so: 830

And that is forto rewe sore,

For alway siththe more and more

The world empeireth every day.

Wherof the sothe schewe may,

P. i. 32

At Rome ferst if we beginne:

The wall and al the Cit withinne[180]

Stant in ruine and in decas,[181]

The feld is wher the Paleis was,[182]

The toun is wast; and overthat,

If we beholde thilke astat 840

Which whilom was of the Romeins,

Of knyhthode and of Citezeins,

To peise now with that beforn,

The chaf is take for the corn,[183]

As forto speke of Romes myht:[184]

Unethes stant ther oght upryht

Of worschipe or of worldes good,

As it before tyme stod.

And why the worschipe is aweie,

If that a man the sothe seie,[185] 850

[DIVISION THE CAUSE OF EVIL.]

The cause hath ben divisioun,

Which moder of confusioun

Is wher sche cometh overal,

Noght only of the temporal

Bot of the spirital also.

The dede proeveth it is so,

And hath do many day er this,

Thurgh venym which that medled is

In holy cherche of erthly thing:

For Crist himself makth knowleching 860

That noman may togedre serve

God and the world, bot if he swerve

Froward that on and stonde unstable;

And Cristes word may noght be fable.

P. i. 33

The thing so open is at ÿe,[186]

It nedeth noght to specefie

Or speke oght more in this matiere;

Bot in this wise a man mai lere

Hou that the world is gon aboute,[187]

The which welnyh is wered oute, 870

After the forme of that figure

Which Daniel in his scripture

Expondeth, as tofore is told.[188]

Of Bras, of Selver and of Gold

The world is passed and agon,

And now upon his olde ton

It stant of brutel Erthe and Stiel,

The whiche acorden nevere a diel;

So mot it nedes swerve aside

As thing the which men sen divide. 880

Hic dicit secundum apostolum, quod nos sumus in quos fines seculi deuenerunt.

Thapostel writ unto ous alle

And seith that upon ous is falle

Thende of the world; so may we knowe,

This ymage is nyh overthrowe,

Be which this world was signified,

That whilom was so magnefied,

And now is old and fieble and vil,

Full of meschief and of peril,

And stant divided ek also

Lich to the feet that were so, 890

As I tolde of the Statue above.

And this men sen, thurgh lacke of love[189]

Where as the lond divided is,

It mot algate fare amis:

P. i. 34

And now to loke on every side,

A man may se the world divide,

The werres ben so general

Among the cristene overal,

That every man now secheth wreche,

And yet these clerkes alday preche[190] 900

And sein, good dede may non be

Which stant noght upon charite:

I not hou charite may stonde,

Wher dedly werre is take on honde.

Bot al this wo is cause of man,

The which that wit and reson can,

And that in tokne and in witnesse

That ilke ymage bar liknesse

Of man and of non other beste.

For ferst unto the mannes heste 910

Was every creature ordeined,

Bot afterward it was restreigned:[191]

Whan that he fell, thei fellen eke,

Whan he wax sek, thei woxen seke;

For as the man hath passioun

Of seknesse, in comparisoun

So soffren othre creatures.

Hic scribit quod ex diuisionis passione singula creata detrimentum corruptibile paciuntur.

Lo, ferst the hevenly figures,

The Sonne and Mone eclipsen bothe,

And ben with mannes senne wrothe; 920

The purest Eir for Senne alofte

Hath ben and is corrupt fulofte,

Right now the hyhe wyndes blowe,[192]

And anon after thei ben lowe,

P. i. 35

Now clowdy and now clier it is:

So may it proeven wel be this,

A mannes Senne is forto hate,

Which makth the welkne to debate.

And forto se the proprete

Of every thyng in his degree, 930

Benethe forth among ous hiere

Al stant aliche in this matiere:

The See now ebbeth, now it floweth,

The lond now welketh, now it groweth,[193]

Now be the Trees with leves grene,

Now thei be bare and nothing sene,

Now be the lusti somer floures,[194]

Now be the stormy wynter shoures,

Now be the daies, now the nyhtes,[195]

So stant ther nothing al upryhtes, 940

Now it is lyht, now it is derk;

And thus stant al the worldes werk

After the disposicioun

Of man and his condicioun.

Forthi Gregoire in his Moral

Seith that a man in special[196]

The lasse world is properly:

And that he proeveth redely;

For man of Soule resonable

Is to an Angel resemblable,[197] 950

And lich to beste he hath fielinge,

And lich to Trees he hath growinge;

The Stones ben and so is he:

Thus of his propre qualite

P. i. 36

The man, as telleth the clergie,

Is as a world in his partie,

And whan this litel world mistorneth,[198]

The grete world al overtorneth.

The Lond, the See, the firmament,

Thei axen alle jugement 960

Ayein the man and make him werre:

Therwhile himself stant out of herre,

The remenant wol noght acorde:[199]

And in this wise, as I recorde,

The man is cause of alle wo,

Why this world is divided so.[200]

Hic dicit secundum euangelium, quod omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur.

Division, the gospell seith,[201]

On hous upon another leith,

Til that the Regne al overthrowe:

And thus may every man wel knowe, 970

Division aboven alle

Is thing which makth the world to falle,

And evere hath do sith it began.

Quod ex sue complexionis materia diuisus homo mortalis existat.[202]

It may ferst proeve upon a man;

The which, for his complexioun

Is mad upon divisioun

Of cold, of hot, of moist, of drye,

He mot be verray kynde dye:

For the contraire of his astat

Stant evermore in such debat, 980

Til that o part be overcome,

Ther may no final pes be nome.[203]

Bot other wise, if a man were

Mad al togedre of o matiere

P. i. 37

Withouten interrupcioun,

Ther scholde no corrupcioun

Engendre upon that unite:

Bot for ther is diversite

Withinne himself, he may noght laste,

That he ne deieth ate laste. 990

Quod homo ex corporis et anime condicione diuisus, sicut saluacionis ita et dampnacionis aptitudinem ingreditur.

Bot in a man yit over this

Full gret divisioun ther is,

Thurgh which that he is evere in strif,

Whil that him lasteth eny lif:

The bodi and the Soule also

Among hem ben divided so,

That what thing that the body hateth

The soule loveth and debateth;

Bot natheles fulofte is sene

Of werre which is hem betwene 1000

The fieble hath wonne the victoire.

Qualiter Adam a statu innocencie diuisus a paradiso voluptatis in terram laboris peccator proiectus est.

And who so drawth into memoire

What hath befalle of old and newe,

He may that werre sore rewe,

Which ferst began in Paradis:

For ther was proeved what it is,

And what desese there it wroghte;

For thilke werre tho forth broghte

The vice of alle dedly Sinne,

Thurgh which division cam inne 1010

Qualiter populi per vniuersum orbem a cultura dei diuisi, Noe cum sua sequela dumtaxat exceptis, diluuio interierunt.

Among the men in erthe hiere,

And was the cause and the matiere

Why god the grete flodes sende,

Of al the world and made an ende

P. i. 38

Bot Noë with his felaschipe,

Which only weren saulf be Schipe.

And over that thurgh Senne it com

Qualiter in edificacione turris Babel, quam in dei contemptum Nembrot erexit, lingua prius hebraica in varias linguas celica vindicta diuidebatur.

That Nembrot such emprise nom,[204]

Whan he the Tour Babel on heihte[205]

Let make, as he that wolde feihte 1020

Ayein the hihe goddes myht,

Wherof divided anon ryht

Was the langage in such entente,

Ther wiste non what other mente,

So that thei myhten noght procede.

And thus it stant of every dede,

Wher Senne takth the cause on honde,

It may upriht noght longe stonde;

For Senne of his condicioun[206]

Is moder of divisioun 1030

Qualiter mundus, qui in statu diuisionis quasi cotidianis presenti tempore vexatur[207] flagellis, a lapide superueniente, id est a diuina potencia vsque ad resolucionem omnis carnis subito conteretur.

And tokne whan the world schal faile.

For so seith Crist withoute faile,

That nyh upon the worldes ende

Pes and acord awey schol wende

And alle charite schal cesse,

Among the men and hate encresce;

And whan these toknes ben befalle,

Al sodeinly the Ston schal falle,[208]

As Daniel it hath beknowe,

Which al this world schal overthrowe, 1040

And every man schal thanne arise

To Joie or elles to Juise,

Wher that he schal for evere dwelle,

Or straght to hevene or straght to helle.

P. i. 39

In hevene is pes and al acord,

Bot helle is full of such descord

That ther may be no loveday:

Forthi good is, whil a man may,

Echon to sette pes with other

And loven as his oghne brother; 1050

So may he winne worldes welthe

And afterward his soule helthe.

Hic narrat exemplum de concordia et vnitate inter homines prouocanda; et dicit qualiter quidam Arion nuper Citharista ex sui cantus cithareque consona melodia tante virtutis extiterat, vt ipse non solum virum cum viro, set eciam leonem cum cerua, lupum cum agna, canem cum lepore, ipsum audientes vnanimiter absque vlla discordia adinuicem pacificauit.

Bot wolde god that now were on

An other such as Arion,[209]

Which hadde an harpe of such temprure,

And therto of so good mesure

He song, that he the bestes wilde

Made of his note tame and milde,

The Hinde in pes with the Leoun,

The Wolf in pes with the Moltoun, 1060

The Hare in pees stod with the Hound;

And every man upon this ground

Which Arion that time herde,

Als wel the lord as the schepherde,

He broghte hem alle in good acord;

So that the comun with the lord,

And lord with the comun also,

He sette in love bothe tuo

And putte awey malencolie.

That was a lusti melodie, 1070

Whan every man with other low;

And if ther were such on now,

Which cowthe harpe as he tho dede,

He myhte availe in many a stede

P. i. 40

To make pes wher now is hate;

For whan men thenken to debate,

I not what other thing is good.

Bot wher that wisdom waxeth wod,[210]

And reson torneth into rage,

So that mesure upon oultrage 1080

Hath set his world, it is to drede;

For that bringth in the comun drede,

Which stant at every mannes Dore:

Bot whan the scharpnesse of the spore

The horse side smit to sore,

It grieveth ofte. And now nomore,

As forto speke of this matiere,[211]

Which non bot only god may stiere.[212]

Explicit Prologus

LINENOTES:

[24a]The text is that of F (Fairfax 3). The MSS. most commonly cited are the following:—

Of the first recension, A (Bodley 902), J (St. John’s Coll. Camb. B 12), M (Camb. Univ. Mm. 2. 21), E₂ (Egerton 913), H₁ (Harleian 3490), Y (Marquess of Bute’s), X (Soc. of Antiquaries 134), G (Glasgow, Hunterian Mus. S i. 7), E (Egerton 1991), R (Reg. 18 C xxii.), C (Corpus Christi Coll. Oxf. 67), L (Laud 609), B₂ (Bodley 693).

Of the second, S (Stafford), Ad. (Brit. Mus. Addit. 12043), B (Bodley 294), T (Trin. Coll. Camb. R 3. 2), Δ (Sidney Coll. Camb. Δ 4. 1).

Of the third, F (Fairfax 3), W (Wadham Coll. 13), K (Keswick Hall), H₃ (Harl. 7184), Magd. (Magdalen Coll. Oxf. 213).

24 5 ff. time, write, wise, &c., S

25 6 Do ME₂H₁, SΛ, FWKH₃ So JXGRB₂, B To CL

26 7 Essampled (Ensampled) JME₂H₁, SΛ, FWKH₃ Ensamples X ... B₂ &c., B

27 8 awyse F a wise S

28 15 rede om B

29 23 Englisch S

30 24-92 These lines are found in copies of the third recension (FH₂NKH₃Magd.W &c.) and also in SΛP₂. The rest have 24*-92*. The marginal note, ‘Hic in principio—destinauit,’ is found only in Λ, KH₃Magd. Of these, Magd. has in principio libri for in principio, and Λ gives quarto for sexto.

31 28 on] in S

32 29, 30 Two lines omitted in S

33 33 nouȝt S, F

34 38 Writing ... belouyd S

35 41 no man S

36 46 schiewe S

37 47 essampled S

38 49 tirantie S

39 51 is þe writing S

40 52 bural S

41 63 Tho write S

42 68 wise man S

43 71 no man S

44 72 allone S

45 75 awonder F

46 76 awys man F a wise man S

47 80 officie F

48 24*-92* All variations from B are noted.

49 24* book B

50 25* bilongeþ B

51 27* euer B

52 29* f. recomaunde ... comaunde B

53 31* Prayend B

54 36* bityde B

55 37* margin Regis Anglie Ricardi secundi erased in B leaving blank

56 38* took B

57 39* Themese G Themse R

58 40* by B

59 42* margin sed B

60 43* bifel B

61 43* f. neigh ... seigh B

62 45* margin Cronicarum historiis XG

63 47* seyde B

64 48* leyde B

65 49* busynesse B

66 51* booke B

67 52* mighte looke B

68 53* f. writyng ... comaundyng B

69 55* hert B

70 59* Wiþout B

71 62* noon B

72 65* handeleþ B onkrong euery H₁ outkrong euery JME₂XGRCL outkroud euery B₂ outtrong euery Ar outkrong eny B out wronge ony Cath.

73 66* pray B heuene GR heuen B

74 69* bifalle B

75 75* Which JME₂XGCL What H₁RB₂, B byt B

76 76* ffor þy B

77 77* it might (it myht) JME₂CL it may GRB₂, B I may H₁ Sn it XCath.

78 78* to do trauayle G

79 80* long B

80 81* byheste B

81 82* book B

82 87* bygynneþ B

83 89* f. book ... took B

84 92* bygynne B

85 92* for to newe JME₂H₁XGR, B for the newe D Ar. for to schewe CLB₂

86 Latin Verses ii. 2 antūnas ... vrbe S

87 6 ff. tunc que ... Nunc que ... Pace que ... sic que F

88 8 subficta S

89 96 margin videlicet—sexto decimo inserted only in MSS. of the third recension, FWKH₃ &c. S has instead of it (after space of one line), Nota quod tempore creacionis huius libri fuerunt guerre et opiniones guerrarum tam in sancta Cristi ecclesia quam per singula mundi regna quasi vniuersaliter diuulgate. Quapropter in hoc presenti prologo euentus tam graues scriptor per singulos gradus specialiter deplangit. So Λ without space and with dei for Cristi

90 109 which JME₂CL, FKH₃ wiþ H₁XGRB₂, SBΛ, W

91 113 word JME₂B₂, Λ, FWK &c. world H₁XGRCL &c., SB

92 115 vnenuied JME₂, S, FWK &c. vneuened Λ noon enuyed (non enuied) H₁ ... B₂, B

93 124 comun GC, S comune B, F

94 127 the] þat H₁RB₂, B

95 143 a weer S a wer B aweer F

96 144 A begins here

97 147 S has lost a leaf, ll. 147-320

98 149 which A, B whiche F

99 155 his om. B

100 157 aman F

101 159 stoden AJME₂L, Δ, FKH₃ stonden H₁ ... RB₂ &c., BΛ, W

102 169 loue AJME₂XL, FWKH₃ it E, B om. H₁RB₂Sn

103 Latin Verses iii. 8 tepente JE₂, ΔΛ, FWKH₃ repente AMH₁ ... B₂ B, Magd.

104 10 Predo que F

105 194 ff. margin De statu—antipape om. AE₂ videlicet—antipape inserted in third recension only (different hand in F)

106 201 ertly F

107 205 an honde R, B anhonde H₁B₂

108 210 prebende A, Λ

109 215 for om. XGLB₂, WH₃

110 219 worþy(-i) H₁ERLB₂, B worlde W

111 234 Petrus H₁E ... B₂, W Petris XG

112 249 wich F

113 260 to þe manhod(e) AJME₂, ΔΛ, FW to m. H₁ ... B₂, B to make m. KH₃

114 267 þe FKH₃Magd. þat A ... B₂ &c., BΔΛ om. W

115 280 paciencie F

116 317 povere] pore þei (þai) CL, W (pouere þey)

117 321 S resumes

118 331 Copies of first and second recensions have here in margin Anno domini Millesimo CCCo Nonagesimo. S gives this with the addition quia tunc erat ecclesia diuisa and so also RSnDAr, Δ F has an erasure in the margin.

119 336 lyþ F (in ras.) KH₃Magd. is A ... B₂ &c., SBΔΛ

120 338 flitte AXGCL

121 341 whiche F

122 347 proud A, SB proude C, F

123 354 that] what EB₂, B

124 370 argumeten F

125 373 This ... þat AJM, SΛ, F &c. This ... þis E₂X ... B₂, B The ... this H₁

126 396 pricke om. A

127 409 forcacche AME₂, SΔΛ, FWKH₃ forþ cacche H₁ ... B₂, B for tacche (?) J

128 410 Her Orf] Herof (Here of) RCSn, Δ Wheorof H₁ Therof Λ

129 419 com FK

130 421 folk EC, W

131 450 thei] men B

132 453 apeyre AM

133 457 vnto mannes soule is AME₂ is to mannes synne B

134 486 he om. AM

135 487 as AJME₂, SΔ, FKH₃ þat H₁ ... B₂, B is W

136 495-498 Four lines found only in third recension copies FWKH₃ &c.

137 501 margin mutabilia accidencium H₁RB₂, B accidencia mutabilia X

138 510 euere (euer) AME₂X, SΔΛ, FKH₃ euery JH₁RB₂, W eny CL, B

139 518 argument B

140 543 scholde A, B, K schold S, F

141 551 Irael JM, S, FH₂N: the rest Israel

142 565 aman F

143 579-584 Six lines found only in third recension: cp. 495

144 Latin Verses v. 3 vesatur vt H₁RB₂, B vesatur et CL

145 4 ictat H₁R, B

146 6 line om. H₁RB₂Sn, B

147 588 send F

148 592 befalle F

149 608 the tharmes] þe armes M, Δ tharmes B₂, H₃Magd.

150 610 weren on AX

151 611 made al AMH₁

152 618 margin grandi] gracia dei (grā dī) RB₂Sn

153 616 nought wel KH₃ nought (om. wel) AM, W (nat)

154 618 on] an B

155 627 margin dicit om. B

156 659 schal a newe H₁ ... B₂, B

157 663 expondeþ S, FK al. expoundeþ

158 668 al om. H₁RB₂, B hol B, F hole AC

158m 668 margin diminuntur F

159 681 al] of AMERB₂, B om. H₁

160 683 in om. AM

161 698 nedes] soffre (suffre) ME, B

162 705 or B

163 718 putte A

164 720 of Occident XE, B

165 723 chiualrie F

166 724 this] þe H₁XGCL, W

167 730 margin vsque ad H₁ ... B₂, B

168 732 stant H₁ ... B₂, B

168m 732 margin Francie H₁ ... B₂, B

169 739 þe fals Emperour AJMXGCL, SΔ, FKH₃ þe Emp. fals H₁ERB₂ þe emperour B

170 745 Bot] Good (God) GCL And H₁

171 750 wolde MH₁XGCL, Δ

172 754 haþ take B did take Δ

173 764 as he haþ wel ERB₂, SBΔΛ wel as he hath H₁

174 768 the om. B

175 785 margin peruenerit H₁ ... RLB₂, B peruenit C

176 804 Almanie A

177 812 founden AJME₂, SΔΛ, FWH₃ stonden X ... R, B stoden H₁CLB₂

178 821 To þe almains X ... B₂, BΔ To Almayns H₁

179 823 expondeþ S, FKH₃ al. expoundeþ

180 836 al þe Cit S, F al þe cite (citee) A ... B₂, BΔΛ, KH₃ the cite W Magd. al the toune H₁

181 837 f. deces ... wes ECL, B deues ... was H₁Sn deues ... wes RB₂

182 838 wher] þer AME₂H₁

183 844 fro (from) H₁ERB₂, B, W Magd.

184 845 And for to Λ, Magd. And so to H₁EB₂, B And so R As to L

185 850 soþe XGSn, FWKH₃ soþ schal AJMH₁ERCLB₂, SBΔΛ

186 865 line om. B

187 869 þis world MH₁ ... B₂, B

188 873 Expondeþ S, FK

189 892 this] þus AMH₁X, H₃

190 900 these] þis AM ... E, B, W

191 912 Bot] ffor H₁ERB₂, B

192 923 hyhe] while H₁ERB₂, B

193 934 welweþ AJM, W (weloweth)

194 937 f. the ... the] þei ... þei (þay ... þay) AH₁ERB₂, B þer ... þer CL þese ... þey X þe ... þey G

195 939 þei (þay) daies H₁ ... R, B now the nyhtes] now be þe n. MCB₂, Δ now be þey (thei) n. H₁XG

196 946 aman F

197 950 Is to an] It is an H₁ERB₂, B

198 957 mistormeþ FKH₃

199 963 stant out of acord(e) H₁ERB₂, B

200 966 Why] Wiþ RCLB₂

201 967 as þe g. s. AG, W

202 976 margin existit A

203 982 be nome] benome FKH₃

204 1018 suche prise H₁ERB₂, B

205 1019 he om. RLB₂, B, W that H₁

206 1029 condicion F

207 1033 margin vexat H₁ERB₂, B

208 1038 And A

209 1055 S has lost a leaf (1055—i. 106)

210 1078 waxed FK

211 1087 As] And YERSn, B om. B₂

212 1088 god only may H₁ER, B god may only B₂

Incipit Liber Primus

[LOVE RULES THE WORLD.]

P. i. 41

i. Naturatus amor nature legibus orbem

Subdit, et vnanimes concitat esse feras:

Huius enim mundi Princeps amor esse videtur,

Cuius eget diues, pauper et omnis ope.

Sunt in agone pares amor et fortuna, que cecas

Plebis ad insidias vertit vterque rotas.

Est amor egra salus, vexata quies, pius error,

Bellica pax, vulnus dulce, suaue malum.

I may noght strecche up to the hevene[213]

Min hand, ne setten al in evene

This world, which evere is in balance:

It stant noght in my sufficance

So grete thinges to compasse,

Bot I mot lete it overpasse

And treten upon othre thinges.

Forthi the Stile of my writinges[214]

Postquam in Prologo tractatum hactenus existit, qualiter hodierne condicionis diuisio caritatis dileccionem superauit, intendit[216] auctor ad presens suum libellum, cuius nomen Confessio Amantis nuncupatur, componere de illo amore, a quo non solum humanum genus, sed eciam cuncta animancia naturaliter subiciuntur. Et quia non nulli amantes ultra quam expedit desiderii passionibus crebro[217] stimulantur, materia libri per totum super hiis specialius diffunditur.[218]

Fro this day forth I thenke change

And speke of thing is noght so strange,[215] 10

P. i. 42

Which every kinde hath upon honde,

And wherupon the world mot stonde,

And hath don sithen it began,

And schal whil ther is any man;

And that is love, of which I mene

To trete, as after schal be sene.

In which ther can noman him reule,

For loves lawe is out of reule,

That of tomoche or of tolite

Welnyh is every man to wyte, 20

And natheles ther is noman

In al this world so wys, that can

Of love tempre the mesure,

Bot as it falth in aventure:

For wit ne strengthe may noght helpe,

And he which elles wolde him yelpe

Is rathest throwen under fote,

Ther can no wiht therof do bote.

For yet was nevere such covine,

That couthe ordeine a medicine 30

To thing which god in lawe of kinde

Hath set, for ther may noman finde

The rihte salve of such a Sor.

It hath and schal ben everemor

That love is maister wher he wile,

Ther can no lif make other skile;

For wher as evere him lest to sette,[219]

Ther is no myht which him may lette.

Bot what schal fallen ate laste,

The sothe can no wisdom caste, 40

P. i. 43

Bot as it falleth upon chance;

For if ther evere was balance

Which of fortune stant governed,

I may wel lieve as I am lerned

That love hath that balance on honde,

Which wol no reson understonde.

For love is blind and may noght se,

Forthi may no certeinete

Be set upon his jugement,

Bot as the whiel aboute went[220] 50

He yifth his graces undeserved,[221]

And fro that man which hath him served

Fulofte he takth aweye his fees,

As he that pleieth ate Dees,[222]

And therupon what schal befalle

He not, til that the chance falle,

Wher he schal lese or he schal winne.

[EXAMPLE OF THE AUTHOR.]

Hic quasi in persona aliorum, quos amor alligat, fingens se auctor esse Amantem, varias eorum passiones variis huius libri distinccionibus per singula scribere proponit.

And thus fulofte men beginne,

That if thei wisten what it mente,

Thei wolde change al here entente. 60

And forto proven it is so,

I am miselven on of tho,

Which to this Scole am underfonge.

For it is siththe go noght longe,

As forto speke of this matiere,

I may you telle, if ye woll hiere,

A wonder hap which me befell,

That was to me bothe hard and fell,

Touchende of love and his fortune,

The which me liketh to comune 70

P. i. 44

And pleinly forto telle it oute.

To hem that ben lovers aboute

Fro point to point I wol declare

And wryten of my woful care,

Mi wofull day, my wofull chance,

That men mowe take remembrance[223]

Of that thei schall hierafter rede:

For in good feith this wolde I rede,

That every man ensample take

Of wisdom which him is betake,[224] 80

And that he wot of good aprise

To teche it forth, for such emprise

Is forto preise; and therfore I

Woll wryte and schewe al openly

How love and I togedre mette,

Wherof the world ensample fette

Mai after this, whan I am go,

Of thilke unsely jolif wo,

Whos reule stant out of the weie,

Nou glad and nou gladnesse aweie, 90

And yet it may noght be withstonde

For oght that men may understonde.

[HIS WOFUL CASE.]

ii. Non ego Sampsonis vires, non Herculis arma

Vinco, sum sed vt hii victus amore pari.

Vt discant alii, docet experiencia facti,

Rebus in ambiguis que sit habenda via.

Deuius ordo ducis temptata pericla sequentem[225]

Instruit a tergo, ne simul ille cadat.

Me quibus ergo Venus, casus, laqueauit amantem,[226]

Orbis in exemplum scribere tendo palam.

Upon the point that is befalle

Of love, in which that I am falle,

P. i. 45

I thenke telle my matiere:

Now herkne, who that wol it hiere,

Of my fortune how that it ferde.

Hic declarat materiam, dicens qualiter Cupido quodam ignito iaculo sui cordis memoriam graui vlcere perforauit, quod Venus percipiens ipsum, vt dicit, quasi in mortis articulo spasmatum, ad confitendum se Genio sacerdoti super amoris causa sic semiuiuum specialiter commendauit.

This enderday, as I forthferde

To walke, as I yow telle may,—

And that was in the Monthe of Maii, 100

Whan every brid hath chose his make

And thenkth his merthes forto make[227]

Of love that he hath achieved;

Bot so was I nothing relieved,

For I was further fro my love

Than Erthe is fro the hevene above,

As forto speke of eny sped:[228]

So wiste I me non other red,

Bot as it were a man forfare[229]

Unto the wode I gan to fare,[230] 110

Noght forto singe with the briddes,

For whanne I was the wode amiddes,

I fond a swote grene pleine,

And ther I gan my wo compleigne

Wisshinge and wepinge al myn one,

For other merthes made I none.[231]

So hard me was that ilke throwe,

That ofte sithes overthrowe

To grounde I was withoute breth;

And evere I wisshide after deth,[232] 120

Whanne I out of my peine awok,

[HIS COMPLAINT TO CUPID AND VENUS.]

And caste up many a pitous lok

Unto the hevene, and seide thus:

‘O thou Cupide, O thou Venus,

P. i. 46

Thou god of love and thou goddesse,

Wher is pite? wher is meknesse?

Now doth me pleinly live or dye,

For certes such a maladie

As I now have and longe have hadd,

It myhte make a wisman madd,[233] 130

If that it scholde longe endure.

O Venus, queene of loves cure,

Thou lif, thou lust, thou mannes hele,

Behold my cause and my querele,

And yif me som part of thi grace,

So that I may finde in this place

If thou be gracious or non.’

And with that word I sawh anon

The kyng of love and qweene bothe;

Bot he that kyng with yhen wrothe 140

His chiere aweiward fro me caste,

And forth he passede ate laste.

[THE FIERY DART.]

Bot natheles er he forth wente

A firy Dart me thoghte he hente

And threw it thurgh myn herte rote:

In him fond I non other bote,

For lenger list him noght to duelle.

[VENUS QUEEN OF LOVE.]

Bot sche that is the Source and Welle

Of wel or wo, that schal betide

To hem that loven, at that tide 150

Abod, bot forto tellen hiere

Sche cast on me no goodly chiere:

Thus natheles to me sche seide,

‘What art thou, Sone?’ and I abreide

P. i. 47

Riht as a man doth out of slep,

And therof tok sche riht good kep

And bad me nothing ben adrad:

Bot for al that I was noght glad,

For I ne sawh no cause why.

And eft scheo asketh, what was I:[234] 160

I seide, ‘A Caitif that lith hiere:[235]

What wolde ye, my Ladi diere?[236]

Schal I ben hol or elles dye?’[237]

Sche seide, ‘Tell thi maladie:[238]

What is thi Sor of which thou pleignest?[239]

Ne hyd it noght, for if thou feignest,

I can do the no medicine.’

‘Ma dame, I am a man of thyne,

That in thi Court have longe served,

And aske that I have deserved, 170

Som wele after my longe wo.’

And sche began to loure tho,

And seide, ‘Ther is manye of yow

Faitours, and so may be that thow

Art riht such on, and be feintise

Seist that thou hast me do servise.’

And natheles sche wiste wel,

Mi world stod on an other whiel

Withouten eny faiterie:

Bot algate of my maladie 180

Sche bad me telle and seie hir trowthe.

‘Ma dame, if ye wolde have rowthe,’

Quod I, ‘than wolde I telle yow.’[240]

‘Sey forth,’ quod sche, ‘and tell me how;

P. i. 48

Schew me thi seknesse everydiel.’

‘Ma dame, that can I do wel,

Be so my lif therto wol laste.’

With that hir lok on me sche caste,

And seide: ‘In aunter if thou live,

Mi will is ferst that thou be schrive; 190

And natheles how that it is

I wot miself, bot for al this

[GENIUS, THE PRIEST OF LOVE.]

Unto my prest, which comth anon,

I woll thou telle it on and on,

Bothe all thi thoght and al thi werk.

O Genius myn oghne Clerk,

Com forth and hier this mannes schrifte,’

Quod Venus tho; and I uplifte

Min hefd with that, and gan beholde

The selve Prest, which as sche wolde[241] 200

Was redy there and sette him doun

To hiere my confessioun.

iii. Confessus Genio si sit medicina salutis

Experiar morbis, quos tulit ipsa Venus.

Lesa quidem ferro medicantur membra saluti,

Raro tamen medicum vulnus amoris habet.

[THE LOVER’S SHRIFT.]

This worthi Prest, this holy man

To me spekende thus began,

And seide: ‘Benedicite,

Mi Sone, of the felicite

Of love and ek of all the wo

Thou schalt thee schrive of bothe tuo.[242]

Hic dicit qualiter Genio pro Confessore sedenti prouolutus Amans ad confitendum se flexis genibus incuruatur, supplicans tamen, vt ad sui sensus informacionem confessor ille in dicendis opponere sibi benignius dignaretur.

What thou er this for loves sake

Hast felt, let nothing be forsake, 210

P. i. 49

Tell pleinliche as it is befalle.’

And with that word I gan doun falle

On knees, and with devocioun[243]

And with full gret contricioun

I seide thanne: ‘Dominus,

Min holi fader Genius,

So as thou hast experience

Of love, for whos reverence

Thou schalt me schriven at this time,

I prai the let me noght mistime 220

Mi schrifte, for I am destourbed

In al myn herte, and so contourbed,

That I ne may my wittes gete,

So schal I moche thing foryete:[244]

Bot if thou wolt my schrifte oppose

Fro point to point, thanne I suppose,

Ther schal nothing be left behinde.[245]

Bot now my wittes ben so blinde,

That I ne can miselven teche.’

Tho he began anon to preche, 230

And with his wordes debonaire

He seide tome softe and faire:[246]

‘Thi schrifte to oppose and hiere,

Sermo Genii sacerdotis[247] super confessione ad Amantem.

My Sone, I am assigned hiere

Be Venus the godesse above,

Whos Prest I am touchende of love.

Bot natheles for certein skile

I mot algate and nedes wile

Noght only make my spekynges

Of love, bot of othre thinges, 240

P. i. 50

That touchen to the cause of vice.

For that belongeth to thoffice

Of Prest, whos ordre that I bere,

So that I wol nothing forbere,

That I the vices on and on

Ne schal thee schewen everychon;

Wherof thou myht take evidence

To reule with thi conscience.

Bot of conclusion final

Conclude I wol in special 250

For love, whos servant I am,

And why the cause is that I cam.

So thenke I to don bothe tuo,

Ferst that myn ordre longeth to,

The vices forto telle arewe,

Bot next above alle othre schewe

Of love I wol the propretes,

How that thei stonde be degrees

After the disposicioun

Of Venus, whos condicioun 260

I moste folwe, as I am holde.

For I with love am al withholde,

So that the lasse I am to wyte,

Thogh I ne conne bot a lyte[248]

Of othre thinges that ben wise:

I am noght tawht in such a wise;[249]

For it is noght my comun us

To speke of vices and vertus,

Bot al of love and of his lore,

For Venus bokes of nomore 270

P. i. 51

Me techen nowther text ne glose.

Bot for als moche as I suppose

It sit a prest to be wel thewed,

And schame it is if he be lewed,

Of my Presthode after the forme

I wol thi schrifte so enforme,

That ate leste thou schalt hiere[250]

The vices, and to thi matiere[251]

Of love I schal hem so remene,

That thou schalt knowe what thei mene. 280

For what a man schal axe or sein[252]

Touchende of schrifte, it mot be plein,

It nedeth noght to make it queinte,

For trowthe hise wordes wol noght peinte:

That I wole axe of the forthi,

My Sone, it schal be so pleinly,

That thou schalt knowe and understonde

The pointz of schrifte how that thei stonde.’[253]

[THE FIVE SENSES.]

iv. Visus et auditus fragilis sunt ostia mentis,

Que viciosa manus claudere nulla potest.

Est ibi larga via, graditur qua cordis ad antrum

Hostis, et ingrediens fossa talenta rapit.

Hec michi confessor Genius primordia profert,

Dum sit in extremis vita remorsa malis.

Nunc tamen vt poterit semiviua loquela fateri,

Verba per os timide conscia mentis agam.

Betwen the lif and deth I herde

This Prestes tale er I answerde, 290

And thanne I preide him forto seie

His will, and I it wolde obeie

After the forme of his apprise.[254]

Hic incipit confessio Amantis, cui de duobus precipue quinque sensuum, hoc est de visu et auditu, confessor pre ceteris opponit.

Tho spak he tome in such a wise,[255]

P. i. 52

And bad me that I scholde schrive[256]

As touchende of my wittes fyve,

And schape that thei were amended

Of that I hadde hem misdispended.[257]

For tho be proprely the gates,

Thurgh whiche as to the herte algates 300

Comth alle thing unto the feire,

Which may the mannes Soule empeire.

And now this matiere is broght inne,

Mi Sone, I thenke ferst beginne

To wite how that thin yhe hath stonde,

[SEEING.]

The which is, as I understonde,

The moste principal of alle,

Thurgh whom that peril mai befalle.

And forto speke in loves kinde,

Ful manye suche a man mai finde,[258] 310

Whiche evere caste aboute here yhe,

To loke if that thei myhte aspie

Fulofte thing which hem ne toucheth,

Bot only that here herte soucheth

In hindringe of an other wiht;

And thus ful many a worthi knyht

And many a lusti lady bothe

Have be fulofte sythe wrothe.[259]

So that an yhe is as a thief

To love, and doth ful gret meschief; 320

And also for his oghne part

Fulofte thilke firy Dart

Of love, which that evere brenneth,

Thurgh him into the herte renneth:

P. i. 53

And thus a mannes yhe ferst

Himselve grieveth alther werst,

And many a time that he knoweth

Unto his oghne harm it groweth.

Mi Sone, herkne now forthi

A tale, to be war therby 330

Thin yhe forto kepe and warde,

So that it passe noght his warde.

[TALE OF ACTEON.]

Hic narrat Confessor exemplum[260] de visu ab illicitis preseruando, dicens qualiter Acteon Cadmi Regis Thebarum nepos, dum in quadam Foresta venacionis causa spaciaretur,262m accidit vt ipse quendam fontem nemorosa arborum pulcritudine circumuentum superueniens, vidit ibi Dianam cum suis Nimphis nudam in flumine balneantem; quam diligencius intuens oculos suos a muliebri nuditate nullatenus auertere volebat. Vnde indignata Diana ipsum in cerui figuram transformauit; quem canes proprii apprehendentes mortiferis dentibus penitus dilaniarunt.

Ovide telleth in his bok

Ensample touchende of mislok,

And seith hou whilom ther was on,[261]

A worthi lord, which Acteon

Was hote, and he was cousin nyh

To him that Thebes ferst on hyh

Up sette, which king Cadme hyhte.[262]

This Acteon, as he wel myhte, 340

Above alle othre caste his chiere,

And used it fro yer to yere,

With Houndes and with grete Hornes

Among the wodes and the thornes

To make his hunting and his chace:

Where him best thoghte in every place

To finde gamen in his weie,

Ther rod he forto hunte and pleie.

So him befell upon a tide[263]

On his hunting as he cam ride, 350

In a Forest al one he was:

He syh upon the grene gras

The faire freisshe floures springe,[264]

He herde among the leves singe

P. i. 54

The Throstle with the nyhtingale:[265]

Thus er he wiste into a Dale

He cam, wher was a litel plein,[266]

All round aboute wel besein

With buisshes grene and Cedres hyhe;

And ther withinne he caste his yhe. 360

Amidd the plein he syh a welle,

So fair ther myhte noman telle,

In which Diana naked stod

To bathe and pleie hire in the flod

With many a Nimphe, which hire serveth.[267]

Bot he his yhe awey ne swerveth

Fro hire, which was naked al,

And sche was wonder wroth withal,[268]

And him, as sche which was godesse,

Forschop anon, and the liknesse[269] 370

Sche made him taken of an Hert,[270]

Which was tofore hise houndes stert,

That ronne besiliche aboute

With many an horn and many a route,[271]

That maden mochel noise and cry:

And ate laste unhappely

This Hert his oghne houndes slowhe[272]

And him for vengance al todrowhe.

Confessor.

Lo now, my Sone, what it is

A man to caste his yhe amis, 380

Which Acteon hath dere aboght;

Be war forthi and do it noght.

For ofte, who that hiede toke,

Betre is to winke than to loke.

P. i. 55

And forto proven it is so,

Ovide the Poete also

A tale which to this matiere

Acordeth seith, as thou schalt hiere.[273]

[TALE OF MEDUSA.]

Hic ponit aliud exemplum de eodem, vbi dicit quod quidam princeps nomine Phorceus tres progenuit filias, Gorgones a vulgo nuncupatas, que uno partu exorte deformitatem Monstrorum serpentinam obtinuerunt; quibus, cum in etatem peruenerant, talis destinata fuerat natura, quod quicumque in eas aspiceret in lapidem subito mutabatur. Et sic quam plures incaute respicientes visis illis perierunt. Set Perseus miles clipeo Palladis gladioque Mercurii munitus eas extra montem Athlantis cohabitantes animo audaci absque sui periculo interfecit.

In Metamor it telleth thus,

How that a lord which Phorceüs 390

Was hote, hadde dowhtres thre.[274]

Bot upon here nativite

Such was the constellacion,

That out of mannes nacion

Fro kynde thei be so miswent,

That to the liknesse of Serpent

Thei were bore, and so that on[275]

Of hem was cleped Stellibon,

That other soster Suriale,

The thridde, as telleth in the tale, 400

Medusa hihte, and natheles

Of comun name Gorgones

In every contre ther aboute,

As Monstres whiche that men doute,

Men clepen hem; and bot on yhe

Among hem thre in pourpartie

Thei hadde, of which thei myhte se,

Now hath it this, now hath it sche;

After that cause and nede it ladde,

Be throwes ech of hem it hadde. 410

A wonder thing yet more amis

Ther was, wherof I telle al this:

What man on hem his chiere caste

And hem behield, he was als faste

P. i. 56

Out of a man into a Ston

Forschape, and thus ful manyon

Deceived were, of that thei wolde

Misloke, wher that thei ne scholde.

Bot Perseüs that worthi knyht,

Whom Pallas of hir grete myht 420

Halp, and tok him a Schield therto,

And ek the god Mercurie also

Lente him a swerd, he, as it fell,[276]

Beyende Athlans the hihe hell

These Monstres soghte, and there he fond[277]

Diverse men of thilke lond

Thurgh sihte of hem mistorned were,

Stondende as Stones hiere and there.

Bot he, which wisdom and prouesse

Hadde of the god and the godesse,[278] 430

The Schield of Pallas gan enbrace,

With which he covereth sauf his face,

Mercuries Swerd and out he drowh,

And so he bar him that he slowh

These dredful Monstres alle thre.

Confessor.

Lo now, my Sone, avise the,

That thou thi sihte noght misuse:

Cast noght thin yhe upon Meduse,

That thou be torned into Ston:

For so wys man was nevere non, 440

Bot if he wel his yhe kepe[279]

And take of fol delit no kepe,

That he with lust nys ofte nome,

Thurgh strengthe of love and overcome.

P. i. 57

Of mislokynge how it hath ferd,

As I have told, now hast thou herd,

My goode Sone, and tak good hiede.[280]

[HEARING.]

And overthis yet I thee rede

That thou be war of thin heringe,

Which to the Herte the tidinge 450

Of many a vanite hath broght,

To tarie with a mannes thoght.

And natheles good is to hiere

Such thing wherof a man may lere[281]

That to vertu is acordant,

And toward al the remenant

Good is to torne his Ere fro;

For elles, bot a man do so,

Him may fulofte mysbefalle.

I rede ensample amonges alle, 460

Wherof to kepe wel an Ere

It oghte pute a man in fere.

[THE PRUDENCE OF THE SERPENT.]

Hic narrat Confessor exemplum, vt non ab auris exaudicione fatua animus deceptus inuoluatur. Et dicit qualiter ille serpens, qui aspis[282] vocatur, quendam preciosissimum lapidem nomine Carbunculum in sue frontis medio gestans, contra verba incantantis aurem vnam terre affigendo premit, et aliam sue caude stimulo firmissime[283] obturat.

A Serpent, which that Aspidis

Is cleped, of his kynde hath this,

That he the Ston noblest of alle,

The which that men Carbuncle calle,

Berth in his hed above on heihte.

For which whan that a man be sleyhte,

The Ston to winne and him to daunte,

With his carecte him wolde enchaunte, 470

Anon as he perceiveth that,

He leith doun his on Ere al plat

Unto the ground, and halt it faste,

And ek that other Ere als faste

P. i. 58

He stoppeth with his tail so sore,

That he the wordes lasse or more

Of his enchantement ne hiereth;

And in this wise himself he skiereth,

So that he hath the wordes weyved

And thurgh his Ere is noght deceived. 480

[TALE OF THE SIRENS.]

Aliud exemplum super eodem, qualiter rex Vluxes cum a bello Troiano versus Greciam nauigio remearet, et prope illa Monstra marina, Sirenes nuncupata, angelica voce canoras, ipsum ventorum aduersitate nauigare oporteret, omnium nautarum suorum aures obturari coegit. Et sic salutari prouidencia prefultus absque periculo saluus cum sua classe Vluxes pertransiuit.

An othre thing, who that recordeth,[284]

Lich unto this ensample acordeth,

Which in the tale of Troie I finde.

Sirenes of a wonder kynde

Ben Monstres, as the bokes tellen,

And in the grete Se thei duellen:

Of body bothe and of visage

Lik unto wommen of yong age[285]

Up fro the Navele on hih thei be,

And doun benethe, as men mai se, 490

Thei bere of fisshes the figure.[286]

And overthis of such nature

Thei ben, that with so swete a stevene

Lik to the melodie of hevene

In wommanysshe vois thei singe,

With notes of so gret likinge,

Of such mesure, of such musike,

Wherof the Schipes thei beswike

That passen be the costes there.

For whan the Schipmen leie an Ere 500

Unto the vois, in here avys

Thei wene it be a Paradys,

Which after is to hem an helle.

For reson may noght with hem duelle,

P. i. 59

Whan thei tho grete lustes hiere;[287]

Thei conne noght here Schipes stiere,

So besiliche upon the note

Thei herkne, and in such wise assote,

That thei here rihte cours and weie

Foryete, and to here Ere obeie, 510

And seilen til it so befalle

That thei into the peril falle,

Where as the Schipes be todrawe,

And thei ben with the Monstres slawe.

Bot fro this peril natheles

With his wisdom king Uluxes

Ascapeth and it overpasseth;

For he tofor the hond compasseth

That noman of his compaignie

Hath pouer unto that folie 520

His Ere for no lust to caste;

For he hem stoppede alle faste,[288]

That non of hem mai hiere hem singe.

So whan they comen forth seilinge,

Ther was such governance on honde,

That thei the Monstres have withstonde

And slain of hem a gret partie.

Thus was he sauf with his navie,

This wise king, thurgh governance.

Confessor.

[THE SINS OF THE EYE AND THE EAR.]

Wherof, my Sone, in remembrance 530

Thou myht ensample taken hiere,[289]

As I have told, and what thou hiere

Be wel war, and yif no credence,

Bot if thou se more evidence.

P. i. 60

For if thou woldest take kepe

And wisly cowthest warde and kepe

Thin yhe and Ere, as I have spoke,

Than haddest thou the gates stoke

Fro such Sotie as comth to winne

Thin hertes wit, which is withinne, 540

Wherof that now thi love excedeth

Mesure, and many a peine bredeth.

Bot if thou cowthest sette in reule

Tho tuo, the thre were eth to reule:

Forthi as of thi wittes five

I wole as now nomore schryve,

Bot only of these ilke tuo.

Tell me therfore if it be so,

Hast thou thin yhen oght misthrowe?[290]

Amans.

Mi fader, ye, I am beknowe, 550

I have hem cast upon Meduse,

Therof I may me noght excuse:

Min herte is growen into Ston,

So that my lady therupon

Hath such a priente of love grave,

That I can noght miselve save.

Opponit Confessor.  What seist thou, Sone, as of thin Ere?

Respondet Amans.  Mi fader, I am gultyf there;

For whanne I may my lady hiere,

Mi wit with that hath lost his Stiere: 560

I do noght as Uluxes dede,

Bot falle anon upon the stede,

Wher as I se my lady stonde;

And there, I do yow understonde,

P. i. 61

I am topulled in my thoght,

So that of reson leveth noght,

Wherof that I me mai defende.

Confessor.

My goode Sone, god thamende:

For as me thenketh be thi speche

Thi wittes ben riht feer to seche. 570

As of thin Ere and of thin yhe

I woll nomore specefie,

Bot I woll axen overthis

Of othre thing how that it is.

[THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS. PRIDE.]

v. Celsior est Aquila que Leone ferocior ille,[291]

Quem tumor elati cordis ad alta mouet.

Sunt species quinque, quibus esse Superbia ductrix

Clamat, et in multis mundus adheret eis.

Laruando faciem ficto pallore subornat

Fraudibus Ypocrisis mellea verba suis.

Sicque pios animos quamsepe ruit muliebres

Ex humili verbo sub latitante dolo.[292]

Hic loquitur quod septem sunt peccata mortalia, quorum caput Superbia varias species habet, et earum prima Ypocrisis dicitur, cuius proprietatem secundum vicium simpliciter Confessor Amanti declarat.[293]

Mi Sone, as I thee schal enforme,

Ther ben yet of an other forme

Of dedly vices sevene applied,

Wherof the herte is ofte plied

To thing which after schal him grieve.

The ferste of hem thou schalt believe[294] 580

Is Pride, which is principal,

And hath with him in special

Ministres five ful diverse,

Of whiche, as I the schal reherse,[295]

[FIVE MINISTERS OF PRIDE.

i. HYPOCRISY.]

The ferste is seid Ypocrisie.

If thou art of his compaignie,

Tell forth, my Sone, and schrif the clene.

Amans.

I wot noght, fader, what ye mene:

P. i. 62

Bot this I wolde you beseche,

That ye me be som weie teche 590

What is to ben an ypocrite;

And thanne if I be forto wyte,

I wol beknowen, as it is.[296]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, an ypocrite is this,—

A man which feigneth conscience,

As thogh it were al innocence,

Withoute, and is noght so withinne;

And doth so for he wolde winne

Of his desir the vein astat.

And whanne he comth anon therat, 600

He scheweth thanne what he was,

The corn is torned into gras,

That was a Rose is thanne a thorn,

And he that was a Lomb beforn[297]

Is thanne a Wolf, and thus malice

Under the colour of justice

Is hid; and as the poeple telleth,

Ipocrisis Religiosa.[298]

These ordres witen where he duelleth,

As he that of here conseil is,

And thilke world which thei er this[299] 610

Forsoken, he drawth in ayein:

He clotheth richesse, as men sein,

Under the simplesce of poverte,

And doth to seme of gret decerte

Thing which is litel worth withinne:

He seith in open, fy! to Sinne,

And in secre ther is no vice

Of which that he nis a Norrice:

P. i. 63

And evere his chiere is sobre and softe,

And where he goth he blesseth ofte, 620

Wherof the blinde world he dreccheth.

Bot yet al only he ne streccheth

His reule upon religioun,

Bot next to that condicioun

In suche as clepe hem holy cherche

Ipocrisis ecclesiastica.[300]

It scheweth ek how he can werche[301]

Among tho wyde furred hodes,[302]

To geten hem the worldes goodes.

And thei hemself ben thilke same

That setten most the world in blame,[303] 630

Bot yet in contraire of her lore

Ther is nothing thei loven more;

So that semende of liht thei werke

The dedes whiche are inward derke.

And thus this double Ypocrisie

With his devolte apparantie

A viser set upon his face,

Wherof toward this worldes grace

He semeth to be riht wel thewed,

And yit his herte is al beschrewed. 640

Bot natheles he stant believed,

And hath his pourpos ofte achieved

Of worschipe and of worldes welthe,

And takth it, as who seith, be stelthe

Thurgh coverture of his fallas.

And riht so in semblable cas

This vice hath ek his officers

Ipocrisis secularis.

Among these othre seculers

P. i. 64

Of grete men, for of the smale

As for tacompte he set no tale, 650

Bot thei that passen the comune

With suche him liketh to comune,

And where he seith he wol socoure

The poeple, there he woll devoure;

For now aday is manyon

Which spekth of Peter and of John[304]

And thenketh Judas in his herte.

Ther schal no worldes good asterte

His hond, and yit he yifth almesse

And fasteth ofte and hiereth Messe: 660

With mea culpa, which he seith,

Upon his brest fullofte he leith

His hond, and cast upward his yhe,

As thogh he Cristes face syhe;

So that it seemeth ate syhte,

As he al one alle othre myhte

Rescoue with his holy bede.

Bot yet his herte in other stede

Among hise bedes most devoute

Goth in the worldes cause aboute, 670

How that he myhte his warisoun

Encresce.

[HYPOCRISY OF LOVERS.]

[305]Hic tractat Confessor cum Amante super illa presertim Ipocrisia, que sub amoris facie fraudulenter latitando mulieres ipsius ficticiis credulas sepissime decipit innocentes.

And in comparisoun

Ther ben lovers of such a sort,

That feignen hem an humble port,

And al is bot Ypocrisie,

Which with deceipte and flaterie

Hath many a worthi wif beguiled.

For whanne he hath his tunge affiled,

P. i. 65

With softe speche and with lesinge,

Forth with his fals pitous lokynge, 680

He wolde make a womman wene

To gon upon the faire grene,

Whan that sche falleth in the Mir.

For if he may have his desir,

How so falle of the remenant,

He halt no word of covenant;

Bot er the time that he spede,

Ther is no sleihte at thilke nede,

Which eny loves faitour mai,

That he ne put it in assai, 690

As him belongeth forto done.

The colour of the reyni Mone

With medicine upon his face

He set, and thanne he axeth grace,

As he which hath sieknesse feigned.

Whan his visage is so desteigned,

With yhe upcast on hire he siketh,

And many a contenance he piketh,

To bringen hire in to believe

Of thing which that he wolde achieve, 700

Wherof he berth the pale hewe;

And for he wolde seme trewe,

He makth him siek, whan he is heil.

Bot whanne he berth lowest the Seil,[306]

Thanne is he swiftest to beguile

The womman, which that ilke while

Set upon him feith or credence.

Opponit Confessor.

Mi Sone, if thou thi conscience

P. i. 66

Entamed hast in such a wise,

In schrifte thou thee myht avise 710

And telle it me, if it be so.

Respondet Amans.

Min holy fader, certes no.

As forto feigne such sieknesse

It nedeth noght, for this witnesse

I take of god, that my corage

Hath ben mor siek than my visage.

And ek this mai I wel avowe,

So lowe cowthe I nevere bowe

To feigne humilite withoute,

That me ne leste betre loute 720

With alle the thoghtes of myn herte;

For that thing schal me nevere asterte,

I speke as to my lady diere,[307]

To make hire eny feigned chiere.

God wot wel there I lye noght,

Mi chiere hath be such as my thoght;

For in good feith, this lieveth wel,

Mi will was betre a thousendel

Than eny chiere that I cowthe.

Bot, Sire, if I have in my yowthe 730

Don other wise in other place,

I put me therof in your grace:[308]

For this excusen I ne schal,

That I have elles overal

To love and to his compaignie

Be plein withoute Ypocrisie;

Bot ther is on the which I serve,

Althogh I may no thonk deserve,

P. i. 67

To whom yet nevere into this day

I seide onlyche or ye or nay, 740

Bot if it so were in my thoght.

As touchende othre seie I noght

That I nam somdel forto wyte

Of that ye clepe an ypocrite.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, it sit wel every wiht

To kepe his word in trowthe upryht

Towardes love in alle wise.

For who that wolde him wel avise

What hath befalle in this matiere,

He scholde noght with feigned chiere 750

Deceive Love in no degre.

To love is every herte fre,

Bot in deceipte if that thou feignest

And therupon thi lust atteignest,

That thow hast wonne with thi wyle,

Thogh it thee like for a whyle,[309]

Thou schalt it afterward repente.

And forto prove myn entente,

I finde ensample in a Croniqe

Of hem that love so beswike. 760

[TALE OF MUNDUS AND PAULINA.]

Quod Ipocrisia sit in amore periculosa, narrat exemplum qualiter sub regno Tiberii Imperatoris quidam miles nomine Mundus, qui Romanorum dux milicie tunc prefuit, dominam Paulinam pulcherrimam castitatisque famosissimam mediantibus duobus falsis presbiteris in templo Ysis deum se esse fingens[310] sub ficte sanctitatis ypocrisi nocturno tempore viciauit. Vnde idem dux in exilium, presbiteri in mortem ob sui criminis enormitatem dampnati extiterant, ymagoque dee Ysis a templo euulsa vniuerso conclamante populo in flumen Tiberiadis proiecta mergebatur.

It fell be olde daies thus,

Whil themperour Tiberius

The Monarchie of Rome ladde,

Ther was a worthi Romein hadde

A wif, and sche Pauline hihte,

Which was to every mannes sihte

Of al the Cite the faireste,

And as men seiden, ek the beste.

P. i. 68

It is and hath ben evere yit,

That so strong is no mannes wit, 770

Which thurgh beaute ne mai be drawe

To love, and stonde under the lawe

Of thilke bore frele kinde,

Which makth the hertes yhen blinde,

Wher no reson mai be comuned:[311]

And in this wise stod fortuned[312]

This tale, of which I wolde mene;

This wif, which in hire lustes grene

Was fair and freissh and tendre of age,

Sche may noght lette the corage 780

Of him that wole on hire assote.

Ther was a Duck, and he was hote[313]

Mundus, which hadde in his baillie

To lede the chivalerie

Of Rome, and was a worthi knyht;

Bot yet he was noght of such myht

The strengthe of love to withstonde,

That he ne was so broght to honde,

That malgre wher he wole or no,

This yonge wif he loveth so, 790

That he hath put al his assay

To wynne thing which he ne may

Gete of hire graunt in no manere,

Be yifte of gold ne be preiere.

And whanne he syh that be no mede

Toward hir love he myhte spede,

Be sleyhte feigned thanne he wroghte;

And therupon he him bethoghte

P. i. 69

How that ther was in the Cite

A temple of such auctorite, 800

To which with gret Devocioun

The noble wommen of the toun

Most comunliche a pelrinage

Gon forto preie thilke ymage

Which the godesse of childinge is,

And cleped was be name Ysis:

And in hire temple thanne were,

To reule and to ministre there

After the lawe which was tho,

Above alle othre Prestes tuo. 810

This Duck, which thoghte his love gete,

Upon a day hem tuo to mete

Hath bede, and thei come at his heste;

Wher that thei hadde a riche feste,

And after mete in prive place

This lord, which wolde his thonk pourchace,

To ech of hem yaf thanne a yifte,

And spak so that be weie of schrifte

He drowh hem unto his covine,

To helpe and schape how he Pauline[314] 820

After his lust deceive myhte.

And thei here trowthes bothe plyhte,

That thei be nyhte hire scholden wynne

Into the temple, and he therinne

Schal have of hire al his entente:

And thus acorded forth thei wente.

Now lest thurgh which ypocrisie

Ordeigned was the tricherie,

P. i. 70

Wherof this ladi was deceived.

These Prestes hadden wel conceived 830

That sche was of gret holinesse;

And with a contrefet simplesse,

Which hid was in a fals corage,

Feignende an hevenely message[315]

Thei come and seide unto hir thus:

‘Pauline, the god Anubus

Hath sent ous bothe Prestes hiere,[316]

And seith he woll to thee appiere

Be nyhtes time himself alone,

For love he hath to thi persone: 840

And therupon he hath ous bede,

That we in Ysis temple a stede

Honestely for thee pourveie,

Wher thou be nyhte, as we thee seie,

Of him schalt take avisioun.

For upon thi condicioun,

The which is chaste and ful of feith,

Such pris, as he ous tolde, he leith,

That he wol stonde of thin acord;

And forto bere hierof record 850

He sende ous hider bothe tuo.’

Glad was hire innocence tho

Of suche wordes as sche herde,

With humble chiere and thus answerde,

And seide that the goddes wille

Sche was al redy to fulfille,

That be hire housebondes leve

Sche wolde in Ysis temple at eve

P. i. 71

Upon hire goddes grace abide,

To serven him the nyhtes tide. 860

The Prestes tho gon hom ayein,

And sche goth to hire sovereign,

Of goddes wille and as it was

Sche tolde him al the pleine cas,

Wherof he was deceived eke,

And bad that sche hire scholde meke

Al hol unto the goddes heste.

And thus sche, which was al honeste

To godward after hire entente,

At nyht unto the temple wente, 870

Wher that the false Prestes were;

And thei receiven hire there

With such a tokne of holinesse,

As thogh thei syhen a godesse,

And al withinne in prive place

A softe bedd of large space[317]

Thei hadde mad and encourtined,

Wher sche was afterward engined.

Bot sche, which al honour supposeth,

The false Prestes thanne opposeth, 880

And axeth be what observance

Sche myhte most to the plesance

Of godd that nyhtes reule kepe:

And thei hire bidden forto slepe[318]

Liggende upon the bedd alofte,

For so, thei seide, al stille and softe[319]

God Anubus hire wolde awake.

The conseil in this wise take,

P. i. 72

The Prestes fro this lady gon;

And sche, that wiste of guile non, 890

In the manere as it was seid

To slepe upon the bedd is leid,

In hope that sche scholde achieve[320]

Thing which stod thanne upon bilieve,

Fulfild of alle holinesse.

Bot sche hath failed, as I gesse,[321]

For in a closet faste by

The Duck was hid so prively

That sche him myhte noght perceive;

And he, that thoghte to deceive, 900

Hath such arrai upon him nome,

That whanne he wolde unto hir come,

It scholde semen at hire yhe[322]

As thogh sche verrailiche syhe

God Anubus, and in such wise

This ypocrite of his queintise

Awaiteth evere til sche slepte.

And thanne out of his place he crepte

So stille that sche nothing herde,

And to the bedd stalkende he ferde, 910

And sodeinly, er sche it wiste,

Beclipt in armes he hire kiste:

Wherof in wommanysshe drede

Sche wok and nyste what to rede;

Bot he with softe wordes milde

Conforteth hire and seith, with childe

He wolde hire make in such a kynde

That al the world schal have in mynde

P. i. 73

The worschipe of that ilke Sone;

For he schal with the goddes wone, 920

And ben himself a godd also.

With suche wordes and with mo,

The whiche he feigneth in his speche,

This lady wit was al to seche,[323]

As sche which alle trowthe weneth:

Bot he, that alle untrowthe meneth,

With blinde tales so hire ladde,

That all his wille of hire he hadde.

And whan him thoghte it was ynowh,

Ayein the day he him withdrowh 930

So prively that sche ne wiste

Wher he becom, bot as him liste

Out of the temple he goth his weie.

And sche began to bidde and preie

Upon the bare ground knelende,

And after that made hire offrende,

And to the Prestes yiftes grete

Sche yaf, and homward be the Strete.

The Duck hire mette and seide thus:

‘The myhti godd which Anubus 940

Is hote, he save the, Pauline,

For thou art of his discipline

So holy, that no mannes myht

Mai do that he hath do to nyht

Of thing which thou hast evere eschuied.

Bot I his grace have so poursuied,

That I was mad his lieutenant:

Forthi be weie of covenant

P. i. 74

Fro this day forth I am al thin,

And if thee like to be myn, 950

That stant upon thin oghne wille.’

Sche herde his tale and bar it stille,

And hom sche wente, as it befell,

Into hir chambre, and ther sche fell

Upon hire bedd to wepe and crie,

And seide: ‘O derke ypocrisie,

Thurgh whos dissimilacion

Of fals ymaginacion

I am thus wickedly deceived!

Bot that I have it aperceived 960

I thonke unto the goddes alle;

For thogh it ones be befalle,

It schal nevere eft whil that I live,

And thilke avou to godd I yive.’

And thus wepende sche compleigneth,

Hire faire face and al desteigneth

With wofull teres of hire ÿe,

So that upon this agonie

Hire housebonde is inne come,

And syh how sche was overcome 970

With sorwe, and axeth what hire eileth.

And sche with that hirself beweileth

Welmore than sche dede afore,

And seide, ‘Helas, wifhode is lore

In me, which whilom was honeste,[324]

I am non other than a beste,

Now I defouled am of tuo.’

And as sche myhte speke tho,

P. i. 75

Aschamed with a pitous onde

Sche tolde unto hir housebonde 980

The sothe of al the hole tale,

And in hire speche ded and pale

Sche swouneth welnyh to the laste.

And he hire in hise armes faste

Uphield, and ofte swor his oth

That he with hire is nothing wroth,

For wel he wot sche may ther noght:

Bot natheles withinne his thoght

His herte stod in sori plit,

And seide he wolde of that despit 990

Be venged, how so evere it falle,

And sende unto hise frendes alle.

And whan thei weren come in fere,

He tolde hem upon this matiere,

And axeth hem what was to done:

And thei avised were sone,

And seide it thoghte hem for the beste

To sette ferst his wif in reste,

And after pleigne to the king

Upon the matiere of this thing. 1000

Tho was this wofull wif conforted

Be alle weies and desported,

Til that sche was somdiel amended;

And thus a day or tuo despended,

The thridde day sche goth to pleigne

With many a worthi Citezeine,

And he with many a Citezein.

Whan themperour it herde sein,

P. i. 76

And knew the falshed of the vice,

He seide he wolde do justice: 1010

And ferst he let the Prestes take,

And for thei scholde it noght forsake,

He put hem into questioun;[325]

Bot thei of the suggestioun

Ne couthen noght a word refuse,[326]

Bot for thei wolde hemself excuse,

The blame upon the Duck thei leide.

Bot therayein the conseil seide

That thei be noght excused so,

For he is on and thei ben tuo, 1020

And tuo han more wit then on,

So thilke excusement was non.

And over that was seid hem eke,[327]

That whan men wolden vertu seke,

Men scholde it in the Prestes finde;

Here ordre is of so hyh a kinde,

That thei be Duistres of the weie:[328]

Forthi, if eny man forsueie

Thurgh hem, thei be noght excusable.

And thus be lawe resonable 1030

Among the wise jugges there

The Prestes bothe dampned were,

So that the prive tricherie

Hid under fals Ipocrisie

Was thanne al openliche schewed,

That many a man hem hath beschrewed.[329]

And whan the Prestes weren dede,

The temple of thilke horrible dede

P. i. 77

Thei thoghten purge, and thilke ymage,

Whos cause was the pelrinage, 1040

Thei drowen out and als so faste

Fer into Tibre thei it caste,

Wher the Rivere it hath defied:

And thus the temple purified

Thei have of thilke horrible Sinne,

Which was that time do therinne.

Of this point such was the juise,

Bot of the Duck was other wise:

For he with love was bestad,

His dom was noght so harde lad; 1050

For Love put reson aweie

And can noght se the rihte weie.

And be this cause he was respited,

So that the deth him was acquited,

Bot for al that he was exiled,

For he his love hath so beguiled,

That he schal nevere come ayein:

For who that is to trowthe unplein,

He may noght failen of vengance.[330]

And ek to take remembrance 1060

Of that Ypocrisie hath wroght

On other half, men scholde noght

To lihtly lieve al that thei hiere,

Bot thanne scholde a wisman stiere

The Schip, whan suche wyndes blowe:

For ferst thogh thei beginne lowe,

At ende thei be noght menable,[331]

Bot al tobreken Mast and Cable,[332]

P. i. 78

So that the Schip with sodein blast,

Whan men lest wene, is overcast; 1070

As now fulofte a man mai se:

And of old time how it hath be

I finde a gret experience,

Wherof to take an evidence

Good is, and to be war also

Of the peril, er him be wo.

[THE TROJAN HORSE.]

Of hem that ben so derk withinne,

At Troie also if we beginne,

Ipocrisie it hath betraied:[333]

For whan the Greks hadde al assaied, 1080

Hic vlterius ponit exemplum de illa eciam Ypocrisia, que inter virum[334] et virum decipiens periculosissima consistit. Et narrat, qualiter Greci in obsidione ciuitatis Troie, cum ipsam vi comprehendere nullatenus potuerunt, fallaci animo cum Troianis pacem vt dicunt pro perpetuo statuebant: et super hoc[335] quendam equum mire grossitudinis de ere fabricatum ad sacrificandum in templo[336] Minerue confingentes, sub tali sanctitatis ypocrisi dictam Ciuitatem intrarunt, et ipsam cum inhabitantibus gladio et igne comminuentes pro perpetuo penitus deuastarunt.[337]

And founde that be no bataille

Ne be no Siege it myhte availe

The toun to winne thurgh prouesse,

This vice feigned of simplesce

Thurgh sleyhte of Calcas and of Crise

It wan be such a maner wise.

An Hors of Bras thei let do forge

Of such entaile, of such a forge,

That in this world was nevere man

That such an other werk began. 1090

The crafti werkman Epius

It made, and forto telle thus,

The Greks, that thoghten to beguile

The kyng of Troie, in thilke while

With Anthenor and with Enee,

That were bothe of the Cite

And of the conseil the wiseste,

The richeste and the myhtieste,

P. i. 79

In prive place so thei trete

With fair beheste and yiftes grete 1100

Of gold, that thei hem have engined;

Togedre and whan thei be covined,

Thei feignen forto make a pes,

And under that yit natheles

Thei schopen the destruccioun

Bothe of the kyng and of the toun.

And thus the false pees was take

Of hem of Grece and undertake,

And therupon thei founde a weie,

Wher strengthe myhte noght aweie, 1110

That sleihte scholde helpe thanne;

And of an ynche a large spanne

Be colour of the pees thei made,

And tolden how thei weren glade

Of that thei stoden in acord;[338]

And for it schal ben of record,

Unto the kyng the Gregois seiden,

Be weie of love and this thei preiden,[339]

As thei that wolde his thonk deserve,

A Sacrifice unto Minerve, 1120

The pes to kepe in good entente,

Thei mosten offre er that thei wente.

The kyng conseiled in this cas

Be Anthenor and Eneas

Therto hath yoven his assent:[340]

So was the pleine trowthe blent

Thurgh contrefet Ipocrisie

Of that thei scholden sacrifie.

P. i. 80

The Greks under the holinesse

Anon with alle besinesse 1130

Here Hors of Bras let faire dihte,

Which was to sen a wonder sihte;

For it was trapped of himselve,

And hadde of smale whieles twelve,

Upon the whiche men ynowe

With craft toward the toun it drowe,

And goth glistrende ayein the Sunne.

Tho was ther joie ynowh begunne,

For Troie in gret devocioun

Cam also with processioun 1140

Ayein this noble Sacrifise

With gret honour, and in this wise

Unto the gates thei it broghte.

Bot of here entre whan thei soghte,

The gates weren al to smale;[341]

And therupon was many a tale,

Bot for the worschipe of Minerve,

To whom thei comen forto serve,

Thei of the toun, whiche understode

That al this thing was do for goode, 1150

For pes, wherof that thei ben glade,

The gates that Neptunus made

A thousend wynter ther tofore,

Thei have anon tobroke and tore;

The stronge walles doun thei bete,

So that in to the large strete

This Hors with gret solempnite

Was broght withinne the Cite,

P. i. 81

And offred with gret reverence,

Which was to Troie an evidence 1160

Of love and pes for everemo.

The Gregois token leve tho[342]

With al the hole felaschipe,

And forth thei wenten into Schipe

And crossen seil and made hem yare,[343]

Anon as thogh thei wolden fare:

Bot whan the blake wynter nyht

Withoute Mone or Sterre lyht

Bederked hath the water Stronde,

Al prively thei gon to londe 1170

Ful armed out of the navie.

Synon, which mad was here aspie[344]

Withinne Troie, as was conspired,

Whan time was a tokne hath fired;

And thei with that here weie holden,

And comen in riht as thei wolden,

Ther as the gate was tobroke.

The pourpos was full take and spoke:

Er eny man may take kepe,

Whil that the Cite was aslepe, 1180

Thei slowen al that was withinne,

And token what thei myhten wynne

Of such good as was sufficant,

And brenden up the remenant.

And thus cam out the tricherie,

Which under fals Ypocrisie

Was hid, and thei that wende pees

Tho myhten finde no reles

P. i. 82

Of thilke swerd which al devoureth.

[HYPOCRISY IN LOVE.]

Fulofte and thus the swete soureth, 1190

Whan it is knowe to the tast:

He spilleth many a word in wast

That schal with such a poeple trete;

For whan he weneth most beyete,

Thanne is he schape most to lese.

And riht so if a womman chese

Upon the wordes that sche hiereth[345]

Som man, whan he most trewe appiereth,

Thanne is he forthest fro the trowthe:

Bot yit fulofte, and that is rowthe, 1200

Thei speden that ben most untrewe

And loven every day a newe,

Wherof the lief is after loth

And love hath cause to be wroth.

Bot what man that his lust desireth

Of love, and therupon conspireth

With wordes feigned to deceive,

He schal noght faile to receive

His peine, as it is ofte sene.

Confessor.[346]

Forthi, my Sone, as I thee mene, 1210

It sit the wel to taken hiede

That thou eschuie of thi manhiede

Ipocrisie and his semblant,

That thou ne be noght deceivant,

To make a womman to believe

Thing which is noght in thi bilieve:[347]

For in such feint Ipocrisie

Of love is al the tricherie,

P. i. 83

Thurgh which love is deceived ofte;

For feigned semblant is so softe, 1220

Unethes love may be war.

Forthi, my Sone, as I wel dar,

I charge thee to fle that vice,

That many a womman hath mad nice;

Bot lok thou dele noght withal.

Amans.

Iwiss, fader, nomor I schal.

Confessor.

Now, Sone, kep that thou hast swore:

For this that thou hast herd before

Is seid the ferste point of Pride:

And next upon that other side, 1230

To schryve and speken overthis

Touchende of Pride, yit ther is

The point seconde, I thee behote,

Which Inobedience is hote.

[ii. INOBEDIENCE.]

vi. Flectere quam frangi melius reputatur, et olle

Fictilis ad cacabum pugna valere nequit.

Quem neque lex hominum, neque lex diuina valebit

Flectere, multociens corde reflectit amor.[348]

Quem non flectit amor, non est flectendus ab vllo,

Set rigor illius plus Elephante riget.

Dedignatur amor poterit quos scire rebelles,

Et rudibus sortem prestat habere rudem;

Set qui sponte sui subicit se cordis amore,

Frangit in aduersis omnia fata pius. (10)

This vice of Inobedience

Ayein the reule of conscience

Al that is humble he desalloweth,

That he toward his god ne boweth

After the lawes of his heste.

Hic loquitur de secunda specie Superbie, que Inobediencia dicitur: et primo illius vicii naturam simpliciter declarat, et tractat consequenter super illa precipue Inobediencia, que in curia Cupidinis exosa amoris causam ex sua imbecillitate sepissime retardat. In cuius materia Confessor Amanti specialius opponit.

Noght as a man bot as a beste, 1240

P. i. 84

Which goth upon his lustes wilde,

So goth this proude vice unmylde,

That he desdeigneth alle lawe:

He not what is to be felawe,

And serve may he noght for pride;

So is he badde on every side,

And is that selve of whom men speke,

Which wol noght bowe er that he breke.

I not if love him myhte plie,

For elles forto justefie 1250

His herte, I not what mihte availe.

Confessor.[349]

Forthi, my Sone, of such entaile

If that thin herte be disposed,

Tell out and let it noght be glosed:

For if that thou unbuxom be

To love, I not in what degree

Thou schalt thi goode world achieve.[350]

Amans.

Mi fader, ye schul wel believe,

The yonge whelp which is affaited

Hath noght his Maister betre awaited, 1260

To couche, whan he seith ‘Go lowe,’

That I, anon as I may knowe

Mi ladi will, ne bowe more.[351]

Bot other while I grucche sore

Of some thinges that sche doth,

Wherof that I woll telle soth:

For of tuo pointz I am bethoght,

That, thogh I wolde, I myhte noght

Obeie unto my ladi heste;

Bot I dar make this beheste, 1270

P. i. 85

Save only of that ilke tuo

I am unbuxom of no mo.

Opponit Confessor.

What ben tho tuo? tell on, quod he.

Respondet Amans.[352]

Mi fader, this is on, that sche

Comandeth me my mowth to close,

And that I scholde hir noght oppose

In love, of which I ofte preche,

Bot plenerliche of such a speche

Forbere, and soffren hire in pes.

Bot that ne myhte I natheles[353] 1280

For al this world obeie ywiss;

For whanne I am ther as sche is,

Though sche my tales noght alowe,

Ayein hir will yit mot I bowe,

To seche if that I myhte have grace:

Bot that thing may I noght enbrace[354]

For ought that I can speke or do;

And yit fulofte I speke so,

That sche is wroth and seith, ‘Be stille.’

If I that heste schal fulfille 1290

And therto ben obedient,

Thanne is my cause fully schent,

For specheles may noman spede.

So wot I noght what is to rede;

Bot certes I may noght obeie,

That I ne mot algate seie

Somwhat of that I wolde mene;

For evere it is aliche grene,

The grete love which I have,

Wherof I can noght bothe save 1300

P. i. 86

My speche and this obedience:

And thus fulofte my silence

I breke, and is the ferste point[355]

Wherof that I am out of point[356]

In this, and yit it is no pride.

Now thanne upon that other side

To telle my desobeissance,

Ful sore it stant to my grevance

And may noght sinke into my wit;

For ofte time sche me bit[357] 1310

To leven hire and chese a newe,

And seith, if I the sothe knewe

How ferr I stonde from hir grace,

I scholde love in other place.[358]

Bot therof woll I desobeie;

For also wel sche myhte seie,

‘Go tak the Mone ther it sit,’

As bringe that into my wit:

For ther was nevere rooted tre,

That stod so faste in his degre, 1320

That I ne stonde more faste

Upon hire love, and mai noght caste

Min herte awey, althogh I wolde.

For god wot, thogh I nevere scholde

Sen hir with yhe after this day,

Yit stant it so that I ne may

Hir love out of my brest remue.

This is a wonder retenue,

That malgre wher sche wole or non

Min herte is everemore in on, 1330

P. i. 87

So that I can non other chese,

Bot whether that I winne or lese,

I moste hire loven til I deie;

And thus I breke as be that weie

Hire hestes and hir comandinges,

Bot trewliche in non othre thinges.[359]

Forthi, my fader, what is more

Touchende to this ilke lore[360]

I you beseche, after the forme

That ye pleinly me wolde enforme, 1340

So that I may myn herte reule

In loves cause after the reule.

[MURMUR AND COMPLAINT.]

vii. Murmur in aduersis ita concipit ille superbus,

Pena quod ex bina sorte perurget eum.

Obuia fortune cum spes in amore resistit,

Non sine mentali murmure plangit amans.[361]

Hic loquitur de Murmure et Planctu, qui super omnes alios Inobediencie secreciores vt ministri illi deseruiunt.[363]

Toward this vice of which we trete

Ther ben yit tweie of thilke estrete,

Here name is Murmur and Compleignte:[362]

Ther can noman here chiere peinte,

To sette a glad semblant therinne,

For thogh fortune make hem wynne,

Yit grucchen thei, and if thei lese,

Ther is no weie forto chese, 1350

Wherof thei myhten stonde appesed.

So ben thei comunly desesed;

Ther may no welthe ne poverte

Attempren hem to the decerte

Of buxomnesse be no wise:

For ofte time thei despise

P. i. 88

The goode fortune as the badde,

As thei no mannes reson hadde,

Thurgh pride, wherof thei be blinde.

And ryht of such a maner kinde 1360

Ther be lovers, that thogh thei have

Of love al that thei wolde crave,

Yit wol thei grucche be som weie,

That thei wol noght to love obeie

Upon the trowthe, as thei do scholde;

And if hem lacketh that thei wolde,

Anon thei falle in such a peine,

That evere unbuxomly thei pleigne

Upon fortune, and curse and crie,

That thei wol noght here hertes plie 1370

To soffre til it betre falle.

Forthi if thou amonges alle

Hast used this condicioun,

Mi Sone, in thi Confessioun

Now tell me pleinly what thou art.

Amans.[364]

Mi fader, I beknowe a part,

So as ye tolden hier above

Of Murmur and Compleignte of love,[365]

That for I se no sped comende,

Ayein fortune compleignende 1380

I am, as who seith, everemo:

And ek fulofte tyme also,

Whan so is that I se and hiere

Or hevy word or hevy chiere[366]

Of my lady, I grucche anon;

Bot wordes dar I speke non,

Wherof sche myhte be desplesed,

P. i. 89

Bot in myn herte I am desesed:

With many a Murmur, god it wot,

Thus drinke I in myn oghne swot, 1390

And thogh I make no semblant,

Min herte is al desobeissant;

And in this wise I me confesse

Of that ye clepe unbuxomnesse.

Now telleth what youre conseil is.

Confessor.[367]

Mi Sone, and I thee rede this,[368]

What so befalle of other weie,

That thou to loves heste obeie

Als ferr as thou it myht suffise:

For ofte sithe in such a wise 1400

Obedience in love availeth,

Wher al a mannes strengthe faileth;

Wherof, if that the list to wite[369]

In a Cronique as it is write,

A gret ensample thou myht fynde,

Which now is come to my mynde.

[TALE OF FLORENT.]

Hic contra amori inobedientes ad commendacionem Obediencie Confessor super eodem exemplum ponit; vbi dicit quod, cum quedam Regis Cizilie filia in sue iuuentutis floribus pulcherrima ex eius Nouerce incantacionibus in vetulam turpissimam transformata extitit, Florencius tunc Imparatoris Claudi Nepos, miles in armis strenuissimus amorosisque[372] legibus intendens, ipsam ex sua obediencia in pulcritudinem pristinam mirabiliter reformauit.[373]

Ther was whilom be daies olde

A worthi knyht, and as men tolde[370]

He was Nevoeu to themperour

And of his Court a Courteour: 1410

Wifles he was, Florent he hihte,

He was a man that mochel myhte,

Of armes he was desirous,

Chivalerous and amorous,

And for the fame of worldes speche,

Strange aventures forto seche,[371]

P. i. 90

He rod the Marches al aboute.

And fell a time, as he was oute,

Fortune, which may every thred

Tobreke and knette of mannes sped, 1420

Schop, as this knyht rod in a pas,

That he be strengthe take was,

And to a Castell thei him ladde,

Wher that he fewe frendes hadde:

For so it fell that ilke stounde

That he hath with a dedly wounde

Feihtende his oghne hondes slain

Branchus, which to the Capitain

Was Sone and Heir, wherof ben wrothe

The fader and the moder bothe. 1430

That knyht Branchus was of his hond

The worthieste of al his lond,

And fain thei wolden do vengance

Upon Florent, bot remembrance

That thei toke of his worthinesse

Of knyhthod and of gentilesse,

And how he stod of cousinage

To themperour, made hem assuage,

And dorsten noght slen him for fere:

In gret desputeisoun thei were[374] 1440

Among hemself, what was the beste.

Ther was a lady, the slyheste

Of alle that men knewe tho,

So old sche myhte unethes go,

And was grantdame unto the dede:

And sche with that began to rede,

P. i. 91

And seide how sche wol bringe him inne,

That sche schal him to dethe winne

Al only of his oghne grant,

Thurgh strengthe of verray covenant 1450

Withoute blame of eny wiht.

Anon sche sende for this kniht,

And of hire Sone sche alleide

The deth, and thus to him sche seide:

‘Florent, how so thou be to wyte

Of Branchus deth, men schal respite

As now to take vengement,

Be so thou stonde in juggement

Upon certein condicioun,

That thou unto a questioun 1460

Which I schal axe schalt ansuere;

And over this thou schalt ek swere,

That if thou of the sothe faile,

Ther schal non other thing availe,[375]

That thou ne schalt thi deth receive.

And for men schal thee noght deceive,

That thou therof myht ben avised,

Thou schalt have day and tyme assised

And leve saufly forto wende,

Be so that at thi daies ende 1470

Thou come ayein with thin avys.

This knyht, which worthi was and wys,

This lady preith that he may wite,

And have it under Seales write,

What questioun it scholde be

For which he schal in that degree

P. i. 92

Stonde of his lif in jeupartie.

With that sche feigneth compaignie,

And seith: ‘Florent, on love it hongeth[376]

Al that to myn axinge longeth: 1480

What alle wommen most desire

This wole I axe, and in thempire

Wher as thou hast most knowlechinge

Tak conseil upon this axinge.’[377]

Florent this thing hath undertake,

The day was set, the time take,

Under his seal he wrot his oth,

In such a wise and forth he goth

Hom to his Emes court ayein;

To whom his aventure plein 1490

He tolde, of that him is befalle.

And upon that thei weren alle[378]

The wiseste of the lond asent,

Bot natheles of on assent

Thei myhte noght acorde plat,

On seide this, an othre that.

After the disposicioun

Of naturel complexioun

To som womman it is plesance,

That to an other is grevance;[379] 1500

Bot such a thing in special,

Which to hem alle in general

Is most plesant, and most desired

Above alle othre and most conspired,

Such o thing conne thei noght finde[380]

Be Constellation ne kinde:

P. i. 93

And thus Florent withoute cure

Mot stonde upon his aventure,

And is al schape unto the lere,[381]

As in defalte of his answere. 1510

This knyht hath levere forto dye

Than breke his trowthe and forto lye

In place ther as he was swore,

And schapth him gon ayein therfore.

Whan time cam he tok his leve,

That lengere wolde he noght beleve,

And preith his Em he be noght wroth,

For that is a point of his oth,

He seith, that noman schal him wreke,

Thogh afterward men hiere speke 1520

That he par aventure deie.

And thus he wente forth his weie

Alone as knyht aventurous,

And in his thoght was curious

To wite what was best to do:

And as he rod al one so,

And cam nyh ther he wolde be,

In a forest under a tre

He syh wher sat a creature,

A lothly wommannysch figure, 1530

That forto speke of fleisch and bon

So foul yit syh he nevere non.

This knyht behield hir redely,

And as he wolde have passed by,

Sche cleped him and bad abide;

And he his horse heved aside

P. i. 94

Tho torneth, and to hire he rod,

And there he hoveth and abod,

To wite what sche wolde mene.

And sche began him to bemene, 1540

And seide: ‘Florent be thi name,

Thou hast on honde such a game,

That bot thou be the betre avised,

Thi deth is schapen and devised,

That al the world ne mai the save,

Bot if that thou my conseil have.’

Florent, whan he this tale herde,

Unto this olde wyht answerde

And of hir conseil he hir preide.

And sche ayein to him thus seide: 1550

‘Florent, if I for the so schape,

That thou thurgh me thi deth ascape

And take worschipe of thi dede,

What schal I have to my mede?’

‘What thing,’ quod he, ‘that thou wolt axe.’[382]

‘I bidde nevere a betre taxe,’

Quod sche, ‘bot ferst, er thou be sped,

Thou schalt me leve such a wedd,

That I wol have thi trowthe in honde

That thou schalt be myn housebonde.’ 1560

‘Nay,’ seith Florent, ‘that may noght be.’

‘Ryd thanne forth thi wey,’ quod sche,

‘And if thou go withoute red,

Thou schalt be sekerliche ded.’

Florent behihte hire good ynowh

Of lond, of rente, of park, of plowh,

P. i. 95

Bot al that compteth sche at noght.

Tho fell this knyht in mochel thoght,

Now goth he forth, now comth ayein,

He wot noght what is best to sein, 1570

And thoghte, as he rod to and fro,

That chese he mot on of the tuo,

Or forto take hire to his wif[383]

Or elles forto lese his lif.

And thanne he caste his avantage,

That sche was of so gret an age,

That sche mai live bot a while,

And thoghte put hire in an Ile,[384]

Wher that noman hire scholde knowe,

Til sche with deth were overthrowe. 1580

And thus this yonge lusti knyht

Unto this olde lothly wiht

Tho seide: ‘If that non other chance

Mai make my deliverance,

Bot only thilke same speche

Which, as thou seist, thou schalt me teche,

Have hier myn hond, I schal thee wedde.’

And thus his trowthe he leith to wedde.

With that sche frounceth up the browe:

‘This covenant I wol allowe,’ 1590

Sche seith: ‘if eny other thing

Bot that thou hast of my techyng

Fro deth thi body mai respite,

I woll thee of thi trowthe acquite,

And elles be non other weie.

Now herkne me what I schal seie.

P. i. 96

Whan thou art come into the place,

Wher now thei maken gret manace

And upon thi comynge abyde,

Thei wole anon the same tide 1600

Oppose thee of thin answere.

I wot thou wolt nothing forbere

Of that thou wenest be thi beste,

And if thou myht so finde reste,

Wel is, for thanne is ther nomore.

And elles this schal be my lore,

That thou schalt seie, upon this Molde

That alle wommen lievest wolde

Be soverein of mannes love:

For what womman is so above, 1610

Sche hath, as who seith, al hire wille;

And elles may sche noght fulfille

What thing hir were lievest have.

With this answere thou schalt save

Thiself, and other wise noght.

And whan thou hast thin ende wroght,

Com hier ayein, thou schalt me finde,

And let nothing out of thi minde.’

He goth him forth with hevy chiere,

As he that not in what manere 1620

He mai this worldes joie atteigne:

For if he deie, he hath a peine,

And if he live, he mot him binde

To such on which of alle kinde

Of wommen is thunsemlieste:

Thus wot he noght what is the beste:[385]

P. i. 97

Bot be him lief or be him loth,

Unto the Castell forth he goth

His full answere forto yive,

Or forto deie or forto live. 1630

Forth with his conseil cam the lord,

The thinges stoden of record,[386]

He sende up for the lady sone,

And forth sche cam, that olde Mone.

In presence of the remenant

The strengthe of al the covenant

Tho was reherced openly,

And to Florent sche bad forthi

That he schal tellen his avis,

As he that woot what is the pris. 1640

Florent seith al that evere he couthe,

Bot such word cam ther non to mowthe,

That he for yifte or for beheste

Mihte eny wise his deth areste.

And thus he tarieth longe and late,

Til that this lady bad algate

That he schal for the dom final

Yive his answere in special[387]

Of that sche hadde him ferst opposed:

And thanne he hath trewly supposed 1650

That he him may of nothing yelpe,

Bot if so be tho wordes helpe,[388]

Whiche as the womman hath him tawht;

Wherof he hath an hope cawht

That he schal ben excused so,

And tolde out plein his wille tho.

P. i. 98

And whan that this Matrone herde

The manere how this knyht ansuerde,

Sche seide: ‘Ha treson, wo thee be,

That hast thus told the privite, 1660

Which alle wommen most desire!

I wolde that thou were afire.’

Bot natheles in such a plit

Florent of his answere is quit:

And tho began his sorwe newe,

For he mot gon, or ben untrewe,

To hire which his trowthe hadde.

Bot he, which alle schame dradde,

Goth forth in stede of his penance,

And takth the fortune of his chance, 1670

As he that was with trowthe affaited.

This olde wyht him hath awaited

In place wher as he hire lefte:

Florent his wofull heved uplefte

And syh this vecke wher sche sat,

Which was the lothlieste what

That evere man caste on his yhe:

Hire Nase bass, hire browes hyhe,

Hire yhen smale and depe set,

Hire chekes ben with teres wet, 1680

And rivelen as an emty skyn

Hangende doun unto the chin,

Hire Lippes schrunken ben for age,

Ther was no grace in the visage,

Hir front was nargh, hir lockes hore,

Sche loketh forth as doth a More,

P. i. 99

Hire Necke is schort, hir schuldres courbe,

That myhte a mannes lust destourbe,

Hire body gret and nothing smal,

And schortly to descrive hire al, 1690

Sche hath no lith withoute a lak;

Bot lich unto the wollesak

Sche proferth hire unto this knyht,[389]

And bad him, as he hath behyht,

So as sche hath ben his warant,

That he hire holde covenant,

And be the bridel sche him seseth.

Bot godd wot how that sche him pleseth

Of suche wordes as sche spekth:

Him thenkth welnyh his herte brekth 1700

For sorwe that he may noght fle,

Bot if he wolde untrewe be.

Loke, how a sek man for his hele

Takth baldemoine with Canele,[390]

And with the Mirre takth the Sucre,

Ryht upon such a maner lucre

Stant Florent, as in this diete:

He drinkth the bitre with the swete,

He medleth sorwe with likynge,

And liveth, as who seith, deyinge; 1710

His youthe schal be cast aweie

Upon such on which as the weie

Is old and lothly overal.

Bot nede he mot that nede schal:

He wolde algate his trowthe holde,

As every knyht therto is holde,

P. i. 100

What happ so evere him is befalle:

Thogh sche be the fouleste of alle,

Yet to thonour of wommanhiede

Him thoghte he scholde taken hiede; 1720

So that for pure gentilesse,

As he hire couthe best adresce,

In ragges, as sche was totore,

He set hire on his hors tofore

And forth he takth his weie softe;

No wonder thogh he siketh ofte.

Bot as an oule fleth be nyhte

Out of alle othre briddes syhte,

Riht so this knyht on daies brode

In clos him hield, and schop his rode 1730

On nyhtes time, til the tyde

That he cam there he wolde abide;

And prively withoute noise

He bringth this foule grete Coise

To his Castell in such a wise

That noman myhte hire schappe avise,

Til sche into the chambre cam:

Wher he his prive conseil nam

Of suche men as he most troste,

And tolde hem that he nedes moste 1740

This beste wedde to his wif,

For elles hadde he lost his lif.

The prive wommen were asent,

That scholden ben of his assent:

Hire ragges thei anon of drawe,

And, as it was that time lawe,

P. i. 101

She hadde bath, sche hadde reste,

And was arraied to the beste.

Bot with no craft of combes brode

Thei myhte hire hore lockes schode, 1750

And sche ne wolde noght be schore

For no conseil, and thei therfore,

With such atyr as tho was used,

Ordeinen that it was excused,

And hid so crafteliche aboute,[391]

That noman myhte sen hem oute.

Bot when sche was fulliche arraied

And hire atyr was al assaied,

Tho was sche foulere on to se:

Bot yit it may non other be, 1760

Thei were wedded in the nyht;

So wo begon was nevere knyht

As he was thanne of mariage.

And sche began to pleie and rage,

As who seith, I am wel ynowh;

Bot he therof nothing ne lowh,

For sche tok thanne chiere on honde

And clepeth him hire housebonde,[392]

And seith, ‘My lord, go we to bedde,

For I to that entente wedde,[393] 1770

That thou schalt be my worldes blisse:’

And profreth him with that to kisse,

As sche a lusti Lady were.

His body myhte wel be there,

Bot as of thoght and of memoire

His herte was in purgatoire.

P. i. 102

Bot yit for strengthe of matrimoine

He myhte make non essoine,

That he ne mot algates plie

To gon to bedde of compaignie: 1780

And whan thei were abedde naked,

Withoute slep he was awaked;

He torneth on that other side,

For that he wolde hise yhen hyde

Fro lokynge on that foule wyht.[394]

The chambre was al full of lyht,

The courtins were of cendal thinne,

This newe bryd which lay withinne,

Thogh it be noght with his acord,

In armes sche beclipte hire lord, 1790

And preide, as he was torned fro,

He wolde him torne ayeinward tho;

‘For now,’ sche seith, ‘we ben bothe on.’[395]

And he lay stille as eny ston,

Bot evere in on sche spak and preide,

And bad him thenke on that he seide,

Whan that he tok hire be the hond.

He herde and understod the bond,

How he was set to his penance,

And as it were a man in trance 1800

He torneth him al sodeinly,

And syh a lady lay him by

Of eyhtetiene wynter age,

Which was the faireste of visage

That evere in al this world he syh:

And as he wolde have take hire nyh,

P. i. 103

Sche put hire hand and be his leve

Besoghte him that he wolde leve,

And seith that forto wynne or lese[396]

He mot on of tuo thinges chese, 1810

Wher he wol have hire such on nyht,

Or elles upon daies lyht,

For he schal noght have bothe tuo.

And he began to sorwe tho,

In many a wise and caste his thoght,

Bot for al that yit cowthe he noght

Devise himself which was the beste.

And sche, that wolde his hertes reste,

Preith that he scholde chese algate,

Til ate laste longe and late 1820

He seide: ‘O ye, my lyves hele,

Sey what you list in my querele,[397]

I not what ansuere I schal yive:

Bot evere whil that I may live,

I wol that ye be my maistresse,

For I can noght miselve gesse

Which is the beste unto my chois.

Thus grante I yow myn hole vois,

Ches for ous bothen, I you preie;

And what as evere that ye seie, 1830

Riht as ye wole so wol I.’

‘Mi lord,’ sche seide, ‘grant merci,

For of this word that ye now sein,

That ye have mad me soverein,

Mi destine is overpassed,

That nevere hierafter schal be lassed

P. i. 104

Mi beaute, which that I now have,

Til I be take into my grave;

Bot nyht and day as I am now[398]

I schal alwey be such to yow. 1840

The kinges dowhter of Cizile

I am, and fell bot siththe awhile,

As I was with my fader late,

That my Stepmoder for an hate,

Which toward me sche hath begonne,

Forschop me, til I hadde wonne

The love and sovereinete

Of what knyht that in his degre

Alle othre passeth of good name:

And, as men sein, ye ben the same, 1850

The dede proeveth it is so;

Thus am I youres evermo.’

Tho was plesance and joye ynowh,

Echon with other pleide and lowh;

Thei live longe and wel thei ferde,

And clerkes that this chance herde

Thei writen it in evidence,

To teche how that obedience

Mai wel fortune a man to love

And sette him in his lust above, 1860

As it befell unto this knyht.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, if thou do ryht,

Thou schalt unto thi love obeie,

And folwe hir will be alle weie.

Amans.

Min holy fader, so I wile:

For ye have told me such a skile

P. i. 105

Of this ensample now tofore,

That I schal evermo therfore

Hierafterward myn observance

To love and to his obeissance 1870

The betre kepe: and over this

Of pride if ther oght elles is,

Wherof that I me schryve schal,

What thing it is in special,

Mi fader, axeth, I you preie.

Confessor.

Now lest, my Sone, and I schal seie:

For yit ther is Surquiderie,

Which stant with Pride of compaignie;

Wherof that thou schalt hiere anon,

To knowe if thou have gult or non 1880

Upon the forme as thou schalt hiere:[399]

Now understond wel the matiere.

[iii. SURQUIDRY OR PRESUMPTION.]

viii. Omnia scire putat, set se Presumpcio nescit,

Nec sibi consimilem quem putat esse parem.

Qui magis astutus reputat se vincere bellum,

In laqueos Veneris forcius ipse cadit.

Sepe Cupido virum sibi qui presumit amantem

Fallit, et in vacuas spes redit ipsa vias.

Surquiderie is thilke vice

Of Pride, which the thridde office

Hath in his Court, and wol noght knowe

The trowthe til it overthrowe.

Hic loquitur de tercia specie Superbie, que Presumpcio dicitur, cuius naturam primo secundum vicium Confessor simpliciter declarat.

Upon his fortune and his grace

Comth ‘Hadde I wist’ fulofte aplace;

For he doth al his thing be gesse,[400]

And voideth alle sikernesse. 1890

Non other conseil good him siemeth[401]

Bot such as he himselve diemeth;

P. i. 106

For in such wise as he compasseth,

His wit al one alle othre passeth;

And is with pride so thurghsoght,[402]

That he alle othre set at noght,

And weneth of himselven so,

That such as he ther be nomo,

So fair, so semly, ne so wis;

And thus he wolde bere a pris 1900

Above alle othre, and noght forthi

He seith noght ones ‘grant mercy’

To godd, which alle grace sendeth,

So that his wittes he despendeth

Upon himself, as thogh ther were

No godd which myhte availe there:[403]

Bot al upon his oghne witt

He stant, til he falle in the pitt

So ferr that he mai noght arise.

Hic tractat Confessor cum Amante super illa saltem presumpcione, ex cuius superbia quam plures fatui amantes, cum maioris certitudinis in amore spem sibi promittunt inexpediti cicius destituuntur.

And riht thus in the same wise 1910

This vice upon the cause of love

So proudly set the herte above,

And doth him pleinly forto wene

That he to loven eny qwene

Hath worthinesse and sufficance;

And so withoute pourveance

Fulofte he heweth up so hihe,

That chippes fallen in his yhe;

And ek ful ofte he weneth this,

Ther as he noght beloved is, 1920

To be beloved alther best.

Now, Sone, tell what so thee lest

P. i. 107

Of this that I have told thee hier.

Amans.

Ha, fader, be noght in a wer:

I trowe ther be noman lesse,

Of eny maner worthinesse,

That halt him lasse worth thanne I

To be beloved; and noght forthi

I seie in excusinge of me,

To alle men that love is fre. 1930

And certes that mai noman werne;[404]

For love is of himself so derne,

It luteth in a mannes herte:

Bot that ne schal me noght asterte,[405]

To wene forto be worthi

To loven, bot in hir mercy.

Bot, Sire, of that ye wolden mene,

That I scholde otherwise wene

To be beloved thanne I was,

I am beknowe as in that cas.[406] 1940

Confessor.

Mi goode Sone, tell me how.

Amans.

Now lest, and I wol telle yow,

Mi goode fader, how it is.

Fulofte it hath befalle or this

Thurgh hope that was noght certein,

Mi wenynge hath be set in vein

To triste in thing that halp me noght,

Bot onliche of myn oughne thoght.

For as it semeth that a belle

Lik to the wordes that men telle 1950

Answerth, riht so ne mor ne lesse,

To yow, my fader, I confesse,

P. i. 108

Such will my wit hath overset,

That what so hope me behet,

Ful many a time I wene it soth,

Bot finali no spied it doth.

Thus may I tellen, as I can,

Wenyng beguileth many a man;[407]

So hath it me, riht wel I wot:

For if a man wole in a Bot[408] 1960

Which is withoute botme rowe,

He moste nedes overthrowe.

Riht so wenyng hath ferd be me:

For whanne I wende next have be,

As I be my wenynge caste,

Thanne was I furthest ate laste,[409]

And as a foll my bowe unbende,

Whan al was failed that I wende.

Forthi, my fader, as of this,

That my wenynge hath gon amis 1970

Touchende to Surquiderie,

Yif me my penance er I die.

Bot if ye wolde in eny forme

Of this matiere a tale enforme,

Which were ayein this vice set,

I scholde fare wel the bet.

[TALE OF CAPANEUS.]

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos, qui de suis viribus presumentes debiliores efficiuntur. Et narrat qualiter ille Capaneus, miles in armis probatissimus, de sua presumens audacia inuocacionem ad superos tempore necessitatis ex vecordia tantum et non aliter primitus prouenisse asseruit. Vnde in obsidione Ciuitatis Thebarum, cum ipse quodam die coram suis hostibus ad debellandum se obtulit, ignis de celo subito superveniens ipsum armatum totaliter in cineres combussit.

Mi Sone, in alle maner wise

Surquiderie is to despise,

Wherof I finde write thus.

The proude knyht Capaneüs 1980

He was of such Surquiderie,

That he thurgh his chivalerie

P. i. 109

Upon himself so mochel triste,

That to the goddes him ne liste

In no querele to beseche,

Bot seide it was an ydel speche,

Which caused was of pure drede,

For lack of herte and for no nede.

And upon such presumpcioun

He hield this proude opinioun, 1990

Til ate laste upon a dai,

Aboute Thebes wher he lay,

Whan it of Siege was belein,

This knyht, as the Croniqes sein,

In alle mennes sihte there,

Whan he was proudest in his gere,

And thoghte how nothing myhte him dere,

Ful armed with his schield and spere

As he the Cite wolde assaile,

Godd tok himselve the bataille 2000

Ayein his Pride, and fro the sky

A firy thonder sodeinly

He sende, and him to pouldre smot.

And thus the Pride which was hot,

Whan he most in his strengthe wende,[410]

Was brent and lost withouten ende:

So that it proeveth wel therfore,

The strengthe of man is sone lore,

Bot if that he it wel governe.[411]

And over this a man mai lerne 2010

That ek fulofte time it grieveth,

Whan that a man himself believeth,

P. i. 110

As thogh it scholde him wel beseme

That he alle othre men can deme,

And hath foryete his oghne vice.

A tale of hem that ben so nyce,

And feigne hemself to be so wise,[412]

I schal thee telle in such a wise,

Wherof thou schalt ensample take

That thou no such thing undertake. 2020

I finde upon Surquiderie,

How that whilom of Hungarie

Be olde daies was a King

Wys and honeste in alle thing:

And so befell upon a dai,

And that was in the Monthe of Maii,[413]

[THE TRUMP OF DEATH.]

As thilke time it was usance,

This kyng with noble pourveance

Hath for himself his Charr araied,

Hic loquitur Confessor contra illos, qui de sua sciencia presumentes aliorum condiciones diiudicantes indiscrete redarguunt. Et narrat exemplum de quodam principe Regis Hungarie germano, qui cum fratrem suum pauperibus in publico vidit humiliatum, ipsum redarguendo in contrarium edocere presumebat: set Rex omni sapiencia prepollens ipsum sic incaute presumentem ad humilitatis memoriam terribili prouidencia micius castigauit.

Wher inne he wolde ride amaied 2030

Out of the Cite forto pleie,

With lordes and with gret nobleie

Of lusti folk that were yonge:

Wher some pleide and some songe,

And some gon and some ryde,

And some prike here hors aside

And bridlen hem now in now oute.

The kyng his yhe caste aboute,

Til he was ate laste war

And syh comende ayein his char 2040

Two pilegrins of so gret age,[414]

That lich unto a dreie ymage

P. i. 111

Thei weren pale and fade hewed,[415]

And as a bussh which is besnewed,

Here berdes weren hore and whyte;

Ther was of kinde bot a lite,

That thei ne semen fulli dede.

Thei comen to the kyng and bede

Som of his good par charite;[416]

And he with gret humilite 2050

Out of his Char to grounde lepte,

And hem in bothe hise armes kepte

And keste hem bothe fot and hond

Before the lordes of his lond,[417]

And yaf hem of his good therto:

And whanne he hath this dede do,

He goth into his char ayein.

Tho was Murmur, tho was desdeign,

Tho was compleignte on every side,

Thei seiden of here oghne Pride 2060

Eche until othre: ‘What is this?

Oure king hath do this thing amis,

So to abesse his realte

That every man it myhte se,

And humbled him in such a wise

To hem that were of non emprise.’

Thus was it spoken to and fro

Of hem that were with him tho

Al prively behinde his bak;

Bot to himselven noman spak. 2070

The kinges brother in presence

Was thilke time, and gret offence

P. i. 112

He tok therof, and was the same

Above alle othre which most blame

Upon his liege lord hath leid,

And hath unto the lordes seid,

Anon as he mai time finde,

Ther schal nothing be left behinde,[418]

That he wol speke unto the king.

Now lest what fell upon this thing. 2080

The day was merie and fair ynowh,

Echon with othre pleide and lowh,

And fellen into tales newe,

How that the freisshe floures grewe,

And how the grene leves spronge,

And how that love among the yonge

Began the hertes thanne awake,

And every bridd hath chose hire make:[419]

And thus the Maies day to thende

Thei lede, and hom ayein thei wende. 2090

The king was noght so sone come,

That whanne he hadde his chambre nome,

His brother ne was redi there,

And broghte a tale unto his Ere

Of that he dede such a schame

In hindringe of his oghne name,

Whan he himself so wolde drecche,

That to so vil a povere wrecche

Him deigneth schewe such simplesce

Ayein thastat of his noblesce: 2100

And seith he schal it nomor use,

And that he mot himself excuse

P. i. 113

Toward hise lordes everychon.

The king stod stille as eny ston,

And to his tale an Ere he leide,[420]

And thoghte more than he seide:

Bot natheles to that he herde

Wel cortaisly the king answerde,

And tolde it scholde be amended.

And thus whan that her tale is ended, 2110

Al redy was the bord and cloth,

The king unto his Souper goth

Among the lordes to the halle;

And whan thei hadden souped alle,

Thei token leve and forth thei go.

The king bethoghte himselve tho

How he his brother mai chastie,

That he thurgh his Surquiderie

Tok upon honde to despreise

Humilite, which is to preise, 2120

And therupon yaf such conseil

Toward his king that was noght heil;[421]

Wherof to be the betre lered,

He thenkth to maken him afered.

It fell so that in thilke dawe

Ther was ordeined be the lawe

A trompe with a sterne breth,

Which cleped was the Trompe of deth:

And in the Court wher the king was

A certein man this Trompe of bras 2130

Hath in kepinge, and therof serveth,

That whan a lord his deth deserveth,

P. i. 114

He schal this dredful trompe blowe

Tofore his gate, and make it knowe

How that the jugement is yove

Of deth, which schal noght be foryove.

The king, whan it was nyht, anon

This man asente and bad him gon

To trompen at his brother gate;

And he, which mot so don algate, 2140

Goth forth and doth the kynges heste.

This lord, which herde of this tempeste

That he tofore his gate blew,

Tho wiste he be the lawe and knew

That he was sikerliche ded:

And as of help he wot no red,

Bot sende for hise frendes alle

And tolde hem how it is befalle.

And thei him axe cause why;

Bot he the sothe noght forthi 2150

Ne wiste, and ther was sorwe tho:

For it stod thilke tyme so,

This trompe was of such sentence,

That therayein no resistence

Thei couthe ordeine be no weie,

That he ne mot algate deie,

Bot if so that he may pourchace

To gete his liege lordes grace.

Here wittes therupon thei caste,[422]

And ben apointed ate laste. 2160

This lord a worthi ladi hadde

Unto his wif, which also dradde

P. i. 115

Hire lordes deth, and children five

Betwen hem two thei hadde alyve,

That weren yonge and tendre of age,

And of stature and of visage

Riht faire and lusty on to se.

Tho casten thei that he and sche

Forth with here children on the morwe,

As thei that were full of sorwe, 2170

Al naked bot of smok and scherte,[423]

To tendre with the kynges herte,

His grace scholden go to seche[424]

And pardoun of the deth beseche.

Thus passen thei that wofull nyht,

And erly, whan thei sihe it lyht,

Thei gon hem forth in such a wise

As thou tofore hast herd devise,

Al naked bot here schortes one.[425]

Thei wepte and made mochel mone, 2180

Here Her hangende aboute here Eres;[426]

With sobbinge and with sory teres

This lord goth thanne an humble pas,

That whilom proud and noble was;

Wherof the Cite sore afflyhte,

Of hem that sihen thilke syhte:

And natheles al openly

With such wepinge and with such cri

Forth with hise children and his wif

He goth to preie for his lif. 2190

Unto the court whan thei be come,[427]

And men therinne have hiede nome,

P. i. 116

Ther was no wiht, if he hem syhe,

Fro water mihte kepe his yhe

For sorwe which thei maden tho.

The king supposeth of this wo,

And feigneth as he noght ne wiste;

Bot natheles at his upriste

Men tolden him how that it ferde:

And whan that he this wonder herde, 2200

In haste he goth into the halle,

And alle at ones doun thei falle,

If eny pite may be founde.

The king, which seth hem go to grounde,

Hath axed hem what is the fere,

Why thei be so despuiled there.

His brother seide: ‘Ha lord, mercy!

I wot non other cause why,[428]

Bot only that this nyht ful late

The trompe of deth was at my gate 2210

In tokne that I scholde deie;

Thus be we come forto preie

That ye mi worldes deth respite.’

‘Ha fol, how thou art forto wyte,’

The king unto his brother seith,

‘That thou art of so litel feith,

That only for a trompes soun

Hast gon despuiled thurgh the toun,

Thou and thi wif in such manere

Forth with thi children that ben here, 2220

In sihte of alle men aboute,

For that thou seist thou art in doute

P. i. 117

Of deth, which stant under the lawe

Of man, and man it mai withdrawe,[429]

So that it mai par chance faile.

Now schalt thou noght forthi mervaile

That I doun fro my Charr alihte,

Whanne I behield tofore my sihte

In hem that were of so gret age

Min oghne deth thurgh here ymage, 2230

Which god hath set be lawe of kynde,

Wherof I mai no bote finde:

For wel I wot, such as thei be,

Riht such am I in my degree,[430]

Of fleissh and blod, and so schal deie.

And thus, thogh I that lawe obeie

Of which the kinges ben put under,

It oghte ben wel lasse wonder

Than thou, which art withoute nede

For lawe of londe in such a drede, 2240

Which for tacompte is bot a jape,

As thing which thou miht overscape.

Forthi, mi brother, after this

I rede, sithen that so is

That thou canst drede a man so sore,

Dred god with al thin herte more:

For al schal deie and al schal passe,

Als wel a Leoun as an asse,

Als wel a beggere as a lord,

Towardes deth in on acord 2250

Thei schullen stonde.’ And in this wise[431]

The king hath with hise wordes wise

P. i. 118

His brother tawht and al foryive.

Confessor.

Forthi, mi Sone, if thou wolt live

In vertu, thou most vice eschuie,

And with low herte humblesce suie,

So that thou be noght surquidous.

Amans.

Mi fader, I am amorous,

Wherof I wolde you beseche

That ye me som ensample teche,[432] 2260

Which mihte in loves cause stonde.[433]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, thou schalt understonde,

In love and othre thinges alle

If that Surquiderie falle,

It may to him noght wel betide[434]

Which useth thilke vice of Pride,

Which torneth wisdom to wenynge[435]

And Sothfastnesse into lesynge

Thurgh fol ymaginacion.

And for thin enformacion, 2270

That thou this vice as I the rede

Eschuie schalt, a tale I rede,

Which fell whilom be daies olde,

So as the clerk Ovide tolde.

[TALE OF NARCISSUS.]

Ther was whilom a lordes Sone,

Which of his Pride a nyce wone

Hath cawht, that worthi to his liche,

To sechen al the worldes riche,

Hic in speciali tractat Confessor cum Amante contra illos, qui de propria formositate presumentes amorem mulieris dedignantur. Et narrat exemplum, qualiter cuiusdam Principis filius nomine Narcizus estiuo tempore, cum ipse venacionis causa quendam ceruum solus cum suis canibus exagitaret, in grauem sitim incurrens necessitate compulsus ad bibendum de quodam fonte pronus[436] se inclinauit; vbi ipse faciem suam pulcherrimam in aqua percipiens, putabat se per hoc illam Nimpham, quam Poete Ekko vocant, in flumine coram suis oculis pocius conspexisse; de cuius amore confestim laqueatus, vt ipsam ad se de fonte extraheret, pluribus blandiciis adulabatur. Set cum illud perficere nullatenus potuit,[440] pre nimio languore deficiens contra lapides ibidem adiacentes caput exuerberans cerebrum effudit. Et sic de propria pulcritudine qui fuerat presumptuosus, de propria pulcritudine fatuatus interiit.

Ther was no womman forto love.

So hihe he sette himselve above 2280

Of stature and of beaute bothe,

That him thoghte alle wommen lothe:

P. i. 119

So was ther no comparisoun

As toward his condicioun.

This yonge lord Narcizus hihte:

No strengthe of love bowe mihte

His herte, which is unaffiled;

Bot ate laste he was beguiled:

For of the goddes pourveance

It fell him on a dai par chance, 2290

That he in all his proude fare

Unto the forest gan to fare,

Amonges othre that ther were

To hunte and to desporte him there.[437]

And whanne he cam into the place

Wher that he wolde make his chace,

The houndes weren in a throwe

Uncoupled and the hornes blowe:

The grete hert anon was founde,[438]

Which swifte feet sette upon grounde,[439] 2300

And he with spore in horse side

Him hasteth faste forto ride,

Til alle men be left behinde.

And as he rod, under a linde

Beside a roche, as I thee telle,

He syh wher sprong a lusty welle:

The day was wonder hot withalle,

And such a thurst was on him falle,

That he moste owther deie or drinke;

And doun he lihte and be the brinke 2310

He teide his Hors unto a braunche,

And leide him lowe forto staunche

P. i. 120

His thurst: and as he caste his lok

Into the welle and hiede tok,

He sih the like of his visage,

And wende ther were an ymage

Of such a Nimphe as tho was faie,

Wherof that love his herte assaie

Began, as it was after sene,

Of his sotie and made him wene 2320

It were a womman that he syh.

The more he cam the welle nyh,

The nerr cam sche to him ayein;

So wiste he nevere what to sein;

For whanne he wepte, he sih hire wepe,

And whanne he cride, he tok good kepe,

The same word sche cride also:

And thus began the newe wo,

That whilom was to him so strange;

Tho made him love an hard eschange, 2330

To sette his herte and to beginne

Thing which he mihte nevere winne.[441]

And evere among he gan to loute,

And preith that sche to him come oute;

And otherwhile he goth a ferr,[442]

And otherwhile he draweth nerr,

And evere he fond hire in o place.

He wepth, he crith, he axeth grace,

There as he mihte gete non;

So that ayein a Roche of Ston, 2340

As he that knew non other red,

He smot himself til he was ded.

P. i. 121

Wherof the Nimphes of the welles,[443]

And othre that ther weren elles

Unto the wodes belongende,

The body, which was ded ligende,

For pure pite that thei have

Under the grene thei begrave.

And thanne out of his sepulture

Ther sprong anon par aventure 2350

Of floures such a wonder syhte,

That men ensample take myhte

Upon the dedes whiche he dede,

As tho was sene in thilke stede;

For in the wynter freysshe and faire

The floures ben, which is contraire

To kynde, and so was the folie

Which fell of his Surquiderie.

Confessor.

Thus he, which love hadde in desdeign,

[PRESUMPTION OF LOVERS.]

Worste of all othre was besein, 2360

And as he sette his pris most hyhe,

He was lest worth in loves yhe

And most bejaped in his wit:

Wherof the remembrance is yit,

So that thou myht ensample take,

And ek alle othre for his sake.

Amans.

Mi fader, as touchende of me,

This vice I thenke forto fle,

Which of his wenynge overtroweth;[444]

And nameliche of thing which groweth 2370

In loves cause or wel or wo

Yit pryded I me nevere so.

P. i. 122

Bot wolde god that grace sende,

That toward me my lady wende

As I towardes hire wene!

Mi love scholde so be sene,

Ther scholde go no pride a place.

Bot I am ferr fro thilke grace,

As forto speke of tyme now;[445]

So mot I soffre, and preie yow[446] 2380

That ye wole axe on other side

If ther be eny point of Pride,

Wherof it nedeth to be schrive.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, godd it thee foryive,

If thou have eny thing misdo

Touchende of this, bot overmo[447]

Ther is an other yit of Pride,

Which nevere cowthe hise wordes hide,

That he ne wole himself avaunte;

Ther mai nothing his tunge daunte, 2390

That he ne clappeth as a Belle:

Wherof if thou wolt that I telle,

It is behovely forto hiere,

So that thou myht thi tunge stiere,

Toward the world and stonde in grace,

Which lacketh ofte in many place[448]

To him that can noght sitte stille,

Which elles scholde have al his wille.[449]

[iv. AVANTANCE OR BOASTING.]

ix. Magniloque propriam minuit iactancia lingue

Famam, quam stabilem firmat honore cilens.

Ipse sui laudem meriti non percipit, vnde

Se sua per verba iactat in orbe palam.

Estque viri culpa iactancia, que rubefactas

In muliere reas causat habere genas.

P. i. 123

The vice cleped Avantance

With Pride hath take his aqueintance, 2400

So that his oghne pris he lasseth,

When he such mesure overpasseth

That he his oghne Herald is.

That ferst was wel is thanne mis,

Hic loquitur de quarta specie Superbie, que Iactancia dicitur, ex cuius natura causatur, vt homo de seipso testimonium perhibens suarum virtutum merita de laude in culpam transfert, et suam famam cum ipse extollere vellet, illam proprio ore subvertit. Set et Venus in amoris causa de isto vicio maculatos a sua Curia super omnes alios abhorrens expellit, et eorum multiloquium verecunda[451] detestatur. Vnde Confessor Amanti opponens materiam plenius declarat.

That was thankworth is thanne blame,

And thus the worschipe of his name

Thurgh pride of his avantarie

He torneth into vilenie.

I rede how that this proude vice

Hath thilke wynd in his office,[450] 2410

Which thurgh the blastes that he bloweth

The mannes fame he overthroweth

Of vertu, which scholde elles springe

Into the worldes knowlechinge;

Bot he fordoth it alto sore.

And riht of such a maner lore

Ther ben lovers: forthi if thow

Art on of hem, tell and sei how.

Whan thou hast taken eny thing

Of loves yifte, or Nouche or ring, 2420

Or tok upon thee for the cold[452]

Som goodly word that thee was told,

Or frendly chiere or tokne or lettre,[453]

Wherof thin herte was the bettre,

Or that sche sende the grietinge,

Hast thou for Pride of thi likinge

Mad thin avant wher as the liste?

Amans.

I wolde, fader, that ye wiste,

P. i. 124

Mi conscience lith noght hiere:

Yit hadde I nevere such matiere, 2430

Wherof min herte myhte amende,

Noght of so mochel that sche sende

Be mowthe and seide, ‘Griet him wel:’

And thus for that ther is no diel

Wherof to make myn avant,

It is to reson acordant

That I mai nevere, bot I lye,

Of love make avanterie.

I wot noght what I scholde have do,

If that I hadde encheson so, 2440

As ye have seid hier manyon;

Bot I fond cause nevere non:

Bot daunger, which welnyh me slowh,

Therof I cowthe telle ynowh,

And of non other Avantance:

Thus nedeth me no repentance.

Now axeth furthere of my lif,

For hierof am I noght gultif.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, I am wel paid withal;

For wite it wel in special 2450

That love of his verrai justice

Above alle othre ayein this vice

At alle times most debateth,

With al his herte and most it hateth.

And ek in alle maner wise

Avantarie is to despise,

As be ensample thou myht wite,[454]

Which I finde in the bokes write.

[TALE OF ALBINUS AND ROSEMUND.]

P. i. 125

Of hem that we Lombars now calle

Albinus was the ferste of alle[455] 2460

Which bar corone of Lombardie,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos, qui vel de sua in armis probitate, vel de suo in amoris causa desiderio completo se iactant. Et narrat qualiter Albinus primus Rex Longobardorum, cum ipse quendam alium Regem nomine Gurmundum in bello morientem triumphasset, testam[456] capitis defuncti auferens ciphum ex ea gemmis et auro circumligatum in sue victorie memoriam fabricari constituit: insuper et ipsius Gurmundi filiam Rosemundam rapiens, maritali thoro in coniugem sibi copulauit. Vnde ipso Albino postea coram sui Regni nobilibus in suo regali conuiuio sedente, dicti Gurmundi ciphum infuso vino ad se inter epulas afferri iussit; quem sumptum vxori sue Regine porrexit dicens, ‘Bibe cum patre tuo.’ Quod et ipsa huiusmodi operis ignara fecit. Quo facto Rex statim[458] super hiis que per prius gesta fuerant cunctis audientibus per singula se iactauit. Regina vero cum talia audisset, celato animo factum abhorrens in mortem domini sui Regis circumspecta industria conspirauit; ipsumque auxiliantibus Glodesida et Helmege breui subsecuto tempore interfecit; cuius mortem Dux Rauennensis tam in corpus dicte Regine quam suorum fautorum postea vindicauit. Set et huius tocius infortunii sola superbie iactancia fomitem ministrabat.

And was of gret chivalerie

In werre ayein diverse kinges.

So fell amonges othre thinges,

That he that time a werre hadde

With Gurmond, which the Geptes ladde,

And was a myhti kyng also:

Bot natheles it fell him so,

Albinus slowh him in the feld,

Ther halp him nowther swerd ne scheld, 2470

That he ne smot his hed of thanne,

Wherof he tok awey the Panne,

Of which he seide he wolde make

A Cuppe for Gurmoundes sake,

To kepe and drawe into memoire

Of his bataille the victoire.

And thus whan he the feld hath wonne,

The lond anon was overronne

And sesed in his oghne hond,

Wher he Gurmondes dowhter fond, 2480

Which Maide Rosemounde hihte,

And was in every mannes sihte

A fair, a freissh, a lusti on.

His herte fell to hire anon,

And such a love on hire he caste,

That he hire weddeth ate laste;

And after that long time in reste

With hire he duelte, and to the beste[457]

P. i. 126

Thei love ech other wonder wel.

Bot sche which kepth the blinde whel, 2490

Venus, whan thei be most above,

In al the hoteste of here love,

Hire whiel sche torneth, and thei felle

In the manere as I schal telle.

This king, which stod in al his welthe

Of pes, of worschipe and of helthe,

And felte him on no side grieved,[459]

As he that hath his world achieved,

Tho thoghte he wolde a feste make;

And that was for his wyves sake, 2500

That sche the lordes ate feste,[460]

That were obeissant to his heste,

Mai knowe: and so forth therupon

He let ordeine, and sende anon

Be lettres and be messagiers,

And warnede alle hise officiers

That every thing be wel arraied:

The grete Stiedes were assaied

For joustinge and for tornement,

And many a perled garnement 2510

Embroudred was ayein the dai.[461]

The lordes in here beste arrai

Be comen ate time set,

On jousteth wel, an other bet,

And otherwhile thei torneie,

And thus thei casten care aweie

And token lustes upon honde.

And after, thou schalt understonde,

P. i. 127

To mete into the kinges halle

Thei come, as thei be beden alle: 2520

And whan thei were set and served,

Thanne after, as it was deserved,

To hem that worthi knyhtes were,

So as thei seten hiere and there,

The pris was yove and spoken oute

Among the heraldz al aboute.

And thus benethe and ek above

Al was of armes and of love,

Wherof abouten ate bordes

Men hadde manye sondri wordes, 2530

That of the merthe which thei made

The king himself began to glade

Withinne his herte and tok a pride,

And sih the Cuppe stonde aside,

Which mad was of Gurmoundes hed,

As ye have herd, whan he was ded,

And was with gold and riche Stones

Beset and bounde for the nones,

And stod upon a fot on heihte

Of burned gold, and with gret sleihte 2540

Of werkmanschipe it was begrave

Of such werk as it scholde have,

And was policed ek so clene

That no signe of the Skulle is sene,[462]

Bot as it were a Gripes Ey.

The king bad bere his Cuppe awey,

Which stod tofore him on the bord,

And fette thilke. Upon his word

P. i. 128

This Skulle is fet and wyn therinne,

Wherof he bad his wif beginne: 2550

‘Drink with thi fader, Dame,’ he seide.

And sche to his biddinge obeide,

And tok the Skulle, and what hire liste

Sche drank, as sche which nothing wiste

What Cuppe it was: and thanne al oute

The kyng in audience aboute

Hath told it was hire fader Skulle,

So that the lordes knowe schulle

Of his bataille a soth witnesse,

And made avant thurgh what prouesse 2560

He hath his wyves love wonne,

Which of the Skulle hath so begonne.

Tho was ther mochel Pride alofte,

Thei speken alle, and sche was softe,

Thenkende on thilke unkynde Pride,

Of that hire lord so nyh hire side

Avanteth him that he hath slain

And piked out hire fader brain,

And of the Skulle had mad a Cuppe.[463]

Sche soffreth al til thei were uppe, 2570

And tho sche hath seknesse feigned,

And goth to chambre and hath compleigned

Unto a Maide which sche triste,

So that non other wyht it wiste.

This Mayde Glodeside is hote,

To whom this lady hath behote

Of ladischipe al that sche can,

To vengen hire upon this man,

P. i. 129

Which dede hire drinke in such a plit

Among hem alle for despit 2580

Of hire and of hire fader bothe;

Wherof hire thoghtes ben so wrothe,

Sche seith, that sche schal noght be glad,

Til that sche se him so bestad

That he nomore make avant.

And thus thei felle in covenant,

That thei acorden ate laste,

With suche wiles as thei caste

That thei wol gete of here acord

Som orped knyht to sle this lord: 2590

And with this sleihte thei beginne,

How thei Helmege myhten winne,

Which was the kinges Boteler,

A proud a lusti Bacheler,

And Glodeside he loveth hote.

And sche, to make him more assote,

Hire love granteth, and be nyhte

Thei schape how thei togedre myhte

Abedde meete: and don it was

This same nyht; and in this cas 2600

The qwene hirself the nyht secounde

Wente in hire stede, and there hath founde

A chambre derk withoute liht,

And goth to bedde to this knyht.

And he, to kepe his observance,

To love doth his obeissance,

And weneth it be Glodeside;

And sche thanne after lay aside,

P. i. 130

And axeth him what he hath do,

And who sche was sche tolde him tho, 2610

And seide: ‘Helmege, I am thi qwene,[464]

Now schal thi love wel be sene

Of that thou hast thi wille wroght:

Or it schal sore ben aboght,

Or thou schalt worche as I thee seie.

And if thou wolt be such a weie

Do my plesance and holde it stille,

For evere I schal ben at thi wille,

Bothe I and al myn heritage.’

Anon the wylde loves rage, 2620

In which noman him can governe,

Hath mad him that he can noght werne,[465]

Bot fell al hol to hire assent:

And thus the whiel is al miswent,

The which fortune hath upon honde;

For how that evere it after stonde,

Thei schope among hem such a wyle,

The king was ded withinne a whyle.

So slihly cam it noght aboute

That thei ne ben descoevered oute, 2630

So that it thoghte hem for the beste

To fle, for there was no reste:

And thus the tresor of the king

Thei trusse and mochel other thing,

And with a certein felaschipe

Thei fledde and wente awey be schipe,

And hielde here rihte cours fro thenne,

Til that thei come to Ravenne,

P. i. 131

Wher thei the Dukes helpe soghte.

And he, so as thei him besoghte, 2640

A place granteth forto duelle;

Bot after, whan he herde telle

Of the manere how thei have do,

This Duk let schape for hem so,

That of a puison which thei drunke

Thei hadden that thei have beswunke.

And al this made avant of Pride:

Good is therfore a man to hide

His oghne pris, for if he speke,

He mai lihtliche his thonk tobreke. 2650

In armes lith non avantance

To him which thenkth his name avance

And be renomed of his dede:

And also who that thenkth to spede

Of love, he mai him noght avaunte;

For what man thilke vice haunte,

His pourpos schal fulofte faile.

In armes he that wol travaile[466]

[AVANTANCE.]

Or elles loves grace atteigne,

His lose tunge he mot restreigne, 2660

Which berth of his honour the keie.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, in alle weie

Tak riht good hiede of this matiere.

Amans.

I thonke you, my fader diere,

This scole is of a gentil lore;

And if ther be oght elles more

Of Pride, which I schal eschuie,

Now axeth forth, and I wol suie

P. i. 132

What thing that ye me wole enforme.[467]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, yit in other forme 2670

Ther is a vice of Prides lore,

Which lich an hauk whan he wol sore,

Fleith upon heihte in his delices

After the likynge of his vices,

And wol no mannes resoun knowe,

Till he doun falle and overthrowe.

This vice veine gloire is hote,

Wherof, my Sone, I thee behote

To trete and speke in such a wise,

That thou thee myht the betre avise. 2680

[v. VAIN-GLORY.]

x. Gloria perpetuos pregnat mundana dolores,

Qui tamen est vanus gaudia vana cupit.

Eius amiciciam, quem gloria tollit inanis,

Non sine blandiciis planus habebit homo:

Verbis compositis qui scit strigilare fauellum,

Scandere sellata iura valebit eques.

Sic in amore magis qui blanda subornat in ore

Verba, per hoc brauium quod nequit alter habet.

Et tamen ornatos cantus variosque paratus

Letaque corda suis legibus optat amor. (10)

Hic loquitur de quinta specie superbie, que Inanis gloria vocatur, et eiusdem vicii naturam primo describens super eodem in amoris causa Confessor Amanti consequenter opponit.

The proude vice of veine gloire

Remembreth noght of purgatoire,

Hise worldes joyes ben so grete,

Him thenkth of hevene no beyete;

This lives Pompe is al his pes:

Yit schal he deie natheles,

And therof thenkth he bot a lite,[468]

For al his lust is to delite

In newe thinges, proude and veine,

Als ferforth as he mai atteigne. 2690

P. i. 133

I trowe, if that he myhte make

His body newe, he wolde take

A newe forme and leve his olde:

For what thing that he mai beholde,

The which to comun us is strange,

Anon his olde guise change

He wole and falle therupon,

Lich unto the Camelion,

Which upon every sondri hewe

That he beholt he moste newe 2700

His colour, and thus unavised

Fulofte time he stant desguised.

Mor jolif than the brid in Maii

He makth him evere freissh and gay,

Salomon. Amictus eius[469] annunciat de eo.

And doth al his array desguise,

So that of him the newe guise

Of lusti folk alle othre take;

And ek he can carolles make,

Rondeal, balade and virelai.

And with al this, if that he may 2710

Of love gete him avantage,

Anon he wext of his corage

So overglad, that of his ende[470]

Him thenkth ther is no deth comende:

For he hath thanne at alle tide

Of love such a maner pride,

Him thenkth his joie is endeles.

Confessor.

Now schrif thee, Sone, in godes pes,

And of thi love tell me plein

If that thi gloire hath be so vein. 2720

P. i. 134

Amans.

Mi fader, as touchinge of al

[THE LOVER’S CONFESSION.]

I may noght wel ne noght ne schal

Of veine gloire excuse me,

That I ne have for love be

The betre adresced and arraied;

And also I have ofte assaied

Rondeal, balade and virelai

For hire on whom myn herte lai

To make, and also forto peinte

Caroles with my wordes qweinte, 2730

To sette my pourpos alofte;

And thus I sang hem forth fulofte

In halle and ek in chambre aboute,

And made merie among the route,

Bot yit ne ferde I noght the bet.

Thus was my gloire in vein beset

Of al the joie that I made;

For whanne I wolde with hire glade,

And of hire love songes make,

Sche saide it was noght for hir sake, 2740

And liste noght my songes hiere

Ne witen what the wordes were.

So forto speke of myn arrai,

Yit couthe I nevere be so gay

Ne so wel make a songe of love,

Wherof I myhte ben above

And have encheson to be glad;

Bot rathere I am ofte adrad

For sorwe that sche seith me nay.

And natheles I wol noght say, 2750

P. i. 135

That I nam glad on other side;[471]

For fame, that can nothing hide,

Alday wol bringe unto myn Ere

Of that men speken hier and there,

How that my ladi berth the pris,

How sche is fair, how sche is wis,

How sche is wommanlich of chiere;

Of al this thing whanne I mai hiere,

What wonder is thogh I be fain?

And ek whanne I may hiere sain 2760

Tidinges of my ladi hele,

Althogh I may noght with hir dele,

Yit am I wonder glad of that;

For whanne I wot hire good astat,

As for that time I dar wel swere,

Non other sorwe mai me dere,

Thus am I gladed in this wise.

Bot, fader, of youre lores wise,

Of whiche ye be fully tawht,

Now tell me if yow thenketh awht[472] 2770

That I therof am forto wyte.

Confessor.

Of that ther is I thee acquite,

Mi sone, he seide, and for thi goode

I wolde that thou understode:

For I thenke upon this matiere

To telle a tale, as thou schalt hiere,

How that ayein this proude vice

The hihe god of his justice

Is wroth and gret vengance doth.

Now herkne a tale that is soth: 2780

P. i. 136

Thogh it be noght of loves kinde,

A gret ensample thou schalt finde

This veine gloire forto fle,

Which is so full of vanite.

[NEBUCHADNEZZAR’S PUNISHMENT.]

xi. Humani generis cum sit sibi gloria maior,

Sepe subesse solet proximus ille dolor:

Mens elata graues descensus sepe subibit,

Mens humilis stabile molleque firmat iter.

Motibus innumeris volutat fortuna per orbem;[473]

Cum magis alta petis, inferiora time.

Ther was a king that mochel myhte,

Which Nabugodonosor hihte,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra vicium inanis glorie, narrans qualiter Nabugodonosor Rex Caldeorum, cum ipse in omni sue maiestatis gloria celsior extitisset, deus eius superbiam castigare volens ipsum extra formam hominis in bestiam fenum comedentem transmutauit.[475] Et sic per septennium penitens, cum ipse potenciorem se agnouit, misertus deus ipsum in sui regni solium restituta sanitate emendatum graciosius collocauit.

Of whom that I spak hier tofore.

Yit in the bible his name is bore,

For al the world in Orient[474]

Was hol at his comandement: 2790

As thanne of kinges to his liche

Was non so myhty ne so riche;

To his Empire and to his lawes,

As who seith, alle in thilke dawes

Were obeissant and tribut bere,

As thogh he godd of Erthe were.

With strengthe he putte kinges under,

And wroghte of Pride many a wonder;

He was so full of veine gloire,

That he ne hadde no memoire 2800

That ther was eny good bot he,[476]

For pride of his prosperite;

Til that the hihe king of kinges,

Which seth and knoweth alle thinges,

Whos yhe mai nothing asterte,—

The privetes of mannes herte

P. i. 137

Thei speke and sounen in his Ere

As thogh thei lowde wyndes were,—

He tok vengance upon this pride.

Bot for he wolde awhile abide 2810

To loke if he him wolde amende,

To him a foretokne he sende,[477]

And that was in his slep be nyhte.

This proude kyng a wonder syhte

Hadde in his swevene, ther he lay:

Him thoghte, upon a merie day

As he behield the world aboute,

A tree fulgrowe he syh theroute,

Which stod the world amiddes evene,

Whos heihte straghte up to the hevene; 2820

The leves weren faire and large,

Of fruit it bar so ripe a charge,

That alle men it myhte fede:

He sih also the bowes spriede

Above al Erthe, in whiche were

The kinde of alle briddes there;

And eke him thoghte he syh also

The kinde of alle bestes go

Under this tre aboute round

And fedden hem upon the ground. 2830

As he this wonder stod and syh,

Him thoghte he herde a vois on hih

Criende, and seide aboven alle:

‘Hew doun this tree and lett it falle,

The leves let defoule in haste[478]

And do the fruit destruie and waste,[479]

P. i. 138

And let of schreden every braunche,

Bot ate Rote let it staunche.

Whan al his Pride is cast to grounde,[480]

The rote schal be faste bounde, 2840

And schal no mannes herte bere,

Bot every lust he schal forbere

Of man, and lich an Oxe his mete

Of gras he schal pourchace and ete,

Til that the water of the hevene

Have waisshen him be times sevene,

So that he be thurghknowe ariht[481]

What is the heveneliche myht,

And be mad humble to the wille

Of him which al mai save and spille.’ 2850

This king out of his swefne abreide,

And he upon the morwe it seide

Unto the clerkes whiche he hadde:

Bot non of hem the sothe aradde,

Was non his swevene cowthe undo.

And it stod thilke time so,

This king hadde in subjeccioun

Judee, and of affeccioun

Above alle othre on Daniel

He loveth, for he cowthe wel 2860

Divine that non other cowthe:

To him were alle thinges cowthe,

As he it hadde of goddes grace.[482]

He was before the kinges face

Asent, and bode that he scholde

Upon the point the king of tolde

P. i. 139

The fortune of his swevene expounde,

As it scholde afterward be founde.

Whan Daniel this swevene herde,[483]

He stod long time er he ansuerde, 2870

And made a wonder hevy chiere.

The king tok hiede of his manere,

And bad him telle that he wiste,

As he to whom he mochel triste,[484]

And seide he wolde noght be wroth.

Bot Daniel was wonder loth,

And seide: ‘Upon thi fomen alle,

Sire king, thi swevene mote falle;

And natheles touchende of this

I wol the tellen how it is, 2880

And what desese is to thee schape:

God wot if thou it schalt ascape.

The hihe tree, which thou hast sein

With lef and fruit so wel besein,

The which stod in the world amiddes,[485]

So that the bestes and the briddes

Governed were of him al one,

Sire king, betokneth thi persone,

Which stant above all erthli thinges.

Thus regnen under the the kinges, 2890

And al the poeple unto thee louteth,[486]

And al the world thi pouer doubteth,

So that with vein honour deceived

Thou hast the reverence weyved

Fro him which is thi king above,

That thou for drede ne for love

P. i. 140

Wolt nothing knowen of thi godd;

Which now for thee hath mad a rodd,[487]

Thi veine gloire and thi folie

With grete peines to chastie. 2900

And of the vois thou herdest speke,

Which bad the bowes forto breke

And hewe and felle doun the tree,[488]

That word belongeth unto thee;

Thi regne schal ben overthrowe,[489]

And thou despuiled for a throwe:

Bot that the Rote scholde stonde,

Be that thou schalt wel understonde,

Ther schal abyden of thi regne

A time ayein whan thou schalt regne. 2910

And ek of that thou herdest seie,

To take a mannes herte aweie

And sette there a bestial,

So that he lich an Oxe schal

Pasture, and that he be bereined

Be times sefne and sore peined,

Til that he knowe his goddes mihtes,

Than scholde he stonde ayein uprihtes,—

Al this betokneth thin astat,

Which now with god is in debat: 2920

Thi mannes forme schal be lassed,

Til sevene yer ben overpassed,

And in the liknesse of a beste

Of gras schal be thi real feste,

The weder schal upon thee reine.

And understond that al this peine,

P. i. 141

Which thou schalt soffre thilke tide,

Is schape al only for thi pride

Of veine gloire, and of the sinne

Which thou hast longe stonden inne. 2930

So upon this condicioun

Thi swevene hath exposicioun.

Bot er this thing befalle in dede,

Amende thee, this wolde I rede:

Yif and departe thin almesse,

Do mercy forth with rihtwisnesse,

Besech and prei the hihe grace,

For so thou myht thi pes pourchace

With godd, and stonde in good acord.’

Bot Pride is loth to leve his lord, 2940

And wol noght soffre humilite

With him to stonde in no degree;

And whan a schip hath lost his stiere,

Is non so wys that mai him stiere

Ayein the wawes in a rage.

This proude king in his corage

Humilite hath so forlore,

That for no swevene he sih tofore,

Ne yit for al that Daniel

Him hath conseiled everydel, 2950

He let it passe out of his mynde,

Thurgh veine gloire, and as the blinde,

He seth no weie, er him be wo.[490]

And fell withinne a time so,

As he in Babiloine wente,

The vanite of Pride him hente;

P. i. 142

His herte aros of veine gloire,

So that he drowh into memoire

His lordschipe and his regalie

With wordes of Surquiderie. 2960

And whan that he him most avaunteth,

That lord which veine gloire daunteth,

Al sodeinliche, as who seith treis,

Wher that he stod in his Paleis,

He tok him fro the mennes sihte:

Was non of hem so war that mihte

Sette yhe wher that he becom.

And thus was he from his kingdom

Into the wilde Forest drawe,

Wher that the myhti goddes lawe 2970

Thurgh his pouer dede him transforme

Fro man into a bestes forme;

And lich an Oxe under the fot

He graseth, as he nedes mot,

To geten him his lives fode.

Tho thoghte him colde grases goode,

That whilom eet the hote spices,

Thus was he torned fro delices:

The wyn which he was wont to drinke

He tok thanne of the welles brinke 2980

Or of the pet or of the slowh,

It thoghte him thanne good ynowh:

In stede of chambres wel arraied

He was thanne of a buissh wel paied,

The harde ground he lay upon,

For othre pilwes hath he non;

P. i. 143

The stormes and the Reines falle,

The wyndes blowe upon him alle,[491]

He was tormented day and nyht,

Such was the hihe goddes myght,[492] 2990

Til sevene yer an ende toke.

Upon himself tho gan he loke;

In stede of mete gras and stres,

In stede of handes longe cles,

In stede of man a bestes lyke

He syh; and thanne he gan to syke

For cloth of gold and for perrie,[493]

Which him was wont to magnefie.

Whan he behield his Cote of heres,

He wepte and with fulwoful teres[494] 3000

Up to the hevene he caste his chiere

Wepende, and thoghte in this manere;

Thogh he no wordes myhte winne,

Thus seide his herte and spak withinne:

‘O mihti godd, that al hast wroght

And al myht bringe ayein to noght,

Now knowe I wel, bot al of thee,

This world hath no prosperite:

In thin aspect ben alle liche,

The povere man and ek the riche,[495] 3010

Withoute thee ther mai no wight,[496]

And thou above alle othre miht.

O mihti lord, toward my vice

Thi merci medle with justice;

And I woll make a covenant,

That of my lif the remenant

P. i. 144

I schal it be thi grace amende,

And in thi lawe so despende

That veine gloire I schal eschuie,

And bowe unto thin heste and suie 3020

Humilite, and that I vowe.’

And so thenkende he gan doun bowe,

And thogh him lacke vois and speche,[497]

He gan up with his feet areche,

And wailende in his bestly stevene

He made his pleignte onto the hevene.

He kneleth in his wise and braieth,[498]

To seche merci and assaieth

His god, which made him nothing strange,

Whan that he sih his pride change. 3030

Anon as he was humble and tame,

He fond toward his god the same,

And in a twinklinge of a lok

His mannes forme ayein he tok,

And was reformed to the regne

In which that he was wont to regne;

So that the Pride of veine gloire

Evere afterward out of memoire

He let it passe. And thus is schewed

What is to ben of Pride unthewed 3040

Ayein the hihe goddes lawe,

To whom noman mai be felawe.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, tak good hiede

So forto lede thi manhiede,

That thou ne be noght lich a beste.

Bot if thi lif schal ben honeste,

P. i. 145

Thou most humblesce take on honde,

For thanne myht thou siker stonde:

And forto speke it otherwise,

A proud man can no love assise; 3050

For thogh a womman wolde him plese,

His Pride can noght ben at ese.

[HUMILITY.]

Ther mai noman to mochel blame

A vice which is forto blame;

Forthi men scholde nothing hide

That mihte falle in blame of Pride,

Which is the werste vice of alle:

Wherof, so as it was befalle,

The tale I thenke of a Cronique

To telle, if that it mai thee like, 3060

So that thou myht humblesce suie

And ek the vice of Pride eschuie,

Wherof the gloire is fals and vein;

Which god himself hath in desdeign,

That thogh it mounte for a throwe,

It schal doun falle and overthrowe.

xii. Est virtus humilis, per quam deus altus ad yma

Se tulit et nostre viscera carnis habet.

Sic humilis superest, et amor sibi subditur omnis,

Cuius habet nulla sorte superbus opem:

Odit eum terra, celum deiecit et ipsum,[499]

Sedibus inferni statque receptus ibi.

[TALE OF THE THREE QUESTIONS.]

A king whilom was yong and wys,

The which sette of his wit gret pris.

Hic narrat Confessor exemplum simpliciter contra Superbiam; et dicit quod nuper quidam Rex famose prudencie cuidam militi suo super tribus questionibus, vt inde certitudinis responsionem daret, sub pena capitalis sentencie terminum prefixit. Primo, quid minoris indigencie ab inhabitantibus[500] orbem auxilium maius obtinuit. Secundo, quid maioris valencie meritum[501] continens minoris expense reprisas exiguit. Tercio, quid omnia bona diminuens ex sui proprietate nichil penitus valuit. Quarum vero questionum quedam virgo dicti militis filia sapientissima nomine patris sui solucionem aggrediens taliter Regi respondit. Ad primam dixit, quod terra nullius indiget, quam tamen adiuuare cotidianis laboribus omnes intendunt. Ad secundam dixit, quod humilitas omnibus virtutibus prevalet, que tamen nullius prodegalitatis expensis mensuram excedit. Ad terciam dixit, quod superbia omnia tam corporis quam anime bona deuastans maiores expensarum excessus inducit. Et tamen nullius valoris, ymmo tocius perdicionis, causam sua culpa ministrat.

Of depe ymaginaciouns

And strange interpretaciouns, 3070

P. i. 146

Problemes and demandes eke,

His wisdom was to finde and seke;

Wherof he wolde in sondri wise

Opposen hem that weren wise.

Bot non of hem it myhte bere

Upon his word to yeve answere,

Outaken on, which was a knyht;

To him was every thing so liht,

That also sone as he hem herde,

The kinges wordes he answerde; 3080

What thing the king him axe wolde,

Therof anon the trowthe he tolde.

The king somdiel hadde an Envie,

And thoghte he wolde his wittes plie

To sette som conclusioun,

Which scholde be confusioun

Unto this knyht, so that the name

And of wisdom the hihe fame

Toward himself he wolde winne.

And thus of al his wit withinne 3090

This king began to studie and muse,

What strange matiere he myhte use

The knyhtes wittes to confounde;

And ate laste he hath it founde,

And for the knyht anon he sente,

That he schal telle what he mente.

Upon thre pointz stod the matiere

Of questions, as thou schalt hiere.

ia questio.

The ferste point of alle thre

Was this: ‘What thing in his degre 3100

P. i. 147

Of al this world hath nede lest,

And yet men helpe it althermest?’

iia questio.

The secounde is: ‘What most is worth,

And of costage is lest put forth?’

iiia questio.

The thridde is: ‘Which is of most cost,

And lest is worth and goth to lost?’

The king thes thre demandes axeth,

And to the knyht this lawe he taxeth,[502]

That he schal gon and come ayein

The thridde weke, and telle him plein 3110

To every point, what it amonteth.

And if so be that he misconteth,

To make in his answere a faile,

Ther schal non other thing availe,

The king seith, bot he schal be ded

And lese hise goodes and his hed.

The knyht was sori of this thing

And wolde excuse him to the king,

Bot he ne wolde him noght forbere,

And thus the knyht of his ansuere[503] 3120

Goth hom to take avisement:

Bot after his entendement

The more he caste his wit aboute,

The more he stant therof in doute.

Tho wiste he wel the kinges herte,

That he the deth ne scholde asterte,[504]

And such a sorwe hath to him take,

That gladschipe he hath al forsake.

He thoghte ferst upon his lif,

And after that upon his wif, 3130

P. i. 148

Upon his children ek also,

Of whiche he hadde dowhtres tuo;

The yongest of hem hadde of age

Fourtiene yer, and of visage

Sche was riht fair, and of stature

Lich to an hevenely figure,

And of manere and goodli speche,

Thogh men wolde alle Londes seche,

Thei scholden noght have founde hir like.

Sche sih hire fader sorwe and sike, 3140

And wiste noght the cause why;

So cam sche to him prively,

And that was where he made his mone

Withinne a Gardin al him one;

Upon hire knes sche gan doun falle

With humble herte and to him calle,

And seide: ‘O goode fader diere,

Why make ye thus hevy chiere,

And I wot nothing how it is?

And wel ye knowen, fader, this, 3150

What aventure that you felle

Ye myhte it saufly to me telle,

For I have ofte herd you seid,

That ye such trust have on me leid,

That to my soster ne my brother,[505]

In al this world ne to non other,

Ye dorste telle a privite

So wel, my fader, as to me.

Forthi, my fader, I you preie,

Ne casteth noght that herte aweie, 3160

P. i. 149

For I am sche that wolde kepe

Youre honour.’ And with that to wepe

Hire yhe mai noght be forbore,

Sche wissheth forto ben unbore,

Er that hire fader so mistriste

To tellen hire of that he wiste:

And evere among merci sche cride,

That he ne scholde his conseil hide

From hire that so wolde him good

And was so nyh his fleissh and blod. 3170

So that with wepinge ate laste

His chiere upon his child he caste,

And sorwfulli to that sche preide

He tolde his tale and thus he seide:

‘The sorwe, dowhter, which I make

Is noght al only for my sake,

Bot for thee bothe and for you alle:

For such a chance is me befalle,

That I schal er this thridde day

Lese al that evere I lese may, 3180

Mi lif and al my good therto:

Therfore it is I sorwe so.’

‘What is the cause, helas!’ quod sche,[506]

‘Mi fader, that ye scholden be

Ded and destruid in such a wise?’[507]

And he began the pointz devise,

Whiche as the king told him be mowthe,[508]

And seid hir pleinly that he cowthe[509]

Ansuere unto no point of this.

And sche, that hiereth how it is, 3190

P. i. 150

Hire conseil yaf and seide tho:

‘Mi fader, sithen it is so,

That ye can se non other weie,

Bot that ye moste nedes deie,

I wolde preie of you a thing:[510]

Let me go with you to the king,

And ye schull make him understonde

How ye, my wittes forto fonde,

Have leid your ansuere upon me;

And telleth him, in such degre 3200

Upon my word ye wole abide[511]

To lif or deth, what so betide.

For yit par chaunce I may pourchace

With som good word the kinges grace,

Your lif and ek your good to save;

For ofte schal a womman have

Thing which a man mai noght areche.’

The fader herde his dowhter speche,

And thoghte ther was resoun inne,[512]

And sih his oghne lif to winne 3210

He cowthe don himself no cure;

So betre him thoghte in aventure

To put his lif and al his good,

Than in the maner as it stod

His lif in certein forto lese.

And thus thenkende he gan to chese

To do the conseil of this Maide,

And tok the pourpos which sche saide.

The dai was come and forth thei gon,

Unto the Court thei come anon, 3220

P. i. 151

Wher as the king in juggement

Was set and hath this knyht assent.

Arraied in hire beste wise

This Maiden with hire wordes wise

Hire fader ladde be the hond

Into the place, wher he fond

The king with othre whiche he wolde,

And to the king knelende he tolde

As he enformed was tofore,

And preith the king that he therfore 3230

His dowhtres wordes wolde take,

And seith that he wol undertake

Upon hire wordes forto stonde.

Tho was ther gret merveile on honde,

That he, which was so wys a knyht,

His lif upon so yong a wyht

Besette wolde in jeupartie,

And manye it hielden for folie:

Bot ate laste natheles

The king comandeth ben in pes, 3240

And to this Maide he caste his chiere,

And seide he wolde hire tale hiere,

He bad hire speke, and sche began:

‘Mi liege lord, so as I can,’

Quod sche, ‘the pointz of whiche I herde,[513]

Thei schul of reson ben ansuerde.

The ferste I understonde is this,

What thing of al the world it is,

Which men most helpe and hath lest nede.[514]

Mi liege lord, this wolde I rede: 3250

P. i. 152

The Erthe it is, which everemo

With mannes labour is bego;

Als wel in wynter as in Maii

The mannes hond doth what he mai

To helpe it forth and make it riche,

And forthi men it delve and dyche

And eren it with strengthe of plowh,

Wher it hath of himself ynowh,

So that his nede is ate leste.

For every man and bridd and beste, 3260

And flour and gras and rote and rinde,[515]

And every thing be weie of kynde

Schal sterve, and Erthe it schal become;

As it was out of Erthe nome,[516]

It schal to therthe torne ayein:

And thus I mai be resoun sein

That Erthe is the most nedeles,

And most men helpe it natheles.

So that, my lord, touchende of this

I have ansuerd hou that it is. 3270

That other point I understod,

Which most is worth and most is good,

And costeth lest a man to kepe:

Mi lord, if ye woll take kepe,

I seie it is Humilite,

Thurgh which the hihe trinite

As for decerte of pure love

Unto Marie from above,

Of that he knew hire humble entente,

His oghne Sone adoun he sente, 3280

P. i. 153

Above alle othre and hire he ches

For that vertu which bodeth pes:

So that I may be resoun calle

Humilite most worth of alle.

And lest it costeth to maintiene,[517]

In al the world as it is sene;

For who that hath humblesce on honde,

He bringth no werres into londe,

For he desireth for the beste

To setten every man in reste. 3290

Thus with your hihe reverence

Me thenketh that this evidence

As to this point is sufficant.

And touchende of the remenant,

Which is the thridde of youre axinges,

What leste is worth of alle thinges,

And costeth most, I telle it, Pride;

Which mai noght in the hevene abide,

For Lucifer with hem that felle

Bar Pride with him into helle.[518] 3300

Ther was Pride of to gret a cost,[519]

Whan he for Pride hath hevene lost;

And after that in Paradis

Adam for Pride loste his pris:

In Midelerthe and ek also

Pride is the cause of alle wo,

That al the world ne may suffise

To stanche of Pride the reprise:

Pride is the heved of alle Sinne,

Which wasteth al and mai noght winne; 3310

P. i. 154

Pride is of every mis the pricke,

Pride is the werste of alle wicke,

And costneth most and lest is worth[520]

In place where he hath his forth.

Thus have I seid that I wol seie

Of myn answere, and to you preie,

Mi liege lord, of youre office

That ye such grace and such justice

Ordeigne for mi fader hiere,

That after this, whan men it hiere, 3320

The world therof mai speke good.’

The king, which reson understod

And hath al herd how sche hath said,

Was inly glad and so wel paid

That al his wraththe is overgo:

And he began to loke tho

Upon this Maiden in the face,

In which he fond so mochel grace,

That al his pris on hire he leide,

In audience and thus he seide: 3330

‘Mi faire Maide, wel thee be!

Of thin ansuere and ek of thee

Me liketh wel, and as thou wilt,

Foryive be thi fader gilt.

And if thou were of such lignage,

That thou to me were of parage,

And that thi fader were a Pier,

As he is now a Bachilier,

So seker as I have a lif,

Thou scholdest thanne be my wif. 3340

P. i. 155

Bot this I seie natheles,

That I wol schape thin encress;

What worldes good that thou wolt crave,

Axe of my yifte and thou schalt have.’

And sche the king with wordes wise

Knelende thonketh in this wise:

‘Mi liege lord, god mot you quite!

Mi fader hier hath bot a lite

Of warison, and that he wende

Hadde al be lost; bot now amende 3350

He mai wel thurgh your noble grace.’

With that the king riht in his place

Anon forth in that freisshe hete

An Erldom, which thanne of eschete

Was late falle into his hond,

Unto this knyht with rente and lond

Hath yove and with his chartre sesed;[521]

And thus was all the noise appesed.

This Maiden, which sat on hire knes

Tofore the king, hise charitees 3360

Comendeth, and seide overmore:[522]

‘Mi liege lord, riht now tofore

Ye seide, as it is of record,[523]

That if my fader were a lord

And Pier unto these othre grete,

Ye wolden for noght elles lete,

That I ne scholde be your wif;

And this wot every worthi lif,

A kinges word it mot ben holde.[524]

Forthi, my lord, if that ye wolde 3370

P. i. 156

So gret a charite fulfille,

God wot it were wel my wille:

For he which was a Bacheler,

Mi fader, is now mad a Pier;[525]

So whenne as evere that I cam,

An Erles dowhter now I am.’

This yonge king, which peised al,

Hire beaute and hir wit withal,

As he that was with love hent,[526]

Anon therto yaf his assent. 3380

He myhte noght the maide asterte,[527]

That sche nis ladi of his herte;

So that he tok hire to his wif,

To holde whyl that he hath lif:

And thus the king toward his knyht

Acordeth him, as it is riht.

And over this good is to wite,

In the Cronique as it is write,

This noble king of whom I tolde

Of Spaine be tho daies olde 3390

The kingdom hadde in governance,

And as the bok makth remembrance,

Alphonse was his propre name:

The knyht also, if I schal name,

Danz Petro hihte, and as men telle,

His dowhter wyse Peronelle[528]

Was cleped, which was full of grace:

And that was sene in thilke place,[529]

Wher sche hir fader out of teene

Hath broght and mad hirself a qweene, 3400

P. i. 157

Of that sche hath so wel desclosed

[HUMILITY.]

The pointz wherof sche was opposed.

Confessor.

Lo now, my Sone, as thou myht hiere,[530]

Of al this thing to my matiere

Bot on I take, and that is Pride,

To whom no grace mai betide:

In hevene he fell out of his stede,

And Paradis him was forbede,

The goode men in Erthe him hate,

So that to helle he mot algate, 3410

Where every vertu schal be weyved

And every vice be received.[531]

Bot Humblesce is al otherwise,

Which most is worth, and no reprise[532]

It takth ayein, hot softe and faire,

If eny thing stond in contraire,[533]

With humble speche it is redresced:

Thus was this yonge Maiden blessed,

The which I spak of now tofore,

Hire fader lif sche gat therfore, 3420

And wan with al the kinges love.

Forthi, my Sone, if thou wolt love,

It sit thee wel to leve Pride

And take Humblesce upon thi side;

The more of grace thou schalt gete.

Amans.

Mi fader, I woll noght foryete

Of this that ye have told me hiere,

And if that eny such manere

Of humble port mai love appaie,

Hierafterward I thenke assaie: 3430

P. i. 158

Bot now forth over I beseche

That ye more of my schrifte seche.

Confessor.

Mi goode Sone, it schal be do:

Now herkne and ley an Ere to;

For as touchende of Prides fare,

Als ferforth as I can declare

In cause of vice, in cause of love,

That hast thou pleinly herd above,

So that ther is nomor to seie

Touchende of that; bot other weie 3440

Touchende Envie I thenke telle,

Which hath the propre kinde of helle,

Withoute cause to misdo[534]

Toward himself and othre also,

Hierafterward as understonde[535]

Thou schalt the spieces, as thei stonde.

Explicit Liber Primus

LINENOTES:

213 1 strecchen vp to h. EC, Δ strecche vp to h. XB₂ (vt)

214 8 fforþi (ffor þy) AJME₂E, ΔΛ, FKH₃ ffor H₁YXR ... B₂, B, W

215 10 thing is] þinges E₂H₁Y ... B₂, B noght so] more YX

216 13 margin intendit] intendit eciam ERCL intendit et H₁B₂

217 23 margin crebre H₁E ... B₂

218 26 margin diffundetur B

219 37 evere him lest] himself lest (list) H₁YERB₂, B (lust)

220 50 aboute is went ACL is aboute went Δ

221 51 grace H₁XGERB₂, BΔ

222 54 And H₁YERB₂, B

223 76 now B.

224 80 is him AG

225 Latin Verses ii. 5 Deuius AJME₂, ΔΛ, FKH₃ Denuus (?) H₁Y Demum XGEC, B Deinque L Deui B₂Sn Veni R

226 7 Me] Aere H₁Yp.m.ERB₂, B

227 102 take CL, B

228 107 S resumes

229 109 forsake B

230 110 Vnto ... I gan tofare F And to ... forth is he fare CL And to ... gan I to fare Y To ... I gan fare R To ... I made me ȝare B₂ Vnto ... my way gan take B line om. SnD

231 116 oþere A

232 120 wisshide FK wisschide S wisshid H₃ al. wissched

233 130 wismam FK

234 160 scheo FK al. sche

235 161 Ma dame I sayde Iohn Gowere E, B And I answerde wiþ drery chiere C And I answerd wiþ ful myld chere L line om. RB₂SnD

236 162 What wolde ȝe wiþ me my l. d. ERLB₂ What wolde ȝe wiþ me l. d. XGC, B

237 163 or elles] or schal I C or L

238 164 tell (telle) me H₁YE ... B₂, BΛ, W

239 165 of which] which þat CL where of W

240 183 þan wolde C þan wold A, B þanne wold S, FK

241 200 Prest om. B

242 208 thee] be Y, B, Magd.

243 213 and with] wiþ good B wiþ XC as wiþ Λ

244 224 schal] þat A

245 227 beleft FK

246 232 tome F al. to me

247 234 sone sone F am om. B

248 264 I ne conne] I now can (conne) ECLB₂, B I ne now can XR ne can nowe H₁

249 266 awise FK

250 277 laste (last) JYRCL, BΔΛ

251 278 vice H₁ ... B₂, B

252 281 aman F

253 288 The] þo B

254 293 the] þer F

255 294 tome FK al. to me awise F wise AEC, B

256 295 scholde (schuld) me H₁ ... B₂, B

257 298 mispended XR, FWKH₃ so myspended B₂

258 310 manye suche S manye such F many suche AC

259 318 Haþ M ... RLB₂, B

260 334 margin exemplum om. AM

261 335 whilon FK

262 339 Vp sette S, F Vpsette AC, B

262m 339 margin spaciaret B

263 349 atide FK

264 353 floures freische H₁ ... B₂, B

265 355 Trostle FK

266 357 wher was] in to (into) H₁ ... B₂, B

267 365 many nimphes Sn, B many Nimphe YEC many simphe RLB₂ mani a maiden Δ

268 368 for anger þerof swal(l) H₁EXG, B for anger þerfor swal YR for anger þerof schall CLB₂ therefore for anger schall DAr

269 370 and the] in to CL in þe B₂

270 371 taken] in fourme L om. B₂

271 374 aroute F

272 377 hondes FK

273 388 and seiþ RCLB₂ and says W

274 391 and hadde CLB₂, W

275 397 bore] boþe FWKH₃Magd.

276 423 he, as it fell] as it befel (om. he) C as it fel L, W

277 425 These] þis A

278 430 Haþ B, W

279 441 wel AJE₂C, S, FKH₃ wil (wille) YXGERLB₂, BΔ, W wol(e) MH₁, Magd.

280 447 and om. B.

281 454, 458 aman FK

282 470 margin aspidis B

283 476 margin firmissimo H₁GRCLB₂

284 481 oþre SB, F rest oþer

285 488 womman A a womman MXGCLB₂

286 491 bereþ XRCLB₂, B

287 505 tho] þe JE₂H₁ ... B₂, B, W H₃Magd. so ΔΛ

288 522 atte (at) laste XEC, B

289 531 myht S might AC, B myhte F

290 549 yhe B

291 Latin Verses v. 1 Aquilaque F

292 8 sub latitante J, S, F sublatitante AC, B

293 582 margin primitus declarat A ... B₂, S ... Δ

294 580 ferste C, S ferst A, F first B

295 584 I om. FKH₃

296 593 be knowen FK

297 604 toforn Y, B, W

298 608 margin Ipocrisis Relig. om. AM, B

299 610 word L, B

300 610 margin Ipocr. eccles. om. A

301 626 gan AM schal R

302 627 þe JE₂H₁ ... B₂, B, W

303 630 That] þay (þai) X ... B₂, B

304 656 and of] and AM and seynt H₁

305 674 margin Hic tractat—innocentes om. A.

306 704 bereþ (berþ) lowest seil AH₁ ... B₂, B, Magd.

307 723 tomy F

308 732 put A, SB, F putte C

309 756 the hit like W it be like H₁L it be liking C

310 773 margin domini se esse fingens ME₂ domini se esse fingentes A

311 775 Ther(e) AM

312 776 stonde RCLB₂ stant H₁GE

313 782 Duck A, F Duk (duk) SB Duke C

314 820 he] the B, W that H₁

315 834 ffeigned AMH₁XLB₂, W (ffeignet) þey feigned C

316 837 seyt vs B p.m. Prestes] present B

317 876 lofte H₁ ... B₂

318 884 biddeþ B

319 886 al om. B

320 893 wolde AM

321 896 hath] þat B

322 903 to H₁ ... L vnto B₂

323 924 al to] for to A

324 975 me om. B

325 1013 put SB, F putte AC

326 1015 a] o C, B

327 1023 seid A, S seyd B seide F

328 1027 diustres A

329 1036 haþ hem AME₂H₁L, W (has hem) be schrewed FK

330 1059 veniance XRCLB₂

331 1067 menable AJYXG, SAdΔ, F meuable (moeuable) ELB₂, B, WH₃ doubtful MH₁RC, Magd.

332 1068 al tobroken (al to broke &c.) AMERCB₂, Ad, FH₃Magd. alto brosten E₂L

333 1079 it] hem H₁ ... ECLB₂, B he R

334 1083 margin inter virum et virum] inter virum H₁E ... B₂ inter viros XG

335 1090 margin hoc om. AM

336 1093 margin in templo om. H₁ ... B₂

337 1099 margin deuastarunt] demonstrarunt A

338 1115 stood in a cord B

339 1118 þus M ... R, BAd, WH₃Magd.

340 1125 ȝiuen A

341 1145 tosmale F

342 1162 token] toke(n) her(e) CLB₂

343 1165 trossen ECL trussen H₁R tuossen B₂

344 1172 Symon H₁CLB₂, FWH₃Magd. mad om. AM

345 1197 the wordes that] þe which B

346 1210 margin Confessor om. A

347 1216 thi] þe XR, B

348 Latin Verses vi. 4 reflectat H₁ ... CB₂ ne flectat L

349 1252 margin Confessor om. S, F

350 1257 schat F

351 1263 ne] me H₁ ... B₂, BΛ (l. 1263 om. Ad)

352 1273 f. margin Opp. Conf. Resp. Am. om. A

353 1280 myhte A myht S, F

354 1286 pourchace A

355 1303 is] þis AME₂, þis is Δ, W

356 1304 point] ioint GCLB₂, W

357 1310 For ofte] fful ofte (ffulofte) H₁ ... B₂, B

358 1314 other] anoþer (an oþer) H₁XRLB₂, BΔ

359 1336 treweliche in oþre A

360 1338 Touchend vnto H₁ ... B₂, B Touchende of (Touchand of) SAdΔ,H₃

361 Latin Verses vii. 4 munere B

362 1345 compleingte F

363 1347 margin deseruiunt A, SB deseruiant FK

364 1376 margin Amans om. A

365 1378 Compleingte F

366 1384 Of ... of YXE ... L, B Of ... or GB₂ ... and (om. Or) H₁

367 1396 margin Confessor om. A

368 1396 and] as B

369 1403-6 These four lines in third recension only: the others have two, given thus in A,

And in ensample of þis matiere

A tale I fynde, as þou schalt hiere.

Below this in A, Exemplum super eodem.

370 1408 knyht om. A

371 1416 for to] wold he B

372 1417 margin amoris que A ... B₂, Λ

373 1420 margin transformauit A

374 1440 despitesoun A

375 1464 line om. B

376 1479 in loue Sn, B of loue W

377 1483 Wher as] þer as AME₂XG

378 1492 thei om. AM

379 1500 an oþre S, F

380 1505 Such o þing ME₂, S, FH₃ Suiche one þing Δ Such a þing AJH₁ ... B₂, BAd, W

381 1509 in to E ... B₂, B to H₃

382 1555 That AM

383 1573 haue A

384 1578 put SB, F putte AC

385 1626 þunsemylieste FK þunsemelieste B

386 1632 acord B

387 1648 Ȝiue AC, B Ȝif F

388 1652 þe AMH₁, Ad, H₃

389 1693 proferþ H₁, Ad, F profurt W rest profreþ, profereþ

390 1704 Canele] þe Canele YG ... B₂, B

391 1755 hid] it MYX ... CB₂, B diȝt L

392 1768 cleped X ... B₂, B cleput W

393 1770 entent(e) þe wedde X ... CB₂, BΛ entent was wedde I, Δ, W

394 1785 on] of X ... B₂, BΛ fole F

395 1793 ben] beþ RCLB₂ buþ AM

396 1809 seide (sayde) for to X ... B₂, B saide þat for to W

397 1822 ȝe lust AM thu liste H₁ þou list Δ ȝe wyl Sn, W (wille)

398 1839 Bot] Boþ(e) H₁ ... B₂, BΔΛ, W

399 1881 f. om. SAdΔΛ

400 1889 alle þing B, W al þis þing M

401 1891 him] it AM

402 1895 þurghsoght S þurgh-soght F

403 1906 good YXERCB₂, H₃

404 1931 noman] no womman YXGERB₂, B

405 1934 me noght] not (nouȝt) me X ... B₂, BΔ

406 1940 þis cas B

407 1958 a om. MGERCB₂, B

408 1960 For] But B wold(e) JX ... B₂, B

409 1966 Thanne F Than AC, B

410 2005 strengthe] triste (truste) X ... B₂, B

411 2009 wil B

412 2017-20 For these four lines SAdΔ have two,—

Wherof þou miht þiselue lere,

I þenke telle, as þou schalt hiere.

413 2026 moone (mone) XGR, B

414 2041 pilgrimis (pilgrims &c.) AJMXRLB₂ peregrins B pilgrins H₁

415 2043 Thei] That H₁, FWKH₃Magd.

416 2049 pur charite MX ... B₂, BΔ, W

417 2054 his lordes XGECB₂, B

418 2078 beleft FK belefte A

419 2088 hire] his H₁ ... B₂, B, W

420 2105 An F

421 2122 which was E, B which is G and was L

422 2159 Hire FK

423 2171 Sherte F

424 2173 go biseche B

425 2179 schortes M, FK rest schertes (shirtes &c.)

426 2181 hanged(e) AMH₁, Δ, W (honget)

427 2191 become FK

428 2208 wot] not AM

429 2224 mai] haþ B

430 2234 am I] a man C, B

431 2251 And] as B

432 2260 som ensample] by som weie B

433 2261 in om. XE ... B₂

434 2265 f.

To man in any maner side

He may wel nowher þan abide R

To man in eny maner side

It may to him nouȝt wel betide B₂

CL combine the above with the reading of the text.

435 2267-74 Eight lines found thus in copies of the third recension, FWKH₃ &c., and also in H₁. The rest have four, given as follows by S,

fforþi eschuie it I þe rede

ffor in Ouide a tale I rede

How þat a man was ouertake

Wherof þou myht ensample take.

436 2293 margin pronus] proulis XE ... B₂

437 2294 to om. B, W

438 2299 The grete] A grete AM, W

439 2300 vpon AJ, Ad, FH₃ on þe XERC, B vpon the H₁

440 2302 margin poterat B

441 2332 neuer mighte B

442 2335 a ferr J, SB, F aferr A

443 2343-58 Sixteen lines found only in third recension copies, FWKH₃ &c., and in H₁

444 2369-72 third recension and H₁ only

445 2379 And X ... B₂, B

446 2380 and preie] I preie (prey) XGECLB₂, B I seigh R

447 2386 euermo JMH₁XGRLB₂, BΔ, W

448 2396 aplace AM

449 2398 al om. H₁, FH₃

450 2410 wynd] hunt(e) H₁YX ... L, B haunt B₂

451 2416 margin verecundia M ... B₂, Ad vecundia W

452 2421 tok (took) J, B, F toke AC

453 2423 Of JX ... B₂, B, W

454 2457 myht (might) JC, B myhte A, S, F

455 2460 ferste S ferst A, B, F

456 2473 margin testum H₁ ... B₂ (E corr. testam)

457 2488 dwelled JMEB₂, Δ, W (dwellet) duelleþ XGRCL

458 2489 margin statim] statum G statutum XE ... B₂

459 2497 agrieued B

460 2501 ate] of þe B

461 2511 Embroudred F rest Embrowded (Embroudid &c.)

462 2544 is] was H₁ ... B₂, B

463 2569 had C, SB, F hadde A haþ J

464 2611 thi] þe JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ

465 2622 Hath mad] Made H₁ ... B₂, B

466 2658 he] who AM

467 2669 ȝe me wole] ȝe wol (wil) me L, Δ ȝe wol(e) AM me wol H₃

468 2687 þerfor AM, W þer on Ad alite A, SB, F, &c.

469 2705 margin Salomon. Amictus—eo in third recension only.

470 2713 f. This text only in copies of third recension, F(in ras.)WKH₃ &c. The rest have,

So ouerglad þat purgatoire

Ne myhte abregge his veine gloire

471 2751 nam] am H₁ ... B₂, W on] an AJ

472 2770 þou þenkeþ (þenkþ) AXRCLB₂ þou þenke M ȝe þenke (þinke) H₁Sn, Δ ȝe thenketh (ye þinketh) Ad, W

473 Latin Verses xi. 5 immunis H₁XGECLB₂, B

474 2789 in the orient Δ, WH₃

475 2796 margin subito transmutauit A ... B₂, S ... Δ

476 2801 good FKH₃ godd (god) A ... B₂, S ... Δ, W

477 2812 a foretokene K a fortoken W aforetokne S, F afortokene R a fore tokne (token) JXEC, H₃ afore tokne (-en) AMH₁GLB₂, BAdΔ

478 2835 defoule] do foule X ... B₂ doune falle H₁

479 2836 do] to H₁XE ... B₂

480 2839 his Pride] þis pride H₁ ... CB₂ þis tre L

481 2847 be om. H₁ ... B₂, H₃ þurghknowe A, F þurgh knowe J, SB

482 2863 it om. H₁XERCB₂ that L, W

483 2869 his B þe MX

484 2874 As] And H₁ ... L

485 2885 wode B

486 2891 al] of H₁ ... B₂ (ofte R)

487 2898 a rodd AJ, B arodd S, FK

488 2903 falle H₁ ... B₂, W

489 2905 The A

490 2953 weie] wele H₁ ... B₂

491 2988 blew(e) M, B

492 2990 Such] Which H₁ ... B₂

493 2997 for] þe H₁ ... B₂ of KH₃ om. W

494 3000 fulwoful A, F ful woful J, B

495 3010 the riche om. B

496 3011 wight B, F wiht AJ, S

497 3023 and speche JH₁L, FWH₃ of speche AM ... CB₂, S ... Δ

498 3027 braieth] preieþ (prayeþ) H₁ ... B₂, W

499 Latin Verses xii. 5 eum] enim B

500 3078 margin habitantibus H₁ ... B₂, BΛ

501 3080 margin valencie meritum] meriti H₁ ... B₂, BΛ

502 3108 he om. KH₃

503 3120 his] þis X ... B₂

504 3126 schal AM

505 3155 ne my] ne to my GRB₂, AdΔΛ, W (nor to my) and my H₁

506 3183 helas A, S, F A las J allas B &c.

507 3185 a om. E, B

508 3187 told SB, F tolde AJ

509 3188 seid (seyd) B, F seide AJ he ne cowþe H₁XGRCLB₂

510 3195 pray yow of BΔ o þing B

511 3201 I wole XERCB₂

512 3209 þought þat þer was XGRCLB₂

513 3245 pointes (pointz) which(e) H₁ ... B₂, B, WKH₃ (pointes which as L)

514 3249 hath lest nede] haþ most nede R han most nede XEC han lest nede B₂

515 3261 And] Of H₁ ... B₂, B

516 3264 of þe erþe AMB₂, Δ

517 3285 to] in AM

518 3300 into] to AM

519 3301 grete (gret) cost MH₁G, B

520 3313 costeþ H₁XLB₂, BΔ, H₃ costs W

521 3357 seled F

522 3361 euermore MX ... B₂, B, W

523 3363 as] and H₁ ... B₂, B

524 3369 it mot ben] mot (mote) nede be H₁ ... B₂, BΛ

525 3374 mad a Pier] an Erl(e) hier H₁ ... B₂, Λ

526 3379 that] which H₁ ... B₂, B

527 3381 maide] place H₁ ... B₂, BΛ

528 3396 His doughtres (doghter) name Peronelle H₁ ... B₂, Λ

529 3398 sene (seene) A, B scene S, F schene (om. was) J

530 3403 myht] may H₁ ... B₂

531 3412 be] schal be H₁ ... B₂

532 3414 worþy and no prise X ... CB₂ worth and no prise H₁ worþy and of no prise LSn, Λ worth and of no reprise W

533 3416 And it is alway debonaire H₁ ... B₂, Λ stond J, S, F stonde A, B

534 3443 to misdo] of þing misdo H₁ ... CB₂ of nothing mysdo L

535 3445 as] as I AJL, Λ, W

P. i. 159

Incipit Liber Secundus.

[ENVY.]

i. Inuidie culpa magis est attrita dolore,

Nam sua mens nullo tempore leta manet:

Quo gaudent alii, dolet ille, nec vnus amicus

Est, cui de puro comoda velle facit.

Proximitatis honor sua corda veretur, et omnis

Est sibi leticia sic aliena dolor.

Hoc etenim vicium quam sepe repugnat amanti,

Non sibi, set reliquis, dum fauet ipsa Venus.

Est amor ex proprio motu fantasticus, et que

Gaudia fert alius, credit obesse sibi.[536] (10)

Now after Pride the secounde

Ther is, which many a woful stounde

Hic in secundo libro tractat de Inuidia et eius speciebus, quarum dolor alterius gaudii prima nuncupatur, cuius condicionem secundum vicium Confessor primitus describens, Amanti, quatenus amorem concernit, super eodem consequenter opponit.

Towardes othre berth aboute

Withinne himself and noght withoute;

For in his thoght he brenneth evere,

Whan that he wot an other levere

Or more vertuous than he,

Which passeth him in his degre;

Therof he takth his maladie:

That vice is cleped hot Envie. 10

Forthi, my Sone, if it be so

Thou art or hast ben on of tho,

As forto speke in loves cas,

[i. SORROW FOR ANOTHER MAN’S JOY.]

If evere yit thin herte was

P. i. 160

Sek of an other mannes hele?

So god avance my querele,

Mi fader, ye, a thousend sithe:

Whanne I have sen an other blithe

Of love, and hadde a goodly chiere,

Ethna, which brenneth yer be yere, 20

Was thanne noght so hot as I

Of thilke Sor which prively

Min hertes thoght withinne brenneth.

The Schip which on the wawes renneth,

And is forstormed and forblowe,

Is noght more peined for a throwe

Than I am thanne, whanne I se

An other which that passeth me

In that fortune of loves yifte.

Bot, fader, this I telle in schrifte, 30

That is nowher bot in o place;[537]

For who that lese or finde grace

In other stede, it mai noght grieve:

Bot this ye mai riht wel believe,

Toward mi ladi that I serve,

Thogh that I wiste forto sterve,

Min herte is full of such sotie,

That I myself mai noght chastie.

Whan I the Court se of Cupide

Aproche unto my ladi side 40

Of hem that lusti ben and freisshe,—

Thogh it availe hem noght a reisshe,

Bot only that thei ben in speche,—

My sorwe is thanne noght to seche:

P. i. 161

Bot whan thei rounen in hire Ere,

Than groweth al my moste fere,

And namly whan thei talen longe;

My sorwes thanne be so stronge

Of that I se hem wel at ese,

I can noght telle my desese. 50

Bot, Sire, as of my ladi selve,

Thogh sche have wowers ten or twelve,

For no mistrust I have of hire

Me grieveth noght, for certes, Sire,

I trowe, in al this world to seche,

Nis womman that in dede and speche

Woll betre avise hire what sche doth,

Ne betre, forto seie a soth,

Kepe hire honour ate alle tide,[538]

And yit get hire a thank beside.[539] 60

Bot natheles I am beknowe,

That whanne I se at eny throwe,

Or elles if I mai it hiere,

That sche make eny man good chiere,

Thogh I therof have noght to done,

Mi thought wol entermette him sone.

For thogh I be miselve strange,

Envie makth myn herte change,

That I am sorghfully bestad

Of that I se an other glad 70

With hire; bot of other alle,[540]

Of love what so mai befalle,

Or that he faile or that he spede,

Therof take I bot litel heede.

P. i. 162

Now have I seid, my fader, al

As of this point in special,

Als ferforthli as I have wist.

Now axeth further what you list.[541]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, er I axe eny more,

I thenke somdiel for thi lore 80

Telle an ensample of this matiere

Touchende Envie, as thou schalt hiere.

Write in Civile this I finde:

Thogh it be noght the houndes kinde

To ete chaf, yit wol he werne

An Oxe which comth to the berne,

Therof to taken eny fode.

And thus, who that it understode,

It stant of love in many place:

Who that is out of loves grace 90

And mai himselven noght availe,

He wolde an other scholde faile;[542]

And if he may put eny lette,

He doth al that he mai to lette.

[TALE OF ACIS AND GALATEA.]

Wherof I finde, as thou schalt wite,

To this pourpos a tale write.[543]

Ther ben of suche mo than twelve,

That ben noght able as of hemselve

To gete love, and for Envie

Upon alle othre thei aspie; 100

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum saltem contra istos qui in amoris causa aliorum gaudiis inuidentes nequaquam per hoc sibi ipsis proficiunt. Et narrat, qualiter quidam iuuenis miles nomine Acis, quem Galathea Nimpha pulcherrima toto corde peramauit, cum ipsi sub quadam rupe iuxta litus maris colloquium adinuicem habuerunt, Poliphemus Gigas concussa rupe magnam inde partem super caput Acis ab alto proiciens ipsum per inuidiam interfecit. Et cum ipse super hoc dictam Galatheam rapere[544] voluisset, Neptunus Giganti obsistens ipsam inuiolatam salua custodia preseruauit. Set et[546] dii miserti corpus Acis defuncti in fontem aque dulcissime subito transmutarunt.

And for hem lacketh that thei wolde,

Thei kepte that non other scholde

Touchende of love his cause spede:

Wherof a gret ensample I rede,

P. i. 163

Which unto this matiere acordeth,

As Ovide in his bok recordeth,

How Poliphemus whilom wroghte,

Whan that he Galathee besoghte

Of love, which he mai noght lacche.

That made him forto waite and wacche 110

Be alle weies how it ferde,

Til ate laste he knew and herde

How that an other hadde leve

To love there as he mot leve,

As forto speke of eny sped:

So that he knew non other red,

Bot forto wayten upon alle,[545]

Til he may se the chance falle

That he hire love myhte grieve,

Which he himself mai noght achieve. 120

This Galathee, seith the Poete,

Above alle othre was unmete

Of beaute, that men thanne knewe,[547]

And hadde a lusti love and trewe,

A Bacheler in his degree,

Riht such an other as was sche,

On whom sche hath hire herte set,

So that it myhte noght be let

For yifte ne for no beheste,[548]

That sche ne was al at his heste. 130

This yonge knyht Acis was hote,

Which hire ayeinward als so hote

Al only loveth and nomo.

Hierof was Poliphemus wo

P. i. 164

Thurgh pure Envie, and evere aspide,

And waiteth upon every side,[549]

Whan he togedre myhte se

This yonge Acis with Galathe.

So longe he waiteth to and fro,

Til ate laste he fond hem tuo, 140

In prive place wher thei stode

To speke and have here wordes goode.

The place wher as he hem syh,

It was under a banke nyh

The grete See, and he above

Stod and behield the lusti love

Which ech of hem to other made

With goodly chiere and wordes glade,

That al his herte hath set afyre[550]

Of pure Envie: and as a fyre[551] 150

Which fleth out of a myhti bowe,

Aweie he fledde for a throwe,

As he that was for love wod,

Whan that he sih how that it stod.

This Polipheme a Geant was;

And whan he sih the sothe cas,

How Galathee him hath forsake

And Acis to hire love take,

His herte mai it noght forbere

That he ne roreth lich a Bere;[552] 160

And as it were a wilde beste,

The whom no reson mihte areste,[553]

He ran Ethna the hell aboute,

Wher nevere yit the fyr was oute,

P. i. 165

Fulfild of sorghe and gret desese,

That he syh Acis wel at ese.

Til ate laste he him bethoghte,

As he which al Envie soghte,

And torneth to the banke ayein,

Wher he with Galathee hath seyn 170

Acis, whom that he thoghte grieve,

Thogh he himself mai noght relieve.

This Geant with his ruide myht

Part of the banke he schof doun riht,

The which evene upon Acis fell,

So that with fallinge of this hell[554]

This Poliphemus Acis slowh,

Wherof sche made sorwe ynowh.

And as sche fledde fro the londe,

Neptunus tok hire into honde 180

And kept hire in so sauf a place[555]

Fro Polipheme and his manace,

That he with al his false Envie

Ne mihte atteigne hir compaignie.

This Galathee of whom I speke,

That of hirself mai noght be wreke,

Withouten eny semblant feigned

Sche hath hire loves deth compleigned,

And with hire sorwe and with hire wo

Sche hath the goddes moeved so, 190

That thei of pite and of grace

Have Acis in the same place,

Ther he lai ded, into a welle[556]

Transformed, as the bokes telle,

P. i. 166

With freisshe stremes and with cliere,

As he whilom with lusti chiere

Was freissh his love forto qweme.

And with this ruide Polipheme

For his Envie and for his hate

Thei were wrothe.

Confessor.

And thus algate, 200

Mi Sone, thou myht understonde,

That if thou wolt in grace stonde

With love, thou most leve Envie:

And as thou wolt for thi partie

Toward thi love stonde fre,

So most thou soffre an other be,

What so befalle upon the chaunce:

For it is an unwys vengance,

Which to non other man is lief,

And is unto himselve grief. 210

Amans.

Mi fader, this ensample is good;

Bot how so evere that it stod

With Poliphemes love as tho,

It schal noght stonde with me so,

To worchen eny felonie

In love for no such Envie.

Forthi if ther oght elles be,

Now axeth forth, in what degre

It is, and I me schal confesse

With schrifte unto youre holinesse. 220

[ii. JOY FOR ANOTHER MAN’S GRIEF.]

ii. Orta sibi solito mentalia gaudia liuor[557]

Dum videt alterius, dampna doloris agit.

Inuidus obridet hodie fletus aliorum,

Fletus cui proprios crastina fata parant.

P. i. 167

Sic in amore pari stat sorte iocosus, amantes[558]

Cum videt illusos, inuidus ille quasi.

Sit licet in vacuum, sperat tamen ipse leuamen

Alterius casu, lapsus et ipse simul.

Mi goode Sone, yit ther is

A vice revers unto this,

Which envious takth his gladnesse

Hic loquitur Confessor de secunda specie Inuidie, que gaudium alterius doloris dicitur, et primo eiusdem vicii materiam tractans amantis conscienciam super eodem vlterius inuestigat.

Of that he seth the hevinesse

Of othre men: for his welfare

Is whanne he wot an other care:

Of that an other hath a fall,

He thenkth himself arist withal.[559]

Such is the gladschipe of Envie

In worldes thing, and in partie 230

Fulofte times ek also

In loves cause it stant riht so.

If thou, my Sone, hast joie had,

Whan thou an other sihe unglad,

Schrif the therof.

Amans.

Mi fader, yis:

I am beknowe unto you this.

Of these lovers that loven streyte,

And for that point which thei coveite

Ben poursuiantz fro yeer to yere

In loves Court, whan I may hiere 240

How that thei clymbe upon the whel,

And whan thei wene al schal be wel,

Thei ben doun throwen ate laste,

Thanne am I fedd of that thei faste,

And lawhe of that I se hem loure;

And thus of that thei brewe soure

P. i. 168

I drinke swete, and am wel esed

Of that I wot thei ben desesed.

Bot this which I you telle hiere

Is only for my lady diere; 250

That for non other that I knowe

Me reccheth noght who overthrowe,

Ne who that stonde in love upriht:

Bot be he squier, be he knyht,

Which to my ladiward poursuieth,

The more he lest of that he suieth,

The mor me thenketh that I winne,

And am the more glad withinne

Of that I wot him sorwe endure.

For evere upon such aventure 260

It is a confort, as men sein,

Boicius. Consolacio miserorum est habere consortem in pena.

To him the which is wo besein

To sen an other in his peine,

So that thei bothe mai compleigne.

Wher I miself mai noght availe

To sen an other man travaile,

I am riht glad if he be let;

And thogh I fare noght the bet,

His sorwe is to myn herte a game:

Whan that I knowe it is the same 270

Which to mi ladi stant enclined,

And hath his love noght termined,

I am riht joifull in my thoght.

If such Envie grieveth oght,

As I beknowe me coupable,

Ye that be wys and resonable,

P. i. 169

Mi fader, telleth youre avis.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, Envie into no pris

Of such a forme, I understonde,

Ne mihte be no resoun stonde 280

For this Envie hath such a kinde,

That he wole sette himself behinde

To hindre with an othre wyht,

And gladly lese his oghne riht

To make an other lesen his.

And forto knowe how it so is,

A tale lich to this matiere

I thenke telle, if thou wolt hiere,

To schewe proprely the vice

Of this Envie and the malice. 290

[THE TRAVELLERS AND THE ANGEL.]

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum presertim contra illum, qui sponte sui ipsius detrimentum in alterius penam maiorem patitur. Et narrat quod, cum Iupiter angelum suum in forma hominis, vt hominum condiciones exploraret, ab excelso in terram misit, contigit quod ipse angelus duos homines, quorum vnus cupidus, alter inuidus erat, itinerando spacio quasi vnius diei comitabatur. Et cum sero factum esset, angelus eorum noticie seipsum tunc manifestans dixit, quod quicquid alter eorum ab ipso donari sibi pecierit, illud statim obtinebit, quod et socio suo secum comitanti affirmat duplicandum. Super quo cupidus impeditus auaricia, sperans sibi diuicias carpere[562] duplicatas, primo petere recusauit. Quod cum inuidus animaduerteret, naturam sui vicii concernens, ita vt socius suus vtroque lumine priuaretur, seipsum monoculum fieri constanter primus ab angelo postulabat. Et sic vnius inuidia alterius auariciam maculauit.

Of Jupiter this finde I write,

How whilom that he wolde wite

Upon the pleigntes whiche he herde,

Among the men how that it ferde,

As of here wrong condicion

To do justificacion:

And for that cause doun he sente

An Angel, which aboute wente,[560]

That he the sothe knowe mai.

So it befell upon a dai 300

This Angel, which him scholde enforme,

Was clothed in a mannes forme,

And overtok, I understonde,

Tuo men that wenten over londe,

Thurgh whiche he thoghte to aspie

His cause, and goth in compaignie.

P. i. 170

This Angel with hise wordes wise

Opposeth hem in sondri wise,

Now lowde wordes and now softe,

That mad hem to desputen ofte,[561] 310

And ech of hem his reson hadde.

And thus with tales he hem ladde

With good examinacioun,

Til he knew the condicioun,

What men thei were bothe tuo;

And sih wel ate laste tho,

That on of hem was coveitous,

And his fela was envious.

And thus, whan he hath knowlechinge,

Anon he feigneth departinge, 320

And seide he mot algate wende.

Bot herkne now what fell at ende:

For thanne he made hem understonde

That he was there of goddes sonde,

And seide hem, for the kindeschipe

That thei have don him felaschipe,

He wole hem do som grace ayein,

And bad that on of hem schal sein

What thing him is lievest to crave,

And he it schal of yifte have; 330

And over that ek forth withal

He seith that other have schal

The double of that his felaw axeth;

And thus to hem his grace he taxeth.

The coveitous was wonder glad,

And to that other man he bad

P. i. 171

And seith that he ferst axe scholde:

For he supposeth that he wolde

Make his axinge of worldes good;

For thanne he knew wel how it stod, 340

That he himself be double weyhte

Schal after take, and thus be sleyhte,

Be cause that he wolde winne,

He bad his fela ferst beginne.

This Envious, thogh it be late,

Whan that he syh he mot algate.[563]

Make his axinge ferst, he thoghte,

If he worschipe or profit soghte,

It schal be doubled to his fiere:

That wolde he chese in no manere. 350

Bot thanne he scheweth what he was

Toward Envie, and in this cas[564]

Unto this Angel thus he seide

And for his yifte this he preide,[565]

To make him blind of his on yhe,

So that his fela nothing syhe.

This word was noght so sone spoke,

That his on yhe anon was loke,

And his felawh forthwith also

Was blind of bothe his yhen tuo. 360

Tho was that other glad ynowh,

That on wepte, and that other lowh,

He sette his on yhe at no cost,

Wherof that other two hath lost.

Of thilke ensample which fell tho,[566]

Men tellen now fulofte so,

P. i. 172

The world empeireth comunly:

And yit wot non the cause why;

For it acordeth noght to kinde

Min oghne harm to seche and finde 370

Of that I schal my brother grieve;

It myhte nevere wel achieve.

Confessor.

What seist thou, Sone, of this folie?

Amans.

Mi fader, bot I scholde lie,

Upon the point which ye have seid

Yit was myn herte nevere leid,

Bot in the wise as I you tolde.[567]

Bot overmore, if that ye wolde[568]

Oght elles to my schrifte seie

Touchende Envie, I wolde preie. 380

Confessor.

Mi Sone, that schal wel be do:

Now herkne and ley thin Ere to.

[iii. DETRACTION.]

iii. Inuidie pars est detraccio pessima, pestem

Que magis infamem flatibus oris agit.[569]

Lingua venenato sermone repercutit auras,

Sic ut in alterius scandala fama volat.

Morsibus a tergo quos inficit ipsa fideles,

Vulneris ignoti sepe salute carent.

Set generosus amor linguam conseruat, vt eius

Verbum quod loquitur nulla sinistra gerat.

Touchende as of Envious brod

I wot noght on of alle good;

Bot natheles, suche as thei be,

Hic tractat Confessor de tercia specie Inuidie, que Detraccio dicitur, cuius morsus vipereos lesa quamsepe fama deplangit.

Yit is ther on, and that is he

Which cleped is Detraccioun.

And to conferme his accioun,

He hath withholde Malebouche,

Whos tunge neither pyl ne crouche 390

P. i. 173

Mai hyre, so that he pronounce

A plein good word withoute frounce

Awher behinde a mannes bak.

For thogh he preise, he fint som lak,

Which of his tale is ay the laste,

That al the pris schal overcaste:

And thogh ther be no cause why,

Yit wole he jangle noght forthi,

As he which hath the heraldie

Of hem that usen forto lye. 400

For as the Netle which up renneth[570]

The freisshe rede Roses brenneth

And makth hem fade and pale of hewe,

Riht so this fals Envious hewe,

In every place wher he duelleth,

With false wordes whiche he telleth

He torneth preisinge into blame

And worschipe into worldes schame.

Of such lesinge as he compasseth,[571]

Is non so good that he ne passeth 410

Betwen his teeth and is bacbited,

And thurgh his false tunge endited:

Lich to the Scharnebudes kinde,

Of whos nature this I finde,

That in the hoteste of the dai,

Whan comen is the merie Maii,

He sprat his wynge and up he fleth:

And under al aboute he seth

The faire lusti floures springe,

Bot therof hath he no likinge; 420

P. i. 174

Bot where he seth of eny beste

The felthe, ther he makth his feste,

And therupon he wole alyhte,

Ther liketh him non other sihte.

Riht so this janglere Envious,

Thogh he a man se vertuous

And full of good condicioun,

Therof makth he no mencioun:

Bot elles, be it noght so lyte,

Wherof that he mai sette a wyte, 430

Ther renneth he with open mouth,

Behinde a man and makth it couth.

Bot al the vertu which he can,

That wole he hide of every man,

And openly the vice telle,

As he which of the Scole of helle

Is tawht, and fostred with Envie

Of houshold and of compaignie,

Wher that he hath his propre office

To sette on every man a vice. 440

How so his mouth be comely,

His word sit evermore awry

And seith the worste that he may.

[DETRACTION OF LOVERS.]

And in this wise now a day

In loves Court a man mai hiere

Fulofte pleigne of this matiere,

That many envious tale is stered,

Wher that it mai noght ben ansuered;

Bot yit fulofte it is believed,

And many a worthi love is grieved 450

P. i. 175

Thurgh bacbitinge of fals Envie.

If thou have mad such janglerie

In loves Court, mi Sone, er this,

Schrif thee therof.

Hic in amoris causa huius vicii crimen ad memoriam reducens Confessor Amanti super eodem plenius opponit.

Mi fader, yis:

Bot wite ye how? noght openly,

Bot otherwhile prively,

Whan I my diere ladi mete,

And thenke how that I am noght mete

Unto hire hihe worthinesse,

And ek I se the besinesse 460

Of al this yonge lusty route,

Whiche alday pressen hire aboute,

And ech of hem his time awaiteth,

And ech of hem his tale affaiteth,

Al to deceive an innocent,

Which woll noght ben of here assent;

And for men sein unknowe unkest,[572]

Hire thombe sche holt in hire fest

So clos withinne hire oghne hond,

That there winneth noman lond; 470

Sche lieveth noght al that sche hiereth,

And thus fulofte hirself sche skiereth

And is al war of ‘hadde I wist’:—[573]

Bot for al that myn herte arist,

Whanne I thes comun lovers se,

That woll noght holden hem to thre,

Bot welnyh loven overal,

Min herte is Envious withal,

And evere I am adrad of guile,

In aunter if with eny wyle 480

P. i. 176

Thei mihte hire innocence enchaunte.

Forthi my wordes ofte I haunte

Behynden hem, so as I dar,

Wherof my ladi may be war:

I sai what evere comth to mowthe,

And worse I wolde, if that I cowthe;

For whanne I come unto hir speche,

Al that I may enquere and seche

Of such deceipte, I telle it al,

And ay the werste in special. 490

So fayn I wolde that sche wiste

How litel thei ben forto triste,

And what thei wolde and what thei mente,

So as thei be of double entente:

Thus toward hem that wicke mene

My wicked word was evere grene.

And natheles, the soth to telle,

In certain if it so befelle

That althertrewest man ybore,

To chese among a thousend score, 500

Which were alfulli forto triste,

Mi ladi lovede, and I it wiste,

Yit rathere thanne he scholde spede,

I wolde swiche tales sprede

To my ladi, if that I myhte,

That I scholde al his love unrihte,

And therto wolde I do mi peine.

For certes thogh I scholde feigne,

And telle that was nevere thoght,

For al this world I myhte noght 510

P. i. 177

To soffre an othre fully winne,

Ther as I am yit to beginne.

For be thei goode, or be thei badde,

I wolde non my ladi hadde;

And that me makth fulofte aspie

And usen wordes of Envie,

Al forto make hem bere a blame.[574]

And that is bot of thilke same,

The whiche unto my ladi drawe,

For evere on hem I rounge and gknawe 520

And hindre hem al that evere I mai;

And that is, sothly forto say,

Bot only to my lady selve:

I telle it noght to ten ne tuelve,

Therof I wol me wel avise,

To speke or jangle in eny wise

That toucheth to my ladi name,

The which in ernest and in game

I wolde save into my deth;

For me were levere lacke breth 530

Than speken of hire name amis.

Now have ye herd touchende of this,

Mi fader, in confessioun:

And therfor of Detraccioun

In love, of that I have mispoke,

Tel how ye wole it schal be wroke.

I am al redy forto bere

Mi peine, and also to forbere

What thing that ye wol noght allowe;

For who is bounden, he mot bowe. 540

P. i. 178

So wol I bowe unto youre heste,

For I dar make this beheste,

That I to yow have nothing hid,

Bot told riht as it is betid;

And otherwise of no mispeche,

Mi conscience forto seche,

I can noght of Envie finde,

That I mispoke have oght behinde

Wherof love owhte be mispaid.

Now have ye herd and I have said; 550

What wol ye, fader, that I do?

Confessor.

Mi Sone, do nomore so,

Bot evere kep thi tunge stille,

Thou miht the more have of thi wille.[575]

For as thou saist thiselven here,

Thi ladi is of such manere,

So wys, so war in alle thinge,

It nedeth of no bakbitinge

That thou thi ladi mis enforme:

For whan sche knoweth al the forme, 560

How that thiself art envious,

Thou schalt noght be so gracious

As thou peraunter scholdest elles.

Ther wol noman drinke of tho welles

Whiche as he wot is puyson inne;

And ofte swich as men beginne

Towardes othre, swich thei finde,

That set hem ofte fer behinde,

Whan that thei wene be before.

Mi goode Sone, and thou therfore 570

P. i. 179

Bewar and lef thi wicke speche,[576]

Wherof hath fallen ofte wreche

To many a man befor this time.

For who so wole his handes lime,

Thei mosten be the more unclene;

For many a mote schal be sene,

That wolde noght cleve elles there;

And that schold every wys man fere:[577]

For who so wol an other blame,

He secheth ofte his oghne schame, 580

Which elles myhte be riht stille.

Forthi if that it be thi wille

To stonde upon amendement,

A tale of gret entendement

I thenke telle for thi sake,

Wherof thou miht ensample take.

[TALE OF CONSTANCE.]

A worthi kniht in Cristes lawe

Of grete Rome, as is the sawe,

Hic loquitur Confessor contra istos in amoris causa detrahentes, qui suis obloquiis aliena solacia perturbant. Et narrat exemplum de Constancia Tiberii Rome Imparatoris filia, omnium virtutum famosissima, ob cuius amorem Soldanus tunc Persie, vt eam in vxorem ducere posset, Cristianum se fieri promisit; cuius accepta caucione consilio Pelagii tunc pape dicta filia vna cum duobus Cardinalibus aliisque Rome proceribus in Persiam maritagii causa nauigio honorifice destinata fuit:[578] que tamen obloquencium postea detraccionibus variis modis, prout inferius articulatur, absque sui culpa dolorosa fata multipliciter passa est.

The Sceptre hadde forto rihte;

Tiberie Constantin he hihte, 590

Whos wif was cleped Ytalie:

Bot thei togedre of progenie

No children hadde bot a Maide;

And sche the god so wel apaide,

That al the wide worldes fame

Spak worschipe of hire goode name.

Constance, as the Cronique seith,

Sche hihte, and was so ful of feith,

That the greteste of Barbarie,

Of hem whiche usen marchandie, 600

P. i. 180

Sche hath converted, as thei come

To hire upon a time in Rome,

To schewen such thing as thei broghte;

Whiche worthili of hem sche boghte,

And over that in such a wise

Sche hath hem with hire wordes wise

Of Cristes feith so full enformed,

That thei therto ben all conformed,

So that baptesme thei receiven

And alle here false goddes weyven. 610

Whan thei ben of the feith certein,

Thei gon to Barbarie ayein,

And ther the Souldan for hem sente

And axeth hem to what entente

Thei have here ferste feith forsake.

And thei, whiche hadden undertake

The rihte feith to kepe and holde,

The matiere of here tale tolde

With al the hole circumstance.

And whan the Souldan of Constance 620

Upon the point that thei ansuerde

The beaute and the grace herde,

As he which thanne was to wedde,

In alle haste his cause spedde

To sende for the mariage.

And furthermor with good corage

He seith, be so he mai hire have,

That Crist, which cam this world to save,

He woll believe: and this recorded,

Thei ben on either side acorded, 630

P. i. 181

And therupon to make an ende

The Souldan hise hostages sende

To Rome, of Princes Sones tuelve:

Wherof the fader in himselve

Was glad, and with the Pope avised

Tuo Cardinals he hath assissed

With othre lordes many mo,

That with his doghter scholden go,

To se the Souldan be converted.

Bot that which nevere was wel herted,

Envie, tho began travaile 640

Qualiter adueniente Constancia in Barbariam Mater Soldani, huiusmodi nupcias perturbare volens, filium suum vna cum dicta Constancia Cardinalibusque et aliis Romanis primo die ad conuiuium inuitauit; et conuescentibus illis in mensa ipsum Soldanum omnesque ibidem preter Constanciam Romanos ab insidiis latitantibus subdola detraccione interfici procurauit. Ipsamque Constanciam in quadam naui absque gubernaculo positam per altum mare ventorum flatibus agitandam in exilium[580] dirigi solam constituit.

In destourbance of this spousaile

So prively that non was war.

The Moder which this Souldan bar

Was thanne alyve, and thoghte this

Unto hirself: ‘If it so is

Mi Sone him wedde in this manere,

Than have I lost my joies hiere,

For myn astat schal so be lassed.’[579]

Thenkende thus sche hath compassed 650

Be sleihte how that sche may beguile

Hire Sone; and fell withinne a while,

Betwen hem two whan that thei were,

Sche feigneth wordes in his Ere,

And in this wise gan to seie:

‘Mi Sone, I am be double weie

With al myn herte glad and blithe,

For that miself have ofte sithe

Desired thou wolt, as men seith,

Receive and take a newe feith, 660

P. i. 182

Which schal be forthringe of thi lif:

And ek so worschipful a wif,

The doughter of an Emperour,

To wedde it schal be gret honour.

Forthi, mi Sone, I you beseche

That I such grace mihte areche,

Whan that my doughter come schal,

That I mai thanne in special,

So as me thenkth it is honeste,

Be thilke which the ferste feste 670

Schal make unto hire welcominge.’[581]

The Souldan granteth hire axinge,

And sche therof was glad ynowh:

For under that anon she drowh

With false wordes that sche spak

Covine of deth behinde his bak.

And therupon hire ordinance

She made so, that whan Constance

Was come forth with the Romeins,

Of clerkes and of Citezeins, 680

A riche feste sche hem made:

And most whan that thei weren glade,

With fals covine which sche hadde

Hire clos Envie tho sche spradde,

And alle tho that hadden be

Or in apert or in prive

Of conseil to the manage,

Sche slowh hem in a sodein rage

Endlong the bord as thei be set,

So that it myhte noght be let; 690

P. i. 183

Hire oghne Sone was noght quit,

Bot deide upon the same plit.

Bot what the hihe god wol spare

It mai for no peril misfare:

This worthi Maiden which was there

Stod thanne, as who seith, ded for feere,

To se the feste how that it stod,

Which al was torned into blod:

The Dissh forthwith the Coppe and al

Bebled thei weren overal; 700

Sche sih hem deie on every side;

No wonder thogh sche wepte and cride

Makende many a wofull mone.

Whan al was slain bot sche al one,

This olde fend, this Sarazine,

Let take anon this Constantine

With al the good sche thider broghte,

And hath ordeined, as sche thoghte,

A nakid Schip withoute stiere,

In which the good and hire in fiere,[582] 710

Vitailed full for yeres fyve,

Wher that the wynd it wolde dryve,

Sche putte upon the wawes wilde.

Bot he which alle thing mai schilde,

Qualiter nauis cum Constancia in partes[583] Anglie, que tunc pagana fuit, prope Humber sub quodam castello Regis, qui tunc Allee vocabatur, post triennium applicuit, quam quidam miles nomine Elda, dicti castelli tunc custos, e naui lete suscipiens vxori sue Hermynghelde in custodiam honorifice commendauit.

Thre yer, til that sche cam to londe,

Hire Schip to stiere hath take in honde,

And in Northumberlond aryveth;

And happeth thanne that sche dryveth

Under a Castel with the flod,

Which upon Humber banke stod 720

P. i. 184

And was the kynges oghne also,

The which Allee was cleped tho,

A Saxon and a worthi knyht,

Bot he believeth noght ariht.

Of this Castell was Chastellein

Elda the kinges Chamberlein,

A knyhtly man after his lawe;

And whan he sih upon the wawe

The Schip drivende al one so,

He bad anon men scholden go 730

To se what it betokne mai.

This was upon a Somer dai,

The Schip was loked and sche founde;

Elda withinne a litel stounde

It wiste, and with his wif anon

Toward this yonge ladi gon,

Wher that thei founden gret richesse;

Bot sche hire wolde noght confesse,

Whan thei hire axen what sche was.

And natheles upon the cas 740

Out of the Schip with gret worschipe

Thei toke hire into felaschipe,

As thei that weren of hir glade:

Bot sche no maner joie made,

Bot sorweth sore of that sche fond

No cristendom in thilke lond;

Bot elles sche hath al hire wille,

And thus with hem sche duelleth stille.

Dame Hermyngheld, which was the wif

Of Elda, lich hire oghne lif 750

Qualiter Constancia[584] Eldam[585] cum vxore sua Hermynghelda, qui antea Cristiani non extiterant, ad fidem Cristi miraculose conuertit.

P. i. 185

Constance loveth; and fell so,

Spekende alday betwen hem two,

Thurgh grace of goddes pourveance

This maiden tawhte the creance

Unto this wif so parfitly,

Upon a dai that faste by

In presence of hire housebonde,

Wher thei go walkende on the Stronde,

A blind man, which cam there lad,

Unto this wif criende he bad, 760

With bothe hise hondes up and preide

To hire, and in this wise he seide:

‘O Hermyngeld, which Cristes feith,

Enformed as Constance seith,

Received hast, yif me my sihte.’

Upon his word hire herte afflihte

Thenkende what was best to done,

Bot natheles sche herde his bone

And seide, ‘In trust of Cristes lawe,

Which don was on the crois and slawe, 770

Thou bysne man, behold and se.’

With that to god upon his kne

Thonkende he tok his sihte anon,

Wherof thei merveile everychon,

Bot Elda wondreth most of alle:

This open thing which is befalle

Concludeth him be such a weie,

That he the feith mot nede obeie.

Now lest what fell upon this thing.

Qualiter quidam miles iuuenis in amorem Constancie exardescens, pro eo quod ipsa assentire[586] noluit, eam de morte Hermynghelde, quam ipsemet noctanter interfecit, verbis detractoriis accusauit. Set Angelus domini ipsum sic detrahentem in maxilla subito percuciens non solum pro mendace comprobauit, set ictu mortali post ipsius confessionem penitus interfecit.

This Elda forth unto the king 780

P. i. 186

A morwe tok his weie and rod,

And Hermyngeld at home abod

Forth with Constance wel at ese.

Elda, which thoghte his king to plese,

As he that thanne unwedded was,

Of Constance al the pleine cas

Als goodliche as he cowthe tolde.

The king was glad and seide he wolde

Come thider upon such a wise

That he him mihte of hire avise, 790

The time apointed forth withal.

This Elda triste in special

Upon a knyht, whom fro childhode

He hadde updrawe into manhode:

To him he tolde al that he thoghte,

Wherof that after him forthoghte;

And natheles at thilke tide

Unto his wif he bad him ride

To make redi alle thing

Ayein the cominge of the king, 800

And seith that he himself tofore

Thenkth forto come, and bad therfore

That he him kepe, and told him whanne.[587]

This knyht rod forth his weie thanne;

And soth was that of time passed

He hadde in al his wit compassed

How he Constance myhte winne;

Bot he sih tho no sped therinne,

Wherof his lust began tabate,

And that was love is thanne hate; 810

P. i. 187

Of hire honour he hadde Envie,

So that upon his tricherie

A lesinge in his herte he caste.

Til he cam home he hieth faste,

And doth his ladi tunderstonde[588]

The Message of hire housebonde:

And therupon the longe dai

Thei setten thinges in arrai,

That al was as it scholde be

Of every thing in his degree; 820

And whan it cam into the nyht,

This wif hire hath to bedde dyht,

Wher that this Maiden with hire lay.

This false knyht upon delay

Hath taried til thei were aslepe,

As he that wolde his time kepe

His dedly werkes to fulfille;

And to the bed he stalketh stille,

Wher that he wiste was the wif,

And in his hond a rasour knif 830

He bar, with which hire throte he cutte,

And prively the knif he putte

Under that other beddes side,[589]

Wher that Constance lai beside.

Elda cam hom the same nyht,

And stille with a prive lyht,

As he that wolde noght awake

His wif, he hath his weie take

Into the chambre, and ther liggende

He fond his dede wif bledende, 840

P. i. 188

Wher that Constance faste by

Was falle aslepe; and sodeinly

He cride alowd, and sche awok,

And forth withal sche caste a lok[590]

And sih this ladi blede there,

Wherof swounende ded for fere

Sche was, and stille as eny Ston

She lay, and Elda therupon

Into the Castell clepeth oute,

And up sterte every man aboute, 850

Into the chambre and forth thei wente.

Bot he, which alle untrouthe mente,

This false knyht, among hem alle

Upon this thing which is befalle

Seith that Constance hath don this dede;

And to the bed with that he yede

After the falshed of his speche,

And made him there forto seche,

And fond the knif, wher he it leide,

And thanne he cride and thanne he seide,[591] 860

‘Lo, seth the knif al blody hiere!

What nedeth more in this matiere

To axe?’ And thus hire innocence

He sclaundreth there in audience

With false wordes whiche he feigneth.

Bot yit for al that evere he pleigneth,

Elda no full credence tok:

And happeth that ther lay a bok,

Upon the which, whan he it sih,

This knyht hath swore and seid on hih, 870

P. i. 189

That alle men it mihte wite,

‘Now be this bok, which hier is write,

Constance is gultif, wel I wot.’

With that the hond of hevene him smot

In tokne of that he was forswore,

That he hath bothe hise yhen lore,

Out of his hed the same stounde

Thei sterte, and so thei weren founde.

A vois was herd, whan that they felle,

Which seide, ‘O dampned man to helle, 880

Lo, thus hath god the sclaundre wroke

That thou ayein Constance hast spoke:[592]

Beknow the sothe er that thou dye.’

And he told out his felonie,[593]

And starf forth with his tale anon.

Into the ground, wher alle gon,

This dede lady was begrave:

Elda, which thoghte his honour save,

Al that he mai restreigneth sorwe.

For the seconde day a morwe 890

Qualiter Rex Allee ad fidem Cristi conuersus baptismum recepit et Constanciam super hoc leto animo desponsauit; que tamen qualis vel vnde fuit alicui nullo modo fatebatur. Et cum infra breue postea a domino suo impregnata fuisset, ipse ad debellandum cum Scotis iter arripuit, et ibidem super guerras aliquamdiu permansit.

The king cam, as thei were acorded;

And whan it was to him recorded

What god hath wroght upon this chaunce,

He tok it into remembrance

And thoghte more than he seide.

For al his hole herte he leide

Upon Constance, and seide he scholde

For love of hire, if that sche wolde,

Baptesme take and Cristes feith

Believe, and over that he seith 900

P. i. 190

He wol hire wedde, and upon this

Asseured ech til other is.

And forto make schorte tales,

Ther cam a Bisschop out of Wales

Fro Bangor, and Lucie he hihte,

Which thurgh the grace of god almihte

The king with many an other mo

Hath cristned, and betwen hem tuo

He hath fulfild the mariage.

Bot for no lust ne for no rage 910

Sche tolde hem nevere what sche was;

And natheles upon the cas[594]

The king was glad, how so it stod,

For wel he wiste and understod

Sche was a noble creature.

The hihe makere of nature

Hire hath visited in a throwe,

That it was openliche knowe

Sche was with childe be the king,

Wherof above al other thing 920

He thonketh god and was riht glad.

And fell that time he was bestad

Upon a werre and moste ride;

And whil he scholde there abide,

He lefte at hom to kepe his wif[595]

Suche as he knew of holi lif,

Elda forth with the Bisschop eke;

And he with pouer goth to seke

Ayein the Scottes forto fonde

The werre which he tok on honde. 930

P. i. 191

The time set of kinde is come,

Qualiter Regina Constancia infantem masculum, quem in baptismo Mauricium vocant, Rege absente enixa est. Set inuida Regis mater Domilda super isto facto condolens litteris mendacibus Regi certificauit quod[596] vxor sua demoniaci et non[597] humani generis quoddam monstrosum fantasma loco geniture ad ortum produxit; huiusmodique detraccionibus aduersus Constanciam in tanto procurauit, quod ipsa in nauim, qua prius venerat, iterum ad exilium vna cum suo partu remissa desolabatur.[598]

This lady hath hire chambre nome,

And of a Sone bore full,

Wherof that sche was joiefull,

Sche was delivered sauf and sone.

The bisshop, as it was to done,

Yaf him baptesme and Moris calleth;

And therupon, as it befalleth,

With lettres writen of record

Thei sende unto here liege lord, 940

That kepers weren of the qweene:

And he that scholde go betwene,

The Messager, to Knaresburgh,

Which toun he scholde passe thurgh,

Ridende cam the ferste day.

The kinges Moder there lay,

Whos rihte name was Domilde,

Which after al the cause spilde:

For he, which thonk deserve wolde,[599]

Unto this ladi goth and tolde 950

Of his Message al how it ferde.[600]

And sche with feigned joie it herde

And yaf him yiftes largely,

Bot in the nyht al prively

Sche tok the lettres whiche he hadde,

Fro point to point and overradde,

As sche that was thurghout untrewe,[601]

And let do wryten othre newe

In stede of hem, and thus thei spieke:

Prima littera in commendacionem Constancie ab Episcopo Regi missa per Domildam in contrarium falsata.

‘Oure liege lord, we thee beseke 960

P. i. 192

That thou with ous ne be noght wroth,[602]

Though we such thing as is thee loth[603]

Upon oure trowthe certefie.

Thi wif, which is of faierie,

Of such a child delivered is

Fro kinde which stant al amis:

Bot for it scholde noght be seie,

We have it kept out of the weie

For drede of pure worldes schame,

A povere child and in the name 970

Of thilke which is so misbore

We toke, and therto we be swore,

That non bot only thou and we

Schal knowen of this privete:

Moris it hatte, and thus men wene

That it was boren of the qweene

And of thin oghne bodi gete.

Bot this thing mai noght be foryete,

That thou ne sende ous word anon

What is thi wille therupon.’ 980

This lettre, as thou hast herd devise,

Was contrefet in such a wise

That noman scholde it aperceive:

And sche, which thoghte to deceive,

It leith wher sche that other tok.

This Messager, whan he awok,

And wiste nothing how it was,

Aros and rod the grete pas

And tok this lettre to the king.

And whan he sih this wonder thing, 990

P. i. 193

He makth the Messager no chiere,

Bot natheles in wys manere

He wrot ayein, and yaf hem charge[604]

That thei ne soffre noght at large

His wif to go, bot kepe hire stille,

Til thei have herd mor of his wille.

This Messager was yifteles,

Bot with this lettre natheles,

Or be him lief or be him loth,

In alle haste ayein he goth 1000

Be Knaresburgh, and as he wente,

Unto the Moder his entente

Of that he fond toward the king

He tolde; and sche upon this thing

Seith that he scholde abide al nyht

And made him feste and chiere ariht,

Feignende as thogh sche cowthe him thonk.

Bot he with strong wyn which he dronk

Forth with the travail of the day[605]

Was drunke, aslepe and while he lay, 1010

Sche hath hise lettres overseie

And formed in an other weie.

Ther was a newe lettre write,

Secunda littera per Regem Episcopo remissa a Domilda iterum falsata.

Which seith: ‘I do you forto wite,

That thurgh the conseil of you tuo

I stonde in point to ben undo,

As he which is a king deposed.

For every man it hath supposed,

How that my wif Constance is faie;

And if that I, thei sein, delaie[606] 1020

P. i. 194

To put hire out of compaignie,[607]

The worschipe of my Regalie

Is lore; and over this thei telle,

Hire child schal noght among hem duelle,

To cleymen eny heritage.

So can I se non avantage,

Bot al is lost, if sche abide:

Forthi to loke on every side

Toward the meschief as it is,

I charge you and bidde this, 1030

That ye the same Schip vitaile,

In which that sche tok arivaile,

Therinne and putteth bothe tuo,

Hireself forthwith hire child also,

And so forth broght unto the depe

Betaketh hire the See to kepe.

Of foure daies time I sette,

That ye this thing no longer lette,

So that your lif be noght forsfet.’

And thus this lettre contrefet 1040

The Messager, which was unwar,

Upon the kingeshalve bar,

And where he scholde it hath betake.

Bot whan that thei have hiede take,

And rad that writen is withinne,[608]

So gret a sorwe thei beginne,

As thei here oghne Moder sihen

Brent in a fyr before here yhen:[609]

Ther was wepinge and ther was wo,

Bot finaly the thing is do. 1050

P. i. 195

Upon the See thei have hire broght,

Bot sche the cause wiste noght,

And thus upon the flod thei wone,

This ladi with hire yonge Sone:

And thanne hire handes to the hevene

Sche strawhte, and with a milde stevene

Knelende upon hire bare kne

Sche seide, ‘O hihe mageste,

Which sest the point of every trowthe,

Tak of thi wofull womman rowthe 1060

And of this child that I schal kepe.’

And with that word sche gan to wepe,

Swounende as ded, and ther sche lay;[610]

Bot he which alle thinges may

Conforteth hire, and ate laste

Sche loketh and hire yhen caste[611]

Upon hire child and seide this:

‘Of me no maner charge it is

What sorwe I soffre, bot of thee

Me thenkth it is a gret pite,[612] 1070

For if I sterve thou schalt deie:[613]

So mot I nedes be that weie

For Moderhed and for tendresse

With al myn hole besinesse

Ordeigne me for thilke office,

As sche which schal be thi Norrice.’

Thus was sche strengthed forto stonde;

And tho sche tok hire child in honde

And yaf it sowke, and evere among

Sche wepte, and otherwhile song 1080

P. i. 196

To rocke with hire child aslepe:

And thus hire oghne child to kepe

Sche hath under the goddes cure.

And so fell upon aventure,

Qualiter Nauis Constancie post biennium in partes Hispanie superioris inter Sarazenos iactabatur, a quorum manibus deus ipsam conseruans graciosissime liberauit.[614]

Whan thilke yer hath mad his ende,

Hire Schip, so as it moste wende

Thurgh strengthe of wynd which god hath yive,

Estward was into Spaigne drive

Riht faste under a Castell wall,

Wher that an hethen Amirall 1090

Was lord, and he a Stieward hadde,

Oon Theloüs, which al was badde,

A fals knyht and a renegat.

He goth to loke in what astat

The Schip was come, and there he fond

Forth with a child upon hire hond

This lady, wher sche was al one.

He tok good hiede of the persone,

And sih sche was a worthi wiht,

And thoghte he wolde upon the nyht 1100

Demene hire at his oghne wille,[615]

And let hire be therinne stille,

That mo men sih sche noght that dai.[616]

At goddes wille and thus sche lai,

Unknowe what hire schal betide;

And fell so that be nyhtes tide

This knyht withoute felaschipe

Hath take a bot and cam to Schipe,

And thoghte of hire his lust to take,

And swor, if sche him daunger make, 1110

P. i. 197

That certeinly sche scholde deie.

Sche sih ther was non other weie,

And seide he scholde hire wel conforte,

That he ferst loke out ate porte,

That noman were nyh the stede,

Which myhte knowe what thei dede,

And thanne he mai do what he wolde.

He was riht glad that sche so tolde,

And to the porte anon he ferde:

Sche preide god, and he hire herde,[617] 1120

And sodeinliche he was out throwe

And dreynt, and tho began to blowe

A wynd menable fro the lond,[618]

And thus the myhti goddes hond

Hire hath conveied and defended.

And whan thre yer be full despended,

Qualiter nauicula Constancie quodam die per altum mare vagans[619] inter copiosam Nauium multitudinem dilapsa est, quarum Arcennus Romanorum Consul, Dux et Capitaneus ipsam ignotam suscipiens vsque ad Romam secum perduxit; vbi equalem vxori sue Helene permansuram reuerenter associauit, necnon et eiusdem filium Mauricium in omni habundancia quasi proprium educauit.[620]

Hire Schip was drive upon a dai,

Wher that a gret Navye lay

Of Schipes, al the world at ones:

And as god wolde for the nones, 1130

Hire Schip goth in among hem alle,

And stinte noght, er it be falle[621]

And hath the vessell undergete,[622]

Which Maister was of al the Flete,

Bot there it resteth and abod.

This grete Schip on Anker rod;

The Lord cam forth, and whan he sih

That other ligge abord so nyh,

He wondreth what it myhte be,

And bad men to gon in and se.[623] 1140

P. i. 198

This ladi tho was crope aside,

As sche that wolde hireselven hide,

For sche ne wiste what thei were:

Thei soghte aboute and founde hir there

And broghten up hire child and hire;

And therupon this lord to spire

Began, fro whenne that sche cam,

And what sche was. Quod sche, ‘I am

A womman wofully bestad.

I hadde a lord, and thus he bad, 1150

That I forth with my litel Sone[624]

Upon the wawes scholden wone,

Bot why the cause was, I not:

Bot he which alle thinges wot

Yit hath, I thonke him, of his miht

Mi child and me so kept upriht,

That we be save bothe tuo.’

This lord hire axeth overmo[625]

How sche believeth, and sche seith,

‘I lieve and triste in Cristes feith, 1160

Which deide upon the Rode tree.’

‘What is thi name?’ tho quod he.

‘Mi name is Couste,’ sche him seide:

Bot forthermor for noght he preide

Of hire astat to knowe plein,

Sche wolde him nothing elles sein

Bot of hir name, which sche feigneth;

Alle othre thinges sche restreigneth,

That a word more sche ne tolde.[626]

This lord thanne axeth if sche wolde 1170

P. i. 199

With him abide in compaignie,

And seide he cam fro Barbarie

To Romeward, and hom he wente.

Tho sche supposeth what it mente,

And seith sche wolde with him wende

And duelle unto hire lyves ende,

Be so it be to his plesance.

And thus upon here aqueintance[627]

He tolde hire pleinly as it stod,

Of Rome how that the gentil blod 1180

In Barbarie was betraied,

And therupon he hath assaied

Be werre, and taken such vengance,

That non of al thilke alliance,[628]

Be whom the tresoun was compassed,

Is from the swerd alyve passed;

Bot of Constance hou it was,

That cowthe he knowe be no cas,

Wher sche becam, so as he seide.[629]

Hire Ere unto his word sche leide, 1190

Bot forther made sche no chiere.[630]

And natheles in this matiere

It happeth thilke time so:[631]

This Lord, with whom sche scholde go,

Of Rome was the Senatour,

And of hir fader themperour

His brother doughter hath to wyve,

Which hath hir fader ek alyve,

And was Salustes cleped tho;

This wif Heleine hihte also,[632] 1200

P. i. 200

To whom Constance was Cousine.

Thus to the sike a medicine

Hath god ordeined of his grace,

That forthwith in the same place

This Senatour his trowthe plihte,

For evere, whil he live mihte,

To kepe in worschipe and in welthe,

Be so that god wol yive hire helthe,

This ladi, which fortune him sende.

And thus be Schipe forth sailende 1210

Hire and hir child to Rome he broghte,

And to his wif tho he besoghte

To take hire into compaignie:

And sche, which cowthe of courtesie

Al that a good wif scholde konne,

Was inly glad that sche hath wonne

The felaschip of so good on.[633]

Til tuelve yeres were agon,

This Emperoures dowhter Custe

Forth with the dowhter of Saluste 1220

Was kept, bot noman redily

Knew what sche was, and noght forthi

Thei thoghten wel sche hadde be

In hire astat of hih degre,

And every lif hire loveth wel.

Now herke how thilke unstable whel,[634]

Qualiter Rex Allee inita pace cum Scotis a guerris rediens et non inuenta vxore sua causam exilii diligencius perscrutans, cum Matrem suam Domildam inde culpabilem sciuisset, ipsam in igne proiciens comburi fecit.

Which evere torneth, wente aboute.

The king Allee, whil he was oute,

As thou tofore hast herd this cas,

Deceived thurgh his Moder was: 1230

Bot whan that he cam hom ayein,

He axeth of his Chamberlein

P. i. 201

And of the Bisschop ek also,

Wher thei the qweene hadden do.

And thei answerde, there he bad,

And have him thilke lettre rad,

Which he hem sende for warant,[635]

And tolde him pleinli as it stant,

And sein, it thoghte hem gret pite

To se so worthi on as sche, 1240

With such a child as ther was bore,

So sodeinly to be forlore.

He axeth hem what child that were;

And thei him seiden, that naghere,

In al the world thogh men it soghte,[636]

Was nevere womman that forth broghte

A fairer child than it was on.

And thanne he axede hem anon,

Whi thei ne hadden write so:

Thei tolden, so thei hadden do. 1250

He seide, ‘Nay.’ Thei seiden, ‘Yis.’

The lettre schewed rad it is,

Which thei forsoken everidel.

Tho was it understonde wel

That ther is tresoun in the thing:

The Messager tofore the king

Was broght and sodeinliche opposed;

And he, which nothing hath supposed[637]

Bot alle wel, began to seie

That he nagher upon the weie 1260

Abod, bot only in a stede;

And cause why that he so dede

P. i. 202

Was, as he wente to and fro,

At Knaresburgh be nyhtes tuo

The kinges Moder made him duelle.

And whan the king it herde telle,

Withinne his herte he wiste als faste

The treson which his Moder caste;

And thoghte he wolde noght abide,

Bot forth riht in the same tide 1270

He tok his hors and rod anon.

With him ther riden manion,

To Knaresburgh and forth thei wente,

And lich the fyr which tunder hente,

In such a rage, as seith the bok,

His Moder sodeinliche he tok

And seide unto hir in this wise:

‘O beste of helle, in what juise

Hast thou deserved forto deie,

That hast so falsly put aweie 1280

With tresoun of thi bacbitinge

The treweste at my knowlechinge

Of wyves and the most honeste?

Bot I wol make this beheste,

I schal be venged er I go.’[638]

And let a fyr do make tho,

And bad men forto caste hire inne:

Bot ferst sche tolde out al the sinne,

And dede hem alle forto wite

How sche the lettres hadde write, 1290

Fro point to point as it was wroght.

And tho sche was to dethe broght

P. i. 203

And brent tofore hire Sones yhe:

Wherof these othre, whiche it sihe

And herden how the cause stod,

Sein that the juggement is good,

Of that hir Sone hire hath so served;

For sche it hadde wel deserved

Thurgh tresoun of hire false tunge,

Which thurgh the loud was after sunge, 1300

Constance and every wiht compleigneth.

Bot he, whom alle we distreigneth,

This sorghfull king, was so bestad,[639]

That he schal nevermor be glad,

He seith, eftsone forto wedde,

Til that he wiste how that sche spedde,

Which hadde ben his ferste wif:

And thus his yonge unlusti lif

He dryveth forth so as he mai.

Til it befell upon a dai, 1310

Qualiter post lapsum xii. annorum Rex Allee absolucionis causa Romam proficiscens vxorem suam Constanciam vna cum filio suo diuina prouidencia ibidem letus inuenit.

Whan he hise werres hadde achieved,

And thoghte he wolde be relieved

Of Soule hele upon the feith

Which he hath take, thanne he seith

That he to Rome in pelrinage

Wol go, wher Pope was Pelage,

To take his absolucioun.

And upon this condicioun

He made Edwyn his lieutenant,

Which heir to him was apparant, 1320

That he the lond in his absence

Schal reule: and thus be providence

P. i. 204

Of alle thinges wel begon

He tok his leve and forth is gon.

Elda, which tho was with him there,

Er thei fulliche at Rome were,

Was sent tofore to pourveie;

And he his guide upon the weie,[640]

In help to ben his herbergour,

Hath axed who was Senatour, 1330

That he his name myhte kenne.

Of Capadoce, he seide, Arcenne

He hihte, and was a worthi kniht.

To him goth Elda tho forth riht

And tolde him of his lord tidinge,

And preide that for his comynge

He wolde assigne him herbergage;

And he so dede of good corage.

Whan al is do that was to done,

The king himself cam after sone. 1340

This Senatour, whan that he com,

To Couste and to his wif at hom

Hath told how such a king Allee[641]

Of gret array to the Citee

Was come, and Couste upon his tale

With herte clos and colour pale

Aswoune fell, and he merveileth

So sodeinly what thing hire eyleth,

And cawhte hire up, and whan sche wok,

Sche syketh with a pitous lok 1350

And feigneth seknesse of the See;

Bot it was for the king Allee,

P. i. 205

For joie which fell in hire thoght[642]

That god him hath to toune broght.

This king hath spoke with the Pope

And told al that he cowthe agrope,[643]

What grieveth in his conscience;

And thanne he thoghte in reverence

Of his astat, er that he wente,

To make a feste, and thus he sente 1360

Unto the Senatour to come

Upon the morwe and othre some,

To sitte with him at the mete.[644]

This tale hath Couste noght foryete,

Bot to Moris hire Sone tolde

That he upon the morwe scholde

In al that evere he cowthe and mihte

Be present in the kinges sihte,

So that the king him ofte sihe.

Moris tofore the kinges yhe 1370

Upon the morwe, wher he sat,

Fulofte stod, and upon that

The king his chiere upon him caste,

And in his face him thoghte als faste

He sih his oghne wif Constance;

For nature as in resemblance

Of face hem liketh so to clothe,

That thei were of a suite bothe.[645]

The king was moeved in his thoght

Of that he seth, and knoweth it noght; 1380

This child he loveth kindely,

And yit he wot no cause why.

P. i. 206

Bot wel he sih and understod

That he toward Arcenne stod,

And axeth him anon riht there,

If that this child his Sone were.

He seide, ‘Yee, so I him calle,

And wolde it were so befalle,

Bot it is al in other wise.’

And tho began he to devise 1390

How he the childes Moder fond

Upon the See from every lond

Withinne a Schip was stiereles,

And how this ladi helpeles

Forth with hir child he hath forthdrawe.

The king hath understonde his sawe,

The childes name and axeth tho,

And what the Moder hihte also

That he him wolde telle he preide.

‘Moris this child is hote,’ he seide, 1400

‘His Moder hatte Couste, and this

I not what maner name it is.’

But Allee wiste wel ynowh,

Wherof somdiel smylende he lowh;

For Couste in Saxoun is to sein

Constance upon the word Romein.

Bot who that cowthe specefie

What tho fell in his fantasie,

And how his wit aboute renneth

Upon the love in which he brenneth, 1410

It were a wonder forto hiere:

For he was nouther ther ne hiere,[646]

P. i. 207

Bot clene out of himself aweie,

That he not what to thenke or seie,

So fain he wolde it were sche.

Wherof his hertes privete

Began the werre of yee and nay,

The which in such balance lay,

That contenance for a throwe

He loste, til he mihte knowe 1420

The sothe: bot in his memoire

The man which lith in purgatoire

Desireth noght the hevene more,

That he ne longeth al so sore

To wite what him schal betide.

And whan the bordes were aside

And every man was rise aboute,

The king hath weyved al the route,

And with the Senatour al one

He spak and preide him of a bone, 1430

To se this Couste, wher sche duelleth

At hom with him, so as he telleth.

The Senatour was wel appaied,

This thing no lengere is delaied,[647]

To se this Couste goth the king;

And sche was warned of the thing,

And with Heleine forth sche cam

Ayein the king, and he tho nam

Good hiede, and whan he sih his wif,

Anon with al his hertes lif 1440

He cawhte hire in his arm and kiste.[648]

Was nevere wiht that sih ne wiste

P. i. 208

A man that more joie made,

Wherof thei weren alle glade

Whiche herde tellen of this chance.[649]

This king tho with his wif Constance,

Which hadde a gret part of his wille,[650]

In Rome for a time stille

Abod and made him wel at ese:

Bot so yit cowthe he nevere plese 1450

His wif, that sche him wolde sein

Of hire astat the trowthe plein,

Of what contre that sche was bore,

Ne what sche was, and yit therfore

With al his wit he hath don sieke.

Thus as they lihe abedde and spieke,

Sche preide him and conseileth bothe,

That for the worschipe of hem bothe,[651]

So as hire thoghte it were honeste,[652]

He wolde an honourable feste 1460

Make, er he wente, in the Cite,[653]

Wher themperour himself schal be:

He graunteth al that sche him preide.

Bot as men in that time seide,

This Emperour fro thilke day

That ferst his dowhter wente away

He was thanne after nevere glad;

Bot what that eny man him bad[654]

Of grace for his dowhter sake,

That grace wolde he noght forsake; 1470

And thus ful gret almesse he dede,

Wherof sche hadde many a bede.[655]

P. i. 209

This Emperour out of the toun

Qualiter Constancia, que antea per totum tempus exilii sui penes omnes incognitam se celauit, tunc demum patri suo Imperatori seipsam per omnia manifestauit: quod cum Rex Allee sciuisset, vna cum vniuersa Romanorum multitudine inestimabili gaudio admirantes cunctipotentem laudarunt.

Withinne a ten mile enviroun,

Where as it thoghte him for the beste,

Hath sondry places forto reste;

And as fortune wolde tho,

He was duellende at on of tho.

The king Allee forth with thassent[656]

Of Couste his wif hath thider sent 1480

Moris his Sone, as he was taght,

To themperour and he goth straght,

And in his fader half besoghte,[657]

As he which his lordschipe soghte,[658]

That of his hihe worthinesse

He wolde do so gret meknesse,

His oghne toun to come and se,

And yive a time in the cite,

So that his fader mihte him gete

That he wolde ones with him ete. 1490

This lord hath granted his requeste;

And whan the dai was of the feste,

In worschipe of here Emperour

The king and ek the Senatour

Forth with here wyves bothe tuo,[659]

With many a lord and lady mo,

On horse riden him ayein;

Til it befell, upon a plein

Thei sihen wher he was comende.

With that Constance anon preiende 1500

Spak to hir lord that he abyde,

So that sche mai tofore ryde,

P. i. 210

To ben upon his bienvenue

The ferste which schal him salue;

And thus after hire lordes graunt

Upon a Mule whyt amblaunt

Forth with a fewe rod this qweene.

Thei wondren what sche wolde mene,

And riden after softe pas;

Bot whan this ladi come was 1510

To themperour, in his presence

Sche seide alowd in audience,

‘Mi lord, mi fader, wel you be!

And of this time that I se

Youre honour and your goode hele,

Which is the helpe of my querele,

I thonke unto the goddes myht.’

For joie his herte was affliht

Of that sche tolde in remembrance;

And whanne he wiste it was Constance, 1520

Was nevere fader half so blithe.

Wepende he keste hire ofte sithe,

So was his herte al overcome;

For thogh his Moder were come

Fro deth to lyve out of the grave,

He mihte nomor wonder have

Than he hath whan that he hire sih.

With that hire oghne lord cam nyh

And is to themperour obeied;

Bot whan the fortune is bewreied, 1530

How that Constance is come aboute,

So hard an herte was non oute,

P. i. 211

That he for pite tho ne wepte.

Arcennus, which hire fond and kepte,

Was thanne glad of that is falle,

So that with joie among hem alle

Thei riden in at Rome gate.

This Emperour thoghte al to late,

Til that the Pope were come,[660]

And of the lordes sende some 1540

To preie him that he wolde haste:

And he cam forth in alle haste,

And whan that he the tale herde,[661]

How wonderly this chance ferde,

He thonketh god of his miracle,

To whos miht mai be non obstacle:

The king a noble feste hem made,

And thus thei weren alle glade.

A parlement, er that thei wente,

Thei setten unto this entente, 1550

To puten Rome in full espeir

That Moris was apparant heir

And scholde abide with hem stille,

For such was al the londes wille.

Whan every thing was fulli spoke,

Qualiter Mauricius cum Imperatore vt heres Imperii remansit, et Rex Allee cum Constancia in Angliam regressi sunt.

Of sorwe and queint was al the smoke,

Tho tok his leve Allee the king,

And with full many a riche thing,

Which themperour him hadde yive,

He goth a glad lif forto live; 1560

For he Constance hath in his hond,

Which was the confort of his lond.

P. i. 212

For whan that he cam hom ayein,

Ther is no tunge it mihte sein

What joie was that ilke stounde

Of that he hath his qweene founde,

Which ferst was sent of goddes sonde,

Whan sche was drive upon the Stronde,[662]

Be whom the misbelieve of Sinne

Was left, and Cristes feith cam inne 1570

To hem that whilom were blinde.

Bot he which hindreth every kinde

Qualiter Rex Allee post biennium in Anglia humane carnis resolucionem subiens nature debitum persoluit, post cuius obitum Constancia cum patre suo Rome se transtulit moraturam.

And for no gold mai be forboght,

The deth comende er he be soght,[663]

Tok with this king such aqueintance,

That he with al his retenance

Ne mihte noght defende his lif;[664]

And thus he parteth from his wif,

Which thanne made sorwe ynowh.

And therupon hire herte drowh 1580

To leven Engelond for evere

And go wher that sche hadde levere,[665]

To Rome, whenne that sche cam:

And thus of al the lond sche nam

Hir leve, and goth to Rome ayein.

And after that the bokes sein,

She was noght there bot a throwe,

Whan deth of kinde hath overthrowe

De morte Imperatoris.

Hir worthi fader, which men seide

That he betwen hire armes deide. 1590

And afterward the yer suiende

De morte Constancie.

The god hath mad of hire an ende,

P. i. 213

And fro this worldes faierie

Hath take hire into compaignie.

De coronacione Mauricii, qui adhuc in Cronicis Mauricius Imperator Cristianissimus nuncupatus est.

Moris hir Sone was corouned,

Which so ferforth was abandouned

To Cristes feith, that men him calle

Moris the cristeneste of alle.

And thus the wel meninge of love[666]

Was ate laste set above; 1600

And so as thou hast herd tofore,

The false tunges weren lore,

Whiche upon love wolden lie.

Forthi touchende of this Envie

Which longeth unto bacbitinge,

Be war thou make no lesinge

In hindringe of an other wiht:

And if thou wolt be tawht ariht

What meschief bakbitinge doth

Be other weie, a tale soth 1610

Now miht thou hiere next suiende,

Which to this vice is acordende.

[DEMETRIUS AND PERSEUS.]

In a Cronique, as thou schalt wite,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos detractores, qui in alterius vituperium mendacia confingentes diffamacionem fieri procurant. Et narrat qualiter Perseus, Philippi Regis Macedonie filius, Demetrio fratri suo ob eius probitatem inuidens, composito detraccionis mendacio ipsum apud patrem suum mortaliter accusauit, dicens quod ipse non solum patrem set et totum Macedonie regnum Romanis hostibus proditorie vendidisset: quem super hoc in iudicium producens, testibus que iudicibus auro subornatis, quamuis falsissime morte condempnatum euicit: quo defuncto eciam et pater infra breue postea mortuus est. Et sic Perseo successiue regnante deus huiusmodi detraccionis inuidiam abhorrens ipsum cum vniuersa suorum pugnatorum multitudine extra Danubii fluuium ab Emilio tunc Romanorum Consule euentu bellico interfici fortunauit. Ita quod ab illo die Macedonie potestas penitus destructa Romano Imperio subiugata deseruiuit, et eius detraccio, quam contra alium conspirauerat, in sui ipsius diffamacionem pro perpetuo diuulgata consistit.

A gret ensample I finde write,

Which I schal telle upon this thing.

Philippe of Macedoyne kyng

Two Sones hadde be his wif,

Whos fame is yit in Grece rif:[667]

Demetrius the ferste brother

Was hote, and Perseüs that other. 1620

Demetrius men seiden tho

The betre knyht was of the tuo,

P. i. 214

To whom the lond was entendant,[668]

As he which heir was apparant

To regne after his fader dai:

Bot that thing which no water mai

Quenche in this world, bot evere brenneth,

Into his brother herte it renneth,

The proude Envie of that he sih

His brother scholde clymbe on hih, 1630

And he to him mot thanne obeie:[669]

That may he soffre be no weie.

With strengthe dorst he nothing fonde,

So tok he lesinge upon honde,

Whan he sih time and spak therto.

For it befell that time so,

His fader grete werres hadde

With Rome, whiche he streite ladde

Thurgh mihty hond of his manhode,

As he which hath ynowh knihthode,[670] 1640

And ofte hem hadde sore grieved.

Bot er the werre were achieved,

As he was upon ordinance

At hom in Grece, it fell per chance,[671]

Demetrius, which ofte aboute

Ridende was, stod that time oute,

So that this Perse in his absence,

Which bar the tunge of pestilence,

With false wordes whiche he feigneth

Upon his oghne brother pleigneth 1650

In privete behinde his bak,

And to his fader thus he spak:

P. i. 215

‘Mi diere fader, I am holde

Be weie of kinde, as resoun wolde,

That I fro yow schal nothing hide,

Which mihte torne in eny side

Of youre astat into grevance:

Forthi myn hertes obeissance

Towardes you I thenke kepe;

For it is good ye take kepe 1660

Upon a thing which is me told.

Mi brother hath ous alle sold

To hem of Rome, and you also;

For thanne they behote him so,

That he with hem schal regne in pes.

Thus hath he cast for his encress

That youre astat schal go to noght;

And this to proeve schal be broght

So ferforth, that I undertake[672]

It schal noght wel mow be forsake.’ 1670

The king upon this tale ansuerde

And seide, if this thing which he herde

Be soth and mai be broght to prove,

‘It schal noght be to his behove,

Which so hath schapen ous the werste,[673]

For he himself schal be the ferste

That schal be ded, if that I mai.’

Thus afterward upon a dai,[674]

Whan that Demetrius was come,

Anon his fader hath him nome, 1680

And bad unto his brother Perse

That he his tale schal reherse

P. i. 216

Of thilke tresoun which he tolde.

And he, which al untrowthe wolde,

Conseileth that so hih a nede

Be treted wher as it mai spede,

In comun place of juggement.

The king therto yaf his assent,

Demetrius was put in hold,

Wherof that Perseüs was bold. 1690

Thus stod the trowthe under the charge,

And the falshede goth at large,

Which thurgh beheste hath overcome

The greteste of the lordes some,

That privelich of his acord

Thei stonde as witnesse of record:

The jugge was mad favorable:

Thus was the lawe deceivable

So ferforth that the trowthe fond

Rescousse non, and thus the lond 1700

Forth with the king deceived were.

The gulteles was dampned there

And deide upon accusement:

Bot such a fals conspirement,

Thogh it be prive for a throwe,

Godd wolde noght it were unknowe;[675]

And that was afterward wel proved[676]

In him which hath the deth controved.

Of that his brother was so slain

This Perseüs was wonder fain, 1710

As he that tho was apparant,[677]

Upon the Regne and expectant;

P. i. 217

Wherof he wax so proud and vein,

That he his fader in desdeign

Hath take and set of non acompte,

As he which thoghte him to surmonte;

That wher he was ferst debonaire,

He was tho rebell and contraire,

And noght as heir bot as a king

He tok upon him alle thing 1720

Of malice and of tirannie

In contempt of the Regalie,

Livende his fader, and so wroghte,

That whan the fader him bethoghte

And sih to whether side it drowh,

Anon he wiste well ynowh

How Perse after his false tunge

Hath so thenvious belle runge,[678]

That he hath slain his oghne brother.

Wherof as thanne he knew non other, 1730

Bot sodeinly the jugge he nom,

Which corrupt sat upon the dom,

In such a wise and hath him pressed,

That he the sothe him hath confessed

Of al that hath be spoke and do.

Mor sori than the king was tho

Was nevere man upon this Molde,

And thoghte in certein that he wolde

Vengance take upon this wrong.

Bot thother parti was so strong, 1740

That for the lawe of no statut

Ther mai no riht ben execut;

P. i. 218

And upon this division[679]

The lond was torned up so doun:

Wherof his herte is so distraght,

That he for pure sorwe hath caght

The maladie of which nature

Is queint in every creature.

And whan this king was passed thus,

This false tunged Perseüs 1750

The regiment hath underfonge.

Bot ther mai nothing stonde longe

Which is noght upon trowthe grounded;

For god, which alle thing hath bounded

And sih the falshod of his guile,

Hath set him bot a litel while,

That he schal regne upon depos;

For sodeinliche as he aros[680]

So sodeinliche doun he fell.

In thilke time it so befell, 1760

This newe king of newe Pride

With strengthe schop him forto ride,

And seide he wolde Rome waste,[681]

Wherof he made a besi haste,

And hath assembled him an host

In al that evere he mihte most:

What man that mihte wepne here

Of alle he wolde non forbere;

So that it mihte noght be nombred,

The folk which after was encombred[682] 1770

Thurgh him, that god wolde overthrowe.

Anon it was at Rome knowe,

P. i. 219

The pompe which that Perse ladde;

And the Romeins that time hadde

A Consul, which was cleped thus

Be name, Paul Emilius,

A noble, a worthi kniht withalle;

And he, which chief was of hem alle,[683]

This werre on honde hath undertake.

And whanne he scholde his leve take[684] 1780

Of a yong dowhter which was his,

Sche wepte, and he what cause it is

Hire axeth, and sche him ansuerde

That Perse is ded; and he it herde,

And wondreth what sche meene wolde:

And sche upon childhode him tolde

That Perse hir litel hound is ded.

With that he pulleth up his hed[685]

And made riht a glad visage,

And seide how that was a presage 1790

Touchende unto that other Perse,

Of that fortune him scholde adverse,

He seith, for such a prenostik

Most of an hound was to him lik:

For as it is an houndes kinde

To berke upon a man behinde,

Riht so behinde his brother bak

With false wordes whiche he spak

He hath do slain, and that is rowthe.

‘Bot he which hateth alle untrowthe, 1800

The hihe god, it schal redresse;

For so my dowhter prophetesse

P. i. 220

Forth with hir litel houndes deth[686]

Betokneth.’ And thus forth he geth[687]

Conforted of this evidence,

With the Romeins in his defence

Ayein the Greks that ben comende.

This Perseüs, as noght seende[688]

This meschief which that him abod,[689]

With al his multitude rod, 1810

And prided him upon the thing,[690]

Of that he was become a king,

And how he hadde his regne gete;

Bot he hath al the riht foryete

Which longeth unto governance.

Wherof thurgh goddes ordinance

It fell, upon the wynter tide

That with his host he scholde ride

Over Danubie thilke flod,

Which al befrose thanne stod 1820

So harde, that he wende wel

To passe: bot the blinde whiel,

Which torneth ofte er men be war,

Thilke ys which that the horsmen bar

Tobrak, so that a gret partie

Was dreint; of the chivalerie

The rerewarde it tok aweie,

Cam non of hem to londe dreie.

Paulus the worthi kniht Romein[691]

Be his aspie it herde sein, 1830

And hasteth him al that he may,

So that upon that other day

P. i. 221

He cam wher he this host beheld,

And that was in a large feld,

Wher the Baneres ben desplaied.

He hath anon hise men arraied,

And whan that he was embatailled,

He goth and hath the feld assailed,

And slowh and tok al that he fond;

Wherof the Macedoyne lond, 1840

Which thurgh king Alisandre honoured

Long time stod, was tho devoured.

To Perse and al that infortune

Thei wyte, so that the comune

Of al the lond his heir exile;

And he despeired for the while

Desguised in a povere wede

To Rome goth, and ther for nede

The craft which thilke time was,

To worche in latoun and in bras, 1850

He lerneth for his sustienance.

Such was the Sones pourveance,

And of his fader it is seid,

In strong prisoun that he was leid

In Albe, wher that he was ded

For hunger and defalte of bred.[692]

The hound was tokne and prophecie

That lich an hound he scholde die,

Which lich was of condicioun,

Whan he with his detraccioun 1860

Bark on his brother so behinde.

Confessor.

Lo, what profit a man mai finde,

P. i. 222

Which hindre wole an other wiht.

Forthi with al thin hole miht,

Mi Sone, eschuie thilke vice.

Amans.

Mi fader, elles were I nyce:

For ye therof so wel have spoke,[693]

That it is in myn herte loke

And evere schal: bot of Envie,[694]

If ther be more in his baillie 1870

Towardes love, sai me what.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, as guile under the hat

With sleyhtes of a tregetour

Is hidd, Envie of such colour

Hath yit the ferthe deceivant,

The which is cleped Falssemblant,

Wherof the matiere and the forme

Now herkne and I thee schal enforme.

[iv. FALSE-SEMBLANT.]

iv. Nil bilinguis aget, nisi duplo concinat ore,

Dumque diem loquitur, nox sua vota tegit.

Vultus habet lucem, tenebras mens, sermo salutem,

Actus set morbum dat suus esse grauem.

Pax tibi quam spondet, magis est prenostica guerre;

Comoda si dederit, disce subesse dolum.

Quod patet esse fides in eo fraus est, que politi

Principium pacti finis habere negat.

O quam condicio talis deformat amantem,

Qui magis apparens est in amore nichil. 10

Of Falssemblant if I schal telle,

Above alle othre it is the welle 1880

Out of the which deceipte floweth.

Ther is noman so wys that knoweth

Of thilke flod which is the tyde,

Hic tractat Confessor super quarta specie Inuidie, que dissimilacio dicitur, cuius vultus quanto maioris amicicie apparenciam ostendit, tanto subtilioris doli fallacias ad decipiendum mens ymaginatur.

Ne how he scholde himselven guide

P. i. 223

To take sauf passage there.

And yit the wynd to mannes Ere

Is softe, and as it semeth oute

It makth clier weder al aboute;

Bot thogh it seme, it is noght so.

For Falssemblant hath everemo 1890

Of his conseil in compaignie

The derke untrewe Ypocrisie,

Whos word descordeth to his thoght:

Forthi thei ben togedre broght

Of o covine, of on houshold,[695]

As it schal after this be told.[696]

Of Falssemblant it nedeth noght

To telle of olde ensamples oght;

For al dai in experience

A man mai se thilke evidence 1900

Of faire wordes whiche he hiereth;

Bot yit the barge Envie stiereth[697]

And halt it evere fro the londe,

Wher Falssemblant with Ore on honde

It roweth, and wol noght arive,

Bot let it on the wawes dryve

In gret tempeste and gret debat,[698]

Wherof that love and his astat

Empeireth. And therfore I rede,

Mi Sone, that thou fle and drede 1910

This vice, and what that othre sein,

Let thi Semblant be trewe and plein.

For Falssemblant is thilke vice,

Which nevere was withoute office:

P. i. 224

Wher that Envie thenkth to guile,

He schal be for that ilke while[699]

Of prive conseil Messagier.

For whan his semblant is most clier,

Thanne is he most derk in his thoght,

Thogh men him se, thei knowe him noght; 1920

Bot as it scheweth in the glas

Thing which therinne nevere was,

So scheweth it in his visage

That nevere was in his corage:

Thus doth he al his thing with sleyhte.[700]

Hic in amoris causa Confessor super isto vicio Amanti opponit.

Now ley thi conscience in weyhte,

Mi goode Sone, and schrif the hier,

If thou were evere Custummer

To Falssemblant in eny wise.

Confessio Amantis.

For ought I can me yit avise, 1930

Mi goode fader, certes no.

If I for love have oght do so,

Now asketh, I wol praie yow:

For elles I wot nevere how

Of Falssemblant that I have gilt.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and sithen that thou wilt

That I schal axe, gabbe noght,

Bot tell if evere was thi thoght

With Falssemblant and coverture

To wite of eny creature 1940

How that he was with love lad;

So were he sori, were he glad,

Whan that thou wistest how it were,

Al that he rounede in thin Ere[701]

P. i. 225

Thou toldest forth in other place,

To setten him fro loves grace

Of what womman that thee best liste,

Ther as noman his conseil wiste

Bot thou, be whom he was deceived

Of love, and from his pourpos weyved; 1950

And thoghtest that his destourbance

Thin oghne cause scholde avance,

As who saith, ‘I am so celee,

Ther mai no mannes privete

Be heled half so wel as myn.’

Art thou, mi Sone, of such engin?

Tell on.

Amans.

Mi goode fader, nay

As for the more part I say;

Bot of somdiel I am beknowe,

That I mai stonde in thilke rowe[702] 1960

Amonges hem that Saundres use.

I wol me noght therof excuse,

That I with such colour ne steyne,

Whan I my beste Semblant feigne

To my felawh, til that I wot

Al his conseil bothe cold and hot:

For be that cause I make him chiere,

Til I his love knowe and hiere;

And if so be myn herte soucheth

That oght unto my ladi toucheth 1970

Of love that he wol me telle,[703]

Anon I renne unto the welle

And caste water in the fyr,

So that his carte amidd the Myr,

P. i. 226

Be that I have his conseil knowe,

Fulofte sithe I overthrowe,

Whan that he weneth best to stonde.

Bot this I do you understonde,

If that a man love elles where,

So that my ladi be noght there, 1980

And he me telle, I wole it hide,

Ther schal no word ascape aside,

For with deceipte of no semblant

To him breke I no covenant;

Me liketh noght in other place

To lette noman of his grace,

Ne forto ben inquisitif

To knowe an other mannes lif:

Wher that he love or love noght,

That toucheth nothing to my thoght,[704] 1990

Bot al it passeth thurgh myn Ere

Riht as a thing that nevere were,

And is foryete and leid beside.

Bot if it touche on eny side

Mi ladi, as I have er spoken,

Myn Eres ben noght thanne loken;

For certes, whanne that betitt,

My will, myn herte and al my witt

Ben fully set to herkne and spire

What eny man wol speke of hire. 2000

Thus have I feigned compaignie

Fulofte, for I wolde aspie

What thing it is that eny man[705]

Telle of mi worthi lady can:

P. i. 227

And for tuo causes I do this,

The ferste cause wherof is,—

If that I myhte ofherkne and seke

That eny man of hire mispeke,

I wolde excuse hire so fully,

That whan sche wist it inderly,[706] 2010

Min hope scholde be the more

To have hir thank for everemore.

That other cause, I you assure,

Is, why that I be coverture

Have feigned semblant ofte time

To hem that passen alday byme

And ben lovers als wel as I,

For this I weene trewely,

That ther is of hem alle non,

That thei ne loven everich on 2020

Mi ladi: for sothliche I lieve

And durste setten it in prieve,

Is non so wys that scholde asterte,

Bot he were lustles in his herte,

Forwhy and he my ladi sihe,

Hir visage and hir goodlych yhe,

Bot he hire lovede, er he wente.

And for that such is myn entente,

That is the cause of myn aspie,

Why that I feigne compaignie 2030

And make felawe overal;

For gladly wolde I knowen al

And holde me covert alway,

That I fulofte ye or nay

P. i. 228

Ne liste ansuere in eny wise,

Bot feigne semblant as the wise

And herkne tales, til I knowe

Mi ladi lovers al arowe.

And whanne I hiere how thei have wroght,

I fare as thogh I herde it noght[707] 2040

And as I no word understode;

Bot that is nothing for here goode:

For lieveth wel, the sothe is this,[708]

That whanne I knowe al how it is,

I wol bot forthren hem a lite,[709]

Bot al the worste I can endite

I telle it to my ladi plat

In forthringe of myn oghne astat,

And hindre hem al that evere I may.

Bot for al that yit dar I say, 2050

I finde unto miself no bote,

Althogh myn herte nedes mote

Thurgh strengthe of love al that I hiere

Discovere unto my ladi diere:

For in good feith I have no miht

To hele fro that swete wiht,

If that it touche hire eny thing.

Bot this wot wel the hevene king,

That sithen ferst this world began,

Unto non other strange man 2060

Ne feigned I semblant ne chiere,

To wite or axe of his matiere,

Thogh that he lovede ten or tuelve,

Whanne it was noght my ladi selve:

P. i. 229

Bot if he wolde axe eny red

Al onlich of his oghne hed,

How he with other love ferde,

His tales with myn Ere I herde,

Bot to myn herte cam it noght

Ne sank no deppere in my thoght, 2070

Bot hield conseil, as I was bede,

And tolde it nevere in other stede,[710]

Bot let it passen as it com.

Now, fader, say what is thi dom,

And hou thou wolt that I be peined

For such Semblant as I have feigned.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, if reson be wel peised,

Ther mai no vertu ben unpreised

Ne vice non be set in pris.

Forthi, my Sone, if thou be wys, 2080

Do no viser upon thi face,

Which as wol noght thin herte embrace:

For if thou do, withinne a throwe

To othre men it schal be knowe,

So miht thou lihtli falle in blame

And lese a gret part of thi name.

And natheles in this degree

Fulofte time thou myht se

Of suche men that now aday

This vice setten in a say:[711] 2090

I speke it for no mannes blame,

Bot forto warne thee the same.

Mi Sone, as I mai hiere talke

In every place where I walke,

P. i. 230

I not if it be so or non,

Bot it is manye daies gon

That I ferst herde telle this,

How Falssemblant hath ben and is

Most comunly fro yer to yere

With hem that duelle among ous here, 2100

Of suche as we Lombardes calle.

For thei ben the slyeste of alle,

So as men sein in toune aboute,

To feigne and schewe thing withoute

Which is revers to that withinne:

Wherof that thei fulofte winne,

Whan thei be reson scholden lese;

Thei ben the laste and yit thei chese,

And we the ferste, and yit behinde

We gon, there as we scholden finde 2110

The profit of oure oghne lond:[712]

Thus gon thei fre withoute bond

To don her profit al at large,

And othre men bere al the charge.

Of Lombardz unto this covine,

Whiche alle londes conne engine,

Mai Falssemblant in special

Be likned, for thei overal,

Wher as they thenken forto duelle,

Among hemself; so as thei telle, 2120

Ferst ben enformed forto lere

A craft which cleped is Fa crere:[713]

For if Fa crere come aboute,

Thanne afterward hem stant no doute

P. i. 231

To voide with a soubtil hond

The beste goodes of the lond

And bringe chaf and take corn.

Where as Fa crere goth toforn,[714]

In all his weie he fynt no lette;

That Dore can non huissher schette 2130

In which him list to take entre:

And thus the conseil most secre

Of every thing Fa crere knoweth,

Which into strange place he bloweth,

Where as he wot it mai most grieve.

And thus Fa crere makth believe,

So that fulofte he hath deceived,

Er that he mai ben aperceived.

Thus is this vice forto drede;[715]

For who these olde bokes rede 2140

Of suche ensamples as were ar,

Him oghte be the more war

Of alle tho that feigne chiere,

Wherof thou schalt a tale hiere.

[DEIANIRA AND NESSUS.]

Of Falssemblant which is believed

Ful many a worthi wiht is grieved,

And was long time er we wer bore.

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos, qui sub dissimilate beneuolencie speculo[716] alios in amore defraudant. Et narrat qualiter Hercules, cum ipse quoddam fluuium, cuius vada non nouit, cum Deianira transmeare proposuit, superueniens Nessus Gigas ob amiciciam Herculis, vt dixit, Deianiram in vlnas suas suscipiens trans ripam salvo perduxit. Et statim cum ad litus peruenisset, quamcito currere potuit, ipsam tanquam propriam in preiudicium Herculis asportare fugiens conabatur: per quod non solum ipsi seteciam Herculi mortis euentum fortuna postmodum causauit.

To thee, my Sone, I wol therfore

A tale telle of Falssemblant,

Which falseth many a covenant, 2150

And many a fraude of fals conseil

Ther ben hangende upon his Seil:

And that aboghten gulteles

Bothe Deianire and Hercules,

P. i. 232

The whiche in gret desese felle

Thurgh Falssemblant, as I schal telle.

Whan Hercules withinne a throwe

Al only hath his herte throwe

Upon this faire Deianire,

It fell him on a dai desire, 2160

Upon a Rivere as he stod,

That passe he wolde over the flod

Withoute bot, and with him lede

His love, bot he was in drede

For tendresce of that swete wiht,

For he knew noght the forde ariht.

Ther was a Geant thanne nyh,

Which Nessus hihte, and whanne he sih

This Hercules and Deianyre,

Withinne his herte he gan conspire,[717] 2170

As he which thurgh his tricherie

Hath Hercules in gret envie,

Which he bar in his herte loke,

And thanne he thoghte it schal be wroke.

Bot he ne dorste natheles

Ayein this worthi Hercules

Falle in debat as forto feihte;

Bot feigneth Semblant al be sleihte[718]

Of frendschipe and of alle goode,

And comth where as thei bothe stode, 2180

And makth hem al the chiere he can,

And seith that as here oghne man

He is al redy forto do

What thing he mai; and it fell so

P. i. 233

That thei upon his Semblant triste,

And axen him if that he wiste

What thing hem were best to done,

So that thei mihten sauf and sone

The water passe, he and sche.

And whan Nessus the privete 2190

Knew of here herte what it mente,[719]

As he that was of double entente,

He made hem riht a glad visage;

And whanne he herde of the passage

Of him and hire, he thoghte guile,

And feigneth Semblant for a while

To don hem plesance and servise,

Bot he thoghte al an other wise.[720]

This Nessus with hise wordes slyhe

Yaf such conseil tofore here yhe 2200

Which semeth outward profitable

And was withinne deceivable.

He bad hem of the Stremes depe

That thei be war and take kepe,

So as thei knowe noght the pas;

Bot forto helpe in such a cas,

He seith himself that for here ese[721]

He wolde, if that it mihte hem plese,

The passage of the water take,

And for this ladi undertake 2210

To bere unto that other stronde

And sauf to sette hire up alonde,

And Hercules may thanne also

The weie knowe how he schal go:[722]

P. i. 234

And herto thei acorden alle.

Bot what as after schal befalle,

Wel payd was Hercules of this,

And this Geant also glad is,[723]

And tok this ladi up alofte

And set hire on his schuldre softe,[724] 2220

And in the flod began to wade,[725]

As he which no grucchinge made,

And bar hire over sauf and sound.

Bot whanne he stod on dreie ground

And Hercules was fer behinde,

He sette his trowthe al out of mynde,

Who so therof be lief or loth,

With Deianyre and forth he goth,[726]

As he that thoghte to dissevere

The compaignie of hem for evere. 2230

Whan Hercules therof tok hiede,

Als faste as evere he mihte him spiede

He hyeth after in a throwe;

And hapneth that he hadde a bowe,

The which in alle haste he bende,

As he that wolde an Arwe sende,

Which he tofore hadde envenimed.

He hath so wel his schote timed,

That he him thurgh the bodi smette,

And thus the false wiht he lette. 2240

Bot lest now such a felonie:

Whan Nessus wiste he scholde die,

He tok to Deianyre his scherte,

Which with the blod was of his herte

P. i. 235

Thurghout desteigned overal,

And tolde how sche it kepe schal

Al prively to this entente,[727]

That if hire lord his herte wente[728]

To love in eny other place,

The scherte, he seith, hath such a grace, 2250

That if sche mai so mochel make[729]

That he the scherte upon him take,

He schal alle othre lete in vein

And torne unto hire love ayein.

Who was tho glad bot Deianyre?

Hire thoghte hire herte was afyre

Til it was in hire cofre loke,

So that no word therof was spoke.

The daies gon, the yeres passe,

The hertes waxen lasse and lasse 2260

Of hem that ben to love untrewe:

This Hercules with herte newe

His love hath set on Eolen,

And therof spieken alle men.

This Eolen, this faire maide,

Was, as men thilke time saide,

The kinges dowhter of Eurice;

And sche made Hercules so nyce

Upon hir Love and so assote,

That he him clotheth in hire cote,[730] 2270

And sche in his was clothed ofte;[731]

And thus fieblesce is set alofte,[732]

And strengthe was put under fote,

Ther can noman therof do bote.

P. i. 236

Whan Deianyre hath herd this speche,

Ther was no sorwe forto seche:

Of other helpe wot sche non,

Bot goth unto hire cofre anon;

With wepende yhe and woful herte

Sche tok out thilke unhappi scherte, 2280

As sche that wende wel to do,

And broghte hire werk aboute so

That Hercules this scherte on dede,

To such entente as she was bede

Of Nessus, so as I seide er.

Bot therof was sche noght the ner,

As no fortune may be weyved;

With Falssemblant sche was deceived,

That whan sche wende best have wonne,

Sche lost al that sche hath begonne. 2290

For thilke scherte unto the bon

His body sette afyre anon,

And cleveth so, it mai noght twinne,

For the venym that was therinne.

And he thanne as a wilde man

Unto the hihe wode he ran,

And as the Clerk Ovide telleth,

The grete tres to grounde he felleth

With strengthe al of his oghne myght,[733]

And made an huge fyr upriht, 2300

And lepte himself therinne at ones

And brende him bothe fleissh and bones.

Which thing cam al thurgh Falssemblant,

That false Nessus the Geant

P. i. 237

Made unto him and to his wif;

Wherof that he hath lost his lif,

And sche sori for everemo.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, er thee be wo,

I rede, be wel war therfore;

For whan so gret a man was lore, 2310

It oghte yive a gret conceipte

To warne alle othre of such deceipte.

Amans.

Grant mercy, fader, I am war

So fer that I nomore dar

Of Falssemblant take aqueintance;

Bot rathere I wol do penance[734]

That I have feigned chiere er this.

Now axeth forth, what so ther is

Of that belongeth to my schrifte.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, yit ther is the fifte 2320

Which is conceived of Envie,

And cleped is Supplantarie,

Thurgh whos compassement and guile

Ful many a man hath lost his while

In love als wel as otherwise,

Hierafter as I schal devise.

[v. SUPPLANTATION.]

v. Inuidus alterius est Supplantator honoris,[735]

Et tua quo vertat culmina subtus arat.

Est opus occultum, quasi que latet anguis in herba,[736]

Quod facit, et subita sorte nociuus adest.

Sic subtilis amans alium supplantat amantem,

Et capit occulte, quod nequit ipse palam;

Sepeque supplantans in plantam plantat amoris,

Quod putat in propriis alter habere bonis.[737]

The vice of Supplantacioun

Hic tractat Confessor de quinta specie Inuidie, que Supplantacio dicitur, cuius cultor, priusquam percipiatur, aliene dignitatis et officii multociens intrusor existit.

With many a fals collacioun,[738]

P. i. 238

Which he conspireth al unknowe,

Full ofte time hath overthrowe 2330

The worschipe of an other man.

So wel no lif awayte can

Ayein his sleyhte forto caste,

That he his pourpos ate laste

Ne hath, er that it be withset.

Bot most of alle his herte is set

In court upon these grete Offices[739]

Of dignitees and benefices:

Thus goth he with his sleyhte aboute

To hindre and schowve an other oute 2340

And stonden with his slyh compas

In stede there an other was;

And so to sette himselven inne,

He reccheth noght, be so he winne,

Of that an other man schal lese,

And thus fulofte chalk for chese

He changeth with ful litel cost,

Wherof an other hath the lost

And he the profit schal receive.

For his fortune is to deceive 2350

And forto change upon the whel

His wo with othre mennes wel:

Of that an other man avaleth,

His oghne astat thus up he haleth,[740]

And takth the bridd to his beyete,

Wher othre men the buisshes bete.

Mi Sone, and in the same wise

Ther ben lovers of such emprise,

P. i. 239

That schapen hem to be relieved

Where it is wrong to ben achieved: 2360

For it is other mannes riht,

Which he hath taken dai and niht

To kepe for his oghne Stor

Toward himself for everemor,

And is his propre be the lawe,

Which thing that axeth no felawe,

If love holde his covenant.

Bot thei that worchen be supplaunt,

Yit wolden thei a man supplaunte,[741]

And take a part of thilke plaunte 2370

Which he hath for himselve set:

And so fulofte is al unknet,

That som man weneth be riht fast.[742]

For Supplant with his slyhe cast

Fulofte happneth forto mowe

Thing which an other man hath sowe,

And makth comun of proprete

With sleihte and with soubtilite,

As men mai se fro yer to yere.

Thus cleymeth he the bot to stiere, 2380

Of which an other maister is.

Hic in amoris causa opponit Confessor Amanti super eodem.[743]

Forthi, my Sone, if thou er this

Hast ben of such professioun,

Discovere thi confessioun:

Hast thou supplanted eny man?

Confessio Amantis.

For oght that I you telle can,

Min holi fader, as of the dede[744]

I am withouten eny drede

P. i. 240

Al gulteles; bot of my thoght

Mi conscience excuse I noght. 2390

For were it wrong or were it riht,

Me lakketh nothing bote myht,[745]

That I ne wolde longe er this

Of other mannes love ywiss

Be weie of Supplantacioun

Have mad apropriacioun

And holde that I nevere boghte,

Thogh it an other man forthoghte.

And al this speke I bot of on,

For whom I lete alle othre gon; 2400

Bot hire I mai noght overpasse,

That I ne mot alwey compasse,

Me roghte noght be what queintise,

So that I mihte in eny wise

Fro suche that mi ladi serve

Hire herte make forto swerve

Withouten eny part of love.

For be the goddes alle above[746]

I wolde it mihte so befalle,

That I al one scholde hem alle 2410

Supplante, and welde hire at mi wille.

And that thing mai I noght fulfille,

Bot if I scholde strengthe make;

And that I dar noght undertake,[747]

Thogh I were as was Alisaundre,

For therof mihte arise sklaundre;

And certes that schal I do nevere,

For in good feith yit hadde I levere

P. i. 241

In my simplesce forto die,

Than worche such Supplantarie. 2420

Of otherwise I wol noght seie

That if I founde a seker weie,

I wolde as for conclusioun

Worche after Supplantacioun,

So hihe a love forto winne.[748]

Now, fader, if that this be Sinne,

I am al redy to redresce[749]

The gilt of which I me confesse.

Confessor.

Mi goode Sone, as of Supplant

Thee thar noght drede tant ne quant, 2430

As for nothing that I have herd,

Bot only that thou hast misferd

Thenkende, and that me liketh noght,

For godd beholt a mannes thoght.[750]

And if thou understode in soth

In loves cause what it doth,

A man to ben a Supplantour,

Thou woldest for thin oghne honour

Be double weie take kepe:

Ferst for thin oghne astat to kepe, 2440

To be thiself so wel bethoght

That thou supplanted were noght,

And ek for worschipe of thi name

Towardes othre do the same,

And soffren every man have his.

Bot natheles it was and is,

That in a wayt at alle assaies[751]

Supplant of love in oure daies

P. i. 242

The lief fulofte for the levere

Forsakth, and so it hath don evere. 2450

Ensample I finde therupon,

Qualiter Agamenon de amore Brexeide Achillem, et Diomedes de amore Criseide Troilum supplantauit.

At Troie how that Agamenon

Supplantede the worthi knyht

Achilles of that swete wiht,

Which named was Brexeïda;

And also of Criseïda,

Whom Troilus to love ches,

Supplanted hath Diomedes.

[GETA AND AMPHITRION.]

Of Geta and Amphitrion,

That whilom weren bothe as on 2460

Qualiter Amphitrion[752] socium suum Getam, qui Almeenam peramauit, seipsum loco alterius cautelosa supplantacione substituit.

Of frendschipe and of compaignie,

I rede how that Supplantarie

In love, as it betidde tho,

Beguiled hath on of hem tuo.

For this Geta that I of meene,

To whom the lusti faire Almeene

Assured was be weie of love,

Whan he best wende have ben above

And sikerest of that he hadde,

Cupido so the cause ladde, 2470

That whil he was out of the weie,

Amphitrion hire love aweie

Hath take, and in this forme he wroghte.[753]

Be nyhte unto the chambre he soghte,

Wher that sche lay, and with a wyle

He contrefeteth for the whyle

The vois of Gete in such a wise,[754]

That made hire of hire bedd arise,

P. i. 243

Wenende that it were he,

And let him in, and whan thei be 2480

Togedre abedde in armes faste,

This Geta cam thanne ate laste

Unto the Dore and seide, ‘Undo.’

And sche ansuerde and bad him go,

And seide how that abedde al warm

Hir lief lay naked in hir arm;

Sche wende that it were soth.

Lo, what Supplant of love doth:

This Geta forth bejaped wente,

And yit ne wiste he what it mente; 2490

Amphitrion him hath supplanted

With sleyhte of love and hire enchaunted:

And thus put every man out other,

The Schip of love hath lost his Rother,

So that he can no reson stiere.

And forto speke of this matiere

Touchende love and his Supplant,[755]

A tale which is acordant

Unto thin Ere I thenke enforme.

Now herkne, for this is the forme. 2500

[TALE OF THE FALSE BACHELOR.]

Of thilke Cite chief of alle

Which men the noble Rome calle,

Hic in amoris causa contra fraudem detraccionis ponit Confessor exemplum. Et narrat de quodam Romani Imparatoris filio, qui probitates armorum super omnia excercere affectans nesciente patre vltra mare in partes Persie ad deseruiendum Soldano super guerras cum solo milite tanquam socio suo ignotus se transtulit. Et cum ipsius milicie fama super alios ibidem celsior accreuisset, contigit ut in quodam bello contra Caliphum Egipti inito Soldanusa sagitta mortaliter vulneratus, priusquam moreretur, quendam anulum filie sue secretissimum isti nobili Romano tradidit, dicens qualiter filia sua sub paterne benediccionis vinculo adiurata est, quod quicumque dictum anulum ei afferret, ipsam in coniugem pre omnibus susciperet. Defuncto autem Soldano, versus Ciuitatem que Kaire dicitur itinerantes, iste Romanus commilitoni suo huius misterii secretum reuelauit; qui noctanter a bursa domini sui anulum furto surripiens, hec que audiuit usui proprio falsissima Supplantacione applicauit. Et sic seruus pro domino desponsata sibi Soldani filia coronatus Persie regnauit.

Er it was set to Cristes feith,

Ther was, as the Cronique seith,

An Emperour, the which it ladde

In pes, that he no werres hadde:

Ther was nothing desobeissant

Which was to Rome appourtenant,

P. i. 244

Bot al was torned into reste.

To some it thoghte for the beste,[756] 2510

To some it thoghte nothing so,

And that was only unto tho

Whos herte stod upon knyhthode:

Bot most of alle of his manhode

The worthi Sone of themperour,

Which wolde ben a werreiour,

As he that was chivalerous

Of worldes fame and desirous,

Began his fadre to beseche[757]

That he the werres mihte seche,[758] 2520

In strange Marches forto ride.

His fader seide he scholde abide,

And wolde granten him no leve:[759]

Bot he, which wolde noght beleve,

A kniht of his to whom he triste,

So that his fader nothing wiste,

He tok and tolde him his corage,

That he pourposeth a viage.

If that fortune with him stonde,

He seide how that he wolde fonde[760] 2530

The grete See to passe unknowe,

And there abyde for a throwe

Upon the werres to travaile.

And to this point withoute faile

This kniht, whan he hath herd his lord,

Is swore, and stant of his acord,

As thei that bothe yonge were;[761]

So that in prive conseil there

P. i. 245

Thei ben assented forto wende.

And therupon to make an ende, 2540

Tresor ynowh with hem thei token,

And whan the time is best thei loken,

That sodeinliche in a Galeie

Fro Romelond thei wente here weie

And londe upon that other side.

The world fell so that ilke tide,

Which evere hise happes hath diverse,

The grete Soldan thanne of Perse

Ayein the Caliphe of Egipte

A werre, which that him beclipte, 2550

Hath in a Marche costeiant.

And he, which was a poursuiant

Worschipe of armes to atteigne,

This Romein, let anon ordeigne,

That he was redi everydel:

And whan he was arraied wel

Of every thing which him belongeth,

Straght unto Kaire his weie he fongeth,

Wher he the Soldan thanne fond,[762]

And axeth that withinne his lond 2560

He mihte him for the werre serve,

As he which wolde his thonk deserve.[763]

The Soldan was riht glad with al,

And wel the more in special

Whan that he wiste he was Romein;

Bot what was elles in certein,

That mihte he wite be no weie.

And thus the kniht of whom I seie

P. i. 246

Toward the Soldan is beleft,

And in the Marches now and eft, 2570

Wher that the dedli werres were,

He wroghte such knihthode there,

That every man spak of him good.[764]

And thilke time so it stod,

This mihti Soldan be his wif

A Dowhter hath, that in this lif[765]

Men seiden ther was non so fair.

Sche scholde ben hir fader hair,

And was of yeres ripe ynowh:

Hire beaute many an herte drowh 2580

To bowe unto that ilke lawe[766]

Fro which no lif mai be withdrawe,

And that is love, whos nature

Set lif and deth in aventure

Of hem that knyhthode undertake.

This lusti peine hath overtake[767]

The herte of this Romein so sore,

That to knihthode more and more

Prouesce avanceth his corage.

Lich to the Leoun in his rage, 2590

Fro whom that alle bestes fle,

Such was the knyht in his degre:[768]

Wher he was armed in the feld,

Ther dorste non abide his scheld;

Gret pris upon the werre he hadde.

Bot sche which al the chance ladde,

Fortune, schop the Marches so,

That be thassent of bothe tuo,

P. i. 247

The Soldan and the Caliphe eke,

Bataille upon a dai thei seke, 2600

Which was in such a wise set

That lengere scholde it noght be let.

Thei made hem stronge on every side,

And whan it drowh toward the tide

That the bataille scholde be,

The Soldan in gret privete

A goldring of his dowhter tok,

And made hire swere upon a bok

And ek upon the goddes alle,

That if fortune so befalle 2610

In the bataille that he deie,

That sche schal thilke man obeie

And take him to hire housebonde,

Which thilke same Ring to honde

Hire scholde bringe after his deth.

This hath sche swore, and forth he geth

With al the pouer of his lond

Unto the Marche, where he fond

His enemy full embatailled.

The Soldan hath the feld assailed: 2620

Thei that ben hardy sone assemblen,

Wherof the dredfull hertes tremblen:

That on sleth, and that other sterveth,

Bot above alle his pris deserveth

This knihtly Romein; where he rod,

His dedly swerd noman abod,

Ayein the which was no defence;

Egipte fledde in his presence,

P. i. 248

And thei of Perse upon the chace

Poursuien: bot I not what grace 2630

Befell, an Arwe out of a bowe

Al sodeinly that ilke throwe[769]

The Soldan smot, and ther he lay:

The chace is left for thilke day,

And he was bore into a tente.

The Soldan sih how that it wente,

And that he seholde algate die;

And to this knyht of Romanie,

As unto him whom he most triste,

His Dowhter Ring, that non it wiste, 2640

He tok, and tolde him al the cas,

Upon hire oth what tokne it was

Of that sche scholde ben his wif.

Whan this was seid, the hertes lif

Of this Soldan departeth sone;

And therupon, as was to done,

The dede body wel and faire

Thei carie til thei come at Kaire,

Wher he was worthily begrave.[770]

The lordes, whiche as wolden save 2650

The Regne which was desolat,

To bringe it into good astat

A parlement thei sette anon.

Now herkne what fell therupon:[771]

This yonge lord, this worthi kniht

Of Rome, upon the same niht

That thei amorwe trete scholde,

Unto his Bacheler he tolde

P. i. 249

His conseil, and the Ring with al

He scheweth, thurgh which that he schal, 2660

He seith, the kinges Dowhter wedde,[772]

For so the Ring was leid to wedde,

He tolde, into hir fader hond,

That with what man that sche it fond

She scholde him take to hire lord.

And this, he seith, stant of record,

Bot noman wot who hath this Ring.

This Bacheler upon this thing

His Ere and his entente leide,

And thoghte more thanne he seide, 2670

And feigneth with a fals visage

That he was glad, bot his corage

Was al set in an other wise.

These olde Philosophres wise

Thei writen upon thilke while,

That he mai best a man beguile

In whom the man hath most credence;

And this befell in evidence[773]

Toward this yonge lord of Rome.

His Bacheler, which hadde tome,[774] 2680

Whan that his lord be nihte slepte,

This Ring, the which his maister kepte,

Out of his Pours awey he dede,

And putte an other in the stede.

Amorwe, whan the Court is set,

The yonge ladi was forth fet,

To whom the lordes don homage,

And after that of Mariage

P. i. 250

Thei trete and axen of hir wille.

Bot sche, which thoghte to fulfille 2690

Hire fader heste in this matiere,

Seide openly, that men mai hiere,

The charge which hire fader bad.

Tho was this Lord of Rome glad

And drowh toward his Pours anon,

Bot al for noght, it was agon:

His Bacheler it hath forthdrawe,

And axeth ther upon the lawe[775]

That sche him holde covenant.

The tokne was so sufficant 2700

That it ne mihte be forsake,

And natheles his lord hath take

Querelle ayein his oghne man;

Bot for nothing that evere he can

He mihte as thanne noght ben herd,

So that his cleym is unansuerd,

And he hath of his pourpos failed.

This Bacheler was tho consailed[776]

And wedded, and of thilke Empire

He was coroned Lord and Sire, 2710

And al the lond him hath received;

Wherof his lord, which was deceived,

A seknesse er the thridde morwe

Conceived hath of dedly sorwe:

And as he lay upon his deth,

Therwhile him lasteth speche and breth,

He sende for the worthieste

Of al the lond and ek the beste,

P. i. 251

And tolde hem al the sothe tho,

That he was Sone and Heir also 2720

Of themperour of grete Rome,

And how that thei togedre come,

This kniht and he; riht as it was,

He tolde hem al the pleine cas,

And for that he his conseil tolde,

That other hath al that he wolde,

And he hath failed of his mede:

As for the good he takth non hiede,

He seith, bot only of the love,

Of which he wende have ben above. 2730

And therupon be lettre write

He doth his fader forto wite

Of al this matiere as it stod;[777]

And thanne with an hertly mod

Unto the lordes he besoghte

To telle his ladi how he boghte

Hire love, of which an other gladeth;

And with that word his hewe fadeth,

And seide, ‘A dieu, my ladi swete.’

The lif hath lost his kindly hete, 2740

And he lay ded as eny ston;[778]

Wherof was sory manyon,

Bot non of alle so as sche.

This false knyht in his degree

Arested was and put in hold:

For openly whan it was told

Of the tresoun which is befalle,

Thurghout the lond thei seiden alle,

P. i. 252

If it be soth that men suppose,

His oghne untrowthe him schal depose. 2750

And forto seche an evidence,

With honour and gret reverence,[779]

Wherof they mihten knowe an ende,

To themperour anon thei sende

The lettre which his Sone wrot.

And whan that he the sothe wot,

To telle his sorwe is endeles,

Bot yit in haste natheles

Upon the tale which he herde

His Stieward into Perse ferde 2760

With many a worthi Romein eke,

His liege tretour forto seke;

And whan thei thider come were,

This kniht him hath confessed there

How falsly that he hath him bore,

Wherof his worthi lord was lore.

Tho seiden some he scholde deie,

Bot yit thei founden such a weie

That he schal noght be ded in Perse;

And thus the skiles ben diverse. 2770

Be cause that he was coroned,

And that the lond was abandoned

To him, althogh it were unriht,

Ther is no peine for him diht;

Bot to this point and to this ende[780]

Thei granten wel that he schal wende

With the Romeins to Rome ayein.

And thus acorded ful and plein,

P. i. 253

The qwike body with the dede

With leve take forth thei lede, 2780

Wher that Supplant hath his juise.

Wherof that thou thee miht avise

Upon this enformacioun

Touchende of Supplantacioun,

That thou, my Sone, do noght so:

And forto take hiede also

What Supplant doth in other halve,

Ther is noman can finde a salve

Pleinly to helen such a Sor;

It hath and schal ben everemor, 2790

Whan Pride is with Envie joint,

He soffreth noman in good point,

Wher that he mai his honour lette.

And therupon if I schal sette

Ensample, in holy cherche I finde

How that Supplant is noght behinde;

God wot if that it now be so:

For in Cronique of time ago

I finde a tale concordable

Of Supplant, which that is no fable, 2800

In the manere as I schal telle,

So as whilom the thinges felle.

[POPE BONIFACE.]

At Rome, as it hath ofte falle,

The vicair general of alle

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos in causa[781] dignitatis adquirende supplantatores. Et narrat qualiter Papa Bonefacius predecessorem suum Celestinum a papatu coniectata[782] circumuencione fraudulenter supplantauit. Set qui potentes a sede deponit, huiusmodi supplantacionis fraudem non sustinens, ipsum sic in sublime exaltatum postea in profundi carceris miseriam proici, fame que[783] siti cruciari, necnon et ab huius vite gaudiis dolorosa morte explantari finali conclusione permisit.

Of hem that lieven Cristes feith

His laste day, which non withseith,

Hath schet as to the worldes ÿe,

Whos name if I schal specefie,

P. i. 254

He hihte Pope Nicolas.

And thus whan that he passed was, 2810

The Cardinals, that wolden save

The forme of lawe, in the conclave

Gon forto chese a newe Pope,

And after that thei cowthe agrope[784]

Hath ech of hem seid his entente:

Til ate laste thei assente

Upon an holy clerk reclus,

Which full was of gostli vertus;

His pacience and his simplesse

Hath set him into hih noblesse. 2820

Thus was he Pope canonized,[785]

With gret honour and intronized,[786]

And upon chance as it is falle,

His name Celestin men calle;

Which notefied was be bulle[787]

To holi cherche and to the fulle

In alle londes magnified.

Bot every worschipe is envied,

And that was thilke time sene:

For whan this Pope of whom I meene 2830

Was chose, and othre set beside,

A Cardinal was thilke tide

Which the papat longe hath desired

And therupon gretli conspired;

Bot whan he sih fortune is failed,

For which long time he hath travailed,

That ilke fyr which Ethna brenneth

Thurghout his wofull herte renneth,

P. i. 255

Which is resembled to Envie,

Wherof Supplant and tricherie 2840

Engendred is; and natheles

He feigneth love, he feigneth pes,

Outward he doth the reverence,

Bot al withinne his conscience

Thurgh fals ymaginacioun

He thoghte Supplantacioun.

And therupon a wonder wyle

He wroghte: for at thilke whyle

It fell so that of his lignage

He hadde a clergoun of yong age, 2850

Whom he hath in his chambre affaited.

This Cardinal his time hath waited,[788]

And with his wordes slyhe and queinte,

The whiche he cowthe wysly peinte,

He schop this clerk of which I telle

Toward the Pope forto duelle,

So that withinne his chambre anyht

He lai, and was a prive wyht

Toward the Pope on nyhtes tide.

Mai noman fle that schal betide. 2860

This Cardinal, which thoghte guile,

Upon a day whan he hath while

This yonge clerc unto him tok,

And made him swere upon a bok,

And told him what his wille was.[789]

And forth withal a Trompe of bras

He hath him take, and bad him this:

‘Thou schalt,’ he seide, ‘whan time is

P. i. 256

Awaite, and take riht good kepe,

Whan that the Pope is fast aslepe[790] 2870

And that non other man be nyh;

And thanne that thou be so slyh

Thurghout the Trompe into his Ere,

Fro hevene as thogh a vois it were,

To soune of such prolacioun[791]

That he his meditacioun

Therof mai take and understonde,

As thogh it were of goddes sonde.

And in this wise thou schalt seie,

That he do thilke astat aweie 2880

Of Pope, in which he stant honoured,[792]

So schal his Soule be socoured

Of thilke worschipe ate laste

In hevene which schal evere laste.’

This clerc, whan he hath herd the forme

How he the Pope scholde enforme,

Tok of the Cardinal his leve,

And goth him hom, til it was Eve,

And prively the trompe he hedde,

Til that the Pope was abedde. 2890

And at the Midnyht, whan he knewh

The Pope slepte, thanne he blewh

Withinne his trompe thurgh the wal,[793]

And tolde in what manere he schal

His Papacie leve, and take

His ferste astat: and thus awake[794]

This holi Pope he made thries,

Wherof diverse fantasies

P. i. 257

Upon his grete holinesse

Withinne his herte he gan impresse. 2900

The Pope ful of innocence

Conceiveth in his conscience

That it is goddes wille he cesse;

Bot in what wise he may relesse

His hihe astat, that wot he noght.

And thus withinne himself bethoght,

He bar it stille in his memoire,

Til he cam to the Consistoire;

And there in presence of hem alle

He axeth, if it so befalle 2910

That eny Pope cesse wolde,

How that the lawe it soffre scholde.

Thei seten alle stille and herde,

Was non which to the point ansuerde,

For to what pourpos that it mente

Ther was noman knew his entente,

Bot only he which schop the guile.

This Cardinal the same while

Al openly with wordes pleine

Seith, if the Pope wolde ordeigne 2920

That ther be such a lawe wroght,

Than mihte he cesse, and elles noght.

And as he seide, don it was;

The Pope anon upon the cas

Of his Papal Autorite

Hath mad and yove the decre:

And whan that lawe was confermed

In due forme and al affermed,

P. i. 258

This innocent, which was deceived,

His Papacie anon hath weyved, 2930

Renounced and resigned eke.

That other was nothing to seke,

Bot undernethe such a jape

He hath so for himselve schape,

That how as evere it him beseme,

The Mitre with the Diademe

He hath thurgh Supplantacion:

And in his confirmacion

Upon the fortune of his grace

His name is cleped Boneface. 2940

Under the viser of Envie,

Lo, thus was hid the tricherie,

Which hath beguiled manyon.

Bot such conseil ther mai be non,

With treson whan it is conspired,

That it nys lich the Sparke fyred

Up in the Rof, which for a throwe

Lith hidd, til whan the wyndes blowe

It blaseth out on every side.

This Bonefas, which can noght hyde 2950

The tricherie of his Supplant,

Hath openly mad his avant

How he the Papacie hath wonne.

Bot thing which is with wrong begonne

Mai nevere stonde wel at ende;

Wher Pride schal the bowe bende,

He schet fulofte out of the weie:

And thus the Pope of whom I seie,

P. i. 259

Whan that he stod on hih the whiel,[795]

He can noght soffre himself be wel. 2960

Envie, which is loveles,

And Pride, which is laweles,

With such tempeste made him erre,

That charite goth out of herre:[796]

So that upon misgovernance

Ayein Lowyz the king of France

He tok querelle of his oultrage,

And seide he scholde don hommage

Unto the cherche bodily.

Bot he, that wiste nothing why 2970

He scholde do so gret servise

After the world in such a wise,

Withstod the wrong of that demande;

For noght the Pope mai comande

The king wol noght the Pope obeie.

This Pope tho be alle weie

That he mai worche of violence

Hath sent the bulle of his sentence

With cursinge and with enterdit.

The king upon this wrongful plyt, 2980

To kepe his regne fro servage,

Conseiled was of his Barnage

That miht with miht schal be withstonde.

Thus was the cause take on honde,

And seiden that the Papacie

Thei wolde honoure and magnefie

In al that evere is spirital;

Bot thilke Pride temporal

P. i. 260

Of Boneface in his persone,

Ayein that ilke wrong al one 2990

Thei wolde stonden in debat:

And thus the man and noght the stat

The Frensche schopen be her miht[797]

To grieve. And fell ther was a kniht,

Sire Guilliam de Langharet,

Which was upon this cause set;

And therupon he tok a route

Of men of Armes and rod oute,

So longe and in a wayt he lay,[798]

That he aspide upon a day 3000

The Pope was at Avinoun,

And scholde ryde out of the toun

Unto Pontsorge, the which is[799]

A Castell in Provence of his.

Upon the weie and as he rod,

This kniht, which hoved and abod

Embuisshed upon horse bak,

Al sodeinliche upon him brak

And hath him be the bridel sesed,

And seide: ‘O thou, which hast desesed 3010

The Court of France be thi wrong,

Now schalt thou singe an other song:[800]

Thin enterdit and thi sentence

Ayein thin oghne conscience

Hierafter thou schalt fiele and grope.

We pleigne noght ayein the Pope,

For thilke name is honourable,

Bot thou, which hast be deceivable

P. i. 261

And tricherous in al thi werk,

Thou Bonefas, thou proude clerk, 3020

Misledere of the Papacie,[801]

Thi false bodi schal abye

And soffre that it hath deserved.’

Lo, thus the Supplantour was served;

For thei him ladden into France

And setten him to his penance

Withinne a tour in harde bondes,

Wher he for hunger bothe hise hondes

Eet of and deide, god wot how:

Of whom the wrytinge is yit now 3030

Registred, as a man mai hiere,

Which spekth and seith in this manere:

Cronica Bonefacii. Intrasti ut vulpis, regnasti ut leo, et mortuus es ut canis.

Thin entre lich the fox was slyh,

Thi regne also with pride on hih

Was lich the Leon in his rage;

Bot ate laste of thi passage

Thi deth was to the houndes like.

Such is the lettre of his Cronique

Proclamed in the Court of Rome,

Wherof the wise ensample nome. 3040

And yit, als ferforth as I dar,

I rede alle othre men be war,

And that thei loke wel algate

That non his oghne astat translate

Of holi cherche in no degree

Be fraude ne soubtilite:

For thilke honour which Aaron tok

Schal non receive, as seith the bok,

P. i. 262

Bot he be cleped as he was.

What I schal thenken in this cas 3050

Of that I hiere now aday,

I not: bot he which can and may,

Be reson bothe and be nature

The help of every mannes cure,

He kepe Simon fro the folde.[802]

Nota de prophecia Ioachim Abbatis.

For Joachim thilke Abbot tolde

How suche daies scholden falle,

Quanti Mercenarii erunt in ouile dei, tuas aures meis narracionibus fedare nolo.[803]

That comunliche in places alle

The Chapmen of such mercerie

With fraude and with Supplantarie 3060

So manye scholden beie and selle,

That he ne may for schame telle

So foul a Senne in mannes Ere.

Bot god forbiede that it were

In oure daies that he seith:

For if the Clerc beware his feith

In chapmanhod at such a feire,

The remenant mot nede empeire

Of al that to the world belongeth;

For whan that holi cherche wrongeth, 3070

I not what other thing schal rihte.

And natheles at mannes sihte

Envie forto be preferred

Hath conscience so differred,

That noman loketh to the vice

Which is the Moder of malice,

And that is thilke false Envie,

Which causeth many a tricherie;

P. i. 263

For wher he may an other se

That is mor gracious than he, 3080

It schal noght stonden in his miht

Bot if he hindre such a wiht:

And that is welnyh overal,

This vice is now so general.

[JOAB. AHITOPHEL.]

Envie thilke unhapp indrowh,[804]

Qualiter Ioab princeps milicie Dauid inuidie causa Abner subdole interfecit. Et qualiter eciam Achitofell ob hoc quod Cusy in consilio Absolon preferebatur, accensus inuidia laqueo se suspendit.

Whan Joab be deceipte slowh

Abner, for drede he scholde be

With king David such as was he.

And thurgh Envie also it fell

Of thilke false Achitofell, 3090

For his conseil was noght achieved,

Bot that he sih Cusy believed

With Absolon and him forsake,

He heng himself upon a stake.

[NATURE OF ENVY.]

Senec witnesseth openly

How that Envie proprely

Is of the Court the comun wenche,

And halt taverne forto schenche

That drink which makth the herte brenne,

And doth the wit aboute renne, 3100

Be every weie to compasse

How that he mihte alle othre passe,

As he which thurgh unkindeschipe

Envieth every felaschipe;

So that thou miht wel knowe and se,

Ther is no vice such as he,

Ferst toward godd abhominable,

And to mankinde unprofitable:

P. i. 294

And that be wordes bot a fewe

I schal be reson prove and schewe. 3110

vi. Inuidie stimulus sine causa ledit abortus,

Nam sine temptante crimine crimen habet.

Non est huius opus temptare Cupidinis archum,

Dumque faces Veneris ethnica flamma vorat.

Absque rubore gene, pallor quas fuscus obumbrat,

Frigida nature cetera membra docent.

Envie if that I schal descrive,

He is noght schaply forto wyve[805]

Hic describit Confessor naturam Inuidie tam in amore quam aliter secundum proprietatem vicii sub compendio.

In Erthe among the wommen hiere;

For ther is in him no matiere

Wherof he mihte do plesance.

Ferst for his hevy continance

Of that he semeth evere unglad,

He is noght able to ben had;

And ek he brenneth so withinne,[806]

That kinde mai no profit winne, 3120

Wherof he scholde his love plese:

For thilke blod which scholde have ese

To regne among the moiste veines,

Is drye of thilke unkendeli peines

Thurgh whiche Envie is fyred ay.

And thus be reson prove I may

That toward love Envie is noght;

And otherwise if it be soght,

Upon what side as evere it falle,

It is the werste vice of alle, 3130

Which of himself hath most malice.

For understond that every vice

Som cause hath, wherof it groweth,

Bot of Envie noman knoweth

P. i. 265

Fro whenne he cam bot out of helle.

For thus the wise clerkes telle,

That no spirit bot of malice

Be weie of kinde upon a vice

Is tempted, and be such a weie

Envie hath kinde put aweie 3140

And of malice hath his steringe,

Wherof he makth his bakbitinge.

And is himself therof desesed.

So mai ther be no kinde plesed;

For ay the mor that he envieth,

The more ayein himself he plieth.

Thus stant Envie in good espeir

To ben himself the develes heir,

As he which is his nexte liche

And forthest fro the heveneriche, 3150

For there mai he nevere wone.

Confessor.

Forthi, my goode diere Sone,

If thou wolt finde a siker weie

To love, put Envie aweie.

Amans.

Min holy fader, reson wolde

That I this vice eschuie scholde:

Bot yit to strengthe mi corage,

If that ye wolde in avantage

Therof sette a recoverir,

It were tome a gret desir,[807] 3160

That I this vice mihte flee.

Confessor.

Nou understond, my Sone, and se,

Ther is phisique for the seke,

And vertus for the vices eke.

P. i. 266

Who that the vices wolde eschuie,

He mot be resoun thanne suie

The vertus; for be thilke weie

He mai the vices don aweie,

For thei togedre mai noght duelle:

For as the water of a welle[808] 3170

Of fyr abateth the malice,

Riht so vertu fordoth the vice.

Ayein Envie is Charite,

Which is the Moder of Pite,

That makth a mannes herte tendre,

[CHARITY AND PITY.]

That it mai no malice engendre

In him that is enclin therto.[809]

For his corage is tempred so,

That thogh he mihte himself relieve,

Yit wolde he noght an other grieve, 3180

Bot rather forto do plesance

He berth himselven the grevance,

So fain he wolde an other ese.

Wherof, mi Sone, for thin ese

Now herkne a tale which I rede,

And understand it wel, I rede.

[TALE OF CONSTANTINE AND SILVESTER.]

Among the bokes of latin

I finde write of Constantin

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de virtute caritatis contra Inuidiam. Et narrat de Constantino Helene filio, qui cum Imperii Romani dignitatem optinuerat, a morbo lepre infectus, medici pro sanitate recuperanda ipsum in sanguine puerorum masculorum balneare proposuerunt. Set cum innumera multitudo matrum cum filiis huiusmodi medicine causa in circuitu palacii affuisset, Imparatorque eorum gemitus et clamores percepisset, caritate motus ingemiscens sic ait: ‘O vere ipse est[810] dominus, qui se facit seruum pietatis.’ Et hiis dictis statum suum cunctipotentis medele[811] committens, sui ipsius morbum pocius quam infancium mortem benignus[812] elegit. Vnde ipse, qui antea Paganus et leprosus extiterat, ex vnda baptismatis[813] renatus vtriusque materie, tam corporis quam anime, diuino miraculo consecutus est salutem.

The worthi Emperour of Rome,

Suche infortunes to him come, 3190

Whan he was in his lusti age,

The lepre cawhte in his visage

And so forth overal aboute,

That he ne mihte ryden oute:

P. i. 267

So lefte he bothe Schield and spere,

As he that mihte him noght bestere,

And hield him in his chambre clos.

Thurgh al the world the fame aros,

The grete clerkes ben asent[814]

And come at his comandement 3200

To trete upon this lordes hele.

So longe thei togedre dele,

That thei upon this medicine

Apointen hem, and determine

That in the maner as it stod

Thei wolde him bathe in childes blod

Withinne sevene wynter age:

For, as thei sein, that scholde assuage

The lepre and al the violence,

Which that thei knewe of Accidence 3210

And noght be weie of kinde is falle.

And therto thei acorden alle

As for final conclusioun,

And tolden here opinioun

To themperour: and he anon

His conseil tok, and therupon

With lettres and with seales oute

Thei sende in every lond aboute

The yonge children forto seche,

Whos blod, thei seiden, schal be leche[815] 3220

For themperoures maladie.

Ther was ynowh to wepe and crie

Among the Modres, whan thei herde

Hou wofully this cause ferde,

P. i. 268

Bot natheles thei moten bowe;

And thus wommen ther come ynowhe

With children soukende on the Tete.

Tho was ther manye teres lete,

Bot were hem lieve or were hem lothe,

The wommen and the children bothe 3230

Into the Paleis forth be broght[816]

With many a sory hertes thoght

Of hem whiche of here bodi bore

The children hadde, and so forlore

Withinne a while scholden se.

The Modres wepe in here degre,

And manye of hem aswoune falle,[817]

The yonge babes criden alle:

This noyse aros, the lord it herde,

And loked out, and how it ferde 3240

He sih, and as who seith abreide

Out of his slep, and thus he seide:

‘O thou divine pourveance,

Which every man in the balance

Of kinde hast formed to be liche,

The povere is bore as is the riche

And deieth in the same wise,

Upon the fol, upon the wise

Siknesse and hele entrecomune;

Mai non eschuie that fortune 3250

Which kinde hath in hire lawe set;

Hire strengthe and beaute ben beset

To every man aliche fre,

That sche preferreth no degre

P. i. 269

As in the disposicioun

Of bodili complexioun:

And ek of Soule resonable

The povere child is bore als able

To vertu as the kinges Sone;

For every man his oghne wone 3260

After the lust of his assay

The vice or vertu chese may.

Thus stonden alle men franchised,

Bot in astat thei ben divised;

Nota.[818]

To some worschipe and richesse,

To some poverte and distresse,

On lordeth and an other serveth;

Bot yit as every man deserveth

The world yifth noght his yiftes hiere.

Bot certes he hath gret matiere 3270

To ben of good condicioun,

Which hath in his subjeccioun

The men that ben of his semblance.’

And ek he tok a remembrance

How he that made lawe of kinde

Wolde every man to lawe binde,

And bad a man, such as he wolde

Toward himself, riht such he scholde

Toward an other don also.

And thus this worthi lord as tho 3280

Sette in balance his oghne astat

And with himself stod in debat,

And thoghte hou that it was noght good[819]

To se so mochel mannes blod

P. i. 270

Be spilt for cause of him alone.[820]

He sih also the grete mone,

Of that the Modres were unglade,

And of the wo the children made,

Wherof that al his herte tendreth,

And such pite withinne engendreth,[821] 3290

That him was levere forto chese

His oghne bodi forto lese,

Than se so gret a moerdre wroght

Upon the blod which gulteth noght.

Thus for the pite which he tok

Alle othre leches he forsok,

And put him out of aventure

Al only into goddes cure;

And seith, ‘Who that woll maister be,

He mot be servant to pite.’ 3300

So ferforth he was overcome

With charite, that he hath nome

His conseil and hise officers,

And bad unto hise tresorers

That thei his tresour al aboute

Departe among that povere route[822]

Of wommen and of children bothe,

Wherof thei mihte hem fede and clothe

And saufli tornen hom ayein

Withoute lost of eny grein. 3310

Thurgh charite thus he despendeth

His good, wherof that he amendeth

The povere poeple, and contrevaileth

The harm, that he hem so travaileth:[823]

P. i. 271

And thus the woful nyhtes sorwe

To joie is torned on the morwe;

Al was thonkinge, al was blessinge,

Which erst was wepinge and cursinge;

Thes wommen gon hom glade ynowh,

Echon for joie on other lowh, 3320

And preiden for this lordes hele,

Which hath relessed the querele,

And hath his oghne will forsake

In charite for goddes sake.

Bot now hierafter thou schalt hiere

What god hath wroght in this matiere,

As he which doth al equite.

To him that wroghte charite

He was ayeinward charitous,

And to pite he was pitous: 3330

For it was nevere knowe yit

That charite goth unaquit.

The nyht, whan he was leid to slepe,

The hihe god, which wolde him kepe,

Seint Peter and seint Poul him sende,

Be whom he wolde his lepre amende.

Thei tuo to him slepende appiere

Fro god, and seide in this manere:

‘O Constantin, for thou hast served

Pite, thou hast pite deserved: 3340

Forthi thou schalt such pite have

That god thurgh pite woll thee save.

So schalt thou double hele finde,

Ferst for thi bodiliche kinde,

P. i. 272

And for thi wofull Soule also,

Thou schalt ben hol of bothe tuo.

And for thou schalt thee noght despeire,

Thi lepre schal nomore empeire

Til thou wolt sende therupon

Unto the Mont of Celion, 3350

Wher that Silvestre and his clergie

Togedre duelle in compaignie

For drede of thee, which many day

Hast ben a fo to Cristes lay,

And hast destruid to mochel schame

The prechours of his holy name.

Bot now thou hast somdiel appesed

Thi god, and with good dede plesed,

That thou thi pite hast bewared

Upon the blod which thou hast spared. 3360

Forthi to thi salvacion

Thou schalt have enformacioun,

Such as Silvestre schal the teche:

The nedeth of non other leche.’

This Emperour, which al this herde,

‘Grant merci lordes,’ he ansuerde,

‘I wol do so as ye me seie.

Bot of o thing I wolde preie:

What schal I telle unto Silvestre

Or of youre name or of youre estre?’ 3370

And thei him tolden what thei hihte,

And forth withal out of his sihte

Thei passen up into the hevene.

And he awok out of his swevene,

P. i. 273

And clepeth, and men come anon:

He tolde his drem, and therupon

In such a wise as he hem telleth

The Mont wher that Silvestre duelleth

Thei have in alle haste soght,

And founde he was and with hem broght 3380

To themperour, which to him tolde

His swevene and elles what he wolde.

And whan Silvestre hath herd the king,

He was riht joiful of this thing,

And him began with al his wit

To techen upon holi writ

Ferst how mankinde was forlore,

And how the hihe god therfore

His Sone sende from above,

Which bore was for mannes love, 3390

And after of his oghne chois

He tok his deth upon the crois;

And how in grave he was beloke,

And how that he hath helle broke,

And tok hem out that were him lieve;[824]

And forto make ous full believe

That he was verrai goddes Sone,

Ayein the kinde of mannes wone

Fro dethe he ros the thridde day,

And whanne he wolde, as he wel may, 3400

He styh up to his fader evene

With fleissh and blod into the hevene;[825]

And riht so in the same forme

In fleissh and blod he schal reforme,

P. i. 274

Whan time comth, the qwike and dede

At thilke woful dai of drede,[826]

Where every man schal take his dom,

Als wel the Maister as the grom.

The mihti kinges retenue

That dai may stonde of no value 3410

With worldes strengthe to defende;

For every man mot thanne entende

To stonde upon his oghne dedes

And leve alle othre mennes nedes.

That dai mai no consail availe,

The pledour and the plee schal faile,

The sentence of that ilke day

Mai non appell sette in delay;

Ther mai no gold the Jugge plie,

That he ne schal the sothe trie 3420

And setten every man upriht,

Als wel the plowman as the kniht:

The lewed man, the grete clerk

Schal stonde upon his oghne werk,

And such as he is founde tho,

Such schal he be for everemo.

Ther mai no peine be relessed,

Ther mai no joie ben encressed,

Bot endeles, as thei have do,

He schal receive on of the tuo.[827] 3430

And thus Silvestre with his sawe[828]

The ground of al the newe lawe

With gret devocion he precheth,

Fro point to point and pleinly techeth

P. i. 275

Unto this hethen Emperour;

And seith, the hihe creatour

Hath underfonge his charite,

Of that he wroghte such pite,

Whan he the children hadde on honde.

Thus whan this lord hath understonde 3440

Of al this thing how that it ferde,

Unto Silvestre he thanne ansuerde,

With al his hole herte and seith

That he is redi to the feith.

And so the vessel which for blod

Was mad, Silvestre, ther it stod,

With clene water of the welle

In alle haste he let do felle,

And sette Constantin therinne

Al naked up unto the chinne. 3450

And in the while it was begunne,

A liht, as thogh it were a Sunne,

Fro hevene into the place com

Wher that he tok his cristendom;

And evere among the holi tales

Lich as thei weren fisshes skales

Ther fellen from him now and eft,

Til that ther was nothing beleft[829]

Of al his grete maladie.

For he that wolde him purefie, 3460

The hihe god hath mad him clene,

So that ther lefte nothing sene;

He hath him clensed bothe tuo,

The bodi and the Soule also.

P. i. 276

Tho knew this Emperour in dede

That Cristes feith was forto drede,

And sende anon hise lettres oute

And let do crien al aboute,

Up peine of deth that noman weyve

That he baptesme ne receive:[830] 3470

After his Moder qweene Heleine

He sende, and so betwen hem tweine

Thei treten, that the Cite all

Was cristned, and sche forth withall.

This Emperour, which hele hath founde,

Withinne Rome anon let founde[831]

Tuo cherches, whiche he dede make

For Peter and for Poules sake,

Of whom he hadde avisioun;[832]

And yaf therto possessioun 3480

Of lordschipe and of worldes good.

Bot how so that his will was good

Toward the Pope and his Franchise,

Yit hath it proved other wise,

To se the worchinge of the dede:

For in Cronique this I rede;[833]

Anon as he hath mad the yifte,[834]

A vois was herd on hih the lifte,

Of which al Rome was adrad,

And seith: ‘To day is venym schad 3490

In holi cherche of temporal,

Which medleth with the spirital.’[835]

And hou it stant of that degree

Yit mai a man the sothe se:

P. i. 277

God mai amende it, whan he wile,

I can ther to non other skile.

Confessor.

Bot forto go ther I began,

How charite mai helpe a man

To bothe worldes, I have seid:

And if thou have an Ere leid, 3500

Mi Sone, thou miht understonde,

If charite be take on honde,

Ther folweth after mochel grace.

Forthi, if that thou wolt pourchace

How that thou miht Envie flee,

Aqueinte thee with charite,

Which is the vertu sovereine.

Amans.

Mi fader, I schal do my peine:

For this ensample which ye tolde

With al myn herte I have withholde, 3510

So that I schal for everemore

Eschuie Envie wel the more:

And that I have er this misdo,

Yif me my penance er I go.

And over that to mi matiere

Of schrifte, why we sitten hiere[836]

In privete betwen ous tweie,

Now axeth what ther is, I preie.

Confessor.

Mi goode Sone, and for thi lore

I woll thee telle what is more, 3520

So that thou schalt the vices knowe:

For whan thei be to thee full knowe,

Thou miht hem wel the betre eschuie.

And for this cause I thenke suie

P. i. 278

The forme bothe and the matiere,

As now suiende thou schalt hiere

Which vice stant next after this:

And whan thou wost how that it is,

As thou schalt hiere me devise,

Thow miht thiself the betre avise. 3530

Explicit Liber Secundus.

LINENOTES:

536 Latin Verses i. 10 aliis H₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W

537 31 nowher] now heer (here) MX ... B₂

538 59 ate A, S, F at J, B

539 60 get J, S, F gete AC, B

540 71 oþer (othir) MH₁, AdΔ, H₃ oþre AJEC, SB, F

541 78 further] fader KH₃

542 92 wolde] þought(e) XEC þough H₁RLB₂

543 96 write] I write AM

544 116 margin capere H₁ ... B₂, B

545 117 Bot] Bo F

546 119 margin et om. B

547 123 that men thanne knewe] þat men þat (om. knewe) A þat men þat knew M that than men knewe Ad of men that knewe H₃

548 129 no om. AM

549 136 tyde B

550 149 set J, SB sette A, F

551 150 vyre (vire) H₁ ... L, B, W

552 160 lich] as B, KH₃

553 162 The whom AX, SAd, F Tho whome M To whom JH₁G ... B₂, Λ In whom K in ras. H₃ The which B, W Hom (om. The) Δ areste] haue reste J

554 176 þe helle AM (hille)

555 181 kept J, SB, F kepte A

556 193 Wher SAdBΔ

557 Latin Verses ii. 1 Orta] Vita H₁ ... B₂, B

558 5 sorte] forte H₁XGRCLB₂

559 228 He] Him E, KH₃

560 298 which om. B

561 310 mad S, F made AJ, B

562 315 margin igitur (gi) diuicias carpere XER, B sibi diuicias capere MH₁, W igitur diuicias capere CL

563 346 What þat B What Ad

564 352 Ennvie F

565 354 thus] þis A and thus W

566 365-72 Eight lines om. SAdBΔΛ

567 377 the wise] þis wise B

568 378 euermore AJMG ... B₂, Magd forthermore W

569 Latin Verses iii. 2 infamen F

570 401 the om. AM

571 409 suche F

572 467 vnknowen vnkost R vnknowen gest AM

573 473 hadde I wist] hadde (had) wist XRC haddy wist(e) H₁ELB₂ haddiwist M, H₃ haddy I wist Ad

574 517 Al] And H₁ ... B₂, H₃

575 554 of om. J ... B₂, B, W

576 571 Bewar F Be war AJ, B

577 578 schold BS, F scholde AJ

578 606 margin fuit] fiunt XERCL, B fuerit B₂

579 649 be so AM sone be X

580 658 margin in exilium] et in exilium X, B et exilium H₁ERLB₂

581 671 welcominge] comyng(e) H₁ ... B₂, B

582 710 hiere F

583 716 margin ad partes H₁ ... RLB₂, B

584 751 and] and it H₁ ... B₂, B

585 751 margin Elda H₁G ... B₂, B

586 782 margin ipsa sibi A ... B₂, BΔ

587 803 told A, SB, F tolde C

588 815 his l. to vnderstonde AJMH₁X GRLB₂, BΔ þis l. tunderstonde Ad þis l. to vnderstonde C, H₃ his l. vnderstonde E, W

589 833 that other] þe oþer M þat dier(e) H₁ ... B₂, B

590 844 caste AC, S cast J, B, F

591 860 thanne ... thanne] þanne ... þus LB₂, B, W

592 882 hast] has C, Δ haþ RLB₂, AdB, W

593 884 told J, SB, F tolde AC

594 912 the] þis H₁ ... B₂, B, H₃

595 925 He] And H₁YXGECLB₂, B

596 938 margin quod] quia H₁ ... B₂, B

597 939 margin non om. B

598 947 margin desolabitur YRCL, B, W

599 949 þong F

600 951 his] þis AB₂

601 957 As] And C, H₃

602 961 ne om. J ... B₂, B, W

603 962 as] þat ERCB₂

604 993 him H₁ ... CB₂, B

605 1009 ffor wiþ RLB₂

606 1020 I, thei sein, delaie] I seie (se) eny delaie H₁ ... B₂, B thei seine d. (om. I) H₃

607 1021 put AJ, S, F putte C, B

608 1045 that writen is] þe writen is AM þat writen was B₂ B, W þat wryten (om. is) X

609 1048 tofore B, W

610 1063 Sownend(e) A, B

611 1066 yhe A ... B₂, SAdB

612 1070 þenkeþ it is gret E, B, H₃

613 1071 schalt] most B

614 1085 ff. margin Qualiter—liberauit om. AM(p.m.)

615 1101 at] as AM

616 1103 mo men sih sche] AM (sighe), SAdΔ (saw), F no men seih (sigh) sche G ... B₂, B, H₃ no man s. she H₁X, W no men sie hire J noght om. W

617 1120 preide] preide to L preieþ to C praieth Δ preith H₃

618 1123 menable M, Δ, F meuable GRCLB₂, B doubtful AJH₁YXE, SAd, H₃ meveable W

619 1129 margin vagans] nauigans B

620 1127 ff. margin Qualiter—educauit om. AM(p.m.)

621 1132 be falle J, S, F befalle AC, B

622 1133 the] þat A ... B₂, SAdBΔ

623 1140 to go in] go in AM, Δ to gon L to go doun G gone (to se) W

624 1151 forþ wiþ J, SB forþwiþ A, F

625 1158 euermo H₁ ... CB₂, W

626 1169 o word H₁ECB₂, B ne] no F

627 1178 hire (hir) JMX ... B₂, AdB hys W

628 1184 al om. H₁Sn, H₃

629 1189 becam GEC, AdB, W be cam (bi cam &c.) A ... XRLB₂, F

630 1191 forther] for þat H₁ ... B₂, B

631 1193 happed H₁ ... RLB₂, B

632 1200 This] His H₁ ... B₂, B, W

633 1217: felaschip J, S, F felaschipe A

634 1226: herkne SAdΔ herkene X, H₃ herken B₂, W

635 1237: he om. B

636 1245 it] him YX ... B₂, B om. H₁Sn

637 1258 And he which noþing haþ supposed AJM, SAdΔ As he wh. n. haþ supposed FWKH₃ And he noþing haþ ȝit supposed H₁ ... B₂, B

638 1285 I schal FWKH₃ It schal A ... B₂, SAdBΔ

639 1303 so] þo AM wo Ad

640 1328 his guide] is guide H₁XGECLB₂, B

641 1343 how] how þat AM

642 1353 fell] was E, B is G om. XRCLB₂ (that she hadde in here thouht H₁)

643 1356 agrope A, SAd, F grope J ... B₂, BΔ, WH₃

644 1363 at þe J, S, F atte A, B

645 1378 a suite] o suite AM

646 1412 nouther] nowher LSn neuer H₃ (now þer now here X)

647 1434 is] was G, B

648 1441 armes H₁XRCLB₂, AdΔ, W kiste] keste F

649 1445 this] his AM the W

650 1447 agret F

651 1457 preiþ him AM preith (om. him) H₁

652 1458 worshipe F

653 1461 the] þat B

654 1468 eny] euery H₁ ... L, B euer eny B₂

655 1472 he H₁, B

656 1479 forþ wiþ AJ, SB forþwiþ F

657 1483 fader half J, B, F faderhalf A, S

658 1484 Wiþ due reuerence as he oughte H₁ ... B₂

659 1495 fforþ wiþ J, SB fforþwiþ A, F

660 1539 the om. F

661 1543 the] þis H₁ ... B₂, B

662 1568 Stro̅n̅de F

663 1574 he] it B

664 1577 Ne] He YX ... B₂, B om. H₁

665 1582 wher that] where (wher) H₁ ... B₂, BΔ, W

666 1599 wel meninge (meuinge) AMRLB₂, SAd, F welle menyng H₁X whele meneng Δ whel meuynge J whele mevinge W whiel (whele) moeuyng YGEC, B, H₃

667 1618 ȝit is in G. rif H₁XGRCLB₂ ȝit in G. is rif E, B, H₃

668 1623 attendant B

669 1631 þanne mot(e) AM þan mot W

670 1640 hath ynowh] haþ Inowh of LB₂ inow had of Δ knihthode J knithode (knythode) A, F

671 1644 ꝑ chance A, B, F perchaunce J

672 1669 Soferforþ F

673 1675 Which so haþ YGER, SAdΔΛ Which so as AJMH₁XCB₂, B, F Whych so has W Which so L Which tho as H₃

674 1678 adai F

675 1706 it were noght AM

676 1707 that] þus H₁ ... L, B þis B₂

677 1711 that tho was] which þo was SAdΔ þat was heir H₁YG ... B₂, B which heyr was X

678 1728 belles B

679 1743 diuision J, F diuisioun A, B

680 1758 as he aros] right as he ros (aros) H₁ ... B₂, B

681 1763 wold(e) to Rome faste H₁ ... B₂, B

682 1770 after were B was efter H₃ afterward was Δ

683 1778 As he FWH₃

684 1780 whanne om. AM

685 1788 is hed F

686 1803 fforþ wiþ A, SB fforwiþ F

687 1804 goþ B

688 1808 sende AJ

689 1809 This] The A ... B₂, S ... Δ

690 1811 the] þis X ... B₂, B, W

691 1829 the] þis H₁, B

692 1856 hunger G, SB hungre AJE, F

693 1867 þerfor(e) H₁XE ... B₂, B

694 1869 of] if (ȝif) X ... B₂ om. W

695 1895 a couine H₁XRCLB₂

696 1896 be told J, B betold A, S, F

697 1902 Envie] of Enuie LB₂, H₃

698 1907 and] and in AM in H₁

699 1916 be for] before RCLB₂, Δ, H₃

700 1925 with] by (be) XG, B

701 1944 rowneth B rownet L

702 1960 in] on B

703 1971 to me telle B

704 1990 to] of AM

705 2003 eny] euery H₁ ... B₂

706 2010 wist SB, F wiste AJ

707 2040 it om. B

708 2043 the sothe] and soþ B

709 2045 alite A, B, F, &c.

710 2072 tolde AJ, S told B, F

711 2090 a say M, SAd, FH₃ asay AJ assay(e) H₁ ... B₂, B, W

712 2111 The profit] To profit XE ... B₂

713 2122 ffa crere AJ, S, F al. ffacrere

714 2128 biforn (be forn) B₂, B

715 2139 þe vice H₁ ... B₂ his v. H₃

716 2150 margin speculo om. AM (p.m.)

717 2170 conspire] spire XGRCLB₂ to spire (spere) H₁, Ad

718 2178 al] as H₁ ... B₂

719 2191 hire A

720 2198 line om. B on oþer JCLB₂, W

721 2207 seigh (seih) EC sih(e) LB₂

722 2214 Thei F

723 2218 glad also H₁ ... B₂

724 2220 set A, S, F sette JC, B

725 2221 began] he gan GCL

726 2228 and] þo H₁XE ... B₂ om. YG, H₃

727 2247 Al] And H₁, FWH₃

728 2248 lord his] lordes H₁ ... B₂, Ad

729 2251 mykel (mekyl &c.) H₁G ... B₂, W

730 2270 he om. B sche H₁

731 2271 clad fulofte B

732 2272 fieblest MX ... C þe fieblest LB₂ the febleste H₁ feblenes Δ

733 2299 of al FH₃ of R, Magd

734 2316 wolde X ... B₂

735 Latin Verses v. 1 Supplantacio AM supplantare H₃

736 3 linguis AM ignis H₁

737 8 Quam B

738 2328 manye A, S, F

739 2337 þis AMG ... L, W the H₁, Δ

740 2354 vp he haleþ Δ, FWH₃Magd he vp haleþ (vphaleþ) A ... B₂, SAdB

741 2369 thei] such(e) A ... B₂, SAdBΔ line om. WMagd

742 2373 men H₁ ... B₂

743 2382 margin Hic in amoris ... eodem] Confessor B

744 2387 as of dede SAdBΔ

745 2392 lakked(e) (lacked) X ... L lakket W bote J, S, F the rest bot or but

746 2408 the] þo B

747 2414 I dar A, FWH₃ dar I J ... B₂, SAdBΔ

748 2425 hihe AC, S, F hih GE, B

749 2427 al om. B

750 2434 godd om. AM

751 2447 a wayt (a wait) J, S, F awayt (await) AC, B

752 2461 margin socrum H₁ ... B₂

753 2473 in this forme he] in thys forme W þis infortune YGEC in þis fortune H₁XRLB₂

754 2477 a wise J, SB awise A, F

755 2497 þis AM

756 2510 þought hem for B

757 2519 for to seche X ... B₂

758 2520 þo werres G ... B₂

759 2523 hem B

760 2530 how that] how H₁ þat B

761 2537 As H₁, W And AJMYX ... B₂, SAdBΔΛ, FH₃Magd

762 2559 he om. AM

763 2562 þong F

764 2573 That] And B

765 2576 this] his AMXR ... B₂, H₃W hire G here H₁

766 2581 that ilke] þilke AM

767 2586 Thus AM

768 2592 þe H₁ ... B₂, FWH₃ þis AJM, SAdBΔ

769 2632 that ilke] wiþinne a B

770 2649 Wher] Ther B

771 2654 herkneþ XE ... B₂

772 2661 kinges] soldans X ... B₂ Souldan H₁

773 2678 þus AM

774 2680 tome AJYGECB₂, SAdBΔΛ, FWKH₃ thome L come MH₁XR

775 2698 þer vpon J, SB þervpon A, F

776 2708 þo was H₁ ... B₂ was so H₃ hath so T

777 2733 this] þe A ... B₂, SAdBTΔ

778 2741 ded] stille B

779 2752 and gret] and with gret LB₂, W

780 2775 þe point H₁ ... B₂

781 2806 margin causa] casu H₁ ... B₂

782 2810 margin coniecta A ... B₂, B

783 2817 margin fameque F

784 2814 agrope J, SAdT, FH₃ grope AM ... B₂, BΔ, W

785 2821 he] þe ERL, BTΛ

786 2822 Wit F

787 2825 be] þe X ... B₂

788 2852 þis tyme B

789 2865 told A, B, F tolde J

790 2870 on slepe H₁XGRCL ... B₂, Ad, W

791 2875 The sone AM

792 2881 of which M, B which E (p. m.)

793 2903 is om. F

794 2906 bethoght] he þought H₁ ... B₂, B, W

795 2959 on þe hih(e) whiel LB₂ opon the whele W

796 2964 out of þe herre AM out of herte J

797 2993 schapen H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ

798 2999 a wayt F a wait J awayt AC, B

799 3003 Poursorge H₁ ... B₂, B

800 3012 an other] a newe H₁, B

801 3021 the] þi H₁ ... B₂, B, Magd

802 3055 He kepe] He helpe H₁ ... B₂, B He kepte T To kepe SAdΔ

803 3058 ff margin Quanti ... nolo SΔ, FH₃Magd om. A ... B₂, B (S has qui sic ait Quanti Mercenarii tunc erunt &c.)

804 3085 indrowh AJ, F in drowh (in drough) C, SB

805 3112 schapli noght AM

806 3119 An F

807 3160 tome A, F to me JC, SB

808 3170 þe welle H₁ ... B₂, B

809 3177 enclynd (enclined) H₁ ... B₂, BT, W inclinand Δ

810 3204 margin est ipse A ... B₂, SBΔ

811 3207 margin medele] indele H₁ ... B₂, B

812 3209 margin benignius A, SBΔ

813 3214 margin ex vnda baptismatis om. H₁ ... B₂, BΔ

814 3199 ben] were B

815 3220 scholde AM, TΔ, W

816 3231 be] he AM

817 3237 on swowne H₁ ... B₂, B

818 3265 margin Nota AJ, F om. C, B

819 3283 hou that] how ML, Δ, W

820 3285 for] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, H₃

821 3290 gendreþ AM, W

822 3306 that] þe M ... B₂, SAdBΔ, W

823 3314 so om. H₁ ... B₂

824 3395 were hem B

825 3402 into heuene AMR, Δ, W

826 3406 On H₁ ... B₂ And H₃ (That ilke W)

827 3430 He schal] Thei schul (schal) H₁ ... B₂

828 3431 And þis H₁ERC, W And þus þis L

829 3458 Til that ... beleft] Til ... him beleft (be lefte &c.) H₁ ... B₂

830 3470 ne om. AM

831 3476 he let(e) founde AM

832 3479 Of hem B

833 3486 For] ffro F

834 3487 so as AM

835 3492 Wich F

836 3516 why] whil(e) M ... B₂, W

Incipit Liber Tercius.

[IRE OR WRATH.]

P. i. 279

i. Ira suis paribus est par furiis Acherontis,

Quo furor ad tempus nil pietatis habet.

Ira malencolicos animos perturbat, vt equo

Iure sui pondus nulla statera tenet.

Omnibus in causis grauat Ira, set inter amantes,

Illa magis facili sorte grauamen agit:

Est vbi vir discors leuiterque repugnat amori,

Sepe loco ludi fletus ad ora venit.

If thou the vices lest to knowe,

Mi Sone, it hath noght ben unknowe,

Fro ferst that men the swerdes grounde,

Hic in tercio libro tractat super quinque speciebus Ire, quarum prima Malencolia dicitur, cuius vicium Confessor primo[837] describens Amanti super eodem consequenter opponit.

That ther nis on upon this grounde,

A vice forein fro the lawe,

Wherof that many a good felawe

Hath be distraght be sodein chance;[838]

And yit to kinde no plesance

It doth, bot wher he most achieveth

His pourpos, most to kinde he grieveth, 10

As he which out of conscience

Is enemy to pacience:[839]

And is be name on of the Sevene,

Which ofte hath set this world unevene,

P. i. 280

And cleped is the cruel Ire,

Whos herte is everemore on fyre

To speke amis and to do bothe,

For his servantz ben evere wrothe.

Mi goode fader, tell me this:

What thing is Ire?

Sone, it is 20

That in oure englissh Wrathe is hote,

Which hath hise wordes ay so hote,

That all a mannes pacience

Is fyred of the violence.

For he with him hath evere fyve

Servantz that helpen him to stryve:

[i. MELANCHOLY.]

The ferst of hem Malencolie

Is cleped, which in compaignie

An hundred times in an houre

Wol as an angri beste loure, 30

And noman wot the cause why.

Mi Sone, schrif thee now forthi:

Hast thou be Malencolien?

Confessio Amantis.

Ye, fader, be seint Julien,

Bot I untrewe wordes use,

I mai me noght therof excuse:

And al makth love, wel I wot,

Of which myn herte is evere hot,

So that I brenne as doth a glede

For Wrathe that I mai noght spede. 40

And thus fulofte a day for noght

Save onlich of myn oghne thoght

I am so with miselven wroth,

That how so that the game goth

P. i. 281

With othre men, I am noght glad;

Bot I am wel the more unglad,

For that is othre mennes game

It torneth me to pure grame.

Thus am I with miself oppressed[840]

Of thoght, the which I have impressed, 50

That al wakende I dreme and meete[841]

That I with hire al one meete

And preie hire of som good ansuere:

Bot for sche wol noght gladly swere,

Sche seith me nay withouten oth;

And thus wexe I withinne wroth,

That outward I am al affraied,

And so distempred and esmaied.

A thousand times on a day

Ther souneth in myn Eres nay, 60

The which sche seide me tofore:

Thus be my wittes as forlore;[842]

And namely whan I beginne

To rekne with miself withinne

How many yeres ben agon,

Siththe I have trewly loved on

And nevere tok of other hede,

And evere aliche fer to spede[843]

I am, the more I with hir dele,

So that myn happ and al myn hele 70

Me thenkth is ay the leng the ferre,

That bringth my gladschip out of herre,

Wherof my wittes ben empeired,

And I, as who seith, al despeired.

P. i. 282

For finaly, whan that I muse

And thenke how sche me wol refuse,

I am with anger so bestad,

For al this world mihte I be glad:

And for the while that it lasteth

Al up so doun my joie it casteth, 80

And ay the furthere that I be,

Whan I ne may my ladi se,

The more I am redy to wraththe,

That for the touchinge of a laththe

Or for the torninge of a stree

I wode as doth the wylde Se,[844]

And am so malencolious,

That ther nys servant in myn hous

Ne non of tho that ben aboute,

That ech of hem ne stant in doute, 90

And wenen that I scholde rave

For Anger that thei se me have;

And so thei wondre more and lasse,

Til that thei sen it overpasse.

Bot, fader, if it so betide,

That I aproche at eny tide

The place wher my ladi is,

And thanne that hire like ywiss

To speke a goodli word untome,

For al the gold that is in Rome 100

Ne cowthe I after that be wroth,

Bot al myn Anger overgoth;

So glad I am of the presence

Of hire, that I all offence

P. i. 283

Foryete, as thogh it were noght,

So overgladed is my thoght.

And natheles, the soth to telle,

Ayeinward if it so befelle

That I at thilke time sihe[845]

On me that sche miscaste hire yhe, 110

Or that sche liste noght to loke,

And I therof good hiede toke,

Anon into my ferste astat

I torne, and am with al so mat,

That evere it is aliche wicke.

And thus myn hand ayein the pricke

I hurte and have do many day,

And go so forth as I go may,

Fulofte bitinge on my lippe,

And make unto miself a whippe, 120

With which in many a chele and hete

Mi wofull herte is so tobete,

That all my wittes ben unsofte

And I am wroth, I not how ofte;

And al it is Malencolie,

Which groweth of the fantasie

Of love, that me wol noght loute:

So bere I forth an angri snoute

Ful manye times in a yer.

Bot, fader, now ye sitten hier 130

In loves stede, I yow beseche,

That som ensample ye me teche,

Wherof I mai miself appese.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, for thin hertes ese

P. i. 284

I schal fulfille thi preiere,

So that thou miht the betre lere

What mischief that this vice stereth,

Which in his Anger noght forbereth,

Wherof that after him forthenketh,

Whan he is sobre and that he thenketh 140

Upon the folie of his dede;

And of this point a tale I rede.

[TALE OF CANACE AND MACHAIRE.]

Ther was a king which Eolus

Was hote, and it befell him thus,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos, qui cum vires amoris non sunt realiter experti, contra alios amantes malencolica[846] seueritate ad iracundiam vindicte prouocantur. Et narrat qualiter Rex Eolus filium nomine Macharium et filiam nomine Canacem habuit, qui cum ab infancia vsque ad pubertatem inuicem educati fuerant, Cupido tandem ignito iaculo amborum cordis desideria amorose penetrauit, ita quod Canacis natura cooperante a fratre suo inpregnata parturit: super quo pater, intollerabilem iuuentutis concupiscenciam[847] ignorans nimiaque furoris malencolia preuentus, dictam filiam cum partu dolorosissimo casu interfici adiudicauit.

That he tuo children hadde faire,

The Sone cleped was Machaire,

The dowhter ek Canace hihte.

Be daie bothe and ek be nyhte,

Whil thei be yonge, of comun wone

In chambre thei togedre wone, 150

And as thei scholden pleide hem ofte,

Til thei be growen up alofte

Into the youthe of lusti age,

Whan kinde assaileth the corage

With love and doth him forto bowe,

That he no reson can allowe,

Bot halt the lawes of nature:

For whom that love hath under cure,

As he is blind himself, riht so

He makth his client blind also. 160

In such manere as I you telle

As thei al day togedre duelle,

This brother mihte it noght asterte

That he with al his hole herte

P. i. 285

His love upon his Soster caste:

And so it fell hem ate laste,

That this Machaire with Canace

Whan thei were in a prive place,[848]

Cupide bad hem ferst to kesse,

And after sche which is Maistresse 170

In kinde and techeth every lif

Withoute lawe positif,

Of which sche takth nomaner charge,

Bot kepth hire lawes al at large,

Nature, tok hem into lore

And tawht hem so, that overmore[849]

Sche hath hem in such wise daunted;

That thei were, as who seith, enchaunted.

And as the blinde an other ledeth

And til thei falle nothing dredeth, 180

Riht so thei hadde non insihte;[850]

Bot as the bridd which wole alihte

And seth the mete and noght the net,

Which in deceipte of him is set,

This yonge folk no peril sihe,

Bot that was likinge in here yhe,[851]

So that thei felle upon the chance

Where witt hath lore his remembrance.

So longe thei togedre assemble,

The wombe aros, and sche gan tremble, 190

And hield hire in hire chambre clos

For drede it scholde be disclos

And come to hire fader Ere:

Wherof the Sone hadde also fere,

P. i. 286

And feigneth cause forto ryde;

For longe dorste he noght abyde,

In aunter if men wolde sein

That he his Soster hath forlein:

For yit sche hadde it noght beknowe

Whos was the child at thilke throwe.[852] 200

Machaire goth, Canace abit,

The which was noght delivered yit,

Bot riht sone after that sche was.

Now lest and herkne a woful cas.

The sothe, which mai noght ben hid,

Was ate laste knowe and kid

Unto the king, how that it stod.

And whan that he it understod,

Anon into Malencolie,

As thogh it were a frenesie, 210

He fell, as he which nothing cowthe

How maistrefull love is in yowthe:

And for he was to love strange,

He wolde noght his herte change

To be benigne and favorable

To love, bot unmerciable

Betwen the wawe of wod and wroth

Into his dowhtres chambre he goth,

And sih the child was late bore,

Wherof he hath hise othes swore 220

That sche it schal ful sore abye.

And sche began merci to crie,

Upon hire bare knes and preide,

And to hire fader thus sche seide:

P. i. 287

‘Ha mercy! fader, thenk I am

Thi child, and of thi blod I cam.

That I misdede yowthe it made,

And in the flodes bad me wade,

Wher that I sih no peril tho:

Bot now it is befalle so, 230

Merci, my fader, do no wreche!’

And with that word sche loste speche

And fell doun swounende at his fot,

As sche for sorwe nedes mot.

Bot his horrible crualte

Ther mihte attempre no pite:

Out of hire chambre forth he wente

Al full of wraththe in his entente,

And tok the conseil in his herte

That sche schal noght the deth asterte, 240

As he which Malencolien

Of pacience hath no lien,

Wherof his wraththe he mai restreigne.

And in this wilde wode peine,

Whanne al his resoun was untame,

A kniht he clepeth be his name,

And tok him as be weie of sonde

A naked swerd to bere on honde,

And seide him that he scholde go

And telle unto his dowhter so 250

In the manere as he him bad,

How sche that scharpe swerdes blad

Receive scholde and do withal

So as sche wot wherto it schal.[853]

P. i. 288

Forth in message goth this kniht

Unto this wofull yonge wiht,

This scharpe swerd to hire he tok:

Wherof that al hire bodi qwok,

For wel sche wiste what it mente,

And that it was to thilke entente 260

That sche hireselven scholde slee.

And to the kniht sche seide: ‘Yee,

Now that I wot my fadres wille,

That I schal in this wise spille,

I wole obeie me therto,

And as he wole it schal be do.

Bot now this thing mai be non other,

I wole a lettre unto mi brother,

So as my fieble hand may wryte,

With al my wofull herte endite.’ 270

Sche tok a Penne on honde tho,

Fro point to point and al the wo,

Als ferforth as hireself it wot,

Unto hire dedly frend sche wrot,

And tolde how that hire fader grace

Sche mihte for nothing pourchace;

And overthat, as thou schalt hiere,

Sche wrot and seide in this manere:

‘O thou my sorwe and my gladnesse,

O thou myn hele and my siknesse, 280

O my wanhope and al my trust,

O my desese and al my lust,

O thou my wele, o thou my wo,

O thou my frend, o thou my fo,

P. i. 289

O thou my love, o thou myn hate,

For thee mot I be ded algate.[854]

Thilke ende may I noght asterte,

And yit with al myn hole herte,

Whil that me lasteth eny breth,

I wol the love into my deth.[855] 290

Bot of o thing I schal thee preie,

If that my litel Sone deie,

Let him be beried in my grave

Beside me, so schalt thou have

Upon ous bothe remembrance.

For thus it stant of my grevance;

Now at this time, as thou schalt wite,

With teres and with enke write

This lettre I have in cares colde:

In my riht hond my Penne I holde, 300

And in my left the swerd I kepe,

And in my barm ther lith to wepe

Thi child and myn, which sobbeth faste.

Now am I come unto my laste:

Fare wel, for I schal sone deie,

And thenk how I thi love abeie.’

The pomel of the swerd to grounde

Sche sette, and with the point a wounde

Thurghout hire herte anon sche made,

And forth with that al pale and fade 310

Sche fell doun ded fro ther sche stod.

The child lay bathende in hire blod

Out rolled fro the moder barm,[856]

And for the blod was hot and warm,

P. i. 290

He basketh him aboute thrinne.[857]

Ther was no bote forto winne,

For he, which can no pite knowe,

The king cam in the same throwe,

And sih how that his dowhter dieth

And how this Babe al blody crieth; 320

Bot al that mihte him noght suffise,

That he ne bad to do juise

Upon the child, and bere him oute,

And seche in the Forest aboute

Som wilde place, what it were,

To caste him out of honde there,

So that som beste him mai devoure,

Where as noman him schal socoure.

Al that he bad was don in dede:

Ha, who herde evere singe or rede 330

Of such a thing as that was do?[858]

Bot he which ladde his wraththe so

Hath knowe of love bot a lite;

Bot for al that he was to wyte,

Thurgh his sodein Malencolie

To do so gret a felonie.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, how so it stonde,

Be this cas thou miht understonde

That if thou evere in cause of love

Schalt deme, and thou be so above 340

That thou miht lede it at thi wille,

Let nevere thurgh thi Wraththe spille

Which every kinde scholde save.

For it sit every man to have

P. i. 291

Reward to love and to his miht,

Ayein whos strengthe mai no wiht:

And siththe an herte is so constreigned,

The reddour oghte be restreigned

To him that mai no bet aweie,

Whan he mot to nature obeie. 350

For it is seid thus overal,

That nedes mot that nede schal

Of that a lif doth after kinde,

Wherof he mai no bote finde.[859]

What nature hath set in hir lawe[860]

Ther mai no mannes miht withdrawe,

And who that worcheth therayein,

Fulofte time it hath be sein,

Ther hath befalle gret vengance,

Wherof I finde a remembrance. 360

[TIRESIAS AND THE SNAKES.]

Ovide after the time tho

Tolde an ensample and seide so,

How that whilom Tiresias,

As he walkende goth per cas,

Hic narrat qualiter Tiresias in quodam monte duos serpentes inuenit pariter commiscentes, quos cum virga percussit. Irati dii ob hoc quod naturam impediuit, ipsum contra naturam a forma virili in muliebrem transmutarunt.

Upon an hih Montaine he sih

Tuo Serpentz in his weie nyh,

And thei, so as nature hem tawhte,

Assembled were, and he tho cawhte

A yerde which he bar on honde,

And thoghte that he wolde fonde 370

To letten hem, and smot hem bothe:

Wherof the goddes weren wrothe;

And for he hath destourbed kinde

And was so to nature unkinde,

P. i. 292

Unkindeliche he was transformed,

That he which erst a man was formed

Into a womman was forschape.

That was to him an angri jape;

Bot for that he with Angre wroghte,

Hise Angres angreliche he boghte. 380

Confessor.

Lo thus, my Sone, Ovide hath write,

Wherof thou miht be reson wite,

More is a man than such a beste:

So mihte it nevere ben honeste

A man to wraththen him to sore

Of that an other doth the lore

Of kinde, in which is no malice,

Bot only that it is a vice:

And thogh a man be resonable,

Yit after kinde he is menable[861] 390

To love, wher he wole or non.

Thenk thou, my Sone, therupon

And do Malencolie aweie;

For love hath evere his lust to pleie,

As he which wolde no lif grieve.

Amans.

Mi fader, that I mai wel lieve;

Al that ye tellen it is skile:

Let every man love as he wile,

Be so it be noght my ladi,

For I schal noght be wroth therby. 400

Bot that I wraththe and fare amis,

[MELANCHOLY.]

Al one upon miself it is,[862]

That I with bothe love and kinde

Am so bestad, that I can finde

P. i. 293

No weie how I it mai asterte:

Which stant upon myn oghne herte

And toucheth to non other lif,

Save only to that swete wif[863]

For whom, bot if it be amended,

Mi glade daies ben despended, 410

That I miself schal noght forbere

The Wraththe which that I now bere,

For therof is non other leche.

Now axeth forth, I yow beseche,

Of Wraththe if ther oght elles is,

Wherof to schryve.

Sone, yis.

[ii. CHESTE.]

ii. Ira mouet litem, que lingue frena resoluens

Laxa per infames currit vbique vias.

Rixarum nutrix quos educat ista loquaces,

Hos Venus a latere linquit habere vagos.

Set pacienter agens taciturno qui celet ore,

Vincit, et optati carpit amoris iter.[864]

Of Wraththe the secounde is Cheste,

Which hath the wyndes of tempeste

To kepe, and many a sodein blast

He bloweth, wherof ben agast 420

Hic tractat Confessor super secunda specie Ire, que Lis dicitur, ex cuius contumeliis innumerosa dolorum occasio tam in amoris causa quam aliter in quampluribus sepissime exorta est.

Thei that desiren pes and reste.

He is that ilke ungoodlieste

Which many a lusti love hath twinned;

For he berth evere his mowth unpinned,

So that his lippes ben unloke

And his corage is al tobroke,

That every thing which he can telle,

It springeth up as doth a welle,

Which mai non of his stremes hyde,

Bot renneth out on every syde. 430

P. i. 294

So buillen up the foule sawes

That Cheste wot of his felawes:

For as a Sive kepeth Ale,

Riht so can Cheste kepe a tale;

Al that he wot he wol desclose,

And speke er eny man oppose.

As a Cite withoute wal,

Wher men mai gon out overal

Withouten eny resistence,

So with his croked eloquence 440

He spekth al that he wot withinne:

Wherof men lese mor than winne,

For ofte time of his chidinge

He bringth to house such tidinge,

That makth werre ate beddeshed.[865]

He is the levein of the bred,[866]

Which soureth al the past aboute:

Men oghte wel such on to doute,

For evere his bowe is redi bent,

And whom he hit I telle him schent, 450

If he mai perce him with his tunge.

And ek so lowde his belle is runge,

That of the noise and of the soun

Men feeren hem in al the toun

Welmore than thei don of thonder.

For that is cause of more wonder;

For with the wyndes whiche he bloweth

Fulofte sythe he overthroweth

The Cites and the policie,

That I have herd the poeple crie, 460

P. i. 295

And echon seide in his degre,

‘Ha wicke tunge, wo thee be!’

For men sein that the harde bon,

Althogh himselven have non,

A tunge brekth it al to pieces.

He hath so manye sondri spieces

Of vice, that I mai noght wel

Descrive hem be a thousendel:

Bot whan that he to Cheste falleth,

Ful many a wonder thing befalleth, 470

For he ne can nothing forbere.

Opponit Confessor.

Now tell me, Sone, thin ansuere,

If it hath evere so betidd,

That thou at eny time hast chidd

Toward thi love.

Confessio Amantis.

Fader, nay;

Such Cheste yit unto this day[867]

Ne made I nevere, god forbede:

For er I sunge such a crede,[868]

I hadde levere to be lewed;

For thanne were I al beschrewed[869] 480

And worthi to be put abak

With al the sorwe upon my bak

That eny man ordeigne cowthe.

Bot I spak nevere yit be mowthe

That unto Cheste mihte touche,

And that I durste riht wel vouche

Upon hirself as for witnesse;

For I wot, of hir gentilesse

That sche me wolde wel excuse,

That I no suche thinges use.[870] 490

P. i. 296

And if it scholde so betide

That I algates moste chide,

It myhte noght be to my love:

For so yit was I nevere above,

For al this wyde world to winne

That I dorste eny word beginne,

Be which sche mihte have ben amoeved

And I of Cheste also reproeved.

Bot rathere, if it mihte hir like,

The beste wordes wolde I pike 500

Whiche I cowthe in myn herte chese,

And serve hem forth in stede of chese,

For that is helplich to defie;

And so wolde I my wordes plie,[871]

That mihten Wraththe and Cheste avale

With tellinge of my softe tale.

Thus dar I make a foreward,

That nevere unto my ladiward

Yit spak I word in such a wise,

Wherof that Cheste scholde arise. 510

This seie I noght, that I fulofte

Ne have, whanne I spak most softe,

Per cas seid more thanne ynowh;

Bot so wel halt noman the plowh

That he ne balketh otherwhile,

Ne so wel can noman affile

His tunge, that som time in rape

Him mai som liht word overscape,

And yit ne meneth he no Cheste.[872]

Bot that I have ayein hir heste 520

P. i. 297

Fulofte spoke, I am beknowe;

And how my will is, that ye knowe:

For whan my time comth aboute,

That I dar speke and seie al oute

Mi longe love, of which sche wot

That evere in on aliche hot

Me grieveth, thanne al my desese

I telle, and though it hir desplese,

I speke it forth and noght ne leve:

And thogh it be beside hire leve, 530

I hope and trowe natheles

That I do noght ayein the pes;[873]

For thogh I telle hire al my thoght,

Sche wot wel that I chyde noght.

Men mai the hihe god beseche,[874]

And he wol hiere a mannes speche

And be noght wroth of that he seith;

So yifth it me the more feith

And makth me hardi, soth to seie,

That I dar wel the betre preie 540

Mi ladi, which a womman is.

For thogh I telle hire that or this

Of love, which me grieveth sore,

Hire oghte noght be wroth the more,

For I withoute noise or cri

Mi pleignte make al buxomly

To puten alle wraththe away.

Thus dar I seie unto this day

Of Cheste in ernest or in game

Mi ladi schal me nothing blame. 550

P. i. 298

Bot ofte time it hath betidd

That with miselven I have chidd,

That noman couthe betre chide:

And that hath ben at every tide,

Whanne I cam to miself al one;

For thanne I made a prive mone,

And every tale by and by,

Which as I spak to my ladi,

I thenke and peise in my balance

And drawe into my remembrance; 560

And thanne, if that I finde a lak

Of eny word that I mispak,

Which was to moche in eny wise,

Anon my wittes I despise

And make a chidinge in myn herte,

That eny word me scholde asterte

Which as I scholde have holden inne.

And so forth after I beginne

And loke if ther was elles oght

To speke, and I ne spak it noght: 570

And thanne, if I mai seche and finde

That eny word be left behinde,

Which as I scholde more have spoke,[875]

I wolde upon miself be wroke,

And chyde with miselven so

That al my wit is overgo.

For noman mai his time lore

Recovere, and thus I am therfore

So overwroth in al my thoght,

That I myself chide al to noght: 580

P. i. 299

Thus for to moche or for to lite[876]

Fulofte I am miself to wyte.

Bot al that mai me noght availe,

With cheste thogh I me travaile:

Bot Oule on Stock and Stock on Oule;

The more that a man defoule,

Men witen wel which hath the werse;

And so to me nys worth a kerse,

Bot torneth on myn oghne hed,

Thogh I, til that I were ded, 590

Wolde evere chyde in such a wise

Of love as I to you devise.

Bot, fader, now ye have al herd

In this manere how I have ferd

Of Cheste and of dissencioun,

Yif me youre absolucioun.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, if that thou wistest al,

What Cheste doth in special

To love and to his welwillinge,

Thou woldest flen his knowlechinge 600

And lerne to be debonaire.

For who that most can speke faire

Is most acordende unto love:

Fair speche hath ofte brought above

Ful many a man, as it is knowe,

Which elles scholde have be riht lowe

And failed mochel of his wille.

Forthi hold thou thi tunge stille

And let thi witt thi wille areste,

So that thou falle noght in Cheste, 610

P. i. 300

Which is the source of gret destance:[877]

And tak into thi remembrance[878]

If thou miht gete pacience,

Which is the leche of alle offence,

As tellen ous these olde wise:

Seneca. Paciencia est vindicta omnium iniuriarum.

For whan noght elles mai suffise

Be strengthe ne be mannes wit,

Than pacience it oversit

And overcomth it ate laste;[879]

Bot he mai nevere longe laste, 620

Which wol noght bowe er that he breke.

Tak hiede, Sone, of that I speke.

Amans.

Mi fader, of your goodli speche

And of the witt which ye me teche[880]

I thonke you with al myn herte:

For that world schal me nevere asterte,[881]

That I ne schal your wordes holde,

Of Pacience as ye me tolde,

Als ferforth as myn herte thenketh;

And of my wraththe it me forthenketh. 630

Bot, fader, if ye forth withal

Som good ensample in special

Me wolden telle of som Cronique,[882]

It scholde wel myn herte like

Of pacience forto hiere,

So that I mihte in mi matiere

The more unto my love obeie

And puten mi desese aweie.

[PATIENCE OF SOCRATES.]

Mi Sone, a man to beie him pes[883]

Behoveth soffre as Socrates 640

P. i. 301

Ensample lefte, which is write:

And for thou schalt the sothe wite,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de paciencia in amore contra lites habenda. Et narrat qualiter vxor Socratis ipsum quodam die multis sermonibus litigauit; set cum ipse absque vlla responsione omnia probra pacienter sustulit, indignata vxor quandam ydriam plenam aque, quam in manu tenebat, super caput viri sui subito effudit, dicens, ‘Euigila et loquere’: qui respondens tunc ait, ‘O vere iam scio et expertus sum quia post ventorum rabiem sequuntur ymbres’: et isto modo litis contumeliam sua paciencia deuicit.

Of this ensample what I mene,

Althogh it be now litel sene

Among the men thilke evidence,

Yit he was upon pacience

So sett, that he himself assaie[884]

In thing which mihte him most mispaie

Desireth, and a wickid wif

He weddeth, which in sorwe and strif 650

Ayein his ese was contraire.

Bot he spak evere softe and faire,

Til it befell, as it is told,

In wynter, whan the dai is cold,

This wif was fro the welle come,

Wher that a pot with water nome

Sche hath, and broghte it into house,

And sih how that hire seli spouse

Was sett and loked on a bok

Nyh to the fyr, as he which tok 660

His ese for a man of age.

And sche began the wode rage,

And axeth him what devel he thoghte,[885]

And bar on hond that him ne roghte

What labour that sche toke on honde,

And seith that such an Housebonde

Was to a wif noght worth a Stre.

He seide nowther nay ne ye,

Bot hield him stille and let hire chyde;

And sche, which mai hirself noght hyde, 670

P. i. 302

Began withinne forto swelle,

And that sche broghte in fro the welle,

The waterpot sche hente alofte

And bad him speke, and he al softe

Sat stille and noght a word ansuerde;

And sche was wroth that he so ferde,

And axeth him if he be ded;

And al the water on his hed

Sche pourede oute and bad awake.[886]

Bot he, which wolde noght forsake 680

His Pacience, thanne spak,

And seide how that he fond no lak

In nothing which sche hadde do:

For it was wynter time tho,

And wynter, as be weie of kinde

Which stormy is, as men it finde,

Ferst makth the wyndes forto blowe,

And after that withinne a throwe

He reyneth and the watergates

Undoth; ‘and thus my wif algates, 690

Which is with reson wel besein,

Hath mad me bothe wynd and rein

After the Sesoun of the yer.’

And thanne he sette him nerr the fer,

And as he mihte hise clothes dreide,

That he nomore o word ne seide;

Wherof he gat him somdel reste,

For that him thoghte was the beste.

Confessor.

I not if thilke ensample yit

Acordeth with a mannes wit, 700

P. i. 303

To soffre as Socrates tho dede:

And if it falle in eny stede

A man to lese so his galle,

Him oghte among the wommen alle[887]

In loves Court be juggement

The name bere of Pacient,

To yive ensample to the goode

Of pacience how that it stode,

That othre men it mihte knowe.

And, Sone, if thou at eny throwe 710

Be tempted ayein Pacience,

Tak hiede upon this evidence;

It schal per cas the lasse grieve.

Amans.

Mi fader, so as I believe,

Of that schal be no maner nede,

For I wol take so good hiede,

That er I falle in such assai,

I thenke eschuie it, if I mai.

Bot if ther be oght elles more

Wherof I mihte take lore, 720

I preie you, so as I dar,

Now telleth, that I mai be war,

Som other tale in this matiere.

Confessor.

Sone, it is evere good to lere,

Wherof thou miht thi word restreigne,

Er that thou falle in eny peine.

For who that can no conseil hyde,

He mai noght faile of we beside,

Which schal befalle er he it wite,

As I finde in the bokes write. 730

P. i. 304

Yit cam ther nevere good of strif,

To seche in all a mannes lif:[888]

[JUPITER, JUNO AND TIRESIAS.]

Thogh it beginne on pure game,[889]

Fulofte it torneth into grame

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum, quod de alterius lite intromittere cauendum est. Et narrat qualiter Iupiter cum Iunone super quadam questione litigabat, videlicet vtrum vir an mulier in amoris concupiscencia feruencius ardebat; super quo Tiresiam eorum iudicem constituebant.[891] Et quia ille contra Iunonem in dicte litis causa sentenciam diffiniuit, irata dea ipsum amborum oculorum lumine claritatis absque remissione priuauit.

And doth grevance upon som side.

Wherof the grete Clerk Ovide

After the lawe which was tho

Of Jupiter and of Juno

Makth in his bokes mencioun

How thei felle at dissencioun 740

In manere as it were a borde,[890]

As thei begunne forto worde

Among hemself in privete:

And that was upon this degree,

Which of the tuo more amorous is,

Or man or wif. And upon this

Thei mihten noght acorde in on,

And toke a jugge therupon,

Which cleped is Tiresias,

And bede him demen in the cas;[892] 750

And he withoute avisement

Ayein Juno yaf juggement.

This goddesse upon his ansuere

Was wroth and wolde noght forbere,

Bot tok awey for everemo

The liht fro bothe hise yhen tuo.[893]

Whan Jupiter this harm hath sein,

An other bienfait therayein

He yaf, and such a grace him doth,

That for he wiste he seide soth, 760

P. i. 305

A Sothseiere he was for evere:

Bot yit that other were levere,[894]

Have had the lokinge of his yhe,

Than of his word the prophecie;

Bot how so that the sothe wente,[895]

Strif was the cause of that he hente

So gret a peine bodily.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, be thou war ther by,

[CHEST.]

And hold thi tunge stille clos:

For who that hath his word desclos 770

Er that he wite what he mene,

He is fulofte nyh his tene

And lest ful many time grace,[896]

Wher that he wolde his thonk pourchace.

And over this, my Sone diere,

Of othre men, if thou miht hiere

In privete what thei have wroght,

Hold conseil and descoevere it noght,[897]

For Cheste can no conseil hele,

Or be it wo or be it wele: 780

And tak a tale into thi mynde,

The which of olde ensample I finde.

[PHEBUS AND CORNIDE.]

Phebus, which makth the daies lihte,

A love he hadde, which tho hihte

Quia[898] litigantes ora sua cohibere nequiunt, hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui in amoris causa alterius consilium reuelare presumunt. Et narrat qualiter quedam auis tunc albissima nomine coruus consilium domine sue Cornide Phebo denudauit; vnde contigit non solum ipsam Cornidem interfici, set et coruum, qui antea tanquam nix albus fuit,[900] in piceum colorem pro perpetuo transmutari.

Cornide, whom aboven alle

He pleseth: bot what schal befalle

Of love ther is noman knoweth,

Bot as fortune hire happes throweth.[899]

So it befell upon a chaunce,

A yong kniht tok hire aqueintance 790

P. i. 306

And hadde of hire al that he wolde:

Bot a fals bridd, which sche hath holde

And kept in chambre of pure yowthe,

Discoevereth all that evere he cowthe.

This briddes name was as tho

Corvus, the which was thanne also

Welmore whyt than eny Swan,

And he that schrewe al that he can[901]

Of his ladi to Phebus seide;

And he for wraththe his swerd outbreide, 800

With which Cornide anon he slowh.

Bot after him was wo ynowh,

And tok a full gret repentance,

Wherof in tokne and remembrance

Of hem whiche usen wicke speche,

Upon this bridd he tok this wreche,

That ther he was snow whyt tofore,[902]

Evere afterward colblak therfore[903]

He was transformed, as it scheweth,

And many a man yit him beschreweth, 810

And clepen him into this day

A Raven, be whom yit men mai

Take evidence, whan he crieth,

That som mishapp it signefieth.

Be war therfore and sei the beste,

If thou wolt be thiself in reste,

Mi goode Sone, as I the rede.[904]

[JUPITER AND LAAR.]

For in an other place I rede[905]

Hic loquitur super eodem: Et narrat qualiter Laar Nimpha de eo quod Iupiter Iuturnam adulterauit, Iunoni Iouis vxori secretum906m reuelauit. Quapropter Iupiter ira commotus lingua Laaris prius abscisa ipsam postea in profundum Acherontis exulem pro perpetuo mancipauit.

Of thilke Nimphe which Laar hihte:

For sche the privete be nyhte, 820

P. i. 307

How Jupiter lay be Jutorne,

Hath told, god made hire overtorne:[906]

Hire tunge he kutte, and into helle

For evere he sende hir forto duelle,

As sche that was noght worthi hiere

To ben of love a Chamberere,

For sche no conseil cowthe hele.

And suche adaies be now fele

In loves Court, as it is seid,

That lete here tunges gon unteid. 830

Mi Sone, be thou non of tho,[907]

To jangle and telle tales so,

And namely that thou ne chyde,

For Cheste can no conseil hide,

For Wraththe seide nevere wel.

Amans.

Mi fader, soth is everydel

That ye me teche, and I wol holde

The reule to which I am holde,

To fle the Cheste, as ye me bidde,

For wel is him that nevere chidde. 840

Now tell me forth if ther be more

As touchende unto Wraththes lore.

[iii. HATE.]

iii. Demonis est odium quasi Scriba, cui dabit Ira

Materiam scripti cordis ad antra sui.

Non laxabit amor odii quem frena restringunt,

Nec secreta sui iuris adire sinit.

Of Wraththe yit ther is an other,

Which is to Cheste his oghne brother,

Hic tractat Confessor de tercia specie Ire, que Odium dicitur, cuius natura omnes Ire inimicicias ad mentem reducens, illas vsque ad tempus vindicte velut[908] Scriba demonis in cordis papiro commemorandas inserit.

And is be name cleped Hate,

That soffreth noght withinne his gate

P. i. 308

That ther come owther love or pes,

For he wol make no reles

Of no debat which is befalle.

Now spek, if thou art on of alle, 850

That with this vice hast ben withholde.

As yit for oght that ye me tolde,

Mi fader, I not what it is.

In good feith, Sone, I trowe yis.

Mi fader, nay, bot ye me lere.

Now lest, my Sone, and thou schalt here.

Hate is a wraththe noght schewende,

Bot of long time gaderende,[909]

And duelleth in the herte loken,

Til he se time to be wroken; 860

And thanne he scheweth his tempeste

Mor sodein than the wilde beste,

Which wot nothing what merci is.

Mi Sone, art thou knowende of this?

Confessio Amantis.

My goode fader, as I wene,

Now wot I somdel what ye mene;

Bot I dar saufly make an oth,

Mi ladi was me nevere loth.[910]

I wol noght swere natheles

That I of hate am gulteles; 870

For whanne I to my ladi plie

Fro dai to dai and merci crie,

And sche no merci on me leith

Bot schorte wordes to me seith,

Thogh I my ladi love algate,

Tho wordes moste I nedes hate;

P. i. 309

And wolde thei were al despent,

Or so ferr oute of londe went

That I nevere after scholde hem hiere;

And yit love I my ladi diere. 880

Thus is ther Hate, as ye mai se,

Betwen my ladi word and me;

The word I hate and hire I love,

What so me schal betide of love.

Bot forthere mor I wol me schryve,

That I have hated al my lyve

These janglers, whiche of here Envie

Ben evere redi forto lie;

For with here fals compassement

Fuloften thei have mad me schent 890

And hindred me fulofte time,

Whan thei no cause wisten bime,

Bot onliche of here oghne thoght:

And thus fuloften have I boght

The lie, and drank noght of the wyn.

I wolde here happ were such as myn:

For how so that I be now schrive,

To hem ne mai I noght foryive,

Til that I se hem at debat

With love, and thanne myn astat[911] 900

Thei mihten be here oghne deme,[912]

And loke how wel it scholde hem qweme

To hindre a man that loveth sore.

And thus I hate hem everemore,

Til love on hem wol don his wreche:[913]

For that schal I alway beseche

P. i. 310

Unto the mihti Cupido,

That he so mochel wolde do,

So as he is of love a godd,

To smyte hem with the same rodd 910

With which I am of love smite;

So that thei mihten knowe and wite

How hindringe is a wofull peine

To him that love wolde atteigne.

Thus evere on hem I wayte and hope,

Til I mai sen hem lepe a lope,

And halten on the same Sor

Which I do now: for overmor[914]

I wolde thanne do my myht

So forto stonden in here lyht, 920

That thei ne scholden finde a weie[915]

To that thei wolde, bot aweie

I wolde hem putte out of the stede

Fro love, riht as thei me dede

With that thei speke of me be mowthe.

So wolde I do, if that I cowthe,

Of hem, and this, so god me save,

Is al the hate that I have,

Toward these janglers everydiel;

I wolde alle othre ferde wel. 930

Thus have I, fader, said mi wille;

Say ye now forth, for I am stille.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, of that thou hast me said

I holde me noght fulli paid:

That thou wolt haten eny man,

To that acorden I ne can,

P. i. 311

Thogh he have hindred thee tofore.

Bot this I telle thee therfore,

Thou miht upon my beneicoun

Wel haten the condicioun 940

Of tho janglers, as thou me toldest,[916]

Bot furthermor, of that thou woldest

Hem hindre in eny other wise,

Such Hate is evere to despise.

Forthi, mi Sone, I wol thee rede,

That thou drawe in be frendlihede

That thou ne miht noght do be hate;

So miht thou gete love algate

And sette thee, my Sone, in reste,

For thou schalt finde it for the beste. 950

And over this, so as I dar,

I rede that thou be riht war

Of othre mennes hate aboute,

Which every wysman scholde doute:

For Hate is evere upon await,

And as the fisshere on his bait

Sleth, whan he seth the fisshes faste,

So, whan he seth time ate laste,

That he mai worche an other wo,

Schal noman tornen him therfro, 960

That Hate nyle his felonie

Fulfille and feigne compaignie

Yit natheles, for fals Semblant

Is toward him of covenant

Withholde, so that under bothe

The prive wraththe can him clothe,

P. i. 312

That he schal seme of gret believe.

Bot war thee wel that thou ne lieve

Al that thou sest tofore thin yhe,

So as the Gregois whilom syhe:[917] 970

The bok of Troie who so rede,

Ther mai he finde ensample in dede.

[KING NAMPLUS AND THE GREEKS.]

Sone after the destruccioun,[918]

Whan Troie was al bete doun

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui, cum Ire sue odium aperte vindicare non possint, ficta dissimilacione vindictam subdole assequuntur.[919] Et narrat quod cum Palamades princeps Grecorum in obsidione Troie a quibusdam suis emulis proditorie[920] interfectus fuisset, paterque[921] suus Rex Namplus in patria sua tunc existens huiusmodi euentus certitudinem sciuisset, Grecos in sui cordis odium super omnia recollegit. Vnde contigit quod, cum Greci deuicta Troia per altum mare versus Greciam nauigio remeantes obscurissimo noctis tempore nimia ventorum tempestate iactabantur, Rex Namplus in terra sua contra litus maris, vbi maiora saxorum eminebant pericula, super cacumina montium grandissimos noctanter fecit ignes: quos Greci aspicientes saluum portum ibidem inuenire certissime putabant, et terram approximantes diruptis nauibus magna pars Grecorum periclitabatur. Et sic, quod[922] Namplus viribus nequiit, odio latitante[923] per dissimilacionis fraudem vindicauit.

And slain was Priamus the king,

The Gregois, whiche of al this thing

Ben cause, tornen hom ayein.

Ther mai noman his happ withsein;

It hath be sen and felt fulofte,

The harde time after the softe: 980

Be See as thei forth homward wente,

A rage of gret tempeste hem hente;

Juno let bende hire parti bowe,

The Sky wax derk, the wynd gan blowe,

The firy welkne gan to thondre,

As thogh the world scholde al to sondre;

Fro hevene out of the watergates

The reyni Storm fell doun algates

And al here takel made unwelde,

That noman mihte himself bewelde. 990

Ther mai men hiere Schipmen crie,

That stode in aunter forto die:

He that behinde sat to stiere

Mai noght the forestempne hiere;

The Schip aros ayein the wawes,

The lodesman hath lost his lawes,

P. i. 313

The See bet in on every side:

Thei nysten what fortune abide,

Bot sette hem al in goddes wille,

Wher he hem wolde save or spille.[924] 1000

And it fell thilke time thus:

Ther was a king, the which Namplus

Was hote, and he a Sone hadde,

At Troie which the Gregois ladde,

As he that was mad Prince of alle,

Til that fortune let him falle:

His name was Palamades.

Bot thurgh an hate natheles

Of some of hem his deth was cast

And he be tresoun overcast. 1010

His fader, whan he herde it telle,

He swor, if evere his time felle,

He wolde him venge, if that he mihte,

And therto his avou behihte:[925]

And thus this king thurgh prive hate

Abod upon await algate,

For he was noght of such emprise

To vengen him in open wise.

The fame, which goth wyde where,

Makth knowe how that the Gregois were 1020

Homward with al the felaschipe

Fro Troie upon the See be Schipe.

Namplus, whan he this understod,

And knew the tydes of the flod,

And sih the wynd blew to the lond,

A gret deceipte anon he fond

P. i. 314

Of prive hate, as thou schalt hiere,

Wherof I telle al this matiere.[926]

This king the weder gan beholde,[927]

And wiste wel thei moten holde 1030

Here cours endlong his marche riht,[928]

And made upon the derke nyht

Of grete Schydes and of blockes

Gret fyr ayein the grete rockes,

To schewe upon the helles hihe,

So that the Flete of Grece it sihe.

And so it fell riht as he thoghte:

This Flete, which an havene soghte,

The bryghte fyres sih a ferr,

And thei hem drowen nerr and nerr, 1040

And wende wel and understode

How al that fyr was mad for goode,

To schewe wher men scholde aryve,

And thiderward thei hasten blyve.[929]

In Semblant, as men sein, is guile,

And that was proved thilke while;

The Schip, which wende his helpe acroche,[930]

Drof al to pieces on the roche,

And so ther deden ten or twelve;

Ther mihte noman helpe himselve, 1050

For ther thei wenden deth ascape,

Withouten help here deth was schape.

Thus thei that comen ferst tofore

Upon the Rockes be forlore,

Bot thurgh the noise and thurgh the cri

These othre were al war therby;

P. i. 315

And whan the dai began to rowe,

Tho mihten thei the sothe knowe,

That wher they wenden frendes finde,

Thei founden frenschipe al behinde.[931] 1060

The lond was thanne sone weyved,

Wher that thei hadden be deceived,

And toke hem to the hihe See;

Therto thei seiden alle yee,

Fro that dai forth and war thei were[932]

Of that thei hadde assaied there.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, hierof thou miht avise

How fraude stant in many wise

Amonges hem that guile thenke;

Ther is no Scrivein with his enke 1070

Which half the fraude wryte can

That stant in such a maner man:

Forthi the wise men ne demen

The thinges after that thei semen,

Bot after that thei knowe and finde.

The Mirour scheweth in his kinde

As he hadde al the world withinne,

And is in soth nothing therinne;

And so farth Hate for a throwe:

Til he a man hath overthrowe, 1080

Schal noman knowe be his chere

Which is avant, ne which arere.

Forthi, mi Sone, thenke on this.

Amans.

Mi fader, so I wole ywiss;

And if ther more of Wraththe be,

Now axeth forth per charite,

P. i. 316

As ye be youre bokes knowe,

And I the sothe schal beknowe.

[iv. v. CONTEK AND HOMICIDE.]

iv. Qui cohibere manum nequit, et sit spiritus eius[933]

Naribus, hic populo sepe timendus erit.

Sepius in luctum Venus et sua gaudia transfert,

Cumque suis thalamis talis amicus adest.

Est amor amplexu non ictibus alliciendus,

Frangit amicicias impetuosa manus.

Mi Sone, thou schalt understonde

That yit towardes Wraththe stonde 1090

Of dedly vices othre tuo:

And forto telle here names so,

It is Contek and Homicide,

Hic tractat Confessor super quarta et quinta specie Ire, que impetuositas et homicidium dicuntur. Set primo de impetuositate specialius tractare intendit, cuius natura spiritum in naribus gestando ad omnes Ire mociones in vindictam parata pacienciam nullatenus obseruat.

That ben to drede on every side.[934]

Contek, so as the bokes sein,

Folhast hath to his Chamberlein,

Be whos conseil al unavised

Is Pacience most despised,

Til Homicide with hem meete.

Fro merci thei ben al unmeete, 1100

And thus ben thei the worste of alle

Of hem whiche unto wraththe falle,

In dede bothe and ek in thoght:

For thei acompte here wraththe at noght,

Bot if ther be schedinge of blod;

And thus lich to a beste wod

Thei knowe noght the god of lif.

Be so thei have or swerd or knif[935]

Here dedly wraththe forto wreke,

Of Pite list hem noght to speke; 1110

Non other reson thei ne fonge,

Bot that thei ben of mihtes stronge.[936]

P. i. 317

Bot war hem wel in other place,[937]

Where every man behoveth grace,

Bot ther I trowe it schal hem faile,

To whom no merci mihte availe,

Bot wroghten upon tiraundie,

That no pite ne mihte hem plie.[938]

Opponit Confessor.

Now tell, my Sone.

Fader, what?[939]

If thou hast be coupable of that. 1120

Confessio Amantis.

Mi fader, nay, Crist me forbiede:

I speke onliche as of the dede,[940]

Of which I nevere was coupable[941]

Withoute cause resonable.

Bot this is noght to mi matiere

Of schrifte, why we sitten hiere;

[CONTEK WITHIN THE HEART.]

For we ben sett to schryve of love,

As we begunne ferst above:

And natheles I am beknowe

That as touchende of loves throwe, 1130

Whan I my wittes overwende,

Min hertes contek hath non ende,

Bot evere it stant upon debat

To gret desese of myn astat

As for the time that it lasteth.

For whan mi fortune overcasteth

Hire whiel and is to me so strange,

And that I se sche wol noght change,

Than caste I al the world aboute,

And thenke hou I at home and oute 1140

Have al my time in vein despended,

And se noght how to ben amended,

P. i. 318

Bot rathere forto be empeired,

As he that is welnyh despeired:

For I ne mai no thonk deserve,[942]

And evere I love and evere I serve,

And evere I am aliche nerr.

Thus, for I stonde in such a wer,

I am, as who seith, out of herre;

And thus upon miself the werre 1150

I bringe, and putte out alle pes,

That I fulofte in such a res

Am wery of myn oghne lif.

So that of Contek and of strif

I am beknowe and have ansuerd,

As ye, my fader, now have herd.

Min herte is wonderly begon

With conseil, wherof witt is on,

Which hath resoun in compaignie;

Ayein the whiche stant partie 1160

Will, which hath hope of his acord,

And thus thei bringen up descord.

Witt and resoun conseilen ofte

That I myn herte scholde softe,[943]

And that I scholde will remue

And put him out of retenue,[944]

Or elles holde him under fote:

For as thei sein, if that he mote

His oghne rewle have upon honde,

Ther schal no witt ben understonde. 1170

Of hope also thei tellen this,[945]

That overal, wher that he is,

P. i. 319

He set the herte in jeupartie[946]

With wihssinge and with fantasie,[947]

And is noght trewe of that he seith,

So that in him ther is no feith:

Thus with reson and wit avised

Is will and hope aldai despised.

Reson seith that I scholde leve[948]

To love, wher ther is no leve 1180

To spede, and will seith therayein

That such an herte is to vilein,

Which dar noght love, and til he spede,

Let hope serve at such a nede:

He seith ek, where an herte sit

Al hol governed upon wit,

He hath this lyves lust forlore.[949]

And thus myn herte is al totore

Of such a Contek as thei make:

Bot yit I mai noght will forsake,[950] 1190

That he nys Maister of my thoght,

Or that I spede, or spede noght.

Confessor.

Thou dost, my Sone, ayein the riht;

Bot love is of so gret a miht,

His lawe mai noman refuse,

So miht thou thee the betre excuse.

And natheles thou schalt be lerned

That will scholde evere be governed[951]

Of reson more than of kinde,

Wherof a tale write I finde. 1200

A Philosophre of which men tolde

[TALE OF DIOGENES AND ALEXANDER.]

Ther was whilom be daies olde,

P. i. 320

And Diogenes thanne he hihte.

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum, quod hominis impetuosa voluntas sit discrecionis moderamine gubernanda. Et narrat qualiter Diogenes, qui motus animi sui racioni subiugarat, Regem Alexandrum super isto facto sibi opponentem[953] plenius informauit.

So old he was that he ne mihte

The world travaile, and for the beste

He schop him forto take his reste,

And duelte at hom in such a wise,

That nyh his hous he let devise[952]

Endlong upon an Axeltre

To sette a tonne in such degre, 1210

That he it mihte torne aboute;

Wherof on hed was taken oute,[954]

For he therinne sitte scholde

And torne himself so as he wolde,

To take their and se the hevene

And deme of the planetes sevene,

As he which cowthe mochel what.

And thus fulofte there he sat

To muse in his philosophie

Solein withoute compaignie: 1220

So that upon a morwetyde,

As thing which scholde so betyde,[955]

Whan he was set ther as him liste

To loke upon the Sonne ariste,

Wherof the propretes he sih,

It fell ther cam ridende nyh

King Alisandre with a route;

And as he caste his yhe aboute,

He sih this Tonne, and what it mente

He wolde wite, and thider sente 1230

A knyht, be whom he mihte it knowe,

And he himself that ilke throwe

P. i. 321

Abod, and hoveth there stille.

This kniht after the kinges wille

With spore made his hors to gon

And to the tonne he cam anon,

Wher that he fond a man of Age,

And he him tolde the message,

Such as the king him hadde bede,

And axeth why in thilke stede 1240

The Tonne stod, and what it was.[956]

And he, which understod the cas,

Sat stille and spak no word ayein.

The kniht bad speke and seith, ‘Vilein,

Thou schalt me telle, er that I go;

It is thi king which axeth so.’

‘Mi king,’ quod he, ‘that were unriht.’

‘What is he thanne?’ seith the kniht,

‘Is he thi man?’ ‘That seie I noght,’

Quod he, ‘bot this I am bethoght, 1250

Mi mannes man hou that he is.’

‘Thou lyest, false cherl, ywiss,’

The kniht him seith, and was riht wroth,[957]

And to the king ayein he goth

And tolde him how this man ansuerde.

The king, whan he this tale herde,

Bad that thei scholden alle abyde,

For he himself wol thider ryde.[958]

And whan he cam tofore the tonne,

He hath his tale thus begonne: 1260

‘Alheil,’ he seith, ‘what man art thou?’

Quod he, ‘Such on as thou sest now.’

P. i. 322

The king, which hadde wordes wise,

His age wolde noght despise,

Bot seith, ‘Mi fader, I thee preie

That thou me wolt the cause seie,

How that I am thi mannes man.’

‘Sire king,’ quod he, ‘and that I can,

If that thou wolt.’ ‘Yis,’ seith the king.

Quod he, ‘This is the sothe thing: 1270

Sith I ferst resoun understod,

And knew what thing was evel and good,

The will which of my bodi moeveth,

Whos werkes that the god reproeveth,

I have restreigned everemore,

As him which stant under the lore[959]

Of reson, whos soubgit he is,

So that he mai noght don amis:

And thus be weie of covenant

Will is my man and my servant, 1280

And evere hath ben and evere schal.

And thi will is thi principal,

And hath the lordschipe of thi witt,

So that thou cowthest nevere yit

Take o dai reste of thi labour;

Bot forto ben a conquerour

Of worldes good, which mai noght laste,

Thou hiest evere aliche faste,

Wher thou no reson hast to winne:

And thus thi will is cause of Sinne, 1290

And is thi lord, to whom thou servest,

Wherof thou litel thonk deservest.’

P. i. 323

The king of that he thus answerde

Was nothing wroth, bot whanne he herde

The hihe wisdom which he seide,[960]

With goodly wordes this he preide,[961]

That he him wolde telle his name.

‘I am,’ quod he, ‘that ilke same,

The which men Diogenes calle.’

Tho was the king riht glad withalle, 1300

For he hadde often herd tofore

What man he was, so that therfore

He seide, ‘O wise Diogene,

Now schal thi grete witt be sene;

For thou schalt of my yifte have

What worldes thing that thou wolt crave.’

Quod he, ‘Thanne hove out of mi Sonne,[962]

And let it schyne into mi Tonne;

For thou benymst me thilke yifte,

Which lith noght in thi miht to schifte: 1310

Non other good of thee me nedeth.’

This king, whom every contre dredeth,[963]

Lo, thus he was enformed there:

Wherof, my Sone, thou miht lere

How that thi will schal noght be lieved,

[CONTEK.]

Where it is noght of wit relieved.

And thou hast seid thiself er this

How that thi will thi maister is;[964]

Thurgh which thin hertes thoght withinne

Is evere of Contek to beginne, 1320

So that it is gretli to drede

That it non homicide brede.

P. i. 324

For love is of a wonder kinde,

And hath hise wittes ofte blinde,

That thei fro mannes reson falle;

Bot whan that it is so befalle

That will schal the corage lede,

In loves cause it is to drede:

Wherof I finde ensample write,

Which is behovely forto wite.[965] 1330

[PYRAMUS AND THISBE.]

I rede a tale, and telleth this:[966]

The Cite which Semiramis[967]

Hic in amoris causa ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui in sua dampna nimis accelerantes ex impetuositate seipsos multociens offendunt. Et narrat qualiter Piramus, cum ipse[968] Tisbee amicam suam in loco inter eosdem deputato tempore aduentus sui promptam non inuenit, animo impetuoso seipsum pre dolore extracto gladio mortaliter transfodit: que postea infra breue veniens cum ipsum sic mortuum inuenisset, eciam et illa in sui ipsius mortem impetuose festinans eiusdem gladii cuspide sui cordis intima per medium penetrauit.

Enclosed hath with wall aboute,

Of worthi folk with many a route

Was enhabited here and there;

Among the whiche tuo ther were

Above alle othre noble and grete,

Dwellende tho withinne a Strete

So nyh togedre, as it was sene,

That ther was nothing hem betwene, 1340

Bot wow to wow and wall to wall.

This o lord hadde in special

A Sone, a lusti Bacheler,

In al the toun was non his pier:

That other hadde a dowhter eke,

In al the lond that forto seke

Men wisten non so faire as sche.

And fell so, as it scholde be,

This faire dowhter nyh this Sone

As thei togedre thanne wone, 1350

Cupide hath so the thinges schape,

That thei ne mihte his hand ascape,

P. i. 325

That he his fyr on hem ne caste:

Wherof her herte he overcaste

To folwe thilke lore and suie

Which nevere man yit miht eschuie;

And that was love, as it is happed,

Which hath here hertes so betrapped,[969]

That thei be alle weies seche

How that thei mihten winne a speche, 1360

Here wofull peine forto lisse.

Who loveth wel, it mai noght misse,

And namely whan ther be tuo

Of on acord, how so it go,

Bot if that thei som weie finde;

For love is evere of such a kinde

And hath his folk so wel affaited,

That howso that it be awaited,

Ther mai noman the pourpos lette:

And thus betwen hem tuo thei sette 1370

An hole upon a wall to make,

Thurgh which thei have her conseil take

At alle times, whan thei myhte.

This faire Maiden Tisbee hihte,

And he whom that sche loveth hote

Was Piramus be name hote.

So longe here lecoun thei recorden,

Til ate laste thei acorden

Be nihtes time forto wende

Al one out fro the tounes ende, 1380

Wher was a welle under a Tree;

And who cam ferst, or sche or he,

P. i. 326

He scholde stille there abide.

So it befell the nyhtes tide[970]

This maiden, which desguised was,

Al prively the softe pas

Goth thurgh the large toun unknowe,

Til that sche cam withinne a throwe

Wher that sche liketh forto duelle,

At thilke unhappi freisshe welle, 1390

Which was also the Forest nyh.

Wher sche comende a Leoun syh

Into the feld to take his preie,

In haste and sche tho fledde aweie,[971]

So as fortune scholde falle,

For feere and let hire wympel falle

Nyh to the welle upon therbage.

This Leoun in his wilde rage

A beste, which that he fond oute,

Hath slain, and with his blodi snoute, 1400

Whan he hath eten what he wolde,

To drynke of thilke stremes colde

Cam to the welle, where he fond

The wympel, which out of hire hond

Was falle, and he it hath todrawe,

Bebled aboute and al forgnawe;[972]

And thanne he strawhte him forto drinke

Upon the freisshe welles brinke,

And after that out of the plein

He torneth to the wode ayein. 1410

And Tisbee dorste noght remue,

Bot as a bridd which were in Mue

P. i. 327

Withinne a buissh sche kepte hire clos

So stille that sche noght aros;

Unto hirself and pleigneth ay.

And fell, whil that sche there lay,

This Piramus cam after sone

Unto the welle, and be the Mone

He fond hire wimpel blodi there.

Cam nevere yit to mannes Ere 1420

Tidinge, ne to mannes sihte

Merveile, which so sore aflihte[973]

A mannes herte, as it tho dede

To him, which in the same stede

With many a wofull compleignynge

Began his handes forto wringe,

As he which demeth sikerly

That sche be ded: and sodeinly

His swerd al nakid out he breide

In his folhaste, and thus he seide:[974] 1430

‘I am cause of this felonie,

So it is resoun that I die,

As sche is ded be cause of me.’[975]

And with that word upon his kne

He fell, and to the goddes alle

Up to the hevene he gan to calle,

And preide, sithen it was so

That he may noght his love as tho

Have in this world, that of her grace

He miht hire have in other place,[976] 1440

For hiere wolde he noght abide,

He seith: bot as it schal betide,

P. i. 328

The Pomel of his swerd to grounde

He sette, and thurgh his herte a wounde

He made up to the bare hilte:

And in this wise himself he spilte

With his folhaste and deth he nam;

For sche withinne a while cam,[977]

Wher he lai ded upon his knif.

So wofull yit was nevere lif 1450

As Tisbee was, whan sche him sih:

Sche mihte noght o word on hih

Speke oute, for hire herte schette,

That of hir lif no pris sche sette,

Bot ded swounende doun sche fell,

Til after, whanne it so befell

That sche out of hire traunce awok,

With many a wofull pitous lok

Hire yhe alwei among sche caste

Upon hir love, and ate laste 1460

Sche cawhte breth and seide thus:

‘O thou which cleped art Venus,[978]

Goddesse of love, and thou, Cupide,

Which loves cause hast forto guide,

I wot now wel that ye be blinde,

Of thilke unhapp which I now finde

Only betwen my love and me.

This Piramus, which hiere I se

Bledende, what hath he deserved?

For he youre heste hath kept and served, 1470

And was yong and I bothe also:

Helas, why do ye with ous so?

P. i. 329

Ye sette oure herte bothe afyre,[979]

And maden ous such thing desire

Wherof that we no skile cowthe;

Bot thus oure freisshe lusti yowthe

Withoute joie is al despended,

Which thing mai nevere ben amended:

For as of me this wol I seie,[980]

That me is levere forto deie 1480

Than live after this sorghful day.’

And with this word, where as he lay,

Hire love in armes sche embraseth,

Hire oghne deth and so pourchaseth

That now sche wepte and nou sche kiste,

Til ate laste, er sche it wiste,

So gret a sorwe is to hire falle,[981]

Which overgoth hire wittes alle.

As sche which mihte it noght asterte,[982]

The swerdes point ayein hire herte 1490

Sche sette, and fell doun therupon,

Wherof that sche was ded anon:

And thus bothe on o swerd bledende

Thei weren founde ded liggende.

Confessor.

Now thou, mi Sone, hast herd this tale,

Bewar that of thin oghne bale[983]

Thou be noght cause in thi folhaste,

And kep that thou thi witt ne waste

Upon thi thoght in aventure,

Wherof thi lyves forfeture 1500

Mai falle: and if thou have so thoght

Er this, tell on and hyde it noght.

[THE LOVER’S CONFESSION. DANGER.]

P. i. 330

Mi fader, upon loves side[984]

Mi conscience I woll noght hyde,

Confessio Amantis.

How that for love of pure wo

I have ben ofte moeved so,

That with my wisshes if I myhte,

A thousand times, I yow plyhte,

I hadde storven in a day;

And therof I me schryve may, 1510

Though love fully me ne slowh,

Mi will to deie was ynowh,[985]

So am I of my will coupable:

And yit is sche noght merciable,

Which mai me yive lif and hele.

Bot that hir list noght with me dele,

I wot be whos conseil it is,

And him wolde I long time er this,

And yit I wolde and evere schal,

Slen and destruie in special. 1520

The gold of nyne kinges londes

Ne scholde him save fro myn hondes,

In my pouer if that he were;

Bot yit him stant of me no fere

For noght that evere I can manace.

He is the hindrere of mi grace,

Til he be ded I mai noght spede;

So mot I nedes taken hiede

And schape how that he were aweie,

If I therto mai finde a weie. 1530

Confessor.

Mi Sone, tell me now forthi,

Which is that mortiel enemy

P. i. 331

That thou manacest to be ded.

Confessio Amantis.

Mi fader, it is such a qwed,

That wher I come, he is tofore,

And doth so, that mi cause is lore.

What is his name?

It is Daunger,

Which is mi ladi consailer:

For I was nevere yit so slyh,

To come in eny place nyh 1540

[DANGER.]

Wher as sche was be nyht or day,

That Danger ne was redy ay,

With whom for speche ne for mede

Yit mihte I nevere of love spede;

For evere this I finde soth,

Al that my ladi seith or doth

To me, Daunger schal make an ende,

And that makth al mi world miswende:

And evere I axe his help, bot he

Mai wel be cleped sanz pite; 1550

For ay the more I to him bowe,

The lasse he wol my tale alowe.

He hath mi ladi so englued,

Sche wol noght that he be remued;

For evere he hangeth on hire Seil,

And is so prive of conseil,

That evere whanne I have oght bede,

I finde Danger in hire stede

And myn ansuere of him I have;

Bot for no merci that I crave, 1560

Of merci nevere a point I hadde.

I finde his ansuere ay so badde,[986]

P. i. 332

That werse mihte it nevere be:

And thus betwen Danger and me

Is evere werre til he dye.

Bot mihte I ben of such maistrie,

That I Danger hadde overcome,

With that were al my joie come.

Thus wolde I wonde for no Sinne,

Ne yit for al this world to winne; 1570

If that I mihte finde a sleyhte,

To leie al myn astat in weyhte,

I wolde him fro the Court dissevere,

So that he come ayeinward nevere.

Therfore I wisshe and wolde fain

That he were in som wise slain;

For while he stant in thilke place,

Ne gete I noght my ladi grace.

Thus hate I dedly thilke vice,

And wolde he stode in non office 1580

In place wher mi ladi is;

For if he do, I wot wel this,

That owther schal he deie or I

Withinne a while; and noght forthi

On my ladi fulofte I muse,

How that sche mai hirself excuse,

If that I deie in such a plit.

Me thenkth sche mihte noght be qwyt

That sche ne were an homicide:

And if it scholde so betide, 1590

As god forbiede it scholde be,

Be double weie it is pite.

P. i. 333

For I, which al my will and witt

Have yove and served evere yit,

And thanne I scholde in such a wise

In rewardinge of my servise

Be ded, me thenkth it were a rowthe:[987]

And furthermor, to telle trowthe,

Sche, that hath evere be wel named,

Were worthi thanne to be blamed 1600

And of reson to ben appeled,

Whan with o word sche mihte have heled

A man, and soffreth him so deie.[988]

Ha, who sawh evere such a weie?

Ha, who sawh evere such destresse?[989]

Withoute pite gentilesse,

Withoute mercy wommanhede,

That wol so quyte a man his mede,

Which evere hath be to love trewe.

Mi goode fader, if ye rewe 1610

Upon mi tale, tell me now,[990]

And I wol stinte and herkne yow.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, attempre thi corage

Fro Wraththe, and let thin herte assuage:

For who so wole him underfonge,

[MORE HASTE WORSE SPEED.]

He mai his grace abide longe,

Er he of love be received;

And ek also, bot it be weyved,

Ther mihte mochel thing befalle,

That scholde make a man to falle 1620

Fro love, that nevere afterward

Ne durste he loke thiderward.

P. i. 334

In harde weies men gon softe,

And er thei clymbe avise hem ofte:

Men sen alday that rape reweth;

And who so wicked Ale breweth,

Fulofte he mot the werse drinke:

Betre is to flete than to sincke;

Betre is upon the bridel chiewe

Thanne if he felle and overthrewe, 1630

The hors and stikede in the Myr:

To caste water in the fyr

Betre is than brenne up al the hous:

The man which is malicious

And folhastif, fulofte he falleth,

And selden is whan love him calleth.

Forthi betre is to soffre a throwe

Than be to wilde and overthrowe;

Suffrance hath evere be the beste

To wissen him that secheth reste: 1640

And thus, if thou wolt love and spede,[991]

Mi Sone, soffre, as I the rede.

What mai the Mous ayein the Cat?

And for this cause I axe that,

Who mai to love make a werre,

That he ne hath himself the werre?

Love axeth pes and evere schal,

And who that fihteth most withal

Schal lest conquere of his emprise:[992]

For this thei tellen that ben wise, 1650

Wicke is to stryve and have the werse;

To hasten is noght worth a kerse;

P. i. 335

Thing that a man mai noght achieve,

That mai noght wel be don at Eve,

It mot abide til the morwe.

Ne haste noght thin oghne sorwe,

Mi Sone, and tak this in thi witt,

He hath noght lost that wel abitt.

Ensample that it falleth thus,

Thou miht wel take of Piramus, 1660

Whan he in haste his swerd outdrowh[993]

And on the point himselve slowh

For love of Tisbee pitously,

For he hire wympel fond blody

And wende a beste hire hadde slain;

Wher as him oghte have be riht fain,

For sche was there al sauf beside:

Bot for he wolde noght abide,

This meschief fell. Forthi be war,

Mi Sone, as I the warne dar, 1670

Do thou nothing in such a res,[994]

For suffrance is the welle of Pes.

Thogh thou to loves Court poursuie,

Yit sit it wel that thou eschuie

That thou the Court noght overhaste,

For so miht thou thi time waste;

Bot if thin happ therto be schape,

It mai noght helpe forto rape.

Therfore attempre thi corage;

Folhaste doth non avantage, 1680

Bot ofte it set a man behinde

In cause of love, and that I finde

P. i. 336

Be olde ensample, as thou schalt hiere,

Touchende of love in this matiere.

[TALE OF PHEBUS AND DAPHNE.]

A Maiden whilom ther was on,

Which Daphne hihte, and such was non[995]

Of beaute thanne, as it was seid.

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui in amoris causa nimia festinacione concupiscentes tardius expediunt. Et narrat qualiter pro eo quod Phebus quamdam virginem pulcherimam nomine Daphnem nimia amoris acceleracione insequebatur, iratus Cupido cor Phebi sagitta aurea ignita ardencius vulnerauit: et econtra cor Daphne quadam sagitta plumbea, que frigidissima fuit, sobrius perforauit. Et sic quanto magis Phebus ardencior in amore Daphnem prosecutus[996] est, tanto magis ipsa frigidior Phebi concupiscenciam toto corde fugitiua dedignabatur.

Phebus his love hath on hire leid,

And therupon to hire he soghte

In his folhaste, and so besoghte, 1690

That sche with him no reste hadde;

For evere upon hire love he gradde,

And sche seide evere unto him nay.

So it befell upon a dai,

Cupide, which hath every chance

Of love under his governance,

Syh Phebus hasten him so sore:

And for he scholde him haste more,

And yit noght speden ate laste,

A dart thurghout his herte he caste, 1700

Which was of gold and al afyre,

That made him manyfold desire

Of love more thanne he dede.

To Daphne ek in the same stede

A dart of Led he caste and smot,

Which was al cold and nothing hot.

And thus Phebus in love brenneth,

And in his haste aboute renneth,

To loke if that he mihte winne;

Bot he was evere to beginne, 1710

For evere awei fro him sche fledde,

So that he nevere his love spedde.

P. i. 337

And forto make him full believe

That no Folhaste mihte achieve

To gete love in such degree,

This Daphne into a lorer tre

Was torned, which is evere grene,

In tokne, as yit it mai be sene,

That sche schal duelle a maiden stille,

And Phebus failen of his wille. 1720

Be suche ensamples, as thei stonde,

Mi Sone, thou miht understonde,

To hasten love is thing in vein,

Whan that fortune is therayein.

To take where a man hath leve

Good is, and elles he mot leve;

For whan a mannes happes failen,

Ther is non haste mai availen.

Amans.

Mi fader, grant merci of this:

[FOOL-HASTE.]

Bot while I se mi ladi is 1730

No tre, but halt hire oghne forme,

Ther mai me noman so enforme,[997]

To whether part fortune wende,

That I unto mi lyves ende

Ne wol hire serven everemo.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, sithen it is so,

I seie nomor; bot in this cas

Bewar how it with Phebus was.

Noght only upon loves chance,

Bot upon every governance 1740

Which falleth unto mannes dede,

Folhaste is evere forto drede,

P. i. 338

And that a man good consail take,

Er he his pourpos undertake,

For consail put Folhaste aweie.

Amans.

Now goode fader, I you preie,

That forto wisse me the more,

Som good ensample upon this lore

Ye wolden telle of that is write,

That I the betre mihte wite 1750

How I Folhaste scholde eschuie,

And the wisdom of conseil suie.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, that thou miht enforme

Thi pacience upon the forme

Of olde essamples, as thei felle,

Now understond what I schal telle.

[ATHEMAS AND DEMEPHON.]

Whan noble Troie was belein

And overcome, and hom ayein

The Gregois torned fro the siege,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui nimio furore accensi vindictam Ire sue vltra quam decet consequi affectant. Et narrat qualiter Athemas et Demephon Reges, cum ipsi de bello Troiano ad propria remeassent et a suis ibidem pacifice recepti non fuissent, congregato aliunde pugnatorum excercitu, regiones suas non solum incendio vastare set et omnes in eisdem habitantes a minimo vsque ad maiorem in perpetuam vindicte memoriam gladio interficere feruore[998] iracundie proposuerunt. Set Rex Nestor, qui senex et sapiens fuit, ex paciencia tractatus inter ipsos Reges et eorum Regna inita pace et concordia huiusmodi impetuositatem micius[999] pacificauit.

The kinges founde here oghne liege 1760

In manye places, as men seide,

That hem forsoke and desobeide.

Among the whiche fell this cas[1000]

To Demephon and Athemas,

That weren kinges bothe tuo,

And bothe weren served so:

Here lieges wolde hem noght receive,[1001]

So that thei mote algates weyve

To seche lond in other place,

For there founde thei no grace. 1770

Wherof they token hem to rede,

And soghten frendes ate nede,

P. i. 339

And ech of hem asseureth other

To helpe as to his oghne brother,

To vengen hem of thilke oultrage

And winne ayein here heritage.

And thus thei ryde aboute faste

To gete hem help, and ate laste

Thei hadden pouer sufficant,

And maden thanne a covenant, 1780

That thei ne scholden no lif save,

Ne prest, ne clerc, ne lord, ne knave,

Ne wif, ne child, of that thei finde,

Which berth visage of mannes kinde,

So that no lif schal be socoured,

Bot with the dedly swerd devoured:

In such Folhaste here ordinance

Thei schapen forto do vengance.

Whan this pourpos was wist and knowe

Among here host, tho was ther blowe 1790

Of wordes many a speche aboute:

Of yonge men the lusti route

Were of this tale glad ynowh,

Ther was no care for the plowh;

As thei that weren Folhastif,

Thei ben acorded to the strif,

And sein it mai noght be to gret

To vengen hem of such forfet:

Thus seith the wilde unwise tonge

Of hem that there weren yonge.[1002] 1800

Bot Nestor, which was old and hor,

The salve sih tofore the sor,

P. i. 340

As he that was of conseil wys:

So that anon be his avis

Ther was a prive conseil nome.

The lordes ben togedre come;[1003]

This Demephon and Athemas

Here pourpos tolden, as it was;

Thei sieten alle stille and herde,

Was non bot Nestor hem ansuerde. 1810

He bad hem, if thei wolde winne,

They scholden se, er thei beginne,

Here ende, and sette here ferste entente,

That thei hem after ne repente:

And axeth hem this questioun,

To what final conclusioun

Thei wolde regne Kinges there,

If that no poeple in londe were;

And seith, it were a wonder wierde

To sen a king become an hierde, 1820

Wher no lif is bot only beste

Under the liegance of his heste;

For who that is of man no king,

The remenant is as no thing.

He seith ek, if the pourpos holde

To sle the poeple, as thei tuo wolde,

Whan thei it mihte noght restore,

Al Grece it scholde abegge sore,

To se the wilde beste wone

Wher whilom duelte a mannes Sone:[1004] 1830

And for that cause he bad hem trete,

And stinte of the manaces grete.[1005]

P. i. 341

Betre is to winne be fair speche,

He seith, than such vengance seche;

Nota.[1006]

For whanne a man is most above,

Him nedeth most to gete him love.

Whan Nestor hath his tale seid,

Ayein him was no word withseid;

It thoghte hem alle he seide wel:

And thus fortune hire dedly whiel 1840

Fro werre torneth into pes.

Bot forth thei wenten natheles;

And whan the Contres herde sein

How that here kinges be besein

Of such a pouer as thei ladde,

Was non so bold that hem ne dradde,

And forto seche pes and grith

Thei sende and preide anon forthwith,

So that the kinges ben appesed,

And every mannes herte is esed; 1850

Al was foryete and noght recorded.

And thus thei ben togedre acorded;

The kinges were ayein received,

And pes was take and wraththe weived,

And al thurgh conseil which was good

Of him that reson understod.

Confessor.

Be this ensample, Sone, attempre

Thin herte and let no will distempre

Nota.[1007]

Thi wit, and do nothing be myht

Which mai be do be love and riht. 1860

Folhaste is cause of mochel wo;

Forthi, mi Sone, do noght so.

[HOMICIDE.]

P. i. 342

And as touchende of Homicide

Which toucheth unto loves side,

Fulofte it falleth unavised

Thurgh will, which is noght wel assised,[1008]

Whan wit and reson ben aweie

And that Folhaste is in the weie,

Wherof hath falle gret vengance.

Forthi tak into remembrance 1870

To love in such a maner wise

That thou deserve no juise:

For wel I wot, thou miht noght lette,

That thou ne schalt thin herte sette

To love, wher thou wolt or non;

Bot if thi wit be overgon,

So that it torne into malice,

Ther wot noman of thilke vice,

What peril that ther mai befalle:

Wherof a tale amonges alle, 1880

Which is gret pite forto hiere,

I thenke forto tellen hiere,

That thou such moerdre miht withstonde,

Whan thou the tale hast understonde.

[TALE OF ORESTES.]

Of Troie at thilke noble toun,

Whos fame stant yit of renoun[1009]

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui ob sue concupiscencie desiderium homicide efficiuntur. Et narrat qualiter Climestra vxor Regis Agamenontis, cum ipse a bello Troiano domi redisset, consilio Egisti, quem adultera peramauit, sponsum suum in cubili dormientem sub noctis silencio trucidabat; cuius mortem filius eius Horestes tunc minoris etatis postea diis admonitus seueritate crudelissima[1011] vindicauit.

And evere schal to mannes Ere,

The Siege laste longe there,

Er that the Greks it mihten winne,

Whil Priamus was king therinne; 1890

Bot of the Greks that lyhe aboute

Agamenon ladde al the route.

P. i. 343

This thing is knowen overal,[1010]

Bot yit I thenke in special

To my matiere therupon

Telle in what wise Agamenon,

Thurgh chance which mai noght be weived,

Of love untrewe was deceived.

An old sawe is, ‘Who that is slyh

In place where he mai be nyh, 1900

He makth the ferre Lieve loth’:

Of love and thus fulofte it goth.

Ther while Agamenon batailleth

To winne Troie, and it assailleth,

Fro home and was long time ferr,

Egistus drowh his qweene nerr,

And with the leiser which he hadde

This ladi at his wille he ladde:[1012]

Climestre was hire rihte name,

Sche was therof gretli to blame, 1910

To love there it mai noght laste.

Bot fell to meschief ate laste;

For whan this noble worthi kniht[1013]

Fro Troie cam, the ferste nyht[1014]

That he at home abedde lay,

Egistus, longe er it was day,

As this Climestre him hadde asent,

And weren bothe of on assent,

Be treson slowh him in his bedd.

Bot moerdre, which mai noght ben hedd, 1920

Sprong out to every mannes Ere,

Wherof the lond was full of fere.

P. i. 344

Agamenon hath be this qweene

A Sone, and that was after sene;[1015]

Bot yit as thanne he was of yowthe,

A babe, which no reson cowthe,

And as godd wolde, it fell him thus.

A worthi kniht Taltabius

This yonge child hath in kepinge,

And whan he herde of this tidinge,[1016] 1930

Of this treson, of this misdede,

He gan withinne himself to drede,

In aunter if this false Egiste

Upon him come, er he it wiste,

To take and moerdre of his malice[1017]

This child, which he hath to norrice:

And for that cause in alle haste

Out of the lond he gan him haste

And to the king of Crete he strawhte[1018]

And him this yonge lord betawhte, 1940

And preide him for his fader sake

That he this child wolde undertake

And kepe him til he be of Age,

So as he was of his lignage;

And tolde him over al the cas,

How that his fadre moerdred was,

And hou Egistus, as men seide,

Was king, to whom the lond obeide.

And whanne Ydomeneux the king

Hath understondihge of this thing, 1950

Which that this kniht him hadde told,

He made sorwe manyfold,

P. i. 345

And tok this child into his warde,

And seide he wolde him kepe and warde,

Til that he were of such a myht

To handle a swerd and ben a knyht,

To venge him at his oghne wille.

And thus Horestes duelleth stille,

Such was the childes rihte name,

Which after wroghte mochel schame 1960

In vengance of his fader deth.

The time of yeres overgeth,

That he was man of brede and lengthe,

Of wit, of manhod and of strengthe,

A fair persone amonges alle.

And he began to clepe and calle,

As he which come was to manne,

Unto the King of Crete thanne,[1019]

Preiende that he wolde him make

A kniht and pouer with him take, 1970

For lengere wolde he noght beleve,

He seith, bot preith the king of leve

To gon and cleyme his heritage

And vengen him of thilke oultrage

Which was unto his fader do.

The king assenteth wel therto,

With gret honour and knyht him makth,

And gret pouer to him betakth,

And gan his journe forto caste:[1020]

So that Horestes ate laste 1980

His leve tok and forth he goth.

As he that was in herte wroth,

P. i. 346

His ferste pleinte to bemene,

Unto the Cite of Athene

He goth him forth and was received,

So there was he noght deceived.

The Duc and tho that weren wise

Thei profren hem to his servise;

And he hem thonketh of here profre[1021]

And seith himself he wol gon offre 1990

Unto the goddes for his sped,

As alle men him yeven red.

So goth he to the temple forth:

Of yiftes that be mochel worth

His sacrifice and his offringe

He made; and after his axinge

He was ansuerd, if that he wolde

His stat recovere, thanne he scholde

Upon his Moder do vengance

So cruel, that the remembrance 2000

Therof mihte everemore abide,

As sche that was an homicide

And of hire oghne lord Moerdrice.[1022]

Horestes, which of thilke office

Was nothing glad, as thanne he preide[1023]

Unto the goddes there and seide

That thei the juggement devise,

How sche schal take the juise.

And therupon he hadde ansuere,

That he hire Pappes scholde of tere 2010

Out of hire brest his oghne hondes,

And for ensample of alle londes

P. i. 347

With hors sche scholde be todrawe,

Til houndes hadde hire bones gnawe

Withouten eny sepulture:

This was a wofull aventure.

And whan Horestes hath al herd,

How that the goddes have ansuerd,

Forth with the strengthe which he ladde

The Duc and his pouer he hadde, 2020

And to a Cite forth thei gon,

The which was cleped Cropheon,

Where as Phoieus was lord and Sire,[1024]

Which profreth him withouten hyre

His help and al that he mai do,

As he that was riht glad therto,

To grieve his mortiel enemy:

And tolde hem certein cause why,

How that Egiste in Mariage

His dowhter whilom of full Age 2030

Forlai, and afterward forsok,

Whan he Horestes Moder tok.

Men sein, ‘Old Senne newe schame’:

Thus more and more aros the blame

Ayein Egiste on every side.

Horestes with his host to ride

Began, and Phoieus with hem wente;

I trowe Egiste him schal repente.

Thei riden forth unto Micene,

Wher lay Climestre thilke qweene, 2040

The which Horestes moder is:[1025]

And whan sche herde telle of this,[1026]

P. i. 348

The gates weren faste schet,

And thei were of here entre let.[1027]

Anon this Cite was withoute

Belein and sieged al aboute,[1028]

And evere among thei it assaile,

Fro day to nyht and so travaile,

Til ate laste thei it wonne;

Tho was ther sorwe ynowh begonne. 2050

Horestes dede his moder calle

Anon tofore the lordes alle

And ek tofor the poeple also,

To hire and tolde his tale tho,

And seide, ‘O cruel beste unkinde,

How mihtest thou thin herte finde,[1029]

For eny lust of loves drawhte,

That thou acordest to the slawhte

Of him which was thin oghne lord?

Thi treson stant of such record, 2060

Thou miht thi werkes noght forsake;

So mot I for mi fader sake

Vengance upon thi bodi do,

As I comanded am therto.

Unkindely for thou hast wroght,

Unkindeliche it schal be boght,

The Sone schal the Moder sle,

For that whilom them seidest yee

To that thou scholdest nay have seid.’

And he with that his hond hath leid 2070

Upon his Moder brest anon,

And rente out fro the bare bon

P. i. 349

Hire Pappes bothe and caste aweie

Amiddes in the carte weie,

And after tok the dede cors

And let it drawe awey with hors

Unto the hound and to the raven;[1030]

Sche was non other wise graven.

Egistus, which was elles where,

Tidinges comen to his Ere 2080

How that Micenes was belein,

Bot what was more herd he noght sein;[1031]

With gret manace and mochel bost

He drowh pouer and made an host

And cam in rescousse of the toun.

Bot al the sleyhte of his tresoun

Horestes wiste it be aspie,

And of his men a gret partie

He made in buisshement abide,

To waite on him in such a tide 2090

That he ne mihte here hond ascape:

And in this wise as he hath schape

The thing befell, so that Egiste

Was take, er he himself it wiste,

And was forth broght hise hondes bounde,

As whan men han a tretour founde.

And tho that weren with him take,

Whiche of tresoun were overtake,

Togedre in o sentence falle;

Bot false Egiste above hem alle[1032] 2100

Was demed to diverse peine,

The worste that men cowthe ordeigne,

P. i. 350

And so forth after be the lawe

He was unto the gibet drawe,

Where he above alle othre hongeth,

As to a tretour it belongeth.

Tho fame with hire swifte wynges[1033]

Aboute flyh and bar tidinges,

And made it cowth in alle londes

How that Horestes with hise hondes 2110

Climestre his oghne Moder slowh.

Some sein he dede wel ynowh,

And som men sein he dede amis,

Diverse opinion ther is:

That sche is ded thei speken alle,

Bot pleinli hou it is befalle,

The matiere in so litel throwe

In soth ther mihte noman knowe

Bot thei that weren ate dede:

And comunliche in every nede 2120

The worste speche is rathest herd

And lieved, til it be ansuerd.

The kinges and the lordes grete

Begonne Horestes forto threte

To puten him out of his regne:

‘He is noght worthi forto regne,

The child which slowh his moder so,’

Thei saide; and therupon also

The lordes of comun assent

A time sette of parlement, 2130

And to Athenes king and lord

Togedre come of on acord,

P. i. 351

To knowe hou that the sothe was:

So that Horestes in this cas

Thei senden after, and he com.

King Menelay the wordes nom

And axeth him of this matiere:

And he, that alle it mihten hiere,

Ansuerde and tolde his tale alarge,[1034]

And hou the goddes in his charge 2140

Comanded him in such a wise

His oghne hond to do juise.

And with this tale a Duc aros,

Which was a worthi kniht of los,

His name was Menesteüs,

And seide unto the lordes thus:

‘The wreeche which Horestes dede,

It was thing of the goddes bede,

And nothing of his crualte;

And if ther were of mi degree 2150

In al this place such a kniht

That wolde sein it was no riht,

I wole it with my bodi prove.’

And therupon he caste his glove,

And ek this noble Duc alleide

Ful many an other skile, and seide

Sche hadde wel deserved wreche,

Ferst for the cause of Spousebreche,

And after wroghte in such a wise

That al the world it oghte agrise, 2160

Whan that sche for so foul a vice

Was of hire oghne lord moerdrice.

P. i. 352

Thei seten alle stille and herde,

Bot therto was noman ansuerde,

It thoghte hem alle he seide skile,

Ther is noman withseie it wile;[1035]

Whan thei upon the reson musen,

Horestes alle thei excusen:[1036]

So that with gret solempnete

He was unto his dignete 2170

Received, and coroned king.

And tho befell a wonder thing:

Egiona, whan sche this wiste,

Which was the dowhter of Egiste

And Soster on the moder side

To this Horeste, at thilke tide,

Whan sche herde how hir brother spedde,[1037]

For pure sorwe, which hire ledde,

That he ne hadde ben exiled,

Sche hath hire oghne lif beguiled 2180

Anon and hyng hireselve tho.

It hath and schal ben everemo,

To moerdre who that wole assente,

He mai noght faille to repente:

This false Egiona was on,

Which forto moerdre Agamenon

Yaf hire acord and hire assent,

So that be goddes juggement,

Thogh that non other man it wolde,

Sche tok hire juise as sche scholde; 2190

And as sche to an other wroghte,

Vengance upon hireself sche soghte,

P. i. 353

And hath of hire unhappi wit

A moerdre with a moerdre quit.

Such is of moerdre the vengance.

Confessor.

Forthi, mi Sone, in remembrance

Of this ensample tak good hiede:

For who that thenkth his love spiede

With moerdre, he schal with worldes schame

Himself and ek his love schame. 2200

Amans.

Mi fader, of this aventure

Which ye have told, I you assure

Min herte is sory forto hiere,

Bot only for I wolde lere

What is to done, and what to leve.

[1038]Hic queritur quibus de causis licet hominem[1039] occidere.

And over this now be your leve,

That ye me wolden telle I preie,

If ther be lieffull eny weie

Withoute Senne a man to sle.[1040]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, in sondri wise ye. 2210

What man that is of traiterie,

Of moerdre or elles robberie

Atteint, the jugge schal noght lette,

Bot he schal slen of pure dette,

And doth gret Senne, if that he wonde.

For who that lawe hath upon honde,

[LAWFUL HOMICIDE.]

And spareth forto do justice

For merci, doth noght his office,

That he his mercy so bewareth,

Seneca.[1041] Iudex qui parcit[1042] vlcisci, multos improbos facit.

Whan for o schrewe which he spareth 2220

A thousand goode men he grieveth:

With such merci who that believeth

P. i. 354

To plese god, he is deceived,

Or elles resoun mot be weyved.

Apostolus. Non sine causa Iudex gladium portat.[1043]

The lawe stod er we were bore,

How that a kinges swerd is bore

In signe that he schal defende

His trewe poeple and make an ende

Of suche as wolden hem devoure.

Lo thus, my Sone, to socoure 2230

The lawe and comun riht to winne,

A man mai sle withoute Sinne,

And do therof a gret almesse,

So forto kepe rihtwisnesse.

Pugna pro patria.[1044]

And over this for his contre

In time of werre a man is fre

Himself, his hous and ek his lond

Defende with his oghne hond,

And slen, if that he mai no bet,

After the lawe which is set. 2240

Amans.

Now, fader, thanne I you beseche

Of hem that dedly werres seche

In worldes cause and scheden blod,

If such an homicide is good.[1045]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, upon thi question

The trowthe of myn opinion,

Als ferforth as my wit arecheth

And as the pleine lawe techeth,[1046]

I woll thee telle in evidence,

To rewle with thi conscience. 2250

[EVIL OF WAR.]

v. Quod creat ipse deus, necat hoc homicida creatum,

Vltor et humano sanguine spargit humum.

P. i. 355

Vt pecoris sic est hominis cruor, heu, modo fusus,

Victa iacet pietas, et furor vrget opus.

Angelus ‘In terra pax’ dixit, et vltima Cristi

Verba sonant pacem, quam modo guerra fugat.

The hihe god of his justice

Hic loquitur contra motores guerre, que non solum homicidii set vniversi mundi desolacionis mater existit.

That ilke foule horrible vice

Of homicide he hath forbede,

Be Moïses as it was bede.

Whan goddes Sone also was bore,

He sende hise anglis doun therfore,[1047]

Whom the Schepherdes herden singe,

Pes to the men of welwillinge

In erthe be among ous here.[1048]

So forto speke in this matiere 2260

After the lawe of charite,

Ther schal no dedly werre be:

And ek nature it hath defended

And in hir lawe pes comended,

Which is the chief of mannes welthe,

Of mannes lif, of mannes helthe.

Bot dedly werre hath his covine

Of pestilence and of famine,

Of poverte and of alle wo,

Wherof this world we blamen so, 2270

Which now the werre hath under fote,

Til god himself therof do bote.

For alle thing which god hath wroght

In Erthe, werre it bringth to noght:

The cherche is brent, the priest is slain,

The wif, the maide is ek forlain,

The lawe is lore and god unserved:

I not what mede he hath deserved

P. i. 356

That suche werres ledeth inne.

If that he do it forto winne, 2280

Ferst to acompte his grete cost

Forth with the folk that he hath lost,

As to the worldes rekeninge

Ther schal he finde no winnynge;

And if he do it to pourchace

The hevene mede, of such a grace

I can noght speke, and natheles[1049]

Crist hath comanded love and pes,

And who that worcheth the revers,

I trowe his mede is ful divers. 2290

And sithen thanne that we finde

That werres in here oghne kinde

Ben toward god of no decerte,[1050]

And ek thei bringen in poverte

Of worldes good, it is merveile

Among the men what it mai eyle,

That thei a pes ne conne sette.

I trowe Senne be the lette,

Apostolus. Stipendium peccati mors est.[1051]

And every mede of Senne is deth;

So wot I nevere hou that it geth: 2300

Bot we that ben of o believe

Among ousself, this wolde I lieve,

That betre it were pes to chese,

Than so be double weie lese.

I not if that it now so stonde,

Bot this a man mai understonde,

Who that these olde bokes redeth,

That coveitise is on which ledeth,

P. i. 357

And broghte ferst the werres inne.

At Grece if that I schal beginne, 2310

Ther was it proved hou it stod:

To Perce, which was ful of good,

Thei maden werre in special,

And so thei deden overal,

Wher gret richesse was in londe,

So that thei leften nothing stonde

Unwerred, bot onliche Archade.

Nota, quod Greci omnem terram fertilem debellabant, set tantum Archadiam, pro eo quod pauper et sterilis fuit, pacifice dimiserunt.

For there thei no werres made,[1052]

Be cause it was bareigne and povere,

Wherof thei mihten noght recovere; 2320

And thus poverte was forbore,

He that noght hadde noght hath lore.

Bot yit it is a wonder thing,

Whan that a riche worthi king,

Or other lord, what so he be,

Wol axe and cleyme proprete

In thing to which he hath no riht,

Bot onliche of his grete miht:

For this mai every man wel wite,

That bothe kinde and lawe write 2330

Expressly stonden therayein.

Bot he mot nedes somwhat sein,

Althogh ther be no reson inne,

Which secheth cause forto winne:

For wit that is with will oppressed,

Whan coveitise him hath adressed,

And alle resoun put aweie,

He can wel finde such a weie

P. i. 358

To werre, where as evere him liketh,

Wherof that he the world entriketh, 2340

That many a man of him compleigneth:

Bot yit alwei som cause he feigneth,

And of his wrongful herte he demeth[1053]

That al is wel, what evere him semeth,

Be so that he mai winne ynowh.

For as the trew man to the plowh[1054]

Only to the gaignage entendeth,

Riht so the werreiour despendeth

His time and hath no conscience.

And in this point for evidence 2350

Of hem that suche werres make,

Thou miht a gret ensample take,

How thei her tirannie excusen

Of that thei wrongfull werres usen,

And how thei stonde of on acord,

The Souldeour forth with the lord,

The povere man forth with the riche,

As of corage thei ben liche,

To make werres and to pile

For lucre and for non other skyle: 2360

Wherof a propre tale I rede,

As it whilom befell in dede.

[ALEXANDER AND THE PIRATE.]

Of him whom al this Erthe dradde,

Whan he the world so overladde

Thurgh werre, as it fortuned is,

Hic declarat per exemplum contra istos Principes seu alios quoscumque illicite guerre motores. Et narrat de quodam pirata in partibus marinis spoliatore notissimo, qui cum captus fuisset, et in iudicium coram Rege Alexandro productus et de latrocinio accusatus, dixit, ‘O Alexander, vere quia cum paucis sociis spoliorum causa naues tantum exploro, ego latrunculus vocor; tu autem, quia cum[1055] infinita bellatorum multitudine vniuersam terram subiugando spoliasti, Imperator diceris. Ita quod status tuus a statu meo differt, set eodem animo condicionem parilem habemus.’ Alexander vero eius audaciam in responsione comprobans, ipsum penes se familiarem retinuit; et sic bellicosus bellatori complacuit.

King Alisandre, I rede this;

How in a Marche, where he lay,

It fell per chance upon a day

P. i. 359

A Rovere of the See was nome,

Which many a man hadde overcome 2370

And slain and take here good aweie:

This Pilour, as the bokes seie,

A famous man in sondri stede

Was of the werkes whiche he dede.

This Prisoner tofor the king

Was broght, and there upon this thing

In audience he was accused:

And he his dede hath noght excused,

Bot preith the king to don him riht,

And seith, ‘Sire, if I were of miht, 2380

I have an herte lich to thin;

For if the pouer were myn,[1056]

Mi will is most in special

To rifle and geten overal

The large worldes good aboute.

Bot for I lede a povere route

And am, as who seith, at meschief,

The name of Pilour and of thief

I bere; and thou, which routes grete

Miht lede and take thi beyete, 2390

And dost riht as I wolde do,

Thi name is nothing cleped so,

Bot thou art named Emperour.

Oure dedes ben of o colour

And in effect of o decerte,

Bot thi richesse and my poverte

Tho ben noght taken evene liche.

And natheles he that is riche

P. i. 360

This dai, tomorwe he mai be povere;

And in contraire also recovere 2400

A povere man to gret richesse

Men sen: forthi let rihtwisnesse[1057]

Be peised evene in the balance.

The king his hardi contienance

Behield, and herde hise wordes wise,

And seide unto him in this wise:[1058]

‘Thin ansuere I have understonde,

Wherof my will is, that thou stonde

In mi service and stille abide.’

And forth withal the same tide 2410

He hath him terme of lif withholde,

The mor and for he schal ben holde,[1059]

He made him kniht and yaf him lond,

Which afterward was of his hond

An orped kniht in many a stede,

And gret prouesce of armes dede,

As the Croniqes it recorden.

And in this wise thei acorden,

The whiche of o condicioun

Be set upon destruccioun: 2420

Such Capitein such retenue.

Bot forto se to what issue

The thing befalleth ate laste,

It is gret wonder that men caste

Here herte upon such wrong to winne,

Wher no beyete mai ben inne,

And doth desese on every side:

Bot whan reson is put aside

P. i. 361

And will governeth the corage,

The faucon which that fleth ramage 2430

And soeffreth nothing in the weie,

Wherof that he mai take his preie,

Is noght mor set upon ravine,

Than thilke man which his covine[1060]

Hath set in such a maner wise:

For al the world ne mai suffise[1061]

To will which is noght resonable.[1062]

[WARS AND DEATH OF ALEXANDER.]

Wherof ensample concordable

Lich to this point of which I meene,

Was upon Alisandre sene, 2440

Hic secundum gesta Regis Alexandri de guerris illicitis ponit Confessor exemplum, dicens quod quamuis Alexander sua potencia tocius mundi victor sibi subiugarat[1063] imperium, ipse tandem mortis victoria subiugatus cunctipotentis sentenciam euadere non potuit.

Which hadde set al his entente,

So as fortune with him wente,

That reson mihte him non governe,[1064]

Bot of his will he was so sterne,

That al the world he overran

And what him list he tok and wan.

In Ynde the superiour

Whan that he was ful conquerour,

And hadde his wilful pourpos wonne[1065]

Of al this Erthe under the Sonne, 2450

This king homward to Macedoine,

Whan that he cam to Babiloine,

And wende most in his Empire,

As he which was hol lord and Sire,

In honour forto be received,

Most sodeinliche he was deceived,

And with strong puison envenimed.

And as he hath the world mistimed

P. i. 362

Noght as he scholde with his wit,

Noght as he wolde it was aquit.[1066] 2460

Thus was he slain that whilom slowh,

And he which riche was ynowh

This dai, tomorwe he hadde noght:

And in such wise as he hath wroght

In destorbance of worldes pes,

His werre he fond thanne endeles,

In which for evere desconfit

He was. Lo now, for what profit

Of werre it helpeth forto ryde,

For coveitise and worldes pride 2470

To sle the worldes men aboute,

As bestes whiche gon theroute.

For every lif which reson can

Oghth wel to knowe that a man[1067]

Ne scholde thurgh no tirannie

Lich to these othre bestes die,[1068]

Til kinde wolde for him sende.

I not hou he it mihte amende,[1069]

Which takth awei for everemore

The lif that he mai noght restore. 2480

Confessor.

Forthi, mi Sone, in alle weie

Be wel avised, I thee preie,

Of slawhte er that thou be coupable

Withoute cause resonable.

Amans.

Mi fader, understonde it is,

That ye have seid; bot over this

[ARE CRUSADES LAWFUL?]

I prei you tell me nay or yee,

To passe over the grete See

P. i. 363

To werre and sle the Sarazin,

Is that the lawe?

Sone myn, 2490

Confessor.

To preche and soffre for the feith,[1070]

That have I herd the gospell seith;[1071]

Bot forto slee, that hiere I noght.

Crist with his oghne deth hath boght

Alle othre men, and made hem fre,

In tokne of parfit charite;

And after that he tawhte himselve,

Whan he was ded, these othre tuelve

Of hise Apostles wente aboute

The holi feith to prechen oute, 2500

Wherof the deth in sondri place

Thei soffre, and so god of his grace

The feith of Crist hath mad aryse:

Bot if thei wolde in other wise

Nota.[1072]

Be werre have broght in the creance,

It hadde yit stonde in balance.

And that mai proven in the dede;

For what man the Croniqes rede,

Fro ferst that holi cherche hath weyved

To preche, and hath the swerd received, 2510

Wherof the werres ben begonne,

A gret partie of that was wonne

To Cristes feith stant now miswent:

Godd do therof amendement,

So as he wot what is the beste.

[GUILT OF HOMICIDE.]

Bot, Sone, if thou wolt live in reste

Of conscience wel assised,

Er that thou sle, be wel avised:

P. i. 364

For man, as tellen ous the clerkes,

Hath god above alle ertheli werkes 2520

Ordeined to be principal,

And ek of Soule in special

He is mad lich to the godhiede.

So sit it wel to taken hiede

And forto loke on every side,

Er that thou falle in homicide,

Which Senne is now so general,

That it welnyh stant overal,

In holi cherche and elles where.[1073]

Bot al the while it stant so there, 2530

The world mot nede fare amis:

For whan the welle of pite is

Thurgh coveitise of worldes good

Defouled with schedinge of blod,

The remenant of folk aboute

Unethe stonden eny doute

To werre ech other and to slee.

So is it all noght worth a Stree,

The charite wherof we prechen,

For we do nothing as we techen: 2540

And thus the blinde conscience

Of pes hath lost thilke evidence

Which Crist upon this Erthe tawhte.

Now mai men se moerdre and manslawhte[1074]

Lich as it was be daies olde,

Whan men the Sennes boghte and solde.

Facilitas venie occasionem prebet delinquendi.

In Grece afore Cristes feith,

I rede, as the Cronique seith,

P. i. 365

Touchende of this matiere thus,

In thilke time hou Peleüs 2550

His oghne brother Phocus slowh;

Bot for he hadde gold ynowh

To yive, his Senne was despensed

With gold, wherof it was compensed:

Achastus, which with Venus was

Hire Priest, assoilede in that cas,[1075]

Al were ther no repentance.

And as the bok makth remembrance,

It telleth of Medee also;

Of that sche slowh her Sones tuo, 2560

Egeüs in the same plit

Hath mad hire of hire Senne quit.

The Sone ek of Amphioras,

Whos rihte name Almeüs was,

His Moder slowh, Eriphile;

Bot Achilo the Priest and he,

So as the bokes it recorden,

For certein Somme of gold acorden[1076]

That thilke horrible sinfull dede

Assoiled was. And thus for mede 2570

Of worldes good it falleth ofte

That homicide is set alofte

Hiere in this lif; bot after this[1077]

Ther schal be knowe how that it is

Of hem that suche thinges werche,

And hou also that holi cherche

Let suche Sennes passe quyte,

And how thei wole hemself aquite[1078]

P. i. 366

Of dedly werres that thei make.

For who that wolde ensample take, 2580

The lawe which is naturel

Be weie of kinde scheweth wel

That homicide in no degree,

Which werreth ayein charite,

Among the men ne scholde duelle.

For after that the bokes telle,

To seche in al this worldesriche,[1079]

Men schal noght finde upon his liche

A beste forto take his preie:

And sithen kinde hath such a weie, 2590

Thanne is it wonder of a man,[1080]

Which kynde hath and resoun can,

That he wol owther more or lasse

His kinde and resoun overpasse,

And sle that is to him semblable.

So is the man noght resonable

Ne kinde, and that is noght honeste,

Whan he is worse than a beste.

[A STRANGE BIRD.]

Nota secundum Solinum contra homicidas de natura cuiusdam Auis faciem ad similitudinem humanam habentis, que cum de preda sua hominem juxta fluuium occiderit videritque in aqua similem sibi occisum, statim pre dolore moritur.

Among the bokes whiche I finde

Solyns spekth of a wonder kinde, 2600

And seith of fowhles ther is on,

Which hath a face of blod and bon

Lich to a man in resemblance.

And if it falle him so per chance,

As he which is a fowhl of preie,

That he a man finde in his weie,

He wol him slen, if that he mai:

Bot afterward the same dai,

P. i. 367

Whan he hath eten al his felle,

And that schal be beside a welle, 2610

In which whan he wol drinke take,

Of his visage and seth the make

That he hath slain, anon he thenketh

Of his misdede, and it forthenketh

So gretly, that for pure sorwe

He liveth noght til on the morwe.

Be this ensample it mai well suie

That man schal homicide eschuie,

For evere is merci good to take,

Bot if the lawe it hath forsake 2620

And that justice is therayein.

For ofte time I have herd sein

Amonges hem that werres hadden,

That thei som while here cause ladden[1081]

Be merci, whan thei mihte have slain,

Wherof that thei were after fain:

[MERCY.]

And, Sone, if that thou wolt recorde

The vertu of Misericorde,

Thou sihe nevere thilke place,

Where it was used, lacke grace. 2630

For every lawe and every kinde

The mannes wit to merci binde;

And namely the worthi knihtes,

Whan that thei stonden most uprihtes

And ben most mihti forto grieve,

Thei scholden thanne most relieve

Him whom thei mihten overthrowe,

As be ensample a man mai knowe.[1082]

[TALE OF TELAPHUS AND TEUCER.]

P. i. 368

He mai noght failen of his mede

That hath merci: for this I rede, 2640

In a Cronique and finde thus.

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de pietate contra homicidium in guerris habenda. Et narrat qualiter Achilles vna cum Thelapho filio suo contra Regem Mesee, qui tunc Theucer vocabatur, bellum inierunt; et cum Achilles dictum Regem in bello prostratum occidere voluisset, Thelaphus pietate motus ipsum clipeo suo cooperiens veniam pro Rege a patre postulauit: pro quo facto ipse Rex adhuc viuens Thephalum Regni sui heredem libera voluntate constituit.

Whan Achilles with Telaphus[1083]

His Sone toward Troie were,

It fell hem, er thei comen there,

Ayein Theucer the king of Mese

To make werre and forto sese

His lond, as thei that wolden regne

And Theucer pute out of his regne.

And thus the Marches thei assaile,

Bot Theucer yaf to hem bataille;[1084] 2650

Thei foghte on bothe sides faste,

Bot so it hapneth ate laste,

This worthi Grek, this Achilles,

The king among alle othre ches:

As he that was cruel and fell,

With swerd in honde on him he fell,

And smot him with a dethes wounde,

That he unhorsed fell to grounde.

Achilles upon him alyhte,

And wolde anon, as he wel mihte, 2660

Have slain him fullich in the place;

Bot Thelaphus his fader grace

For him besoghte, and for pite

Preith that he wolde lete him be,

And caste his Schield betwen hem tuo.

Achilles axeth him why so,

And Thelaphus his cause tolde,

And seith that he is mochel holde,

P. i. 369

For whilom Theucer in a stede

Gret grace and socour to him dede, 2670

And seith that he him wolde aquite,[1085]

And preith his fader to respite.

Achilles tho withdrowh his hond;

Bot al the pouer of the lond,

Whan that thei sihe here king thus take,

Thei fledde and han the feld forsake:

The Grecs unto the chace falle,

And for the moste part of alle

Of that contre the lordes grete

Thei toke, and wonne a gret beyete. 2680

And anon after this victoire

The king, which hadde good memoire,

Upon the grete merci thoghte,

Which Telaphus toward him wroghte,[1086]

And in presence of al the lond

He tok him faire be the hond,

And in this wise he gan to seie:

‘Mi Sone, I mot be double weie

Love and desire thin encress;

Ferst for thi fader Achilles 2690

Whilom ful many dai er this,

Whan that I scholde have fare amis,

Rescousse dede in mi querele

And kepte al myn astat in hele:

How so ther falle now distance

Amonges ous, yit remembrance[1087]

I have of merci which he dede

As thanne: and thou now in this stede

P. i. 370

Of gentilesce and of franchise

Hast do mercy the same wise. 2700

So wol I noght that eny time

Be lost of that thou hast do byme;

For hou so this fortune falle,

Yit stant mi trust aboven alle,

For the mercy which I now finde,

That thou wolt after this be kinde:

And for that such is myn espeir,

As for my Sone and for myn Eir

I thee receive, and al my lond

I yive and sese into thin hond.’ 2710

And in this wise thei acorde,

The cause was Misericorde:

The lordes dede here obeissance

To Thelaphus, and pourveance

Was mad so that he was coroned:

And thus was merci reguerdoned,

Which he to Theucer dede afore.

Confessor.

Lo, this ensample is mad therfore,

That thou miht take remembrance,

Mi Sone; and whan thou sest a chaunce, 2720

Of other mennes passioun

Tak pite and compassioun,

And let nothing to thee be lief,[1088]

Which to an other man is grief.

And after this if thou desire

To stonde ayein the vice of Ire,

Consaile thee with Pacience,

And tak into thi conscience

P. i. 371

Merci to be thi governour.

So schalt thou fiele no rancour, 2730

Wherof thin herte schal debate

With homicide ne with hate

For Cheste or for Malencolie:

Thou schalt be soft in compaignie

Withoute Contek or Folhaste:

For elles miht thou longe waste

Thi time, er that thou have thi wille

Of love; for the weder stille

Men preise, and blame the tempestes.

Amans.

Mi fader, I wol do youre hestes, 2740

And of this point ye have me tawht,

Toward miself the betre sawht

I thenke be, whil that I live.

Bot for als moche as I am schrive

Of Wraththe and al his circumstance,

Yif what you list to my penance,

And asketh forthere of my lif,

If otherwise I be gultif

Of eny thing that toucheth Sinne.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, er we departe atwinne, 2750

I schal behinde nothing leve.

Amans.

Mi goode fader, be your leve

Thanne axeth forth what so you list,

For I have in you such a trist,

As ye that be my Soule hele,

That ye fro me wol nothing hele,

For I schal telle you the trowthe.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, art thou coupable of Slowthe

P. i. 372

In eny point which to him longeth?

Amans.

My fader, of tho pointz me longeth 2760

To wite pleinly what thei meene,

So that I mai me schrive cleene.

Confessor.

Now herkne, I schal the pointz devise;[1089]

And understond wel myn aprise:[1090]

For schrifte stant of no value

To him that wol him noght vertue

To leve of vice the folie:

For word is wynd, bot the maistrie

Is that a man himself defende

Of thing which is noght to comende, 2770

Wherof ben fewe now aday.

And natheles, so as I may

Make unto thi memoire knowe,

The pointz of Slowthe thou schalt knowe.

Explicit Liber Tercius.

LINENOTES:

837 7 margin primo] prima H₁XERCL primum B₂ om. G

838 9 f. he ... he] it ... it XRC. W it ... he H₁GELB₂

839 12 enemy] euermore (euer more) H₁ ... B₂

840 49 mi seluen A

841 51 walkend(e) H₁ ... CB₂, B wawende L

842 62 al forlore (alle for lore) H₁, B, H₃

843 68 fer AJ, STΔΛ, FH₃ for M ... B₂, AdB, W

844 86 wolde AM

845 109 þat þilke AM

846 148 margin malencolia H₁ ... B₂

847 162 margin concupiscencia H₁XR ... B₂

848 168 Whan ... in a] Whan þat ... in SAdBTΔ Whenne ... in W

849 176 tawht (taught) AJ, B, F tawhte S overmore] euermore AMH₁XGRCLB₂, TΔ, W

850 181 in sihte (in siht) AJM

851 186 that] al B

852 200 drowe AM

853 254 it schal] sche schal H₁ ... B₂, Ad

854 286 For thee] ffor þi B

855 290 vnto H₁ ... B₂

856 313 modres (moderis, moders) H₁ ... B₂, Δ

857 315 baskleþ AMH₁Sn, SΔΛ basked C

858 331 that] þo AM, Ad, Magd hyt W

859 354 I may H₁ ... B₂

860 355 What þing nature haþ set in lawe A ... B₂, S ... Δ

861 390 menable H₁XG, AdΔ, F menabe J meuable (?) AMB₂, ST, H₃ mevable R moeuable EC, B mouable (movable) L, W

862 402 Al one] Along(e) H₁G ... B₂ All longe X

863 408 Save] Saufly B

864 Latin Verses ii. 6 Vincit] Viuat H₁ ... CB₂ Viuit L

865 445 makeþ ... at H₁ ... B₂, BΔ

866 446 He] His FWKH₃ It Magd

867 476 yit om. AM

868 478 synge (sing) H₁XECB₂, AdBΛ, H₃

869 480 be schrewed FK

870 490 no þinges suche H₁XGRCB₂ no thynge suche W

871 504 wolde I] wolde (om. I) FKH₃ wolle I W

872 519 meueþ(?) JMXELB₂, W moeueþ GC

873 532 the] hir (hire) H₁ ... B₂

874 536 hire B

875 573 S has lost three leaves (ll. 573-1112)

876 581 Thus] That B

877 611 destrance AM

878 612 vnto H₁ ... B₂

879 619 overcomth t] ouercomeþ C

880 624 wich F

881 626 world (worlde) AM, AdTΔ, FH₃ word JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W

882 633 teche YEC, B of] in AM, H₃

883 639 a man to] for to B

884 647 assaie om. A (p. m.) to assaie M, H₃ assayed X did assai Δ

885 663 axex F

886 679 bad] bad him AM, H₃

887 704 Him] He H₁ ... B₂

888 732 teche XERCB₂

889 733 on] in H₁XE ... B₂, AdΔ, W of G, B

890 741 aborde A, FK

891 743 margin constituebat H₁ ... B₂

892 750 the cas] þis cas BΛ, W

893 756 hise] her B

894 762 were him leuere H₁ ... B₂ hadde leuer W

895 765 Bot] Lo H₁ ... B₂

896 773 many a time CL, B, W

897 778 it om. AJM, KH₃ hem Δ

898 784 margin Quia] Qualiter H₁ ... B₂

899 788 happe (hap) H₁ ... CB₂, W happeþ L

900 795 margin fuerit H₁XRCLB₂ fuerat GE

901 798 that] þe H₁ ... B₂, B

902 807 snow whyt J, B, F snowwhyt A

903 808 colblak A, F col blak J, B

904 817 the om. B

905 818 For] Lo H₁ ... B₂, B More W

906 822 god] and B

906m 822 margin secretam AMH₁XRCLB₂, H₃

907 831 margin Amans A

908 848 margin velud B, F

909 858 gadarende F

910 868 me] mo AM

911 900 thanne] þan wiþ H₁XGECLB₂, B þan in R

912 901 hire F

913 906 I schal AM, KH₃Magd

914 918 ouermor F eueremore (euer mor etc.) A ... B₂, AdBTΔ, WKH₃

915 921 finde] haue AM, KH₃Magd be put L

916 941 tho] þe H₁ ... B₂, AdB, W

917 970 þe whilom H₁XGCL

918 973 destruccioun AJ, B destruction F

919 979 margin assequentur A

920 982 margin proditorum H₁XRCLB₂

921 983 margin patroque X ... B₂ pater Δ

922 1005 margin Et sic quoque H₁ ... B₂

923 1007 margin latitantem B

924 1000 wolde hem AM, Δ, WH₃

925 1014 behihte] he hight(e) GCL, W

926 1028 this] my B

927 1029 The king B

928 1031 Here] His AM, H₃ Hir(e) J, T

929 1044 afterward B

930 1047 This schip H₁ ... B₂, B

931 1060 frenschipe A, F frenschip J frendschip B

932 1065 dai] tyme H₁ ... B₂, B war] what X ... B₂, B what that H₁

933 Latin Verses iv. 1 sit] sic H₁ ... B₂, B, WH₃

934 1094 to drede] togidre B to geder H₁

935 1108 thei] þe F

936 1112 Bot that] But (Bot) at H₁XCLB₂

937 1113 S resumes

938 1118 ne om. MH₁L, Δ, WH₃

939 1119 my] me EL, W me my H₁

940 1122 as of] as for M, Ad of L

941 1123 was neuer(e) H₁, Ad, WH₃

942 1145 þong J, F þing BΛ, W

943 1164 I om. H₁XRCLB₂, H₃

944 1166 put AJ, F putte C, B

945 1171 thei tellen] to telle B

946 1173 jeupartie] champartie H₁ ... B₂

947 1174 wihssinge AJ, F wissching (wisshing) C, B

948 1179 I] it AM

949 1187 this] his H₁ ... B₂, WH₃

950 1190 will] wel H₁ ... B₂, WH₃

951 1198 evere om. H₁ ... B₂, H₃

952 1208 That] But B

953 1211 margin opponente H₁ ... B₂, H₃

954 1212 Wherof] Wher(e) H₁XRCB₂, H₃

955 1222 so] þo L, B

956 1241 he was SAdBTΔ

957 1253 king B

958 1258 wold(e) M ... CB₂, AdTΔ, WH₃

959 1276 As] Of B And W

960 1295 wisdom] wordes H₁ ... B₂, H₃

961 1296 gostly B

962 1307 mi] þe A

963 1312 This] The B

964 1318 How þer(e) H₁G ... B₂, H₃

965 1330 forto] þat þou SAdBTΔ

966 1331 this] þus H₁E ... B₂, H₃

967 1332 Semiranus E ... B₂, H₃

968 1336 margin ipsos H₁ ... B₂, H₃ om. Δ

969 1358 so om. AM

970 1384 the] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, H₃ a W

971 1394 fleigh (fleih &c.) H₁G ... B₂, H₃ flew X

972 1406 al fordrawe (al for drawe) H₁XRCB₂, H₃ alto gnawe L

973 1422 afrighte (afriht &c.) H₁G ... B₂, H₃

974 1430 fulhast (fulle haste &c.) AMH₁XCLB₂, Ad, W foule haste Δ

975 1433 As] And H₁ ... B₂, H₃

976 1440 miht (might) J, B, F mihte A

977 1448 fforþ sche X ... B₂, Δ, WH₃ And sche T

978 1462 art cleped L, AdBTΔ

979 1473 hertes H₁ ... B₂, SAdBTΔ, WH₃

980 1479 as for me H₁ ... B₂, H₃

981 1487 gret EC, SB grete AJ, F

982 1489 And sche H₁ ... B₂, H₃

983 1496 that of] of þat H₁XE ... B₂

984 1503 loue F

985 1512 was] is BT

986 1562 And þus daunger my fortune ladde H₁ ... B₂, H₃ (chaunce for fortune E)

987 1597 a om. H₁ ... B₂, BΔ, H₃

988 1603 so deie] to deie JH₁GE, BT, WH₃ forto deie L

989 1605 such (suche) YXGECLB₂, BΛ, W in such AJM, SAdTΔ, F such a H₁R, H₃Magd

990 1611 tell me] telle ȝe AM

991 1641 and om. H₁, B

992 1649 Schal best B Lest schal H₁ ... B₂, H₃

993 1661 outdrowh F out drowh (drough) AJ, B

994 1671 a res GEC, B ares AJ, S, F

995 1686 such was] þer was H₁ ... B₂, H₃

996 1704 margin prosecutus T, F persecutus AC, B, W

997 1732 me om. AML, KH₃Magd (no man so me W)

998 1777 margin ferourem AM

999 1783 margin micius] inicius H₁GECL

1000 1763 þe cas H₁ ... B₂

1001 1767 liege B

1002 1800 weren þer(e) H₁XE ... B₂ weren þanne G

1003 1806 come] nome XCLB₂

1004 1830 a om. H₁GECL, B

1005 1832 the] þo AJM, SBTΔ, K om. R

1006 1835 margin Nota F om. A, B

1007 1859 margin Nota F om. A, B

1008 1866 Thourgh F

1009 1885 at thilke] þilke B, H₃ þat ilke W of þilke L

1010 1893 thing] king ERL, BT

1011 1899 margin crudelissima seueritate A ... B₂, BT &c.

1012 1908 hadde B

1013 1913 worþi noble AM

1014 1914 ferste (firste) AJ, B ferst F

1015 1924 and om. BT

1016 1930 herde AJ, B herd F

1017 1935 and] a AM om. WMagd

1018 1939 Grece MH₁XGRCLB₂ Crece E

1019 1968 Unto] Vnto to F Grece M ... B₂ (except EC)

1020 1979 gan his journe] gan his money XGE gaue his money H₁RCLB₂

1021 1989 he om. B

1022 2003 of] þus B

1023 2005 and þan (þanne) GL, BT

1024 2023 Phogeus H₁ ... B₂ Phoreus TΔ Plorence W

1025 2041 is] was H₁ ... B₂

1026 2042 herd telle of þis cas H₁ ... B₂

1027 2044 entre] purpos H₁ ... B₂

1028 2046 lieged AM

1029 2056 þou þin (þi) AJM, SAdΛ, F þou in þin (þi) H₁ ... B₂, BΔ, W in thyn T

1030 2077 and to] vnto BΔΛ

1031 2082 herd J, SB, F herde A

1032 2100 false AJ, S, F fals C, B

1033 2107 Tho AJM, ST, F The H₁ ... B₂, AdBΔΛ, WH₃ hire] his C the H₁ om. AM

1034 2139 at large H₁XGECL, B, W

1035 2166 wiþsatt his wille X ... B₂ withsit hit wille H₁ with seith hys wille Δ, W

1036 2168 þei alle X ... B₂

1037 2177 herde AJ, B herd F

1038 2206f. margin Hic queritur—occidere om. B

1039 2207 margin hominem FWH₃ homini hominem A ... B₂, STΔΛ

1040 2209 to] may B om. AM

1041 2220 margin Seneca om. B

1042 2221 margin parcit] parat H₁G ... B₂

1043 2225 margin Apostolus—portat om. H₁ ... B₂

1044 2235 margin Pugna pro patria] Pugna pro patria · licitum est vim vi repellere SBT Pro patria pugna &c. Λ om. H₁

1045 2244 Is such an homicide good H₁ ... B₂ (In for Is R)

1046 2248 techeþ FWH₃Magd it techeþ A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ

1047 2256 anglis C, F angelis AJ aungels B

1048 2259 be om. AM

1049 2287 and om. B

1050 2293 of] in AM

1051 2299 margin Apostolus—mors est om. B

1052 2318 werre H₁ ... B₂, T

1053 2343 herte] cause H₁ ... B₂ (line om. X)

1054 2346 trew S, F trewe AJ, B

1055 2379 margin cum om. H₁ ... B₂, B

1056 2382 the] þy (thi) XL

1057 2402 rihtwisne F

1058 2406 to him JH₁ ... B₂

1059 2412 schulde (sholde) BT

1060 2434 is couine JMCLB₂, Ad

1061 2436 ne mai] may nought (not &c.) A ... B₂, S ... Δ

1062 2437 To will] To him H₁ ... B₂

1063 2444 margin subiugauerat H₁ ... B₂, SΔ

1064 2443 non] nought (not) JMCB₂, B, W

1065 2449 wilsful F

1066 2460 it was quit (quite &c.) H₁ ... B₂, TΔ was hyt quyt W he was aquit M

1067 2474 Oghþ SAdT, F Oght (Ought &c.) AMGC, Δ, W Oweþ JH₁XERLB₂, B, H₃

1068 2476 othre] olde B

1069 2478 mihte (myght) FWH₃ mai (may) A ... B₂, S ... Δ

1070 2491 fei SΔ feie Ad

1071 2492 sei SΔ seie Ad

1072 2505 margin Nota AJ, F om. B

1073 2529 and] as AJX ... B₂, BT

1074 2544 manslawte F

1075 2556 assoiled him H₁XE ... B₂ assoileþ him G

1076 2568 For] Of A ... B₂

1077 2573 lif] world B

1078 2578 wold M, B

1079 2587 Paragraph here AJ, F

1080 2591 it is G ... B₂, Δ

1081 2624 That] But BT

1082 2638 And BT

1083 2642 Telaphus J, F Thelaphus A, SB

1084 2650 Bot] That H₁ ... B₂

1085 2671 wol B

1086 2684 Telaphus F Thelaphus AJ, SB

1087 2696 remembrance] in remembrance AM

1088 2723 belief FK

1089 2763 the] þo AJG ... B₂, SBTΔ

1090 2764 myn] þis B

Incipit Liber Quartus.

[SLOTH.]

P. ii. 1

i. Dicunt accidiam fore nutricem viciorum,

Torpet et in cunctis tarda que lenta bonis:

Que fieri possent hodie transfert piger in cras,

Furatoque prius ostia claudit equo.

Poscenti tardo negat emolumenta Cupido,

Set Venus in celeri ludit amore viri.[1091]

[i. LACHESSE.]

Upon the vices to procede

After the cause of mannes dede,

The ferste point of Slowthe I calle

Hic in quarto libro loquitur Confessor de speciebus Accidie, quarum primam Tardacionem vocat, cuius condicionem pertractans Amanti super hoc consequenter opponit.

Lachesce, and is the chief of alle,

And hath this propreliche of kinde,

To leven alle thing behinde.

Of that he mihte do now hier

He tarieth al the longe yer,

And everemore he seith, ‘Tomorwe’;

And so he wol his time borwe, 10

P. ii. 2

And wissheth after ‘God me sende,’

That whan he weneth have an ende,[1092]

Thanne is he ferthest to beginne.

Thus bringth he many a meschief inne

Unwar, til that he be meschieved,

And may noght thanne be relieved.

And riht so nowther mor ne lesse

It stant of love and of lachesce:

Som time he slowtheth in a day

That he nevere after gete mai. 20

Now, Sone, as of this ilke thing,

If thou have eny knowleching,

That thou to love hast don er this,

Tell on.

Confessio Amantis.

Mi goode fader, yis.

As of lachesce I am beknowe

That I mai stonde upon his rowe,

As I that am clad of his suite:

For whanne I thoghte mi poursuite

To make, and therto sette a day

To speke unto the swete May,[1093] 30

Lachesce bad abide yit,

And bar on hond it was no wit

Ne time forto speke as tho.

Thus with his tales to and fro

Mi time in tariinge he drowh:

Whan ther was time good ynowh,

He seide, ‘An other time is bettre;

Thou schalt mowe senden hire a lettre,

And per cas wryte more plein

Than thou be Mowthe durstest sein.’ 40

P. ii. 3

Thus have I lete time slyde

For Slowthe, and kepte noght my tide,

So that lachesce with his vice

Fulofte hath mad my wit so nyce,

That what I thoghte speke or do[1094]

With tariinge he hield me so,[1095]

Til whanne I wolde and mihte noght.

I not what thing was in my thoght,

Or it was drede, or it was schame;

Bot evere in ernest and in game 50

I wot ther is long time passed.

Bot yit is noght the love lassed,

Which I unto mi ladi have;

For thogh my tunge is slowh to crave

At alle time, as I have bede,

Min herte stant evere in o stede

And axeth besiliche grace,

The which I mai noght yit embrace.

And god wot that is malgre myn;[1096]

For this I wot riht wel a fin, 60

Mi grace comth so selde aboute,

That is the Slowthe of which I doute

Mor than of al the remenant

Which is to love appourtenant.

And thus as touchende of lachesce,

As I have told, I me confesse

To you, mi fader, and beseche

That furthermor ye wol me teche;

And if ther be to this matiere[1097]

Som goodly tale forto liere[1098] 70

P. ii. 4

How I mai do lachesce aweie,

That ye it wolden telle I preie.

Confessor.

To wisse thee, my Sone, and rede,

Among the tales whiche I rede,

An old ensample therupon

Now herkne, and I wol tellen on.

[ENEAS AND DIDO.]

Ayein Lachesce in loves cas

I finde how whilom Eneas,

Whom Anchises to Sone hadde,

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos qui in amoris causa tardantes delinquunt. Et narrat qualiter Dido Regina Cartaginis Eneam ab incendiis Troie fugitiuum in amorem suum gauisa suscepit: qui cum postea in partes Ytalie a Cartagine bellaturum se transtulit, nimiamque ibidem moram faciens tempus reditus sui ad Didonem vltra modum tardauit, ipsa intollerabili dolore concussa sui cordis intima mortali gladio transfodit.

With gret navie, which he ladde 80

Fro Troie, aryveth at Cartage,

Wher for a while his herbergage

He tok: and it betidde so,

With hire which was qweene tho[1099]

Of the Cite his aqueintance

He wan, whos name in remembrance

Is yit, and Dido sche was hote;

Which loveth Eneas so hote

Upon the wordes whiche he seide,

That al hire herte on him sche leide 90

And dede al holi what he wolde.

Bot after that, as it be scholde,

Fro thenne he goth toward Ytaile

Be Schipe, and there his arivaile

Hath take, and schop him forto ryde.

Bot sche, which mai noght longe abide

The hote peine of loves throwe,

Anon withinne a litel throwe

A lettre unto hir kniht hath write,

And dede him pleinly forto wite, 100

P. ii. 5

If he made eny tariinge,

To drecche of his ayeincomynge,

That sche ne mihte him fiele and se,

Sche scholde stonde in such degre

As whilom stod a Swan tofore,

Of that sche hadde hire make lore;

For sorwe a fethere into hire brain

She schof and hath hireselve slain;

As king Menander in a lay[1100]

The sothe hath founde, wher sche lay 110

Sprantlende with hire wynges tweie,[1101]

As sche which scholde thanne deie

For love of him which was hire make.

‘And so schal I do for thi sake,’

This qweene seide, ‘wel I wot.’

Lo, to Enee thus sche wrot

With many an other word of pleinte:

Bot he, which hadde hise thoghtes feinte

Towardes love and full of Slowthe,

His time lette, and that was rowthe: 120

For sche, which loveth him tofore,

Desireth evere more and more,

And whan sche sih him tarie so,

Hire herte was so full of wo,

That compleignende manyfold

Sche hath hire oghne tale told,

Unto hirself and thus sche spak:

‘Ha, who fond evere such a lak

Of Slowthe in eny worthi kniht?

Now wot I wel my deth is diht 130

P. ii. 6

Thurgh him which scholde have be mi lif.’

Bot forto stinten al this strif,

Thus whan sche sih non other bote,

Riht evene unto hire herte rote

A naked swerd anon sche threste,

And thus sche gat hireselve reste

In remembrance of alle slowe.

Confessor.

Wherof, my Sone, thou miht knowe[1102]

How tariinge upon the nede

In loves cause is forto drede; 140

And that hath Dido sore aboght,

Whos deth schal evere be bethoght.

And overmore if I schal seche[1103]

In this matiere an other spieche,

In a Cronique I finde write

A tale which is good to wite.

[ULYSSES AND PENELOPE.]

At Troie whan king Ulixes

Upon the Siege among the pres

Of hem that worthi knihtes were

Abod long time stille there, 150

Hic loquitur super eodem qualiter Penolope Vlixem maritum suum, in obsidione Troie diucius morantem, ob ipsius ibidem tardacionem Epistola sua redarguit.

In thilke time a man mai se

How goodli that Penolope,

Which was to him his trewe wif,

Of his lachesce was pleintif;

Wherof to Troie sche him sende

Hire will be lettre, thus spekende:

‘Mi worthi love and lord also,

It is and hath ben evere so,

That wher a womman is al one,

It makth a man in his persone 160

P. ii. 7

The more hardi forto wowe,

In hope that sche wolde bowe

To such thing as his wille were,

Whil that hire lord were elleswhere.

And of miself I telle this;

For it so longe passed is,

Sithe ferst than ye fro home wente,

That welnyh every man his wente[1104]

To there I am, whil ye ben oute,

Hath mad, and ech of hem aboute,[1105] 170

Which love can, my love secheth,

With gret preiere and me besecheth:

And some maken gret manace,

That if thei mihten come in place,

Wher that thei mihte here wille have,

Ther is nothing me scholde save,

That thei ne wolde werche thinges;

And some tellen me tidynges

That ye ben ded, and some sein

That certeinly ye ben besein 180

To love a newe and leve me.

Bot hou as evere that it be,

I thonke unto the goddes alle,

As yit for oght that is befalle[1106]

Mai noman do my chekes rede:

Bot natheles it is to drede,

That Lachesse in continuance

Fortune mihte such a chance,

Which noman after scholde amende.’[1107]

Lo, thus this ladi compleignende 190

P. ii. 8

A lettre unto hire lord hath write,

And preyde him that he wolde wite

And thenke hou that sche was al his,

And that he tarie noght in this,

Bot that he wolde his love aquite,

To hire ayeinward and noght wryte,

Bot come himself in alle haste,

That he non other paper waste;

So that he kepe and holde his trowthe

Withoute lette of eny Slowthe. 200

Unto hire lord and love liege

To Troie, wher the grete Siege

Was leid, this lettre was conveied.

And he, which wisdom hath pourveied

Of al that to reson belongeth,[1108]

With gentil herte it underfongeth:

And whan he hath it overrad,

In part he was riht inly glad,[1109]

And ek in part he was desesed:

Bot love his herte hath so thorghsesed 210

With pure ymaginacioun,

That for non occupacioun

Which he can take on other side,

He mai noght flitt his herte aside[1110]

Fro that his wif him hadde enformed;[1111]

Wherof he hath himself conformed

With al the wille of his corage

To schape and take the viage

Homward, what time that he mai:

So that him thenketh of a day 220

P. ii. 9

A thousand yer, til he mai se

The visage of Penolope,

Which he desireth most of alle.

And whan the time is so befalle

That Troie was destruid and brent,

He made non delaiement,[1112]

Bot goth him home in alle hihe,

Wher that he fond tofore his yhe

His worthi wif in good astat:

And thus was cessed the debat 230

Of love, and Slowthe was excused,

Which doth gret harm, where it is used,

And hindreth many a cause honeste.

[GROSTESTE.]

For of the grete Clerc Grossteste[1113]

Nota adhuc super eodem de quodam Astrologo, qui quoddam opus ingeniosum quasi ad complementum septennio perducens, vnius momenti tardacione omnem sui operis diligenciam penitus frustrauit.

I rede how besy that he was

Upon clergie an Hed of bras

To forge, and make it forto telle

Of suche thinges as befelle.

And sevene yeres besinesse

He leyde, bot for the lachesse 240

Of half a Minut of an houre,

Fro ferst that he began laboure[1114]

He loste all that he hadde do.

And otherwhile it fareth so,

In loves cause who is slow,

That he withoute under the wow

Be nyhte stant fulofte acold,

Which mihte, if that he hadde wold

His time kept, have be withinne.

[THE FOOLISH VIRGINS.]

Bot Slowthe mai no profit winne, 250

P. ii. 10

Bot he mai singe in his karole

Nota adhuc contra tardacionem de v. virginibus fatuis, que nimiam moram facientes intrante sponso ad nupcias cum ipso non introierunt.

How Latewar cam to the Dole,

Wher he no good receive mihte.

And that was proved wel be nyhte[1115]

Whilom of the Maidenes fyve,[1116]

Whan thilke lord cam forto wyve:

For that here oyle was aweie

To lihte here lampes in his weie,

Here Slowthe broghte it so aboute,

Fro him that thei ben schet withoute. 260

Confessor.

Wherof, my Sone, be thou war,[1117]

Als ferforth as I telle dar.

For love moste ben awaited:[1118]

And if thou be noght wel affaited

In love to eschuie Slowthe,

Mi Sone, forto telle trowthe,

Thou miht noght of thiself ben able

To winne love or make it stable,

All thogh thou mihtest love achieve.

Confessio Amantis

Mi fader, that I mai wel lieve. 270

Bot me was nevere assigned place,

Wher yit to geten eny grace,

Ne me was non such time apointed;

For thanne I wolde I were unjoynted

Of every lime that I have,

If I ne scholde kepe and save[1119]

Min houre bothe and ek my stede,[1120]

If my ladi it hadde bede.

Bot sche is otherwise avised

Than grante such a time assised; 280

P. ii. 11

And natheles of mi lachesse

Ther hath be no defalte I gesse

Of time lost, if that I mihte:[1121]

Bot yit hire liketh noght alyhte

[LACHESSE.]

Upon no lure which I caste;

For ay the more I crie faste,

The lasse hire liketh forto hiere.

So forto speke of this matiere,

I seche that I mai noght finde,

I haste and evere I am behinde, 290

And wot noght what it mai amounte.

Bot, fader, upon myn acompte,

Which ye be sett to examine

Of Schrifte after the discipline,

Sey what your beste conseil is.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, my conseil is this:[1122]

Hou so it stonde of time go,[1123]

Do forth thi besinesse so,

That no Lachesce in the be founde:

For Slowthe is mihti to confounde 300

The spied of every mannes werk.

For many a vice, as seith the clerk,

Ther hongen upon Slowthes lappe

Of suche as make a man mishappe,

To pleigne and telle of hadde I wist.

And therupon if that thee list

To knowe of Slowthes cause more,

In special yit overmore

Ther is a vice full grevable

To him which is therof coupable,[1124] 310

P. ii. 12

And stant of alle vertu bare,

Hierafter as I schal declare.

[ii. PUSILLANIMITY.]

ii. Qui nichil attemptat, nichil expedit, oreque muto

Munus Amicicie vir sibi raro capit.

Est modus in verbis, set ei qui parcit amori[1125]

Verba referre sua, non fauet vllus amor.[1126]

Touchende of Slowthe in his degre,

Ther is yit Pusillamite,

Which is to seie in this langage,

Hic loquitur Confessor de quadam specie Accidie, que pusillanimitas dicta est, cuius ymaginatiua formido neque virtutes aggredi neque vicia fugere audet; sicque vtriusque vite, tam actiue quam contemplatiue, premium non attingit.

He that hath litel of corage

And dar no mannes werk beginne:

So mai he noght be resoun winne;

For who that noght dar undertake,

Be riht he schal no profit take. 320

Bot of this vice the nature

Dar nothing sette in aventure,

Him lacketh bothe word and dede,

Wherof he scholde his cause spede:

He woll no manhed understonde,

For evere he hath drede upon honde:

Al is peril that he schal seie,

Him thenkth the wolf is in the weie,[1127]

And of ymaginacioun

He makth his excusacioun 330

And feigneth cause of pure drede,

And evere he faileth ate nede,

Til al be spilt that he with deleth.

He hath the sor which noman heleth,

The which is cleped lack of herte;

Thogh every grace aboute him sterte,

P. ii. 13

He wol noght ones stere his fot;

So that be resoun lese he mot,

That wol noght auntre forto winne.

Confessor.

And so forth, Sone, if we beginne 340

To speke of love and his servise,

Ther ben truantz in such a wise,[1128]

That lacken herte, whan best were

To speke of love, and riht for fere

Thei wexen doumb and dar noght telle,

Withoute soun as doth the belle,

Which hath no claper forto chyme;

And riht so thei as for the tyme

Ben herteles withoute speche

Of love, and dar nothing beseche; 350

And thus thei lese and winne noght.

Forthi, my Sone, if thou art oght

Coupable as touchende of this Slowthe,

Schrif thee therof and tell me trowthe.

Amans.

Mi fader, I am al beknowe

That I have ben on of tho slowe,[1129]

As forto telle in loves cas.

Min herte is yit and evere was,

As thogh the world scholde al tobreke,[1130]

So ferful, that I dar noght speke 360

Of what pourpos that I have nome,

Whan I toward mi ladi come,

Bot let it passe and overgo.[1131]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, do nomore so:

For after that a man poursuieth

To love, so fortune suieth,

P. ii. 14

Fulofte and yifth hire happi chance

To him which makth continuance

To preie love and to beseche;

As be ensample I schal thee teche. 370

[PYGMALEON AND THE STATUE.]

I finde hou whilom ther was on,

Whos name was Pymaleon,[1132]

Which was a lusti man of yowthe:

Hic in amoris causa loquitur contra pusillanimes, et dicit quod Amans pre timore verbis obmutescere non debet, set continuando preces sui amoris expedicionem tucius prosequatur. Et ponit Confessor exemplum, qualiter Pigmaleon, pro eo quod preces continuauit, quandam ymaginem eburneam, cuius pulcritudinis concupiscencia illaqueatus extitit, in carnem et sanguinem ad latus suum transformatam senciit.

The werkes of entaile he cowthe

Above alle othre men as tho;

And thurgh fortune it fell him so,

As he whom love schal travaile,

He made an ymage of entaile

Lich to a womman in semblance

Of feture and of contienance, 380

So fair yit nevere was figure.

Riht as a lyves creature

Sche semeth, for of yvor whyt

He hath hire wroght of such delit,[1133]

That sche was rody on the cheke

And red on bothe hire lippes eke;

Wherof that he himself beguileth.

For with a goodly lok sche smyleth,

So that thurgh pure impression

Of his ymaginacion 390

With al the herte of his corage

His love upon this faire ymage

He sette, and hire of love preide;

Bot sche no word ayeinward seide.

The longe day, what thing he dede,

This ymage in the same stede

P. ii. 15

Was evere bi, that ate mete

He wolde hire serve and preide hire ete,

And putte unto hire mowth the cuppe;

And whan the bord was taken uppe, 400

He hath hire into chambre nome,[1134]

And after, whan the nyht was come,

He leide hire in his bed al nakid.[1135]

He was forwept, he was forwakid,

He keste hire colde lippes ofte,

And wissheth that thei weren softe,

And ofte he rouneth in hire Ere,

And ofte his arm now hier now there

He leide, as he hir wolde embrace,

And evere among he axeth grace, 410

As thogh sche wiste what he mente:[1136]

And thus himself he gan tormente

With such desese of loves peine,

That noman mihte him more peine.

Bot how it were, of his penance

He made such continuance

Fro dai to nyht, and preith so longe,

That his preiere is underfonge,

Which Venus of hire grace herde;

Be nyhte and whan that he worst ferde, 420

And it lay in his nakede arm,

The colde ymage he fieleth warm

Of fleissh and bon and full of lif.

Lo, thus he wan a lusti wif,

Which obeissant was at his wille;

And if he wolde have holde him stille

P. ii. 16

And nothing spoke, he scholde have failed:

Bot for he hath his word travailed

And dorste speke, his love he spedde,

And hadde al that he wolde abedde. 430

For er thei wente thanne atwo,

A knave child betwen hem two

Thei gete, which was after hote

Paphus, of whom yit hath the note

A certein yle, which Paphos

Men clepe, and of his name it ros.

Confessor.

Be this ensample thou miht finde

That word mai worche above kinde.

Forthi, my Sone, if that thou spare

To speke, lost is al thi fare, 440

For Slowthe bringth in alle wo.

And over this to loke also,

The god of love is favorable

To hem that ben of love stable,

And many a wonder hath befalle:

Wherof to speke amonges alle,

If that thee list to taken hede,

Therof a solein tale I rede,

Which I schal telle in remembraunce

Upon the sort of loves chaunce. 450

[TALE OF IPHIS.]

The king Ligdus upon a strif

Spak unto Thelacuse his wif,

Which thanne was with childe grete;[1137]

He swor it scholde noght be lete,

Hic ponit exemplum super eodem, qualiter Rex Ligdus vxori sue Thelacuse pregnanti minabatur, quod si filiam pareret, infans occideretur: que tamen postea cum filiam ediderat, Isis[1138] dea partus tunc presens filiam nomine filii Yphim appellari ipsamque more masculi educari admonuit: quam pater filium credens, ipsam in maritagium filie cuiusdam principis etate solita copulauit. Set cum Yphis debitum sue coniugi vnde soluere non habuit, deos in sui adiutorium interpellabat; qui super hoc miserti femininum genus in masculinum ob affectum nature in Yphe per omnia transmutarunt.

That if sche have a dowhter bore,

That it ne scholde be forlore

P. ii. 17

And slain, wherof sche sory was.

So it befell upon this cas,

Whan sche delivered scholde be,

Isis be nyhte in privete, 460

Which of childinge is the goddesse,

Cam forto helpe in that destresse,

Til that this lady was al smal,

And hadde a dowhter forth withal;

Which the goddesse in alle weie

Bad kepe, and that thei scholden seie

It were a Sone: and thus Iphis

Thei namede him, and upon this

The fader was mad so to wene.

And thus in chambre with the qweene[1139] 470

This Iphis was forthdrawe tho,

And clothed and arraied so

Riht as a kinges Sone scholde.

Til after, as fortune it wolde,

Whan it was of a ten yer age,

Him was betake in mariage

A Duckes dowhter forto wedde,

Which Iante hihte, and ofte abedde

These children leien, sche and sche,[1140]

Whiche of on age bothe be. 480

So that withinne time of yeeres,[1141]

Togedre as thei ben pleiefieres,

Liggende abedde upon a nyht,

Nature, which doth every wiht

Upon hire lawe forto muse,

Constreigneth hem, so that thei use

P. ii. 18

Thing which to hem was al unknowe;

Wherof Cupide thilke throwe

Tok pite for the grete love,

And let do sette kinde above, 490

So that hir lawe mai ben used,

And thei upon here lust excused.

For love hateth nothing more

Than thing which stant ayein the lore

Of that nature in kinde hath sett:

Forthi Cupide hath so besett

His grace upon this aventure,[1142]

That he acordant to nature,[1143]

Whan that he syh the time best,[1144]

That ech of hem hath other kest, 500

Transformeth Iphe into a man,

Wherof the kinde love he wan

Of lusti yonge Iante his wif;

And tho thei ladde a merie lif,

Which was to kinde non offence.

Confessor.

And thus to take an evidence,

It semeth love is welwillende

To hem that ben continuende

With besy herte to poursuie

Thing which that is to love due. 510

Wherof, my Sone, in this matiere

Thou miht ensample taken hiere,

That with thi grete besinesse

Thou miht atteigne the richesse[1145]

Of love, if that ther be no Slowthe.[1146]

Amans.

I dar wel seie be mi trowthe,

P. ii. 19

Als fer as I my witt can seche,[1147]

Mi fader, as for lacke of speche,

Bot so as I me schrof tofore,

Ther is non other time lore, 520

Wherof ther mihte ben obstacle[1148]

To lette love of his miracle,

Which I beseche day and nyht.

Bot, fader, so as it is riht

In forme of schrifte to beknowe

What thing belongeth to the slowe,

Your faderhode I wolde preie,

If ther be forthere eny weie

Touchende unto this ilke vice.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, ye, of this office 530

Ther serveth on in special,

Which lost hath his memorial,

So that he can no wit withholde

In thing which he to kepe is holde,

Wherof fulofte himself he grieveth:[1149]

And who that most upon him lieveth,

Whan that hise wittes ben so weyved,

He mai full lihtly be deceived.

[iii. FORGETFULNESS.]

iii. Mentibus oblitus alienis labitur ille,

Quem probat accidia non meminisse sui.

Sic amor incautus, qui non memoratur ad horas,[1150]

Perdit et offendit, quod cuperare nequit.

To serve Accidie in his office,

Ther is of Slowthe an other vice, 540

Which cleped is Foryetelnesse;

Hic tractat Confessor de vicio Obliuionis, quam mater eius Accidia ad omnes virtutum memorias necnon et in amoris causa immemorem constituit.[1151]

That noght mai in his herte impresse

P. ii. 20

Of vertu which reson hath sett,

So clene his wittes he foryet.

For in the tellinge of his tale

Nomore his herte thanne his male

Hath remembrance of thilke forme,

Wherof he scholde his wit enforme[1152]

As thanne, and yit ne wot he why.

Thus is his pourpos noght forthi 550

Forlore of that he wolde bidde,

And skarsly if he seith the thridde

To love of that he hadde ment:

Thus many a lovere hath be schent.

Tell on therfore, hast thou be oon[1153]

Of hem that Slowthe hath so begon?

Confessio Amantis.

Ye, fader, ofte it hath be so,

That whanne I am mi ladi fro

And thenke untoward hire drawe,

Than cast I many a newe lawe[1154] 560

And al the world torne up so doun,

And so recorde I mi lecoun

And wryte in my memorial

What I to hire telle schal,

Riht al the matiere of mi tale:

Bot al nys worth a note schale;

For whanne I come ther sche is,

I have it al foryete ywiss;

Of that I thoghte forto telle

I can noght thanne unethes spelle 570

That I wende altherbest have rad,

So sore I am of hire adrad.

P. ii. 21

For as a man that sodeinli

A gost behelde, so fare I;[1155]

So that for feere I can noght gete

Mi witt, bot I miself foryete,

That I wot nevere what I am,

Ne whider I schal, ne whenne I cam,

Bot muse as he that were amased.

Lich to the bok in which is rased 580

The lettre, and mai nothing be rad,

So ben my wittes overlad,

That what as evere I thoghte have spoken,

It is out fro myn herte stoken,[1156]

And stonde, as who seith, doumb and def,

That all nys worth an yvy lef,

Of that I wende wel have seid.

And ate laste I make abreid,[1157]

Caste up myn hed and loke aboute,

Riht as a man that were in doute 590

And wot noght wher he schal become.

Thus am I ofte al overcome,

Ther as I wende best to stonde:

Bot after, whanne I understonde,

And am in other place al one,

I make many a wofull mone

Unto miself, and speke so:

‘Ha fol, wher was thin herte tho,

Whan thou thi worthi ladi syhe?

Were thou afered of hire yhe? 600

For of hire hand ther is no drede:

So wel I knowe hir wommanhede,

P. ii. 22

That in hire is nomore oultrage

Than in a child of thre yeer age.

Whi hast thou drede of so good on,

Whom alle vertu hath begon,

That in hire is no violence

Bot goodlihiede and innocence

Withouten spot of eny blame?

Ha, nyce herte, fy for schame! 610

Ha, couard herte of love unlered,

Wherof art thou so sore afered,

That thou thi tunge soffrest frese,

And wolt thi goode wordes lese,

Whan thou hast founde time and space?

How scholdest thou deserve grace,

Whan thou thiself darst axe non,

Bot al thou hast foryete anon?’[1158]

And thus despute I loves lore,

Bot help ne finde I noght the more, 620

Bot stomble upon myn oghne treine

And make an ekinge of my peine.

For evere whan I thenke among

How al is on miself along,[1159]

I seie, ‘O fol of alle foles,

Thou farst as he betwen tuo stoles

That wolde sitte and goth to grounde.[1160]

It was ne nevere schal be founde,[1161]

Betwen foryetelnesse and drede

That man scholde any cause spede.’ 630

And thus, myn holi fader diere,

Toward miself, as ye mai hiere,

P. ii. 23

I pleigne of my foryetelnesse;

Bot elles al the besinesse,

That mai be take of mannes thoght,

Min herte takth, and is thorghsoght

To thenken evere upon that swete

Withoute Slowthe, I you behete.

For what so falle, or wel or wo,

That thoght foryete I neveremo, 640

Wher so I lawhe or so I loure:[1162]

Noght half the Minut of an houre[1163]

Ne mihte I lete out of my mende,

Bot if I thoghte upon that hende.

Therof me schal no Slowthe lette,

Til deth out of this world me fette,

Althogh I hadde on such a Ring,

As Moises thurgh his enchanting

Som time in Ethiope made,

Whan that he Tharbis weddid hade. 650

Which Ring bar of Oblivion

The name, and that was be resoun

That where it on a finger sat,

Anon his love he so foryat,

As thogh he hadde it nevere knowe:

And so it fell that ilke throwe,

Whan Tharbis hadde it on hire hond,

No knowlechinge of him sche fond,

Bot al was clene out of memoire,

As men mai rede in his histoire; 660

And thus he wente quit away,

That nevere after that ilke day

P. ii. 24

Sche thoghte that ther was such on;

Al was foryete and overgon.

Bot in good feith so mai noght I:

For sche is evere faste by,

So nyh that sche myn herte toucheth,

That for nothing that Slowthe voucheth

I mai foryete hire, lief ne loth;

For overal, where as sche goth, 670

Min herte folwith hire aboute.

Thus mai I seie withoute doute,[1164]

For bet, for wers, for oght, for noght,

Sche passeth nevere fro my thoght;

Bot whanne I am ther as sche is,

Min herte, as I you saide er this,[1165]

Som time of hire is sore adrad,

And som time it is overglad,

Al out of reule and out of space.

For whan I se hir goodli face 680

And thenke upon hire hihe pris,

As thogh I were in Paradis,

I am so ravisht of the syhte,

That speke unto hire I ne myhte[1166]

As for the time, thogh I wolde:

For I ne mai my wit unfolde

To finde o word of that I mene,

Bot al it is foryete clene;

And thogh I stonde there a myle,

Al is foryete for the while, 690

A tunge I have and wordes none.

And thus I stonde and thenke al one

P. ii. 25

Of thing that helpeth ofte noght;

Bot what I hadde afore thoght

To speke, whanne I come there,

It is foryete, as noght ne were,

And stonde amased and assoted,

That of nothing which I have noted[1167]

I can noght thanne a note singe,

Bot al is out of knowlechinge: 700

Thus, what for joie and what for drede,

Al is foryeten ate nede.

So that, mi fader, of this Slowthe

I have you said the pleine trowthe;

Ye mai it as you list redresce:

For thus stant my foryetelnesse

And ek my pusillamite.

Sey now forth what you list to me,[1168]

For I wol only do be you.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, I have wel herd how thou 710

Hast seid, and that thou most amende:

For love his grace wol noght sende

To that man which dar axe non.[1169]

For this we knowen everichon,

A mannes thoght withoute speche

God wot, and yit that men beseche

His will is; for withoute bedes

He doth his grace in fewe stedes:

And what man that foryet himselve,

Among a thousand be noght tuelve, 720

That wol him take in remembraunce,

Bot lete him falle and take his chaunce.

P. ii. 26

Forthi pull up a besi herte,

Mi Sone, and let nothing asterte

Of love fro thi besinesse:

For touchinge of foryetelnesse,

Which many a love hath set behinde,

A tale of gret ensample I finde,

Wherof it is pite to wite

In the manere as it is write. 730

[DEMEPHON AND PHILLIS.]

King Demephon, whan he be Schipe

To Troieward with felaschipe

Hic in amoris causa contra obliuiosos ponit Confessor exemplum, qualiter Demephon versus bellum Troianum itinerando a Phillide Rodopeie Regina non tantum in hospicium, set eciam in amorem, gaudio magno susceptus est: qui postea ab ipsa[1170] Troie discedens rediturum infra certum tempus fidelissime se compromisit. Set quia huiusmodi promissionis diem statutum postmodum oblitus est, Phillis obliuionem Demephontis lacrimis primo deplangens, tandem cordula collo suo circumligata in quadam corulo pre dolore se mortuam suspendit.

Sailende goth, upon his weie

It hapneth him at Rodopeie,

As Eolus him hadde blowe,

To londe, and rested for a throwe.

And fell that ilke time thus,

The dowhter of Ligurgius,

Which qweene was of the contre,

Was sojournende in that Cite 740

Withinne a Castell nyh the stronde,

Wher Demephon cam up to londe.

Phillis sche hihte, and of yong age

And of stature and of visage

Sche hadde al that hire best besemeth.

Of Demephon riht wel hire qwemeth,

Whan he was come, and made him chiere;

And he, that was of his manere

A lusti knyht, ne myhte asterte

That he ne sette on hire his herte; 750

So that withinne a day or tuo

He thoghte, how evere that it go,

P. ii. 27

He wolde assaie the fortune,

And gan his herte to commune

With goodly wordes in hire Ere;

And forto put hire out of fere,

He swor and hath his trowthe pliht

To be for evere hire oghne knyht.

And thus with hire he stille abod,

Ther while his Schip on Anker rod,[1171] 760

And hadde ynowh of time and space

To speke of love and seche grace.

This ladi herde al that he seide,

And hou he swor and hou he preide,

Which was as an enchantement

To hire, that was innocent:[1172]

As thogh it were trowthe and feith,

Sche lieveth al that evere he seith,

And as hire infortune scholde,

Sche granteth him al that he wolde. 770

Thus was he for the time in joie,

Til that he scholde go to Troie;

Bot tho sche made mochel sorwe,

And he his trowthe leith to borwe

To come, if that he live may,

Ayein withinne a Monthe day,

And therupon thei kisten bothe:

Bot were hem lieve or were hem lothe,

To Schipe he goth and forth he wente

To Troie, as was his ferste entente. 780

The daies gon, the Monthe passeth,

Hire love encresceth and his lasseth,

P. ii. 28

For him sche lefte slep and mete,

And he his time hath al foryete;

So that this wofull yonge qweene,

Which wot noght what it mihte meene,

A lettre sende and preide him come,

And seith how sche is overcome

With strengthe of love in such a wise,

That sche noght longe mai suffise[1173] 790

To liven out of his presence;

And putte upon his conscience

The trowthe which he hath behote,

Wherof sche loveth him so hote,

Sche seith, that if he lengere lette

Of such a day as sche him sette,

Sche scholde sterven in his Slowthe,[1174]

Which were a schame unto his trowthe.

This lettre is forth upon hire sonde,

Wherof somdiel confort on honde 800

Sche tok, as sche that wolde abide

And waite upon that ilke tyde

Which sche hath in hire lettre write.

Bot now is pite forto wite,

As he dede erst, so he foryat

His time eftsone and oversat.

Bot sche, which mihte noght do so,

The tyde awayteth everemo,

And caste hire yhe upon the See:

Somtime nay, somtime yee, 810

Somtime he cam, somtime noght,

Thus sche desputeth in hire thoght

P. ii. 29

And wot noght what sche thenke mai;

Bot fastende al the longe day

Sche was into the derke nyht,

And tho sche hath do set up lyht

In a lanterne on hih alofte

Upon a Tour, wher sche goth ofte,

In hope that in his cominge

He scholde se the liht brenninge, 820

Wherof he mihte his weies rihte

To come wher sche was be nyhte.

Bot al for noght, sche was deceived,

For Venus hath hire hope weyved,

And schewede hire upon the Sky

How that the day was faste by,

So that withinne a litel throwe

The daies lyht sche mihte knowe.

Tho sche behield the See at large;

And whan sche sih ther was no barge 830

Ne Schip, als ferr as sche may kenne,

Doun fro the Tour sche gan to renne

Into an Herber all hire one,

Wher many a wonder woful mone

Sche made, that no lif it wiste,

As sche which all hire joie miste,

That now sche swouneth, now sche pleigneth,

And al hire face sche desteigneth

With teres, whiche, as of a welle

The stremes, from hire yhen felle; 840

So as sche mihte and evere in on

Sche clepede upon Demephon,

P. ii. 30

And seide, ‘Helas, thou slowe wiht,

Wher was ther evere such a knyht,

That so thurgh his ungentilesce

Of Slowthe and of foryetelnesse

Ayein his trowthe brak his stevene?’

And tho hire yhe up to the hevene

Sche caste, and seide, ‘O thou unkinde,

Hier schalt thou thurgh thi Slowthe finde, 850

If that thee list to come and se,

A ladi ded for love of thee,

So as I schal myselve spille;

Whom, if it hadde be thi wille,

Thou mihtest save wel ynowh.’

With that upon a grene bowh

A Ceinte of Selk, which sche ther hadde,

Sche knette, and so hireself sche ladde,

That sche aboute hire whyte swere

It dede, and hyng hirselven there. 860

Wherof the goddes were amoeved,

And Demephon was so reproeved,

That of the goddes providence

Was schape such an evidence

Evere afterward ayein the slowe,

That Phillis in the same throwe

Was schape into a Notetre,

That alle men it mihte se,

And after Phillis Philliberd

This tre was cleped in the yerd, 870

And yit for Demephon to schame

Into this dai it berth the name.

P. ii. 31

This wofull chance how that it ferde

Anon as Demephon it herde,

And every man it hadde in speche,

His sorwe was noght tho to seche;

He gan his Slowthe forto banne,

Bot it was al to late thanne.

Confessor.

Lo thus, my Sone, miht thou wite

Ayein this vice how it is write; 880

For noman mai the harmes gesse,

That fallen thurgh foryetelnesse,

Wherof that I thi schrifte have herd.

Bot yit of Slowthe hou it hath ferd

In other wise I thenke oppose,

If thou have gult, as I suppose.

[iv. NEGLIGENCE.]

iv. Dum plantare licet, cultor qui necgligit ortum,

Si desint fructus, imputet ipse sibi.

Preterit ista dies bona, nec valet illa secunda,

Hoc caret exemplo lentus amore suo.[1175]

Fulfild of Slowthes essamplaire

Ther is yit on, his Secretaire,

And he is cleped Negligence:

Hic tractat Confessor de vicio Necgligencie, cuius condicio Accidiam amplectens omnes artes sciencie, tam in amoris causa quam aliter, ignominiosa pretermittens, cum nullum poterit eminere remedium, sui ministerii diligenciam expostfacto in vacuum attemptare presumit.

Which wol noght loke his evidence, 890

Wherof he mai be war tofore;

Bot whanne he hath his cause lore,

Thanne is he wys after the hond:

Whanne helpe may no maner bond,

Thanne ate ferste wolde he binde:

Thus everemore he stant behinde.

Whanne he the thing mai noght amende,

Thanne is he war, and seith at ende,

P. ii. 32

‘Ha, wolde god I hadde knowe!’

Wherof bejaped with a mowe 900

He goth, for whan the grete Stiede

Is stole, thanne he taketh hiede,

And makth the stable dore fast:

Thus evere he pleith an aftercast

Of al that he schal seie or do.

He hath a manere eke also,

Him list noght lerne to be wys,

For he set of no vertu pris

Bot as him liketh for the while;

So fieleth he fulofte guile, 910

Whan that he weneth siker stonde.

And thus thou miht wel understonde,

Mi Sone, if thou art such in love,

Thou miht noght come at thin above

Of that thou woldest wel achieve.

Confessio Amantis.

Mi holi fader, as I lieve,

I mai wel with sauf conscience

Excuse me of necgligence

Towardes love in alle wise:

For thogh I be non of the wise, 920

I am so trewly amerous,

That I am evere curious

Of hem that conne best enforme

To knowe and witen al the forme,

What falleth unto loves craft.

Bot yit ne fond I noght the haft,

Which mihte unto that bladd acorde;[1176]

For nevere herde I man recorde

P. ii. 33

What thing it is that myhte availe

To winne love withoute faile. 930

Yit so fer cowthe I nevere finde

Man that be resoun ne be kinde

Me cowthe teche such an art,

That he ne failede of a part;

And as toward myn oghne wit,

Controeve cowthe I nevere yit

To finden eny sikernesse,

That me myhte outher more or lesse

Of love make forto spede:

For lieveth wel withoute drede, 940

If that ther were such a weie,

As certeinliche as I schal deie

I hadde it lerned longe ago.

Bot I wot wel ther is non so:

And natheles it may wel be,

I am so rude in my degree

And ek mi wittes ben so dulle,

That I ne mai noght to the fulle

Atteigne to so hih a lore.

Bot this I dar seie overmore, 950

Althogh mi wit ne be noght strong,

It is noght on mi will along,

For that is besi nyht and day

To lerne al that he lerne may,

How that I mihte love winne:[1177]

Bot yit I am as to beginne

Of that I wolde make an ende,

And for I not how it schal wende,

P. ii. 34

That is to me mi moste sorwe.

Bot I dar take god to borwe, 960

As after min entendement,

Non other wise necgligent

Thanne I yow seie have I noght be:

Forthi per seinte charite

Tell me, mi fader, what you semeth.

Confessor.

In good feith, Sone, wel me qwemeth,

That thou thiself hast thus aquit

Toward this vice, in which no wit[1178]

Abide mai, for in an houre

He lest al that he mai laboure 970

The longe yer, so that men sein,

What evere he doth it is in vein.

For thurgh the Slowthe of Negligence

Ther was yit nevere such science[1179]

Ne vertu, which was bodely,

That nys destruid and lost therby.

Ensample that it hath be so

In boke I finde write also.

[TALE OF PHAETON.]

Phebus, which is the Sonne hote,

That schyneth upon Erthe hote 980

And causeth every lyves helthe,

Hic contra vicium necgligencie ponit Confessor exemplum; et narrat quod cum[1180] Pheton filius Solis currum patris sui per aera regere debuerat, admonitus a patre vt equos ne deuiarent equa manu diligencius refrenaret, ipse consilium patris sua negligencia preteriens, equos cum curru nimis basse errare permisit; vnde non solum incendio orbem inflammauit, set et seipsum de curru cadentem in quoddam fluuium demergi ad interitum causauit.

He hadde a Sone in al his welthe,

Which Pheton hihte, and he desireth

And with his Moder he conspireth,

The which was cleped Clemenee,[1181]

For help and conseil, so that he[1182]

His fader carte lede myhte

Upon the faire daies brihte.[1183]

P. ii. 35

And for this thing thei bothe preide

Unto the fader, and he seide 990

He wolde wel, bot forth withal

Thre pointz he bad in special

Unto his Sone in alle wise,

That he him scholde wel avise

And take it as be weie of lore.

Ferst was, that he his hors to sore

Ne prike, and over that he tolde

That he the renes faste holde;

And also that he be riht war

In what manere he lede his charr, 1000

That he mistake noght his gate,

Bot up avisement algate[1184]

He scholde here a siker yhe,

That he to lowe ne to hyhe

His carte dryve at eny throwe,

Wherof that he mihte overthrowe.

And thus be Phebus ordinance

Tok Pheton into governance

The Sonnes carte, which he ladde:

Bot he such veine gloire hadde 1010

Of that he was set upon hyh,

That he his oghne astat ne syh

Thurgh negligence and tok non hiede;

So mihte he wel noght longe spede.[1185]

For he the hors withoute lawe

The carte let aboute drawe

Wher as hem liketh wantounly,

That ate laste sodeinly,

P. ii. 36

For he no reson wolde knowe,

This fyri carte he drof to lowe, 1020

And fyreth al the world aboute;

Wherof thei weren alle in doubte,

And to the god for helpe criden

Of suche unhappes as betyden.

Phebus, which syh the necgligence,

How Pheton ayein his defence

His charr hath drive out of the weie,

Ordeigneth that he fell aweie

Out of the carte into a flod[1186]

And dreynte. Lo now, hou it stod 1030

With him that was so necgligent,

That fro the hyhe firmament,

For that he wolde go to lowe,

He was anon doun overthrowe.

[TALE OF ICARUS.]

In hih astat it is a vice[1187]

To go to lowe, and in service

Exemplum super eodem de Icharo Dedali filio in carcere Minotauri existente, cui Dedalus, vt inde euolaret, alas componens, firmiter iniunxit ne nimis alte propter Solis ardorem ascenderet: quod Icharus sua negligencia postponens, cum alcius sublimatus fuisset, subito ad terram corruens expirauit.

It grieveth forto go to hye,

Wherof a tale in poesie

I finde, how whilom Dedalus,

Which hadde a Sone, and Icharus 1040

He hihte, and thogh hem thoghte lothe,

In such prison thei weren bothe

With Minotaurus, that aboute

Thei mihten nawher wenden oute;

So thei begonne forto schape

How thei the prison mihte ascape.

This Dedalus, which fro his yowthe

Was tawht and manye craftes cowthe,

P. ii. 37

Of fetheres and of othre thinges

Hath mad to fle diverse wynges 1050

For him and for his Sone also;

To whom he yaf in charge tho

And bad him thenke therupon,

How that his wynges ben set on

With wex, and if he toke his flyhte

To hyhe, al sodeinliche he mihte

Make it to melte with the Sonne.

And thus thei have her flyht begonne

Out of the prison faire and softe;

And whan thei weren bothe alofte, 1060

This Icharus began to monte,

And of the conseil non accompte

He sette, which his fader tawhte,

Til that the Sonne his wynges cawhte,

Wherof it malt, and fro the heihte

Withouten help of eny sleihte

He fell to his destruccion.

And lich to that condicion

Ther fallen ofte times fele

For lacke of governance in wele, 1070

Als wel in love as other weie.

Amans.

Now goode fader, I you preie,

If ther be more in the matiere[1188]

Of Slowthe, that I mihte it hiere.[1189]

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and for thi diligence,[1190]

Which every mannes conscience

Be resoun scholde reule and kepe,

If that thee list to taken kepe,

P. ii. 38

I wol thee telle, aboven alle

In whom no vertu mai befalle, 1080

Which yifth unto the vices reste

And is of slowe the sloweste.[1191]

[v. IDLENESS.]

v. Absque labore vagus vir inutilis ocia plectens,

Nescio quid presens vita valebit ei.

Non amor in tali misero viget, immo valoris

Qui faciunt opera clamat habere suos.

Among these othre of Slowthes kinde,

Which alle labour set behinde,

And hateth alle besinesse,

Hic loquitur Confessor super illa specie Accidie, que Ocium dicitur, cuius condicio in virtutum cultura nullius occupacionis diligenciam admittens, cuiuscumque expedicionem cause non attingit.

Ther is yit on, which Ydelnesse[1192]

Is cleped, and is the Norrice

In mannes kinde of every vice,

Which secheth eases manyfold.

In Wynter doth he noght for cold, 1090

In Somer mai he noght for hete;

So whether that he frese or swete,

Or he be inne, or he be oute,[1193]

He wol ben ydel al aboute,

Bot if he pleie oght ate Dees.[1194]

For who as evere take fees

And thenkth worschipe to deserve,

Ther is no lord whom he wol serve,

As forto duelle in his servise,

Bot if it were in such a wise, 1100

Of that he seth per aventure

That be lordschipe and coverture

He mai the more stonde stille,

And use his ydelnesse at wille.

P. ii. 39

For he ne wol no travail take

To ryde for his ladi sake,

Bot liveth al upon his wisshes;

And as a cat wolde ete fisshes

Withoute wetinge of his cles,

So wolde he do, bot natheles 1110

He faileth ofte of that he wolde.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, if thou of such a molde

Art mad, now tell me plein thi schrifte.

Amans.

Nay, fader, god I yive a yifte,

That toward love, as be mi wit,

Al ydel was I nevere yit,

Ne nevere schal, whil I mai go.

Confessor.

Now, Sone, tell me thanne so,

What hast thou don of besischipe

To love and to the ladischipe 1120

Of hire which thi ladi is?

Confessio Amantis.

Mi fader, evere yit er this

In every place, in every stede,

What so mi lady hath me bede,

With al myn herte obedient

I have therto be diligent.

And if so is sche bidde noght,

What thing that thanne into my thoght

Comth ferst of that I mai suffise,

I bowe and profre my servise, 1130

Somtime in chambre, somtime in halle,

Riht as I se the times falle.

And whan sche goth to hiere masse,[1195]

That time schal noght overpasse,

P. ii. 40

That I naproche hir ladihede,

In aunter if I mai hire lede

Unto the chapelle and ayein.

Thanne is noght al mi weie in vein,

Somdiel I mai the betre fare,

Whan I, that mai noght fiele hir bare, 1140

Mai lede hire clothed in myn arm:

Bot afterward it doth me harm

Of pure ymaginacioun;

For thanne this collacioun

I make unto miselven ofte,

And seie, ‘Ha lord, hou sche is softe,

How sche is round, hou sche is smal!

Now wolde god I hadde hire al

Withoute danger at mi wille!’

And thanne I sike and sitte stille, 1150

Of that I se mi besi thoght

Is torned ydel into noght.

Bot for al that lete I ne mai,

Whanne I se time an other dai,

That I ne do my besinesse

Unto mi ladi worthinesse.

For I therto mi wit afaite

To se the times and awaite

What is to done and what to leve:

And so, whan time is, be hir leve, 1160

What thing sche bit me don, I do,

And wher sche bidt me gon, I go,[1196]

And whanne hir list to clepe, I come.

Thus hath sche fulliche overcome

P. ii. 41

Min ydelnesse til I sterve,

So that I mot hire nedes serve,

For as men sein, nede hath no lawe.

Thus mot I nedly to hire drawe,

I serve, I bowe, I loke, I loute,

Min yhe folweth hire aboute, 1170

What so sche wole so wol I,

Whan sche wol sitte, I knele by,

And whan sche stant, than wol I stonde:

Bot whan sche takth hir werk on honde[1197]

Of wevinge or enbrouderie,

Than can I noght bot muse and prie

Upon hir fingres longe and smale,

And now I thenke, and now I tale,

And now I singe, and now I sike,

And thus mi contienance I pike. 1180

And if it falle, as for a time

Hir liketh noght abide bime,

Bot besien hire on other thinges,[1198]

Than make I othre tariinges

To dreche forth the longe dai,

For me is loth departe away.

And thanne I am so simple of port,

That forto feigne som desport

I pleie with hire litel hound

Now on the bedd, now on the ground, 1190

Now with hir briddes in the cage;

For ther is non so litel page,

Ne yit so simple a chamberere,

That I ne make hem alle chere,

P. ii. 42

Al for thei scholde speke wel:

Thus mow ye sen mi besi whiel,

That goth noght ydeliche aboute.

And if hir list to riden oute

On pelrinage or other stede,

I come, thogh I be noght bede, 1200

And take hire in min arm alofte

And sette hire in hire sadel softe,

And so forth lede hire be the bridel,

For that I wolde noght ben ydel.

And if hire list to ride in Char,

And thanne I mai therof be war,

Anon I schape me to ryde[1199]

Riht evene be the Chares side;

And as I mai, I speke among,

And otherwhile I singe a song, 1210

Which Ovide in his bokes made,

And seide, ‘O whiche sorwes glade,[1200]

O which wofull prosperite

Belongeth to the proprete

Of love, who so wole him serve!

And yit therfro mai noman swerve,

That he ne mot his lawe obeie.’

And thus I ryde forth mi weie,

And am riht besi overal

With herte and with mi body al, 1220

As I have said you hier tofore.

My goode fader, tell therfore,

Of Ydelnesse if I have gilt.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, bot thou telle wilt[1201]

P. ii. 43

Oght elles than I mai now hiere,

Thou schalt have no penance hiere.

And natheles a man mai se,

How now adayes that ther be

Ful manye of suche hertes slowe,

That wol noght besien hem to knowe 1230

What thing love is, til ate laste,

That he with strengthe hem overcaste,

That malgre hem thei mote obeie

And don al ydelschipe aweie,

To serve wel and besiliche.

Bot, Sone, thou art non of swiche,

For love schal the wel excuse:

Bot otherwise, if thou refuse

To love, thou miht so per cas

Ben ydel, as somtime was 1240

A kinges dowhter unavised,

Til that Cupide hire hath chastised:

Wherof thou schalt a tale hiere

Acordant unto this matiere.

[TALE OF ROSIPHELEE.]

Of Armenye, I rede thus,

Ther was a king, which Herupus

Was hote, and he a lusti Maide

Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos qui amoris[1202] occupacionem omittentes, grauioris infortunii casus expectant.[1203] Et narrat de quadam Armenie Regis filia, que huiusmodi condicionis in principio iuuentutis ociosa persistens, mirabili postea visione castigata in amoris obsequium pre ceteris diligencior[1204] efficitur.

To dowhter hadde, and as men saide

Hire name was Rosiphelee;

Which tho was of gret renomee, 1250

For sche was bothe wys and fair

And scholde ben hire fader hair.

Bot sche hadde o defalte of Slowthe

Towardes love, and that was rowthe;

P. ii. 44

For so wel cowde noman seie,

Which mihte sette hire in the weie

Of loves occupacion

Thurgh non ymaginacion;

That scole wolde sche noght knowe.

And thus sche was on of the slowe 1260

As of such hertes besinesse,

Til whanne Venus the goddesse,

Which loves court hath forto reule,

Hath broght hire into betre reule,

Forth with Cupide and with his miht:

For thei merveille how such a wiht,[1205]

Which tho was in hir lusti age,

Desireth nother Mariage

Ne yit the love of paramours,

Which evere hath be the comun cours 1270

Amonges hem that lusti were.

So was it schewed after there:[1206]

For he that hihe hertes loweth

With fyri Dartes whiche he throweth,

Cupide, which of love is godd,[1207]

In chastisinge hath mad a rodd

To dryve awei hir wantounesse;

So that withinne a while, I gesse,

Sche hadde on such a chance sporned,

That al hire mod was overtorned, 1280

Which ferst sche hadde of slow manere:

For thus it fell, as thou schalt hiere.

Whan come was the Monthe of Maii,

Sche wolde walke upon a dai,

P. ii. 45

And that was er the Sonne Ariste;

Of wommen bot a fewe it wiste,

And forth sche wente prively

Unto the Park was faste by,

Al softe walkende on the gras,

Til sche cam ther the Launde was, 1290

Thurgh which ther ran a gret rivere.

It thoghte hir fair, and seide, ‘Here

I wole abide under the schawe’:

And bad hire wommen to withdrawe,

And ther sche stod al one stille,

To thenke what was in hir wille.

Sche sih the swote floures springe,

Sche herde glade foules singe,

Sche sih the bestes in her kinde,

The buck, the do, the hert, the hinde, 1300

The madle go with the femele;

And so began ther a querele

Betwen love and hir oghne herte,

Fro which sche couthe noght asterte.

And as sche caste hire yhe aboute,

Sche syh clad in o suite a route

Of ladis, wher thei comen ryde

Along under the wodes syde:

On faire amblende hors thei sete,

That were al whyte, fatte and grete,[1208] 1310

And everichon thei ride on side.

The Sadles were of such a Pride,

With Perle and gold so wel begon,

So riche syh sche nevere non;

P. ii. 46

In kertles and in Copes riche

Thei weren clothed, alle liche,

Departed evene of whyt and blew;

With alle lustes that sche knew

Thei were enbrouded overal.

Here bodies weren long and smal, 1320

The beaute faye upon her face[1209]

Non erthly thing it may desface;

Corones on here hed thei beere,

As ech of hem a qweene weere,

That al the gold of Cresus halle

The leste coronal of alle

Ne mihte have boght after the worth:

Thus come thei ridende forth.

The kinges dowhter, which this syh,

For pure abaissht drowh hire adryh 1330

And hield hire clos under the bowh,

And let hem passen stille ynowh;

For as hire thoghte in hire avis,

To hem that were of such a pris

Sche was noght worthi axen there,

Fro when they come or what thei were:

Bot levere than this worldes good

Sche wolde have wist hou that it stod,

And putte hire hed alitel oute;

And as sche lokede hire aboute, 1340

Sche syh comende under the linde[1210]

A womman up an hors behinde.[1211]

The hors on which sche rod was blak,

Al lene and galled on the back,

P. ii. 47

And haltede, as he were encluyed,

Wherof the womman was annuied;

Thus was the hors in sori plit,

Bot for al that a sterre whit[1212]

Amiddes in the front he hadde.

Hir Sadel ek was wonder badde, 1350

In which the wofull womman sat,

And natheles ther was with that

A riche bridel for the nones

Of gold and preciouse Stones.

Hire cote was somdiel totore;

Aboute hir middel twenty score

Of horse haltres and wel mo

Ther hyngen ate time tho.

Thus whan sche cam the ladi nyh,

Than tok sche betre hiede and syh 1360

This womman fair was of visage,[1213]

Freyssh, lusti, yong and of tendre age;

And so this ladi, ther sche stod,

Bethoghte hire wel and understod

That this, which com ridende tho,

Tidinges couthe telle of tho,

Which as sche sih tofore ryde,[1214]

And putte hir forth and preide abide,

And seide, ‘Ha, Suster, let me hiere,

What ben thei, that now riden hiere, 1370

And ben so richeliche arraied?’

This womman, which com so esmaied,

Ansuerde with ful softe speche,

And seith, ‘Ma Dame, I schal you teche.

P. ii. 48

These ar of tho that whilom were

Servantz to love, and trowthe beere,

Ther as thei hadde here herte set.

Fare wel, for I mai noght be let:

Ma Dame, I go to mi servise,

So moste I haste in alle wise; 1380

Forthi, ma Dame, yif me leve,

I mai noght longe with you leve.’

‘Ha, goode Soster, yit I preie,

Tell me whi ye ben so beseie

And with these haltres thus begon.’

‘Ma Dame, whilom I was on

That to mi fader hadde a king;

Bot I was slow, and for no thing

Me liste noght to love obeie,

And that I now ful sore abeie. 1390

For I whilom no love hadde,

Min hors is now so fieble and badde,

And al totore is myn arai,[1215]

And every yeer this freisshe Maii

These lusti ladis ryde aboute,

And I mot nedes suie here route

In this manere as ye now se,[1216]

And trusse here haltres forth with me,

And am bot as here horse knave.

Non other office I ne have, 1400

Hem thenkth I am worthi nomore,

For I was slow in loves lore,

Whan I was able forto lere,

And wolde noght the tales hiere

P. ii. 49

Of hem that couthen love teche.’

‘Now tell me thanne, I you beseche,

Wherof that riche bridel serveth.’

With that hire chere awei sche swerveth,

And gan to wepe, and thus sche tolde:

‘This bridel, which ye nou beholde 1410

So riche upon myn horse hed,—

Ma Dame, afore, er I was ded,

Whan I was in mi lusti lif,

Ther fel into myn herte a strif

Of love, which me overcom,

So that therafter hiede I nom

And thoghte I wolde love a kniht:

That laste wel a fourtenyht,

For it no lengere mihte laste,[1217]

So nyh my lif was ate laste. 1420

Bot now, allas, to late war

That I ne hadde him loved ar:

For deth cam so in haste bime,

Er I therto hadde eny time,

That it ne mihte ben achieved.

Bot for al that I am relieved,

Of that mi will was good therto,

That love soffreth it be so

That I schal swiche a bridel were.

Now have ye herd al myn ansuere: 1430

To godd, ma Dame, I you betake,

And warneth alle for mi sake,

Of love that thei ben noght ydel,

And bidd hem thenke upon mi brydel.’

P. ii. 50

And with that word al sodeinly

Sche passeth, as it were a Sky,

Al clene out of this ladi sihte:

And tho for fere hire herte afflihte,

And seide to hirself, ‘Helas!

I am riht in the same cas. 1440

Bot if I live after this day,

I schal amende it, if I may.’

And thus homward this lady wente,

And changede al hire ferste entente,

Withinne hire herte and gan to swere

That sche none haltres wolde bere.

Confessor.

Lo, Sone, hier miht thou taken hiede,

How ydelnesse is forto drede,

Namliche of love, as I have write.

For thou miht understonde and wite, 1450

Among the gentil nacion

Love is an occupacion,

Which forto kepe hise lustes save

Non quia sic se habet veritas, set opinio Amantum.[1218]

Scholde every gentil herte have:

For as the ladi was chastised,

Riht so the knyht mai ben avised,

Which ydel is and wol noght serve

To love, he mai per cas deserve

A grettere peine than sche hadde,

Whan sche aboute with hire ladde 1460

The horse haltres; and forthi

Good is to be wel war therbi.

Bot forto loke aboven alle,

[IDLENESS IN LOVE.]

These Maidens, hou so that it falle,

P. ii. 51

Thei scholden take ensample of this

Which I have told, for soth it is.

Mi ladi Venus, whom I serve,

What womman wole hire thonk deserve,

Sche mai noght thilke love eschuie

Of paramours, bot sche mot suie 1470

Cupides lawe; and natheles

Men sen such love sielde in pes,

That it nys evere upon aspie

Of janglinge and of fals Envie,

Fulofte medlid with disese:

Bot thilke love is wel at ese,

Which set is upon mariage;

For that dar schewen the visage

In alle places openly.

A gret mervaile it is forthi, 1480

How that a Maiden wolde lette,

That sche hir time ne besette

To haste unto that ilke feste,

Wherof the love is al honeste.

Men mai recovere lost of good,

Bot so wys man yit nevere stod,

Which mai recovere time lore:

So mai a Maiden wel therfore

Ensample take, of that sche strangeth

Hir love, and longe er that sche changeth 1490

Hir herte upon hir lustes greene

To mariage, as it is seene.

For thus a yer or tuo or thre

Sche lest, er that sche wedded be,

P. ii. 52

Whyl sche the charge myhte bere

Of children, whiche the world forbere

Ne mai, bot if it scholde faile.

Bot what Maiden hire esposaile

Wol tarie, whan sche take mai,

Sche schal per chance an other dai 1500

Be let, whan that hire lievest were.[1219]

Wherof a tale unto hire Ere,

Which is coupable upon this dede,

I thenke telle of that I rede.

[TALE OF JEPHTHAH’S DAUGHTER.]

Among the Jewes, as men tolde,

Ther was whilom be daies olde

A noble Duck, which Jepte hihte.[1220]

Hic ponit exemplum super eodem: Et narrat de filia Iepte, que cum ex sui patris voto in holocaustum deo occidi et offerri deberet, ipsa pro eo quod virgo fuit et prolem ad augmentacionem populi dei nondum genuisset, xl. dierum spacium vt cum suis sodalibus virginibus suam defleret virginitatem, priusquam moreretur, in exemplum aliarum[1221] a patre postulauit.

And fell, he scholde go to fyhte

Ayein Amon the cruel king:

And forto speke upon this thing, 1510

Withinne his herte he made avou[1222]

To god and seide, ‘Ha lord, if thou

Wolt grante unto thi man victoire,

I schal in tokne of thi memoire

The ferste lif that I mai se,

Of man or womman wher it be,

Anon as I come hom ayein,

To thee, which art god sovereign,

Slen in thi name and sacrifie.’

And thus with his chivalerie 1520

He goth him forth, wher that he scholde,[1223]

And wan al that he winne wolde

And overcam his fomen alle.

Mai noman lette that schal falle.

P. ii. 53

This Duc a lusti dowhter hadde,[1224]

And fame, which the wordes spradde,

Hath broght unto this ladi Ere

How that hire fader hath do there.

Sche waiteth upon his cominge

With dansinge and with carolinge, 1530

As sche that wolde be tofore

Al othre, and so sche was therfore[1225]

In Masphat at hir fader gate

The ferste; and whan he com therate,

And sih his douhter, he tobreide

Hise clothes and wepende he seide:

‘O mihti god among ous hiere,

Nou wot I that in no manere

This worldes joie mai be plein.

I hadde al that I coude sein 1540

Ayein mi fomen be thi grace,[1226]

So whan I cam toward this place

Ther was non gladdere man than I:[1227]

But now, mi lord, al sodeinli

Mi joie is torned into sorwe,

For I mi dowhter schal tomorwe

Tohewe and brenne in thi servise

To loenge of thi sacrifise

Thurgh min avou, so as it is.’

The Maiden, whan sche wiste of this, 1550

And sih the sorwe hir fader made,

So as sche mai with wordes glade

Conforteth him, and bad him holde

The covenant which he is holde

P. ii. 54

Towardes god, as he behihte.[1228]

Bot natheles hire herte aflihte

Of that sche sih hire deth comende;

And thanne unto the ground knelende[1229]

Tofore hir fader sche is falle,

And seith, so as it is befalle 1560

Upon this point that sche schal deie,

Of o thing ferst sche wolde him preie,

That fourty daies of respit

He wolde hir grante upon this plit,

That sche the whyle mai bewepe

Hir maidenhod, which sche to kepe

So longe hath had and noght beset;[1230]

Wherof her lusti youthe is let,

That sche no children hath forthdrawe

In Mariage after the lawe, 1570

So that the poeple is noght encressed.

Bot that it mihte be relessed,

That sche hir time hath lore so,

Sche wolde be his leve go

With othre Maidens to compleigne,

And afterward unto the peine

Of deth sche wolde come ayein.

The fader herde his douhter sein,

And therupon of on assent

The Maidens were anon asent, 1580

That scholden with this Maiden wende.

So forto speke unto this ende,

Thei gon the dounes and the dales

With wepinge and with wofull tales,

P. ii. 55

And every wyht hire maidenhiede

Compleigneth upon thilke nede,

That sche no children hadde bore,

Wherof sche hath hir youthe lore,

Which nevere sche recovere mai:

For so fell that hir laste dai 1590

Was come, in which sche scholde take

Hir deth, which sche may noght forsake.

Lo, thus sche deiede a wofull Maide

For thilke cause which I saide,

As thou hast understonde above.

Amans.

Mi fader, as toward the Love

Of Maidens forto telle trowthe,

Ye have thilke vice of Slowthe,

Me thenkth, riht wonder wel declared,

That ye the wommen have noght spared 1600

Of hem that tarien so behinde.

Bot yit it falleth in my minde,

Toward the men hou that ye spieke

Of hem that wole no travail sieke

In cause of love upon decerte:

To speke in wordes so coverte,

I not what travaill that ye mente.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and after min entente

I woll thee telle what I thoghte,

Hou whilom men here loves boghte 1610

Thurgh gret travaill in strange londes,

Wher that thei wroghten with here hondes

Of armes many a worthi dede,

In sondri place as men mai rede.

P. ii. 56

vi. Quem probat armorum probitas Venus approbat, et quem

[LOVERS MUST APPROVE THEMSELVES IN ARMS.]

Torpor habet reprobum reprobat illa virum.

Vecors segnicies insignia nescit amoris,

Nam piger ad brauium tardius ipse venit.

That every love of pure kinde

Is ferst forthdrawe, wel I finde:

Bot natheles yit overthis

Decerte doth so that it is

Hic loquitur quod in amoris causa milicie probitas ad armorum laboris excercicium nullatenus[1231] torpescat.

The rather had in mani place.

Forthi who secheth loves grace, 1620

Wher that these worthi wommen are,

He mai noght thanne himselve spare

Upon his travail forto serve,

Wherof that he mai thonk deserve,

There as these men of Armes be,[1232]

Somtime over the grete Se:

So that be londe and ek be Schipe

He mot travaile for worschipe

And make manye hastyf rodes,

Somtime in Prus, somtime in Rodes, 1630

And somtime into Tartarie;

So that these heraldz on him crie,

‘Vailant, vailant, lo, wher he goth!’

And thanne he yifth hem gold and cloth,

So that his fame mihte springe,

And to his ladi Ere bringe

Som tidinge of his worthinesse;[1233]

So that sche mihte of his prouesce

Of that sche herde men recorde,

The betre unto his love acorde[1234] 1640

And danger pute out of hire mod,

Whanne alle men recorden good,

P. ii. 57

And that sche wot wel, for hir sake

That he no travail wol forsake.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, of this travail I meene:

Nou schrif thee, for it schal be sene

If thou art ydel in this cas.

Confessio Amantis.

My fader ye, and evere was:

[ARGUMENTS TO THE CONTRARY.]

For as me thenketh trewely

That every man doth mor than I 1650

As of this point, and if so is

That I have oght so don er this,

It is so litel of acompte,

As who seith, it mai noght amonte

To winne of love his lusti yifte.

For this I telle you in schrifte,

That me were levere hir love winne

Than Kaire and al that is ther inne:

And forto slen the hethen alle,

I not what good ther mihte falle, 1660

So mochel blod thogh ther be schad.

This finde I writen, hou Crist bad

That noman other scholde sle.

What scholde I winne over the Se,

If I mi ladi loste at hom?

Bot passe thei the salte fom,

To whom Crist bad thei scholden preche

To al the world and his feith teche:

Bot now thei rucken in here nest

And resten as hem liketh best[1235] 1670

In all the swetnesse of delices.

Thus thei defenden ous the vices,

P. ii. 58

And sitte hemselven al amidde;

To slen and feihten thei ous bidde

Hem whom thei scholde, as the bok seith,

Converten unto Cristes feith.

Bot hierof have I gret mervaile,

Hou thei wol bidde me travaile:

A Sarazin if I sle schal,

I sle the Soule forth withal, 1680

And that was nevere Cristes lore.

Bot nou ho ther, I seie nomore.

Bot I wol speke upon mi schrifte;

And to Cupide I make a yifte,

That who as evere pris deserve

Of armes, I wol love serve;

And thogh I scholde hem bothe kepe,

Als wel yit wolde I take kepe

Whan it were time to abide,

As forto travaile and to ryde:[1236] 1690

For how as evere a man laboure,

Cupide appointed hath his houre.

Hic allegat Amans in sui excusacionem, qualiter Achilles apud Troiam propter amorem Polixenen arma sua per aliquod tempus dimisit.

For I have herd it telle also,[1237]

Achilles lefte hise armes so

Bothe of himself and of his men

At Troie for Polixenen,

Upon hire love whanne he fell,

That for no chance that befell

Among the Grecs or up or doun,

He wolde noght ayein the toun 1700

Ben armed, for the love of hire.[1238]

And so me thenketh, lieve Sire,

P. ii. 59

A man of armes mai him reste

Somtime in hope for the beste,

If he mai finde a weie nerr.[1239]

What scholde I thanne go so ferr[1240]

In strange londes many a mile

To ryde, and lese at hom therwhile[1241]

Mi love? It were a schort beyete

To winne chaf and lese whete. 1710

Bot if mi ladi bidde wolde,

That I for hire love scholde

Travaile, me thenkth trewely

I mihte fle thurghout the Sky,

And go thurghout the depe Se,

For al ne sette I at a stre

What thonk that I mihte elles gete.

What helpeth it a man have mete,

Wher drinke lacketh on the bord?

What helpeth eny mannes word 1720

To seie hou I travaile faste,

Wher as me faileth ate laste

That thing which I travaile fore?

O in good time were he bore,

That mihte atteigne such a mede.

Bot certes if I mihte spede

With eny maner besinesse

Of worldes travail, thanne I gesse,

Ther scholde me non ydelschipe

Departen fro hir ladischipe. 1730

Bot this I se, on daies nou

The blinde god, I wot noght hou,

P. ii. 60

Cupido, which of love is lord,

He set the thinges in discord,

That thei that lest to love entende

Fulofte he wole hem yive and sende

Most of his grace; and thus I finde

That he that scholde go behinde,[1242]

Goth many a time ferr tofore:

So wot I noght riht wel therfore,[1243] 1740

On whether bord that I schal seile.

Thus can I noght miself conseile,

Bot al I sette on aventure,

And am, as who seith, out of cure

For ought that I can seie or do:

For everemore I finde it so,

The more besinesse I leie,

The more that I knele and preie

With goode wordes and with softe,

The more I am refused ofte, 1750

With besinesse and mai noght winne.

And in good feith that is gret Sinne;[1244]

For I mai seie, of dede and thoght

That ydel man have I be noght;

For hou as evere I be deslaied,

Yit evermore I have assaied.

Bot thogh my besinesse laste,

Al is bot ydel ate laste,

For whan theffect is ydelnesse,

I not what thing is besinesse. 1760

Sei, what availeth al the dede,

Which nothing helpeth ate nede?

P. ii. 61

For the fortune of every fame

Schal of his ende bere a name.

And thus for oght is yit befalle,

An ydel man I wol me calle

As after myn entendement:

Bot upon youre amendement,

[THE CONFESSOR REPLIES.]

Min holi fader, as you semeth,[1245]

Mi reson and my cause demeth. 1770

Confessor.

Mi Sone, I have herd thi matiere,

Of that thou hast thee schriven hiere:

And forto speke of ydel fare,

Me semeth that thou tharst noght care,

Bot only that thou miht noght spede.

And therof, Sone, I wol thee rede,

Abyd, and haste noght to faste;

Thi dees ben every dai to caste,

Thou nost what chance schal betyde.

Betre is to wayte upon the tyde[1246] 1780

Than rowe ayein the stremes stronge:

For thogh so be thee thenketh longe,

Per cas the revolucion

Of hevene and thi condicion

Ne be noght yit of on acord.

Bot I dar make this record

To Venus, whos Prest that I am,

That sithen that I hidir cam

To hiere, as sche me bad, thi lif,

Wherof thou elles be gultif, 1790

Thou miht hierof thi conscience

Excuse, and of gret diligence,

P. ii. 62

Which thou to love hast so despended,

Thou oghtest wel to be comended.

Bot if so be that ther oght faile,

Of that thou slowthest to travaile

In armes forto ben absent,

And for thou makst an argument

Of that thou seidest hiere above,

Hou Achilles thurgh strengthe of love 1800

Hise armes lefte for a throwe,

Thou schalt an other tale knowe,

Which is contraire, as thou schalt wite.

For this a man mai finde write,

Whan that knyhthode schal be werred,[1247]

Lust mai noght thanne be preferred;

The bedd mot thanne be forsake

And Schield and spere on honde take,

Which thing schal make hem after glade,

Whan thei ben worthi knihtes made. 1810

Wherof, so as it comth to honde,

A tale thou schalt understonde,

Hou that a kniht schal armes suie,

And for the while his ese eschuie.

[TALE OF NAUPLUS AND ULYSSES.]

Upon knyhthode I rede thus,

How whilom whan the king Nauplus,[1248]

Hic dicit quod amoris delectamento postposito miles arma sua preferre debet: Et ponit exemplum de Vlixe, cum ipse a bello Troiano propter amorem Penolope remanere domi voluisset, Nauplus pater Palamades eum tantis sermonibus allocutus est, quod Vlixes thoro sue coniugis relicto labores armorum vna cum aliis Troie magnanimus subibat.

The fader of Palamades,

Cam forto preien Ulixes

With othre Gregois ek also,

That he with hem to Troie go, 1820

Wher that the Siege scholde be,

Anon upon Penolope

P. ii. 63

His wif, whom that he loveth hote,

Thenkende, wolde hem noght behote.

Bot he schop thanne a wonder wyle,

How that he scholde hem best beguile,

So that he mihte duelle stille

At home and welde his love at wille:

Wherof erli the morwe day

Out of his bedd, wher that he lay, 1830

Whan he was uppe, he gan to fare

Into the field and loke and stare,

As he which feigneth to be wod:[1249]

He tok a plowh, wher that it stod,

Wherinne anon in stede of Oxes

He let do yoken grete foxes,

And with gret salt the lond he siew.

But Nauplus, which the cause kniew,[1250]

Ayein the sleihte which he feigneth

An other sleihte anon ordeigneth. 1840

And fell that time Ulixes hadde

A chyld to Sone, and Nauplus radde

How men that Sone taken scholde,

And setten him upon the Molde,

Wher that his fader hield the plowh,

In thilke furgh which he tho drowh.

For in such wise he thoghte assaie,

Hou it Ulixes scholde paie,

If that he were wod or non.

The knihtes for this child forthgon;[1251] 1850

Thelamacus anon was fett,

Tofore the plowh and evene sett,

P. ii. 64

Wher that his fader scholde dryve.

Bot whan he sih his child, als blyve

He drof the plowh out of the weie,

And Nauplus tho began to seie,

And hath half in a jape cryd:

‘O Ulixes, thou art aspyd:

What is al this thou woldest meene?

For openliche it is now seene 1860

That thou hast feigned al this thing,

Which is gret schame to a king,

Whan that for lust of eny slowthe

Thou wolt in a querele of trowthe

Of armes thilke honour forsake,

And duelle at hom for loves sake:

For betre it were honour to winne

Than love, which likinge is inne.

Forthi tak worschipe upon honde,

And elles thou schalt understonde 1870

These othre worthi kinges alle

Of Grece, which unto thee calle,[1252]

Towardes thee wol be riht wrothe,

And grieve thee per chance bothe:

Which schal be tothe double schame[1253]

Most for the hindrynge of thi name,

That thou for Slouthe of eny love

Schalt so thi lustes sette above

And leve of armes the knyhthode,

Which is the pris of thi manhode 1880

And oghte ferst to be desired.’

Bot he, which hadde his herte fyred

P. ii. 65

Upon his wif, whan he this herde,

Noght o word therayein ansuerde,

Bot torneth hom halvinge aschamed,

And hath withinne himself so tamed

His herte, that al the sotie

Of love for chivalerie

He lefte, and be him lief or loth,

To Troie forth with hem he goth, 1890

That he him mihte noght excuse.

Thus stant it, if a knyht refuse[1254]

The lust of armes to travaile,[1255]

Ther mai no worldes ese availe,

Bot if worschipe be with al.

And that hath schewed overal;

For it sit wel in alle wise

A kniht to ben of hih emprise

And puten alle drede aweie;

For in this wise, I have herd seie, 1900

[EXAMPLES OF PROWESS. PROTESILAUS.]

The worthi king Protheselai[1256]

On his passage wher he lai

Hic narrat super eodem qualiter Laodomia Regis Protheselai vxor, volens ipsum a bello Troiano secum retinere, fatatam sibi mortem in portu Troie prenunciauit: set ipse miliciam pocius quam ocia affectans, Troiam adiit, vbi sue mortis precio perpetue laudis Cronicam ademit.

Towardes Troie thilke Siege,

Sche which was al his oghne liege,

Laodomie his lusti wif,

Which for his love was pensif,

As he which al hire herte hadde,

Upon a thing wherof sche dradde

A lettre, forto make him duelle

Fro Troie, sende him, thus to telle, 1910

Hou sche hath axed of the wyse

Touchende of him in such a wise,

P. ii. 66

That thei have don hire understonde,

Towardes othre hou so it stonde,

The destine it hath so schape

That he schal noght the deth ascape[1257]

In cas that he arryve at Troie.

Forthi as to hir worldes joie

With al hire herte sche him preide,

And many an other cause alleide, 1920

That he with hire at home abide.

Bot he hath cast hir lettre aside,[1258]

As he which tho no maner hiede

Tok of hire wommannysshe drede;

And forth he goth, as noght ne were,

To Troie, and was the ferste there

Which londeth, and tok arryvaile:

For him was levere in the bataille,[1259]

He seith, to deien as a knyht,

Than forto lyve in al his myht 1930

And be reproeved of his name.

Lo, thus upon the worldes fame

Knyhthode hath evere yit be set,

Which with no couardie is let.

[SAUL.]

Of king Saül also I finde,

Adhuc super eodem, qualiter Rex Saul, non obstante quod per Samuelem a Phitonissa suscitatum et coniuratum responsum, quod ipse in bello moreretur, accepisset, hostes tamen suos aggrediens milicie famam cunctis huius vite blandimentis preposuit.

Whan Samuel out of his kinde,

Thurgh that the Phitonesse hath lered,

In Samarie was arered

Long time after that he was ded,

The king Saül him axeth red,[1260] 1940

If that he schal go fyhte or non.

And Samuel him seide anon,

P. ii. 67

‘The ferste day of the bataille

Thou schalt be slain withoute faile[1261]

And Jonathas thi Sone also.’

Bot hou as evere it felle so,

This worthi kniht of his corage

Hath undertake the viage,

And wol noght his knyhthode lette

For no peril he couthe sette; 1950

Wherof that bothe his Sone and he

Upon the Montz of Gelboë

Assemblen with here enemys:

For thei knyhthode of such a pris

Be olde daies thanne hielden,

That thei non other thing behielden.

And thus the fader for worschipe

Forth with his Sone of felaschipe

Thurgh lust of armes weren dede,

As men mai in the bible rede; 1960

The whos knyhthode is yit in mende,

And schal be to the worldes ende.

[EDUCATION OF ACHILLES.]

And forto loken overmore,

It hath and schal ben evermore

Hic loquitur quod miles in suis primordiis ad audaciam prouocari debet. Et narrat qualiter Chiro Centaurus Achillem, quem secum ab infancia in monte Pileon educauit, vt audax efficeretur, primitus edocuit, quod cum ipse venacionibus ibidem insisteret, leones et tigrides huiusmodique animalia sibi resistencia et nulla alia fugitiua agitaret.[1262] Et sic Achilles in iuuentute animatus famosissime milicie probitatem postmodum adoptauit.[1263]

That of knihthode the prouesse

Is grounded upon hardinesse[1264]

Of him that dar wel undertake.

And who that wolde ensample take

Upon the forme of knyhtes lawe,

How that Achilles was forthdrawe 1970

With Chiro, which Centaurus hihte,

Of many a wondre hiere he mihte.

P. ii. 68

For it stod thilke time thus,

That this Chiro, this Centaurus,

Withinne a large wildernesse,

Wher was Leon and Leonesse,

The Lepard and the Tigre also,

With Hert and Hynde, and buck and doo,[1265]

Hadde his duellinge, as tho befell,

Of Pileon upon the hel, 1980

Wherof was thanne mochel speche.

Ther hath Chiro this Chyld to teche,

What time he was of tuelve yer age;

Wher forto maken his corage

The more hardi be other weie,

In the forest to hunte and pleie

Whan that Achilles walke wolde,

Centaurus bad that he ne scholde

After no beste make his chace,

Which wolde flen out of his place, 1990

As buck and doo and hert and hynde,

With whiche he mai no werre finde;

Bot tho that wolden him withstonde,

Ther scholde he with his Dart on honde

Upon the Tigre and the Leon

Pourchace and take his veneison,[1266]

As to a kniht is acordant.

And therupon a covenant

This Chiro with Achilles sette,

That every day withoute lette 2000

He scholde such a cruel beste

Or slen or wounden ate leste,

P. ii. 69

So that he mihte a tokne bringe

Of blod upon his hom cominge.

And thus of that Chiro him tawhte

Achilles such an herte cawhte,

That he nomore a Leon dradde,

Whan he his Dart on honde hadde,[1267]

Thanne if a Leon were an asse:

And that hath mad him forto passe[1268] 2010

Alle othre knihtes of his dede,

Whan it cam to the grete nede,[1269]

[PROWESS.]

As it was afterward wel knowe.

Confessor.

Lo, thus, my Sone, thou miht knowe

That the corage of hardiesce[1270]

Is of knyhthode the prouesce,

Which is to love sufficant

Aboven al the remenant

That unto loves court poursuie.

Bot who that wol no Slowthe eschuie,[1271] 2020

Upon knihthode and noght travaile,

I not what love him scholde availe;

Bot every labour axeth why

Of som reward, wherof that I

Ensamples couthe telle ynowe

Of hem that toward love drowe

Be olde daies, as thei scholde.

Amans.

Mi fader, therof hiere I wolde.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, it is wel resonable,

In place which is honorable 2030

If that a man his herte sette,

That thanne he for no Slowthe lette

P. ii. 70

To do what longeth to manhede.

For if thou wolt the bokes rede[1272]

Of Lancelot and othre mo,

Ther miht thou sen hou it was tho

Of armes, for thei wolde atteigne

To love, which withoute peine

Mai noght be gete of ydelnesse.[1273]

And that I take to witnesse 2040

An old Cronique in special,

The which into memorial

Is write, for his loves sake

Hou that a kniht schal undertake.

[TALE OF HERCULES AND ACHELONS.]

Ther was a king, which Oënes[1274]

Was hote, and he under his pes

Hic dicit, quod Miles priusquam amoris amplexu dignus efficiatur, euentus bellicos victoriosus amplectere debet. Et narrat qualiter Hercules et Achelons propter[1275] Deianiram Calidonie Regis filiam singulare duellum adinuicem inierunt, cuius victor Hercules existens armorum[1276] meritis amorem virginis laudabiliter conquestauit.

Hield Calidoyne in his Empire,

And hadde a dowhter Deianire.

Men wiste in thilke time non

So fair a wiht as sche was on; 2050

And as sche was a lusti wiht,

Riht so was thanne a noble kniht,

To whom Mercurie fader was.

This kniht the tuo pilers of bras,

The whiche yit a man mai finde,

Sette up in the desert of Ynde;

That was the worthi Hercules,

Whos name schal ben endeles

For the merveilles whiche he wroghte.

This Hercules the love soghte 2060

Of Deianire, and of this thing

Unto hir fader, which was king,

P. ii. 71

He spak touchende of Mariage.

The king knowende his hih lignage,

And dradde also hise mihtes sterne,

To him ne dorste his dowhter werne;

And natheles this he him seide,

How Achelons er he ferst preide

To wedden hire, and in accord

Thei stode, as it was of record: 2070

Bot for al that this he him granteth,

That which of hem that other daunteth[1277]

In armes, him sche scholde take,

And that the king hath undertake.

This Achelons was a Geant,

A soubtil man, a deceivant,

Which thurgh magique and sorcerie

Couthe al the world of tricherie:

And whan that he this tale herde,

Hou upon that the king ansuerde 2080

With Hercules he moste feighte,

He tristeth noght upon his sleighte

Al only, whan it comth to nede,

Bot that which voydeth alle drede

And every noble herte stereth,

The love, that no lif forbereth,

For his ladi, whom he desireth,

With hardiesse his herte fyreth,[1278]

And sende him word withoute faile

That he wol take the bataille. 2090

Thei setten day, thei chosen field,

The knihtes coevered under Schield

P. ii. 72

Togedre come at time set,

And echon is with other met.

It fell thei foghten bothe afote,

Ther was no ston, ther was no rote,

Which mihte letten hem the weie,

But al was voide and take aweie.

Thei smyten strokes bot a fewe,

For Hercules, which wolde schewe 2100

His grete strengthe as for the nones,

He sterte upon him al at ones

And cawhte him in hise armes stronge.

This Geant wot he mai noght longe

Endure under so harde bondes,

And thoghte he wolde out of hise hondes

Be sleyhte in som manere ascape.

And as he couthe himself forschape,

In liknesse of an Eddre he slipte

Out of his hond, and forth he skipte; 2110

And efte, as he that feighte wole,

He torneth him into a Bole,

And gan to belwe of such a soun,

As thogh the world scholde al go doun:

The ground he sporneth and he tranceth,

Hise large hornes he avanceth

And caste hem here and there aboute.

Bot he, which stant of him no doute,[1279]

Awaiteth wel whan that he cam,

And him be bothe hornes nam 2120

And al at ones he him caste

Unto the ground, and hield him faste,

P. ii. 73

That he ne mihte with no sleighte

Out of his hond gete upon heighte,

Til he was overcome and yolde,

And Hercules hath what he wolde.

The king him granteth to fulfille

His axinge at his oghne wille,

And sche for whom he hadde served,

Hire thoghte he hath hire wel deserved. 2130

And thus with gret decerte of Armes

He wan him forto ligge in armes,

As he which hath it dere aboght,

For otherwise scholde he noght.

[PENTHESILEA.]

And overthis if thou wolt hiere[1280]

Nota de Pantasilea Amazonie Regina, que Hectoris amore colligata contra Pirrum Achillis filium apud Troiam arma ferre eciam personaliter non recusauit.

Upon knihthode of this matiere,[1281]

Hou love and armes ben aqueinted,

A man mai se bothe write and peinted

So ferforth that Pantasilee,

Which was the queene of Feminee, 2140

The love of Hector forto sieke

And for thonour of armes eke,

To Troie cam with Spere and Schield,

And rod hirself into the field

With Maidens armed al a route

In rescouss of the toun aboute,

Which with the Gregois was belein.

[PHILEMENIS.]

Fro Pafagoine and as men sein,

Nota qualiter Philemenis propter milicie famam a finibus terre in defensionem Troie veniens tres puellas a Regno Amazonie[1282] quolibet anno percipiendas sibi et heredibus suis impertuum ea de causa habere promeruit.

Which stant upon the worldes ende,

That time it likede ek to wende 2150

To Philemenis, which was king,

To Troie, and come upon this thing

P. ii. 74

In helpe of thilke noble toun;

And al was that for the renoun

Of worschipe and of worldes fame,

Of which he wolde bere a name:

And so he dede, and forth withal

He wan of love in special

A fair tribut for everemo.

For it fell thilke time so; 2160

Pirrus the Sone of Achilles

This worthi queene among the press

With dedli swerd soghte out and fond,

And slowh hire with his oghne hond;

Wherof this king of Pafagoine[1283]

Pantasilee of Amazoine,[1284]

Wher sche was queene, with him ladde,

With suche Maidens as sche hadde

Of hem that were left alyve,

Forth in his Schip, til thei aryve; 2170

Wher that the body was begrave

With worschipe, and the wommen save.

And for the goodschipe of this dede

Thei granten him a lusti mede,

That every yeer as for truage[1285]

To him and to his heritage

Of Maidens faire he schal have thre.

And in this wise spedde he,

Which the fortune of armes soghte,

With his travail his ese he boghte; 2180

For otherwise he scholde have failed,

If that he hadde noght travailed.

[ENEAS.]

P. ii. 75

Eneas ek withinne Ytaile,

Nota pro eo quod Eneas Regem Turnum in bello deuicit, non solum amorem Lavine,[1286] set et regnum Ytalie sibi subiugatum obtinuit.

Ne hadde he wonne the bataille

And don his miht so besily

Ayein king Turne his enemy,

He hadde noght Lavine wonne;

Bot for he hath him overronne

And gete his pris, he gat hire love.[1287]

Be these ensamples here above, 2190

Lo, now, mi Sone, as I have told,

Thou miht wel se, who that is bold

And dar travaile and undertake

The cause of love, he schal be take

The rathere unto loves grace;

For comunliche in worthi place

The wommen loven worthinesse

[GENTILESSE.]

Of manhode and of gentilesse,

Hic dicit,[1288] quod generosi in amoris causa sepius preferuntur. Super quo querit Amans, Quid sit generositas: cuius veritatem questionis Confessor per singula dissoluit.

For the gentils ben most desired.

Mi fader, bot I were enspired 2200

Thurgh lore of you, I wot no weie

What gentilesce is forto seie,

Wherof to telle I you beseche.

The ground, Mi Sone, forto seche

Upon this diffinicion,

The worldes constitucion

Hath set the name of gentilesse

Upon the fortune of richesse

Which of long time is falle in age.

Thanne is a man of hih lignage 2210

After the forme, as thou miht hiere,

Bot nothing after the matiere.

P. ii. 76

For who that resoun understonde,

Upon richesse it mai noght stonde,

For that is thing which faileth ofte:

For he that stant to day alofte

And al the world hath in hise wones,

Tomorwe he falleth al at ones[1289]

Out of richesse into poverte,

So that therof is no decerte, 2220

Which gentilesce makth abide.

And forto loke on other side

Hou that a gentil man is bore,

Adam, which alle was tofore[1290]

With Eve his wif, as of hem tuo,

Al was aliche gentil tho;

So that of generacion[1291]

To make declaracion,

Ther mai no gentilesce be.

For to the reson if we se, 2230

Of mannes berthe the mesure,

It is so comun to nature,

That it yifth every man aliche,

Als wel to povere as to the riche;[1292]

For naked thei ben bore bothe,

The lord nomore hath forto clothe

As of himself that ilke throwe,

Than hath the povereste of the rowe.

And whan thei schulle bothe passe,

I not of hem which hath the lasse 2240

Of worldes good, bot as of charge[1293]

The lord is more forto charge,

P. ii. 77

Whan god schal his accompte hiere,

For he hath had hise lustes hiere.

Omnes quidem ad vnum finem tendimus, set diuerso tramite.

Bot of the bodi, which schal deie,

Althogh ther be diverse weie

To deth, yit is ther bot on ende,

To which that every man schal wende,

Als wel the beggere as the lord,

Of o nature, of on acord: 2250

Sche which oure Eldemoder is,[1294]

The Erthe, bothe that and this

Receiveth and alich devoureth,

That sche to nouther part favoureth.[1295]

So wot I nothing after kinde

Where I mai gentilesse finde.

For lacke of vertu lacketh grace,

Wherof richesse in many place,

Whan men best wene forto stonde,[1296]

Al sodeinly goth out of honde: 2260

Bot vertu set in the corage,

Ther mai no world be so salvage,

Which mihte it take and don aweie,

Til whanne that the bodi deie;

And thanne he schal be riched so,

That it mai faile neveremo;

So mai that wel be gentilesse,

Which yifth so gret a sikernesse.

For after the condicion

Of resonable entencion, 2270

The which out of the Soule groweth

And the vertu fro vice knoweth,

P. ii. 78

Wherof a man the vice eschuieth,

Withoute Slowthe and vertu suieth,

That is a verrai gentil man,

And nothing elles which he can,

Ne which he hath, ne which he mai.

Bot for al that yit nou aday,[1297]

In loves court to taken hiede,

The povere vertu schal noght spiede, 2280

Wher that the riche vice woweth;

For sielde it is that love alloweth

The gentil man withoute good,

Thogh his condicion be good.

Bot if a man of bothe tuo

Be riche and vertuous also,

Thanne is he wel the more worth

Bot yit to putte himselve forth

He moste don his besinesse,

For nowther good ne gentilesse 2290

Mai helpen hem whiche ydel be.

[EFFECTS OF LOVE.]

Bot who that wole in his degre

Travaile so as it belongeth,

It happeth ofte that he fongeth

Worschipe and ese bothe tuo.[1298]

For evere yit it hath be so,

That love honeste in sondri weie

Profiteth, for it doth aweie

The vice, and as the bokes sein,

It makth curteis of the vilein,[1299] 2300

And to the couard hardiesce

It yifth, so that verrai prouesse

P. ii. 79

Is caused upon loves reule

To him that can manhode reule;

And ek toward the wommanhiede,

Who that therof wol taken hiede,

For thei the betre affaited be[1300]

In every thing, as men may se.

For love hath evere hise lustes grene

In gentil folk, as it is sene, 2310

Which thing ther mai no kinde areste:[1301]

I trowe that ther is no beste,

If he with love scholde aqueinte,

That he ne wolde make it queinte

As for the while that it laste.

And thus I conclude ate laste,

That thei ben ydel, as me semeth,

Whiche unto thing that love demeth

Forslowthen that thei scholden do.

And overthis, mi Sone, also 2320

Nota de amore caritatis, vbi dicit, Qui non diligit, manet in morte.

After the vertu moral eke

To speke of love if I schal seke,

Among the holi bokes wise

I finde write in such a wise,[1302]

‘Who loveth noght is hier as ded’;[1303]

For love above alle othre is hed,

Which hath the vertus forto lede,

Of al that unto mannes dede

[LOVE CONTRARY TO SLOTH.]

Belongeth: for of ydelschipe

He hateth all the felaschipe.[1304] 2330

For Slowthe is evere to despise,

Which in desdeign hath al apprise,

P. ii. 80

And that acordeth noght to man:

For he that wit and reson kan,

It sit him wel that he travaile

Upon som thing which mihte availe,

For ydelschipe is noght comended,

Bot every lawe it hath defended.

And in ensample therupon

The noble wise Salomon, 2340

Which hadde of every thing insihte,

Seith, ‘As the briddes to the flihte

Ben made, so the man is bore

To labour,’ which is noght forbore

To hem that thenken forto thryve.

For we, whiche are now alyve,

Of hem that besi whylom were,

Apostolus. Quecumque scripta sunt, ad nostrum doctrinam scripta sunt.[1305]

Als wel in Scole as elleswhere,

Mowe every day ensample take,

That if it were now to make 2350

Thing which that thei ferst founden oute,[1306]

It scholde noght be broght aboute.

Here lyves thanne were longe,

Here wittes grete, here mihtes stronge,

Here hertes ful of besinesse,

Wherof the worldes redinesse

In bodi bothe and in corage

Stant evere upon his avantage.

And forto drawe into memoire

Here names bothe and here histoire, 2360

Upon the vertu of her dede

In sondri bokes thou miht rede.

[USES OF LABOUR.]

P. ii. 81

vii. Expedit in manibus labor, vt de cotidianis[1307]

Actibus ac vita viuere possit homo.

Set qui doctrine causa fert mente labores,

Preualet et merita perpetuata parat.

Of every wisdom the parfit

The hyhe god of his spirit

Hic loquitur contra ociosos quoscumque, et maxime contra istos, qui excellentis prudencie ingenium habentes absque fructu operum torpescunt. Et ponit exemplum de diligencia predecessorum, qui ad tocius humani generis doctrinam et auxilium suis continuis laboribus[1308] et studiis, gracia mediante diuina, artes et sciencias primitus inuenerunt.

Yaf to the men in Erthe hiere

Upon the forme and the matiere

Of that he wolde make hem wise:

And thus cam in the ferste apprise

Of bokes and of alle goode

Thurgh hem that whilom understode 2370

The lore which to hem was yive,

Wherof these othre, that now live,

Ben every day to lerne newe.

Bot er the time that men siewe,

And that the labour forth it broghte,

Ther was no corn, thogh men it soghte,

In non of al the fieldes oute;[1309]

And er the wisdom cam aboute

Of hem that ferst the bokes write,

This mai wel every wys man wite, 2380

Ther was gret labour ek also.

Thus was non ydel of the tuo,

That on the plogh hath undertake

With labour which the hond hath take,

That other tok to studie and muse,

As he which wolde noght refuse

The labour of hise wittes alle.

And in this wise it is befalle,

Of labour which that thei begunne

We be now tawht of that we kunne: 2390

P. ii. 82

Here besinesse is yit so seene,[1310]

That it stant evere alyche greene;

Al be it so the bodi deie,

The name of hem schal nevere aweie.

[DISCOVERERS AND INVENTORS.]

In the Croniqes as I finde,

Cham, whos labour is yit in minde,

Was he which ferst the lettres fond[1311]

And wrot in Hebreu with his hond:

Of naturel Philosophie

He fond ferst also the clergie. 2400

Cadmus the lettres of Gregois

Ferst made upon his oghne chois.

Theges of thing which schal befalle,

He was the ferste Augurre of alle:

And Philemon be the visage

Fond to descrive the corage.

Cladyns, Esdras and Sulpices,[1312]

Termegis, Pandulf, Frigidilles,

Menander, Ephiloquorus,

Solins, Pandas and Josephus 2410

The ferste were of Enditours,

Of old Cronique and ek auctours:

And Heredot in his science

Of metre, of rime and of cadence[1313]

The ferste was of which men note.

And of Musique also the note

In mannes vois or softe or scharpe,

That fond Jubal; and of the harpe

The merie soun, which is to like,

That fond Poulins forth with phisique. 2420

P. ii. 83

Zenzis fond ferst the pourtreture,

And Promotheüs the Sculpture;

After what forme that hem thoghte,

The resemblance anon thei wroghte.

Tubal in Iren and in Stel

Fond ferst the forge and wroghte it wel:

And Jadahel, as seith the bok,

Ferst made Net and fisshes tok:

Of huntynge ek he fond the chace,

Which now is knowe in many place: 2430

A tente of cloth with corde and stake

He sette up ferst and dede it make.

Verconius of cokerie[1314]

Ferst made the delicacie.

The craft Minerve of wolle fond

And made cloth hire oghne hond;

And Delbora made it of lyn:

Tho wommen were of great engyn.

Bot thing which yifth ous mete and drinke

And doth the labourer to swinke 2440

To tile lond and sette vines,

Wherof the cornes and the wynes

Ben sustenance to mankinde,

In olde bokes as I finde,

Saturnus of his oghne wit

Hath founde ferst, and more yit

Of Chapmanhode he fond the weie,

And ek to coigne the moneie

Of sondri metall, as it is,

He was the ferste man of this. 2450

P. ii. 84

Bot hou that metall cam a place

Thurgh mannes wit and goddes grace

The route of Philosophres wise

Controeveden be sondri wise,

Ferst forto gete it out of Myne,

And after forto trie and fyne.

[ALCHEMY.]

And also with gret diligence

Nota de Alconomia.

Thei founden thilke experience,

Which cleped is Alconomie,

Wherof the Selver multeplie 2460

Thei made and ek the gold also.

And forto telle hou it is so,

Of bodies sevene in special

With foure spiritz joynt withal

Stant the substance of this matiere.

The bodies whiche I speke of hiere

Of the Planetes ben begonne:

The gold is titled to the Sonne,

The mone of Selver hath his part,

And Iren that stant upon Mart, 2470

The Led after Satorne groweth,

And Jupiter the Bras bestoweth,

The Coper set is to Venus,

And to his part Mercurius

Hath the quikselver, as it falleth,

The which, after the bok it calleth,

Is ferst of thilke fowre named[1315]

Of Spiritz, whiche ben proclamed;

And the spirit which is secounde

In Sal Armoniak is founde: 2480

P. ii. 85

The thridde spirit Sulphur is;

The ferthe suiende after this

Arcennicum be name is hote.

With blowinge and with fyres hote

In these thinges, whiche I seie,

Thei worchen be diverse weie.

For as the philosophre tolde

Of gold and selver, thei ben holde

Tuo principal extremites,

To whiche alle othre be degres 2490

Of the metalls ben acordant,

And so thurgh kinde resemblant,

That what man couthe aweie take

The rust, of which thei waxen blake,

And the savour and the hardnesse,

Thei scholden take the liknesse

Of gold or Selver parfitly.

Bot forto worche it sikirly,

Betwen the corps and the spirit,

Er that the metall be parfit, 2500

In sevene formes it is set;[1316]

Of alle and if that on be let,

The remenant mai noght availe,

Bot otherwise it mai noght faile.

For thei be whom this art was founde

To every point a certain bounde

Ordeignen, that a man mai finde

This craft is wroght be weie of kinde,

So that ther is no fallas inne.

Bot what man that this werk beginne, 2510

P. ii. 86

He mot awaite at every tyde,

So that nothing be left aside,[1317]

Ferst of the distillacion,

Forth with the congelacion,

Solucion, descencion,

And kepe in his entencion

The point of sublimacion,

And forth with calcinacion

Of veray approbacion

Do that ther be fixacion 2520

With tempred hetes of the fyr,

Til he the parfit Elixir

Of thilke philosophres Ston

Mai gete, of which that many on[1318]

Of Philosophres whilom write.

And if thou wolt the names wite

Of thilke Ston with othre tuo,

Whiche as the clerkes maden tho,

So as the bokes it recorden,

The kinde of hem I schal recorden. 2530

[THE THREE STONES OF THE PHILOSOPHERS.]

These olde Philosophres wyse[1319]

Be weie of kinde in sondri wise

Thre Stones maden thurgh clergie.

Nota de tribus lapidibus, quos philosophi composuerunt, quorum primus dicitur lapis vegetabilis, qui sanitatem conseruat, secundus dicitur lapis animalis, qui membra[1320] et virtutes sencibiles fortificat, tercius dicitur lapis mineralis, qui omnia metalla purificat et in suum perfectum naturali potencia deducit.

The ferste, if I schal specefie,[1321]

Was lapis vegetabilis,[1322]

Of which the propre vertu is

To mannes hele forto serve,

As forto kepe and to preserve[1323]

The bodi fro siknesses alle,

Til deth of kinde upon him falle. 2540

P. ii. 87

The Ston seconde I thee behote

Is lapis animalis hote,

The whos vertu is propre and cowth

For Ere and yhe and nase and mouth,

Wherof a man mai hiere and se

And smelle and taste in his degre,

And forto fiele and forto go

It helpeth man of bothe tuo:

The wittes fyve he underfongeth

To kepe, as it to him belongeth. 2550

The thridde Ston in special

Be name is cleped Minerall,

Which the metalls of every Mine

Attempreth, til that thei ben fyne,

And pureth hem be such a weie,[1324]

That al the vice goth aweie[1325]

Of rust, of stink and of hardnesse:

And whan thei ben of such clennesse,

This Mineral, so as I finde,

Transformeth al the ferste kynde 2560

And makth hem able to conceive

Thurgh his vertu, and to receive[1326]

Bothe in substance and in figure

Of gold and selver the nature.

For thei tuo ben thextremetes,[1327]

To whiche after the propretes

Hath every metal his desir,

With help and confort of the fyr

Forth with this Ston, as it is seid,[1328]

Which to the Sonne and Mone is leid; 2570

P. ii. 88

For to the rede and to the whyte

This Ston hath pouer to profite.

It makth multiplicacioun

Of gold, and the fixacioun

It causeth, and of his habit

He doth the werk to be parfit[1329]

Of thilke Elixer which men calle

Alconomie, as is befalle[1330]

To hem that whilom weren wise.

Bot now it stant al otherwise; 2580

Thei speken faste of thilke Ston,

Bot hou to make it, nou wot non

After the sothe experience.

And natheles gret diligence

Thei setten upon thilke dede,

And spille more than thei spede;

For allewey thei finde a lette,[1331]

Which bringeth in poverte and dette

To hem that riche were afore:

The lost is had, the lucre is lore, 2590

To gete a pound thei spenden fyve;

I not hou such a craft schal thryve

In the manere as it is used:

It were betre be refused

Than forto worchen upon weene

In thing which stant noght as thei weene.

Bot noght forthi, who that it knewe,

The science of himself is trewe

Upon the forme as it was founded,

Wherof the names yit ben grounded 2600

P. ii. 89

Of hem that ferste it founden oute;

And thus the fame goth aboute

To suche as soghten besinesse

Of vertu and of worthinesse.

Of whom if I the names calle,

[THE FIRST ALCHEMISTS.]

Hermes was on the ferste of alle,

To whom this art is most applied;

Geber therof was magnefied,

And Ortolan and Morien,[1332]

Among the whiche is Avicen, 2610

Which fond and wrot a gret partie

The practique of Alconomie;

Whos bokes, pleinli as thei stonde

Upon this craft, fewe understonde;

Bot yit to put hem in assai[1333]

Ther ben full manye now aday,

That knowen litel what thei meene.

It is noght on to wite and weene;

In forme of wordes thei it trete,

Bot yit they failen of beyete,[1334] 2620

For of tomoche or of tolyte

Ther is algate founde a wyte,

So that thei folwe noght the lyne

Of the parfite medicine,

Which grounded is upon nature.

Bot thei that writen the scripture

Of Grek, Arabe and of Caldee,[1335]

Thei were of such Auctorite

That thei ferst founden out the weie[1336]

Of al that thou hast herd me seie; 2630

P. ii. 90

Wherof the Cronique of her lore

Schal stonde in pris for everemore.

[LETTERS AND LANGUAGE.]

Bot toward oure Marches hiere,

Of the Latins if thou wolt hiere,

Of hem that whilom vertuous

Were and therto laborious,

Carmente made of hire engin

The ferste lettres of Latin,

Of which the tunge Romein cam,

Wherof that Aristarchus nam 2640

Forth with Donat and Dindimus[1337]

The ferste reule of Scole, as thus,[1338]

How that Latin schal be componed

And in what wise it schal be soned,

That every word in his degre

Schal stonde upon congruite.

And thilke time at Rome also

Was Tullius with Cithero,

That writen upon Rethorike,

Hou that men schal the wordes pike[1339] 2650

After the forme of eloquence,

Which is, men sein, a gret prudence:

And after that out of Hebreu

Jerom, which the langage kneu,

The Bible, in which the lawe is closed,

Into Latin he hath transposed;

And many an other writere ek

Out of Caldee, Arabe and Grek

With gret labour the bokes wise

Translateden. And otherwise 2660

P. ii. 91

The Latins of hemself also

Here studie at thilke time so[1340]

With gret travaile of Scole toke

In sondri forme forto boke,

That we mai take here evidences

Upon the lore of the Sciences,

Of craftes bothe and of clergie;

Among the whiche in Poesie

To the lovers Ovide wrot

And tawhte, if love be to hot, 2670

In what manere it scholde akiele.

Confessor.

Forthi, mi Sone, if that thou fiele

That love wringe thee to sore,

Behold Ovide and take his lore.[1341]

Amans.

My fader, if thei mihte spede

Mi love, I wolde his bokes rede;[1342]

And if thei techen to restreigne

Mi love, it were an ydel peine

To lerne a thing which mai noght be.

For lich unto the greene tree, 2680

If that men toke his rote aweie,[1343]

Riht so myn herte scholde deie,

If that mi love be withdrawe.

Wherof touchende unto this sawe

There is bot only to poursuie

Mi love, and ydelschipe eschuie.

Confessor.

Mi goode Sone, soth to seie,

If ther be siker eny weie

To love, thou hast seid the beste:

For who that wolde have al his reste 2690

P. ii. 92

And do no travail at the nede,

It is no resoun that he spede

In loves cause forto winne;

For he which dar nothing beginne,

I not what thing he scholde achieve.

Bot overthis thou schalt believe,

So as it sit thee wel to knowe,

That ther ben othre vices slowe,

Whiche unto love don gret lette,

If thou thin herte upon hem sette. 2700

[vi. SOMNOLENCE.]

viii. Perdit homo causam linquens sua iura sopori,

Et quasi dimidium pars sua mortis habet.

Est in amore vigil Venus, et quod habet vigilanti

Obsequium thalamis fert vigilata suis.

Toward the Slowe progenie

Ther is yit on of compaignie,

Hic loquitur de Sompnolencia, que Accidie[1344] Cameraria dicta est, cuius natura semimortua alicuius negocii vigilias obseruare soporifero[1345] torpore recusat: vnde quatenus amorem concernit Confessor Amanti diligencius opponit.

And he is cleped Sompnolence,

Which doth to Slouthe his reverence,

As he which is his Chamberlein,

That many an hundrid time hath lein

To slepe, whan he scholde wake.

He hath with love trewes take,

That wake who so wake wile,

If he mai couche a doun his bile,[1346] 2710

He hath al wowed what him list;[1347]

That ofte he goth to bedde unkist,

And seith that for no Druerie

He wol noght leve his sluggardie.

For thogh noman it wole allowe,

To slepe levere than to wowe

P. ii. 93

Is his manere, and thus on nyhtes,

Whan that he seth the lusti knyhtes

Revelen, wher these wommen are,

Awey he skulketh as an hare, 2720

And goth to bedde and leith him softe,

And of his Slouthe he dremeth ofte

Hou that he stiketh in the Myr,

And hou he sitteth be the fyr

And claweth on his bare schanckes,

And hou he clymbeth up the banckes

And falleth into Slades depe.

Bot thanne who so toke kepe,

Whanne he is falle in such a drem,

Riht as a Schip ayein the Strem, 2730

He routeth with a slepi noise,

And brustleth as a monkes froise,

Whanne it is throwe into the Panne.

And otherwhile sielde whanne

That he mai dreme a lusti swevene,

Him thenkth as thogh he were in hevene

And as the world were holi his:

And thanne he spekth of that and this,

And makth his exposicion

After the disposicion 2740

Of that he wolde, and in such wise

He doth to love all his service;

I not what thonk he schal deserve.[1348]

Bot, Sone, if thou wolt love serve,[1349]

I rede that thou do noght so.

Confessio Amantis.

Ha, goode fader, certes no.

P. ii. 94

I hadde levere be mi trowthe,

Er I were set an such a slouthe

And beere such a slepi snoute,

Bothe yhen of myn hed were oute. 2750

For me were betre fulli die,

Thanne I of such a slugardie

Hadde eny name, god me schilde;

For whan mi moder was with childe,

And I lay in hire wombe clos,

I wolde rathere Atropos,

Which is goddesse of alle deth,

Anon as I hadde eny breth,

Me hadde fro mi Moder cast.

Bot now I am nothing agast,[1350] 2760

[THE LOVER’S WAKEFULNESS.]

I thonke godd; for Lachesis,

Ne Cloto, which hire felawe is,

Me schopen no such destine,

Whan thei at mi nativite

My weerdes setten as thei wolde;

Bot thei me schopen that I scholde

Eschuie of slep the truandise,

So that I hope in such a wise

To love forto ben excused,

That I no Sompnolence have used. 2770

For certes, fader Genius,

Yit into nou it hath be thus,

At alle time if it befelle[1351]

So that I mihte come and duelle

In place ther my ladi were,

I was noght slow ne slepi there:

P. ii. 95

For thanne I dar wel undertake,

That whanne hir list on nyhtes wake

In chambre as to carole and daunce,

Me thenkth I mai me more avaunce, 2780

If I mai gon upon hir hond,

Thanne if I wonne a kinges lond.

For whanne I mai hire hand beclippe,

With such gladnesse I daunce and skippe,

Me thenkth I touche noght the flor;

The Ro, which renneth on the Mor,

Is thanne noght so lyht as I:

So mow ye witen wel forthi,[1352]

That for the time slep I hate.

And whanne it falleth othergate, 2790

So that hire like noght to daunce,

Bot on the Dees to caste chaunce[1353]

Or axe of love som demande,

Or elles that hir list comaunde

To rede and here of Troilus,

Riht as sche wole or so or thus,[1354]

I am al redi to consente.

And if so is that I mai hente

Somtime among a good leisir,

So as I dar of mi desir 2800

I telle a part; bot whanne I preie,

Anon sche bidt me go mi weie[1355]

And seith it is ferr in the nyht;

And I swere it is even liht.

Bot as it falleth ate laste,

Ther mai no worldes joie laste,

P. ii. 96

So mot I nedes fro hire wende

And of my wachche make an ende:

And if sche thanne hiede toke,

Hou pitousliche on hire I loke, 2810

Whan that I schal my leve take,

Hire oghte of mercy forto slake

Hire daunger, which seith evere nay.

Bot he seith often, ‘Have good day,’

That loth is forto take his leve:

Therfore, while I mai beleve,

I tarie forth the nyht along,

For it is noght on me along

To slep that I so sone go,

Til that I mot algate so; 2820

And thanne I bidde godd hire se,

And so doun knelende on mi kne[1356]

I take leve, and if I schal,

I kisse hire, and go forth withal.

And otherwhile, if that I dore,

Er I come fulli to the Dore,[1357]

I torne ayein and feigne a thing,

As thogh I hadde lost a Ring

Or somwhat elles, for I wolde

Kisse hire eftsones, if I scholde, 2830

Bot selden is that I so spede.

And whanne I se that I mot nede

Departen, I departe, and thanne[1358]

With al myn herte I curse and banne

That evere slep was mad for yhe;

For, as me thenkth, I mihte dryhe

P. ii. 97

Withoute slep to waken evere,

So that I scholde noght dissevere

Fro hire, in whom is al my liht:

And thanne I curse also the nyht 2840

With al the will of mi corage,

And seie, ‘Awey, thou blake ymage,

Which of thi derke cloudy face

Makst al the worldes lyht deface,

And causest unto slep a weie,

Be which I mot nou gon aweie[1359]

Out of mi ladi compaignie.

O slepi nyht, I thee defie,

And wolde that thou leye in presse

With Proserpine the goddesse 2850

And with Pluto the helle king:

For til I se the daies spring,

I sette slep noght at a risshe.’

And with that word I sike and wisshe,

And seie, ‘Ha, whi ne were it day?

For yit mi ladi thanne I may

Beholde, thogh I do nomore.’

And efte I thenke forthermore,

To som man hou the niht doth ese,

Whan he hath thing that mai him plese[1360] 2860

The longe nyhtes be his side,

Where as I faile and go beside.

Bot slep, I not wherof it serveth,

Of which noman his thonk deserveth

To gete him love in eny place,

Bot is an hindrere of his grace

P. ii. 98

And makth him ded as for a throwe,[1361]

Riht as a Stok were overthrowe.

And so, mi fader, in this wise

The slepi nyhtes I despise, 2870

And evere amiddes of mi tale

I thenke upon the nyhtingale,

Which slepeth noght be weie of kinde

For love, in bokes as I finde.

Thus ate laste I go to bedde,

And yit min herte lith to wedde

With hire, wher as I cam fro;

Thogh I departe, he wol noght so,

Ther is no lock mai schette him oute,

Him nedeth noght to gon aboute, 2880

That perce mai the harde wall;

Thus is he with hire overall,

That be hire lief, or be hire loth,

Into hire bedd myn herte goth,

And softly takth hire in his arm

And fieleth hou that sche is warm,

And wissheth that his body were

To fiele that he fieleth there.

And thus miselven I tormente,

Til that the dede slep me hente: 2890

[DREAMS.]

Bot thanne be a thousand score

Welmore than I was tofore

I am tormented in mi slep,

Bot that I dreme is noght of schep;

For I ne thenke noght on wulle,

Bot I am drecched to the fulle

P. ii. 99

Of love, that I have to kepe,

That nou I lawhe and nou I wepe,

And nou I lese and nou I winne,

And nou I ende and nou beginne. 2900

And otherwhile I dreme and mete

That I al one with hire mete

And that Danger is left behinde;

And thanne in slep such joie I finde,

That I ne bede nevere awake.

Bot after, whanne I hiede take,

And schal arise upon the morwe,

Thanne is al torned into sorwe,

Noght for the cause I schal arise,

Bot for I mette in such a wise, 2910

And ate laste I am bethoght

That al is vein and helpeth noght:

Bot yit me thenketh be my wille

I wolde have leie and slepe stille,

To meten evere of such a swevene,

For thanne I hadde a slepi hevene.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and for thou tellest so;

A man mai finde of time ago

That many a swevene hath be certein,

Al be it so, that som men sein 2920

That swevenes ben of no credence.

Bot forto schewe in evidence

That thei fulofte sothe thinges

Betokne, I thenke in my wrytinges

To telle a tale therupon,

Which fell be olde daies gon.

[TALE OF CEIX AND ALCEONE.]

P. ii. 100

This finde I write in Poesie:

Ceïx the king of Trocinie

Hic ponit exemplum, qualiter Sompnia prenostice veritatis quandoque certitudinem figurant. Et narrat quod, cum Ceix Rex Trocinie pro reformacione fratris sui Dedalionis in Ancipitrem transmutati peregre proficiscens in mari longius a patria dimersus[1362] fuerat, Iuno mittens Yridem nunciam suam in partes Chymerie ad domum Sompni, iussit quod ipse Alceone dicti Regis uxori huius rei euentum per Sompnia certificaret. Quo facto[1363] Alceona rem perscrutans corpus mariti sui, vbi super fluctus mortuus[1364] iactabatur, inuenit; que pre dolore angustiata cupiens corpus amplectere, in altum mare super ipsum prosiliit. Vnde dii miserti amborum corpora in aues, que adhuc Alceones dicte sunt, subito conuerterunt.

Hadde Alceone to his wif,

Which as hire oghne hertes lif 2930

Him loveth; and he hadde also

A brother, which was cleped tho

Dedalion, and he per cas

Fro kinde of man forschape was

Into a Goshauk of liknesse;

Wherof the king gret hevynesse

Hath take, and thoghte in his corage

To gon upon a pelrinage

Into a strange regioun,

Wher he hath his devocioun 2940

To don his sacrifice and preie,

If that he mihte in eny weie

Toward the goddes finde grace

His brother hele to pourchace,

So that he mihte be reformed

Of that he hadde be transformed.

To this pourpos and to this ende

This king is redy forto wende,

As he which wolde go be Schipe;

And forto don him felaschipe 2950

His wif unto the See him broghte,

With al hire herte and him besoghte,

That he the time hire wolde sein,

Whan that he thoghte come ayein:[1365]

‘Withinne,’ he seith, ‘tuo Monthe day.’[1366]

And thus in al the haste he may

P. ii. 101

He tok his leve, and forth he seileth

Wepende, and sche hirself beweileth,

And torneth hom, ther sche cam fro.

Bot whan the Monthes were ago, 2960

The whiche he sette of his comynge,

And that sche herde no tydinge,

Ther was no care forto seche:

Wherof the goddes to beseche

Tho sche began in many wise,

And to Juno hire sacrifise

Above alle othre most sche dede,

And for hir lord sche hath so bede

To wite and knowe hou that he ferde,

That Juno the goddesse hire herde, 2970

Anon and upon this matiere

Sche bad Yris hir Messagere

To Slepes hous that sche schal wende,[1367]

And bidde him that he make an ende

Be swevene and schewen al the cas

Unto this ladi, hou it was.

This Yris, fro the hihe stage

Which undertake hath the Message,

Hire reyny Cope dede upon,

The which was wonderli begon 2980

With colours of diverse hewe,

An hundred mo than men it knewe;

The hevene lich unto a bowe

Sche bende, and so she cam doun lowe,[1368]

The god of Slep wher that sche fond.

And that was in a strange lond,

P. ii. 102

Which marcheth upon Chymerie:

For ther, as seith the Poesie,

The god of Slep hath mad his hous,

Which of entaille is merveilous. 2990

Under an hell ther is a Cave,

Which of the Sonne mai noght have,[1369]

So that noman mai knowe ariht

The point betwen the dai and nyht:[1370]

Ther is no fyr, ther is no sparke,

Ther is no dore, which mai charke,

Wherof an yhe scholde unschette,[1371]

So that inward ther is no lette.

And forto speke of that withoute,

Ther stant no gret Tree nyh aboute 3000

Wher on ther myhte crowe or pie

Alihte, forto clepe or crie:

Ther is no cok to crowe day,

Ne beste non which noise may

The hell, bot al aboute round

Ther is growende upon the ground

Popi, which berth the sed of slep,

With othre herbes suche an hep.

A stille water for the nones

Rennende upon the smale stones, 3010

Which hihte of Lethes the rivere,

Under that hell in such manere

Ther is, which yifth gret appetit

To slepe. And thus full of delit

Slep hath his hous; and of his couche

Withinne his chambre if I schal touche,

P. ii. 103

Of hebenus that slepi Tree

The bordes al aboute be,

And for he scholde slepe softe,

Upon a fethrebed alofte 3020

He lith with many a pilwe of doun:

The chambre is strowed up and doun

With swevenes many thousendfold.[1372]

Thus cam Yris into this hold,

And to the bedd, which is al blak,

Sche goth, and ther with Slep sche spak,

And in the wise as sche was bede[1373]

The Message of Juno sche dede.

Fulofte hir wordes sche reherceth,

Er sche his slepi Eres perceth; 3030

With mochel wo bot ate laste

His slombrende yhen he upcaste

And seide hir that it schal be do.[1374]

Wherof among a thousend tho,

Withinne his hous that slepi were,

In special he ches out there

Thre, whiche scholden do this dede:

The ferste of hem, so as I rede,

Was Morpheüs, the whos nature

Is forto take the figure 3040

Of what persone that him liketh,

Wherof that he fulofte entriketh

The lif which slepe schal be nyhte;

And Ithecus that other hihte,

Which hath the vois of every soun,

The chiere and the condicioun

P. ii. 104

Of every lif, what so it is:

The thridde suiende after this

Is Panthasas, which may transforme

Of every thing the rihte forme, 3050

And change it in an other kinde.

Upon hem thre, so as I finde,

Of swevenes stant al thapparence,

Which otherwhile is evidence

And otherwhile bot a jape.

Bot natheles it is so schape,[1375]

That Morpheüs be nyht al one

Appiereth until Alceone[1376]

In liknesse of hir housebonde

Al naked ded upon the stronde, 3060

And hou he dreynte in special

These othre tuo it schewen al.

The tempeste of the blake cloude,

The wode See, the wyndes loude,

Al this sche mette, and sih him dyen;

Wherof that sche began to crien,

Slepende abedde ther sche lay,

And with that noise of hire affray

Hir wommen sterten up aboute,

Whiche of here ladi were in doute, 3070

And axen hire hou that sche ferde;

And sche, riht as sche syh and herde,

Hir swevene hath told hem everydel.

And thei it halsen alle wel[1377]

And sein it is a tokne of goode;

Bot til sche wiste hou that it stode,

P. ii. 105

Sche hath no confort in hire herte,

Upon the morwe and up sche sterte,

And to the See, wher that sche mette[1378]

The bodi lay, withoute lette 3080

Sche drowh, and whan that sche cam nyh,

Stark ded, hise armes sprad, sche syh[1379]

Hire lord flietende upon the wawe.

Wherof hire wittes ben withdrawe,

And sche, which tok of deth no kepe,

Anon forth lepte into the depe[1380]

And wolde have cawht him in hire arm.

This infortune of double harm

The goddes fro the hevene above

Behielde, and for the trowthe of love, 3090

Which in this worthi ladi stod,

Thei have upon the salte flod

Hire dreinte lord and hire also

Fro deth to lyve torned so,

That thei ben schapen into briddes

Swimmende upon the wawe amiddes.

And whan sche sih hire lord livende

In liknesse of a bridd swimmende,

And sche was of the same sort,

So as sche mihte do desport, 3100

Upon the joie which sche hadde

Hire wynges bothe abrod sche spradde,

And him, so as sche mai suffise,

Beclipte and keste in such a wise,

As sche was whilom wont to do:

Hire wynges for hire armes tuo

P. ii. 106

Sche tok, and for hire lippes softe

Hire harde bile, and so fulofte

Sche fondeth in hire briddes forme,

If that sche mihte hirself conforme 3110

To do the plesance of a wif,

As sche dede in that other lif:

For thogh sche hadde hir pouer lore,

Hir will stod as it was tofore,

And serveth him so as sche mai.

Wherof into this ilke day

Togedre upon the See thei wone,

Wher many a dowhter and a Sone

Thei bringen forth of briddes kinde;

And for men scholden take in mynde 3120

This Alceoun the trewe queene,

Hire briddes yit, as it is seene,

Of Alceoun the name bere.

Confessor.

Lo thus, mi Sone, it mai thee stere

Of swevenes forto take kepe,

For ofte time a man aslepe

Mai se what after schal betide.

Forthi it helpeth at som tyde

A man to slepe, as it belongeth,[1381]

Bot slowthe no lif underfongeth 3130

Which is to love appourtenant.

Confessio Amantis.

Mi fader, upon covenant[1382]

I dar wel make this avou,

Of all mi lif that into nou,

Als fer as I can understonde,

Yit tok I nevere Slep on honde,

P. ii. 107

Whan it was time forto wake;

For thogh myn yhe it wolde take,[1383]

Min herte is evere therayein.

[SLEEPING AND WAKING.]

Bot natheles to speke it plein,[1384] 3140

Al this that I have seid you hiere[1385]

Of my wakinge, as ye mai hiere,[1386]

It toucheth to mi lady swete;

For otherwise, I you behiete,

In strange place whanne I go,

Me list nothing to wake so.

For whan the wommen listen pleie,

And I hir se noght in the weie,

Of whom I scholde merthe take,

Me list noght longe forto wake, 3150

Bot if it be for pure schame,

Of that I wolde eschuie a name,

That thei ne scholde have cause non[1387]

To seie, ‘Ha, lo, wher goth such on,[1388]

That hath forlore his contenaunce!’

And thus among I singe and daunce,

And feigne lust ther as non is.

For ofte sithe I fiele this;

Of thoght, which in mi herte falleth[1389]

Whanne it is nyht, myn hed appalleth, 3160

And that is for I se hire noght,

Which is the wakere of mi thoght:

And thus as tymliche as I may,

Fulofte whanne it is brod day,

I take of all these othre leve[1390]

And go my weie, and thei beleve,

P. ii. 108

That sen per cas here loves there;

And I go forth as noght ne were

Unto mi bedd, so that al one

I mai ther ligge and sighe and grone 3170

And wisshen al the longe nyht,

Til that I se the daies lyht.

I not if that be Sompnolence,

Bot upon youre conscience,

Min holi fader, demeth ye.

Confessor.

My Sone, I am wel paid with thee,

Of Slep that thou the Sluggardie

Be nyhte in loves compaignie

Eschuied hast, and do thi peine

So that thi love thar noght pleine: 3180

For love upon his lust wakende

Is evere, and wolde that non ende

Were of the longe nyhtes set.

Wherof that thou be war the bet,

To telle a tale I am bethoght,

Hou love and Slep acorden noght.

[THE PRAYER OF CEPHALUS.]

For love who that list to wake

Be nyhte, he mai ensample take

Of Cephalus, whan that he lay

Hic dicit quod vigilia in Amantibus et non Sompnolencia laudanda est. Et ponit exemplum de Cephalo filio Phebi, qui nocturno cilencio Auroram amicam suam diligencius amplectens, Solem et lunam interpellabat, videlicet quod Sol in circulo ab oriente distanciori currum cum luce sua[1391] retardaret, et quod luna spera sua longissima orbem circuiens noctem continuaret; ita vt[1392] ipsum Cephalum amplexibus Aurore volutum, priusquam dies illa[1393] illucesceret, suis deliciis adquiescere diucius permittere dignarentur.[1394]

With Aurora that swete may[1395] 3190

In armes all the longe nyht.

Bot whanne it drogh toward the liht,

That he withinne his herte sih

The dai which was amorwe nyh,

Anon unto the Sonne he preide

For lust of love, and thus he seide:

P. ii. 109

‘O Phebus, which the daies liht

Governest, til that it be nyht,

And gladest every creature

After the lawe of thi nature,— 3200

Bot natheles ther is a thing,

Which onli to the knouleching

Belongeth as in privete

To love and to his duete,

Which asketh noght to ben apert,

Bot in cilence and in covert[1396]

Desireth forto be beschaded:

And thus whan that thi liht is faded

And Vesper scheweth him alofte,

And that the nyht is long and softe, 3210

Under the cloudes derke and stille

Thanne hath this thing most of his wille.

Forthi unto thi myhtes hyhe,

As thou which art the daies yhe,

Of love and myht no conseil hyde,

Upon this derke nyhtes tyde

With al myn herte I thee beseche

That I plesance myhte seche

With hire which lith in min armes.

Withdrawgh the Banere of thin Armes, 3220

And let thi lyhtes ben unborn,[1397]

And in the Signe of Capricorn,

The hous appropred to Satorne,

I preie that thou wolt sojorne,

Wher ben the nihtes derke and longe:

For I mi love have underfonge,

P. ii. 110

Which lith hier be mi syde naked,

As sche which wolde ben awaked,

And me lest nothing forto slepe.

So were it good to take kepe 3230

Nou at this nede of mi preiere,

And that the like forto stiere

Thi fyri Carte, and so ordeigne,[1398]

That thou thi swifte hors restreigne

Lowe under Erthe in Occident,

That thei towardes Orient

Be Cercle go the longe weie.

And ek to thee, Diane, I preie,

Which cleped art of thi noblesse

The nyhtes Mone and the goddesse, 3240

That thou to me be gracious:

And in Cancro thin oghne hous

Ayein Phebus in opposit

Stond al this time, and of delit[1399]

Behold Venus with a glad yhe.

For thanne upon Astronomie

Of due constellacion

Thou makst prolificacion,

And dost that children ben begete:

Which grace if that I mihte gete,[1400] 3250

With al myn herte I wolde serve

Be nyhte, and thi vigile observe.’[1401]

Confessor.

Lo, thus this lusti Cephalus

Preide unto Phebe and to Phebus

The nyht in lengthe forto drawe,[1402]

So that he mihte do the lawe

P. ii. 111

In thilke point of loves heste,

Which cleped is the nyhtes feste,

Withoute Slep of sluggardie;[1403]

Which Venus out of compaignie 3260

Hath put awey, as thilke same,

Which lustles ferr from alle game

In chambre doth fulofte wo[1404]

Abedde, whanne it falleth so

That love scholde ben awaited.

But Slowthe, which is evele affaited,

With Slep hath mad his retenue,

That what thing is to love due,

Of all his dette he paieth non:

He wot noght how the nyht is gon 3270

Ne hou the day is come aboute,

Bot onli forto slepe and route

Til hyh midday, that he arise.

Bot Cephalus dede otherwise,

As thou, my Sone, hast herd above.

Amans.

Mi fader, who that hath his love

Abedde naked be his syde,

And wolde thanne hise yhen hyde

With Slep, I not what man is he:

Bot certes as touchende of me, 3280

That fell me nevere yit er this.

Bot otherwhile, whan so is

That I mai cacche Slep on honde

Liggende al one, thanne I fonde

To dreme a merie swevene er day;

And if so falle that I may

P. ii. 112

Mi thought with such a swevene plese,

Me thenkth I am somdiel in ese,[1405]

For I non other confort have.

So nedeth noght that I schal crave 3290

The Sonnes Carte forto tarie,

Ne yit the Mone, that sche carie

Hire cours along upon the hevene,

For I am noght the more in evene

Towardes love in no degree:

Bot in mi slep yit thanne I se

Somwhat in swevene of that me liketh,

Which afterward min herte entriketh,

Whan that I finde it otherwise.

So wot I noght of what servise 3300

That Slep to mannes ese doth.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, certes thou seist soth,

Bot only that it helpeth kinde

Somtyme, in Phisique as I finde,

Whan it is take be mesure:

Bot he which can no Slep mesure

Upon the reule as it belongeth,

Fulofte of sodein chance he fongeth[1406]

Such infortune that him grieveth.

Bot who these olde bokes lieveth, 3310

Of Sompnolence hou it is write,

Ther may a man the sothe wite,

If that he wolde ensample take,

That otherwhile is good to wake:

Wherof a tale in Poesie

I thenke forto specefie.

[ARGUS AND MERCURY.]

P. ii. 113

Ovide telleth in his sawes,

How Jupiter be olde dawes

Hic loquitur in amoris causa contra istos qui Sompnolencie dediti ea que seruare tenentur amittunt. Et narrat quod, cum Yo puella pulcherima a Iunone in vaccam transformata et in Argi custodiam sic deposita fuisset, superueniens Mercurius Argum dormientem occidit, et ipsam vaccam a pastura rapiens, quo voluit secum perduxit.

Lay be a Mayde, which Yo

Was cleped, wherof that Juno 3320

His wif was wroth, and the goddesse

Of Yo torneth the liknesse[1407]

Into a cow, to gon theroute

The large fieldes al aboute

And gete hire mete upon the griene.

And therupon this hyhe queene

Betok hire Argus forto kepe,

For he was selden wont to slepe,

And yit he hadde an hundred yhen,

And alle alyche wel thei syhen. 3330

Now herkne hou that he was beguiled.

Mercurie, which was al affiled

This Cow to stele, he cam desguised,

And hadde a Pipe wel devised

Upon the notes of Musiqe,

Wherof he mihte hise Eres like.

And over that he hadde affaited[1408]

Hise lusti tales, and awaited

His time; and thus into the field

He cam, where Argus he behield 3340

With Yo, which beside him wente.[1409]

With that his Pype on honde he hente,

And gan to pipe in his manere

Thing which was slepi forto hiere;

And in his pipinge evere among

He tolde him such a lusti song,

P. ii. 114

That he the fol hath broght aslepe.

Ther was non yhe mihte kepe

His hed, the which Mercurie of smot,[1410]

And forth withal anon fot hot 3350

He stal the Cow which Argus kepte,

And al this fell for that he slepte.

Ensample it was to manye mo,

That mochel Slep doth ofte wo,

Whan it is time forto wake:[1411]

For if a man this vice take,

In Sompnolence and him delite,

Men scholde upon his Dore wryte

His epitaphe, as on his grave;

For he to spille and noght to save 3360

Is schape, as thogh he were ded.[1412]

Confessor.

Forthi, mi Sone, hold up thin hed,

And let no Slep thin yhe englue,

Bot whanne it is to resoun due.

Amans.

Mi fader, as touchende of this,

Riht so as I you tolde it is,[1413]

That ofte abedde, whanne I scholde,

I mai noght slepe, thogh I wolde;

For love is evere faste byme,

Which takth no hiede of due time.[1414] 3370

For whanne I schal myn yhen close,

Anon min herte he wole oppose

And holde his Scole in such a wise,

Til it be day that I arise,

That selde it is whan that I slepe.

And thus fro Sompnolence I kepe

P. ii. 115

Min yhe: and forthi if ther be

Oght elles more in this degre,

Now axeth forth.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, yis:

For Slowthe, which as Moder is 3380

The forthdrawere and the Norrice

To man of many a dredful vice,

Hath yit an other laste of alle,

Which many a man hath mad to falle,

Wher that he mihte nevere arise;

Wherof for thou thee schalt avise,

Er thou so with thiself misfare,

What vice it is I wol declare.

[vii. TRISTESSE OR DESPONDENCY.]

ix. Nil fortuna iuuat, vbi desperacio ledit;[1415]

Quo desiccat humor, non viridescit humus.

Magnanimus set amor spem ponit et inde salutem

Consequitur, quod ei prospera fata fauent.

Whan Slowthe hath don al that he may

Hic loquitur super vltima specie Accidie, que Tristicia siue Desperacio dicitur, cuius obstinata condicio tocius consolacionis spem deponens, alicuius remedii, quo liberari poterit,[1416] fortunam sibi euenire impossibile credit.

To dryve forth the longe day, 3390

Til it be come to the nede,

Thanne ate laste upon the dede

He loketh hou his time is lore,

And is so wo begon therfore,

That he withinne his thoght conceiveth

Tristesce, and so himself deceiveth,

That he wanhope bringeth inne,

Wher is no confort to beginne,

Bot every joie him is deslaied:

So that withinne his herte affraied 3400

A thousend time with o breth[1417]

Wepende he wissheth after deth,

P. ii. 116

Whan he fortune fint adverse.

For thanne he wole his hap reherce,

As thogh his world were al forlore,

And seith, ‘Helas, that I was bore!

Hou schal I live? hou schal I do?

For nou fortune is thus mi fo,

I wot wel god me wol noght helpe.

What scholde I thanne of joies yelpe, 3410

Whan ther no bote is of mi care?

So overcast is my welfare,

That I am schapen al to strif.

Helas, that I nere of this lif,

Er I be fulliche overtake!’

And thus he wol his sorwe make,

As god him mihte noght availe:

Bot yit ne wol he noght travaile

To helpe himself at such a nede,

Bot slowtheth under such a drede, 3420

Which is affermed in his herte,

Riht as he mihte noght asterte

The worldes wo which he is inne.

Also whan he is falle in Sinne,

Him thenkth he is so ferr coupable,

That god wol noght be merciable

So gret a Sinne to foryive;[1418]

And thus he leeveth to be schrive.

And if a man in thilke throwe

Wolde him consaile, he wol noght knowe 3430

The sothe, thogh a man it finde:

For Tristesce is of such a kinde,

P. ii. 117

That forto meintiene his folie,

Obstinacio est contradiccio veritatis agnite.

He hath with him Obstinacie,

Which is withinne of such a Slouthe,

That he forsaketh alle trouthe,

And wole unto no reson bowe;[1419]

And yit ne can he noght avowe

His oghne skile bot of hed:

Thus dwyneth he, til he be ded, 3440

In hindringe of his oghne astat.

For where a man is obstinat,

Wanhope folweth ate laste,[1420]

Which mai noght after longe laste,

Till Slouthe make of him an ende.

Bot god wot whider he schal wende.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and riht in such manere

Ther be lovers of hevy chiere,

That sorwen mor than it is ned,[1421]

Whan thei be taried of here sped 3450

And conne noght hemselven rede,

Bot lesen hope forto spede

And stinten love to poursewe;

And thus thei faden hyde and hewe,

And lustles in here hertes waxe.

Hierof it is that I wolde axe,

If thou, mi Sone, art on of tho.

Confessio Amantis.

Ha, goode fader, it is so,

Outake a point, I am beknowe;[1422]

For elles I am overthrowe 3460

In al that evere ye have seid.

Mi sorwe is everemore unteid,

P. ii. 118

And secheth overal my veines;

Bot forto conseile of mi peines,

I can no bote do therto;

And thus withouten hope I go,

So that mi wittes ben empeired,

And I, as who seith, am despeired

To winne love of thilke swete,

Withoute whom, I you behiete, 3470

Min herte, that is so bestad,

Riht inly nevere mai be glad.

For be my trouthe I schal noght lie,

Of pure sorwe, which I drye

For that sche seith sche wol me noght,

With drecchinge of myn oghne thoght

In such a wanhope I am falle,

That I ne can unethes calle,

As forto speke of eny grace,[1423]

Mi ladi merci to pourchace. 3480

Bot yit I seie noght for this

That al in mi defalte it is;

For I cam nevere yit in stede,

Whan time was, that I my bede[1424]

Ne seide, and as I dorste tolde:

Bot nevere fond I that sche wolde,

For oght sche knew of min entente,

To speke a goodly word assente.

And natheles this dar I seie,[1425]

That if a sinful wolde preie 3490

To god of his foryivenesse

With half so gret a besinesse

P. ii. 119

As I have do to my ladi,

In lacke of askinge of merci

He scholde nevere come in Helle.

And thus I mai you sothli telle,

Save only that I crie and bidde,

I am in Tristesce al amidde

And fulfild of Desesperance:

And therof yif me mi penance, 3500

Min holi fader, as you liketh.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, of that thin herte siketh[1426]

With sorwe, miht thou noght amende,

Til love his grace wol thee sende,

For thou thin oghne cause empeirest

What time as thou thiself despeirest.

I not what other thing availeth,

Of hope whan the herte faileth,

For such a Sor is incurable,

And ek the goddes ben vengable: 3510

And that a man mai riht wel frede,

These olde bokes who so rede,

Of thing which hath befalle er this:

Now hier of what ensample it is.

[TALE OF IPHIS AND ARAXARATHEN.]

Whilom be olde daies fer

Of Mese was the king Theucer,

Which hadde a kniht to Sone, Iphis:

Hic narrat qualiter Iphis, Regis Theucri filius, ob amorem cuiusdam puelle nomine Araxarathen, quam neque donis aut precibus vincere potuit, desperans ante patris ipsius puelle ianuas noctanter se suspendit. Vnde dii commoti dictam puellam in lapidem durissimum transmutarunt, quam Rex Theucer vna cum filio suo apud Ciuitatem[1427] Salamynam in templo Veneris pro perpetua memoria sepeliri et locari fecit.

Of love and he so maistred is,

That he hath set al his corage,

As to reguard of his lignage, 3520

Upon a Maide of lou astat.

Bot thogh he were a potestat

P. ii. 120

Of worldes good, he was soubgit

To love, and put in such a plit,

That he excedeth the mesure

Of reson, that himself assure

He can noght; for the more he preide,

The lasse love on him sche leide.

He was with love unwys constreigned,

And sche with resoun was restreigned: 3530

The lustes of his herte he suieth,[1428]

And sche for drede schame eschuieth,

And as sche scholde, tok good hiede

To save and kepe hir wommanhiede.

And thus the thing stod in debat[1429]

Betwen his lust and hire astat:

He yaf, he sende, he spak be mouthe,

Bot yit for oght that evere he couthe

Unto his sped he fond no weie,

So that he caste his hope aweie, 3540

Withinne his herte and gan despeire

Fro dai to dai, and so empeire,

That he hath lost al his delit

Of lust, of Slep, of Appetit,

That he thurgh strengthe of love lasseth

His wit, and resoun overpasseth.

As he which of his lif ne rowhte,

His deth upon himself he sowhte,

So that be nyhte his weie he nam,

Ther wiste non wher he becam; 3550

The nyht was derk, ther schon no Mone,

Tofore the gates he cam sone,

P. ii. 121

Wher that this yonge Maiden was,

And with this wofull word, ‘Helas!’

Hise dedli pleintes he began

So stille that ther was noman

It herde, and thanne he seide thus:

‘O thou Cupide, o thou Venus,

Fortuned be whos ordinaunce

Of love is every mannes chaunce,[1430] 3560

Ye knowen al min hole herte,

That I ne mai your hond asterte;

On you is evere that I crie,

And yit you deigneth noght to plie,

Ne toward me youre Ere encline.

Thus for I se no medicine

To make an ende of mi querele,

My deth schal be in stede of hele.

Ha, thou mi wofull ladi diere,

Which duellest with thi fader hiere 3570

And slepest in thi bedd at ese,

Thou wost nothing of my desese,

Hou thou and I be now unmete.

Ha lord, what swevene schalt thou mete,

What dremes hast thou nou on honde?

Thou slepest there, and I hier stonde.[1431]

Thogh I no deth to the deserve,

Hier schal I for thi love sterve,

Hier schal a kinges Sone dye

For love and for no felonie; 3580

Wher thou therof have joie or sorwe,

Hier schalt thou se me ded tomorwe.

P. ii. 122

O herte hard aboven alle,

This deth, which schal to me befalle

For that thou wolt noght do me grace,

Yit schal be told in many a place,[1432]

Hou I am ded for love and trouthe[1433]

In thi defalte and in thi slouthe:

Thi Daunger schal to manye mo

Ensample be for everemo, 3590

Whan thei my wofull deth recorde.’

And with that word he tok a Corde,

With which upon the gate tre

He hyng himself, that was pite.

The morwe cam, the nyht is gon,

Men comen out and syhe anon[1434]

Wher that this yonge lord was ded:

Ther was an hous withoute red,

For noman knew the cause why;

Ther was wepinge and ther was cry. 3600

This Maiden, whan that sche it herde,

And sih this thing hou it misferde,

Anon sche wiste what it mente,

And al the cause hou it wente

To al the world sche tolde it oute,

And preith to hem that were aboute

To take of hire the vengance,

For sche was cause of thilke chaunce,

Why that this kinges Sone is spilt.

Sche takth upon hirself the gilt, 3610

And is al redi to the peine

Which eny man hir wole ordeigne:[1435]

P. ii. 123

And bot if eny other wolde,

Sche seith that sche hirselve scholde

Do wreche with hire oghne hond,

Thurghout the world in every lond

That every lif therof schal speke,

Hou sche hirself it scholde wreke.

Sche wepth, sche crith, sche swouneth ofte,

Sche caste hire yhen up alofte 3620

And seide among ful pitously:

‘A godd, thou wost wel it am I,[1436]

For whom Iphis is thus besein:

Ordeine so, that men mai sein

A thousend wynter after this,

Hou such a Maiden dede amis,

And as I dede, do to me:[1437]

For I ne dede no pite

To him, which for mi love is lore,

Do no pite to me therfore.’ 3630

And with this word sche fell to grounde

Aswoune, and ther sche lay a stounde.[1438]

The goddes, whiche hir pleigntes herde

And syhe hou wofully sche ferde,

Hire lif thei toke awey anon,

And schopen hire into a Ston

After the forme of hire ymage

Of bodi bothe and of visage.[1439]

And for the merveile of this thing

Unto the place cam the king 3640

And ek the queene and manye mo;

And whan thei wisten it was so,

P. ii. 124

As I have told it hier above,

Hou that Iphis was ded for love,

Of that he hadde be refused,

Thei hielden alle men excused

And wondren upon the vengance.

And forto kepe in remembrance,

This faire ymage mayden liche

With compaignie noble and riche 3650

With torche and gret sollempnite

To Salamyne the Cite

Thei lede, and carie forth withal

The dede corps, and sein it schal

Beside thilke ymage have

His sepulture and be begrave:[1440]

This corps and this ymage thus

Into the Cite to Venus,

Wher that goddesse hire temple hadde,

Togedre bothe tuo thei ladde. 3660

This ilke ymage as for miracle

Was set upon an hyh pinacle,

That alle men it mihte knowe,

And under that thei maden lowe

A tumbe riche for the nones

Of marbre and ek of jaspre stones,[1441]

Wherin this Iphis was beloken,[1442]

That evermor it schal be spoken.

And for men schal the sothe wite,

Thei have here epitaphe write, 3670

As thing which scholde abide stable:

The lettres graven in a table

P. ii. 125

Of marbre were and seiden this:

‘Hier lith, which slowh himself, Iphis,

For love of Araxarathen:

And in ensample of tho wommen,[1443]

That soffren men to deie so,

Hire forme a man mai sen also,[1444]

Hou it is torned fleissh and bon

Into the figure of a Ston: 3680

He was to neysshe and sche to hard.

Be war forthi hierafterward;

Ye men and wommen bothe tuo,

Ensampleth you of that was tho.’

Confessor.

Lo thus, mi Sone, as I thee seie,

It grieveth be diverse weie

In desespeir a man to falle,[1445]

Which is the laste branche of alle

Of Slouthe, as thou hast herd devise.

Wherof that thou thiself avise 3690

Good is, er that thou be deceived,

Wher that the grace of hope is weyved.

Amans.

Mi fader, hou so that it stonde,

Now have I pleinly understonde

Of Slouthes court the proprete,

Wherof touchende in my degre

For evere I thenke to be war.

Bot overthis, so as I dar,

With al min herte I you beseche,

That ye me wolde enforme and teche 3700

What ther is more of youre aprise

In love als wel as otherwise,

P. ii. 126

So that I mai me clene schryve.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, whyl thou art alyve

And hast also thi fulle mynde,

Among the vices whiche I finde

Ther is yit on such of the sevene,

Which al this world hath set unevene

And causeth manye thinges wronge,

Where he the cause hath underfonge: 3710

Wherof hierafter thou schalt hiere

The forme bothe and the matiere.

Explicit Liber Quartus.

LINENOTES:

1091 Latin Verses i. 6 ludet H₁ ... B₂

1092 12 to haue H₁XGRCLB₂

1093 30 the] þat A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ

1094 45 þought to speke BΛ, W

1095 46 hield me] hielde (held) AM

1096 59 As AM

1097 69 to this] to my B of this H₃

1098 70 liere] hiere (here &c.) H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ

1099 84 qweene] a queene BTΛ

1100 109 day H₁ ... B₂, H₃

1101 111 Spraulende (Sprawland) M, WKH₃

1102 138 miht (myht) J, S mihte A, F

1103 143 euermore AM, Δ, WH₃

1104 168 is went(e) ML, ΔΛ, WH₃

1105 170 Had AMJXGERLB₂, BΛ, FH₃

1106 184 foroght A, F

1107 189 after noman AM

1108 205 resoun to H₁ ... B₂

1109 208 In part he was inly glad AM In partie (party) he was inly glad H₁ ... B₂ In parti he was riht inly glad J In parti was inli riht glad Δ

1110 214 flitt AJ, S, F flitte B

1111 215 Fro] ffor L, BΛ, WH₃ hadde him H₁ ... B₂

1112 226 no H₁ ... CB₂, BTΔ, W

1113 234 Lo of H₁ ... B₂ (of om. R)

1114 242 ffor ferst B

1115 254 that] it H₁ ... B₂

1116 255 the] þo H₁ ... L, SBTΔ no AM

1117 261 Ther of B, WH₃

1118 263 love] slouþe B

1119 276 If] And B

1120 277 houre] honour MH₁GEC, W

1121 283 if] in SAdBTΔ

1122 296 this om. AM

1123 297 go AJ, S, F ago B

1124 310 To] Of B

1125 Latin Verses ii. 3 parcat H₁ ... B₂ parat H₃

1126 4 refert H₁ ... B₂

1127 328 the] his H₁ ... B₂, Ad

1128 342 tyrauntz (tirauntis &c.) YCB₂, B

1129 356 þo J, T, F þe AM ... B₂, SAdBΔ, WH₃

1130 359 Al þough C, B

1131 363 let AJ, S, F lete (lette) C, B

1132 372 Pymaleon AJ, S, F Pigmaleon EC, B, H₃

1133 384 hire] it B

1134 401 into his chambre H₁ ... B₂ (except E)

1135 403 He] And AM

1136 411 he] it H₁, B

1137 453 f. grete: lete AJ, S, F gret: let B

1138 458 margin Isus H₁GRCLB₂, T

1139 470 line om. B

1140 479 he and sche H₁ ... B₂ sche and he B

1141 481 a tyme B

1142 497 Hir B

1143 498 he] be BT

1144 499 the] his AdB om. L

1145 514 myht (might) J, B mihte A, S, F the] þi H₁ ... B₂ to T

1146 515 that om. B

1147 517 Also fer as my E ... B₂ As (Als) fer as my H₁XG

1148 521 mihte ben] might(e) be non H₁ ... B₂

1149 535 himself fulofte A ... B₂ (fulle of M), W

1150 Latin Verses iii. 3 morabatur AM

1151 546 margin se constituit B

1152 548 wit] herte A ... B₂

1153 555 therfore] forþer(e) BT

1154 560 cast J, SB, F caste A

1155 574 be holde R beholdeþ BT, W

1156 584 ouht fro F out of H₁ ... B₂, B

1157 588 abreid (abreide) A, F a breid JEC, B

1158 618 And B

1159 624 is] þis XCL

1160 627 Thow (þou) AM

1161 628 schal] it schal AJH₁ ... CB₂

1162 641 or wher (wheþer) I H₁G ... B₂ or where so I X or elles T or Δ

1163 642 a mynut (minute) X, BΔ, W

1164 672 seie A, S, F sey (say) J, B

1165 676 erþis F

1166 684 That] To FWKH₃

1167 698-700 om. B

1168 708 whatt F

1169 713 which] þat M, B, W om. T

1170 740 margin ob ipsa H₁XE ... B₂

1171 760 Ther while] The while BT, W þat while M Theke while J

1172 766 al Innocent H₁ ... B₂ an Innocent M

1173 790 longe may not (nought) X ... B₂ longe nouht may H₁

1174 797 wold(e) AM wolde hym W

1175 Latin verses iv. 2 ipse] esse AM, W

1176 927 þe blad (blade) M, BTΔ, WH₃

1177 955 mihte] may hir B may T

1178 968 vice om. BT

1179 974 neuere ȝit AM

1180 984 margin cum om. BT

1181 985 Clemenee] Element ERC Olement H₁XG Clement LB₂ Clemencee T Clemente M

1182 986 so that he] þat he sent H₁ ... B₂

1183 988 brihte] nyhte (niȝt) AM

1184 1002 up] vpon BT vp an Ad om. M

1185 1014 wel noght longe] nought longe wel C not longe W

1186 1029 þe flod (flood) E, B

1187 1035 Paragr. in MSS. begins at l. 1039

1188 1073 þis matiere B₂, BΛ

1189 1074 it om. H₁, B

1190 1075 and] as BT

1191 1082 slowe AJM, F slouþe H₁ ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ, WH₃

1192 1086 yit on, which] on ȝit which A, W on ȝit þat M on which þat H₁ ... B₂

1193 1093 be he ... be he C, BΔ, H₃ be ... be he H₁

1194 1095 oght om. B

1195 1133 to hire (hir) masse AMH₁, Ad to huyre masse B toward hir masse X ... B₂

1196 1162 bidt F (cp. l. 2802) bit J, SB biddeþ A

1197 1174 And B

1198 1183 oþer JGC, S, F oþre AE, AdB, H₃ othere T

1199 1207 for to ride H₁ ... B₂

1200 1212 seide] say B

1201 1224 bot] but if H₁ ... B₂, Ad, W

1202 1249 margin amoris] in amoris AC, H₃ in Amoris causa W

1203 1251 margin expectaret H₁ ... B₂

1204 1257 margin diligencior om. B

1205 1266 how] of B

1206 1272 schrewed A

1207 1275 Cupide AJ, F Cupido SBT

1208 1310 faire GEC, BΛ, H₃

1209 1321 f. Text thus in third recension (but faire WKH₃Magd for faye F and hir H₃ the W for her): faye—desface in ras. F

A has

The beaute of hire face schon

Wel bryhtere þan þe Cristall ston

so the others of first recension, but most have here (her) for hire and many (as H₁GRCLB₂) read faces

S has

The beaute of here faye face

Ther mai non erþly þing deface

so AdBTΔΛ with faire (fair) for faye and some (AdT) hir for here

1210 1341 a lynde L, BΛ

1211 1342 vpon hors XC, BΛ vpon an (a) hors H₁GLB₂, AdTΔ, W, H₃ on an h. M

1212 1348 And B

1213 1361 f. Thus in third recension (and om. W) F has the lines written over erasure, except womman

A has

The womman was riht fair of face

Al þogh hire lackede oþer grace

so S and the other copies of first and second recensions

1214 1367 Which J, S, F Whiche A, B

1215 1393 And om. AM

1216 1397 now] mow (mowe) J, AdB, W

1217 1419 non AJ

1218 1454 f. margin Non quia—Amantum om. G, BΔ

1219 1501 that hire] þat sche H₁ ... B₂ hir ΔΛ it M

1220 1507 duck A, F duk J, SB

1221 1519 margin aliorum A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ, H₃

1222 1511 auou (auov, avow) AJC, B, F a vou (a vowe) MH₁, S

1223 1521 wher that] so as B

1224 1525 Duc F duck A duk J, SB

1225 1532 Al AJ, S, F Alle C, BT

1226 1541 þi ... my B

1227 1543 non AJC, F no SB

1228 1555 as] and B

1229 1558 ground] world BΛ

1230 1567 had] kept BTΛ om. Δ

1231 1622 margin nultenus F

1232 1625 Wher B

1233 1637 Som tidinge] Somtime (Som tyme) H₁XE ... B₂ Some tydinges Λ

1234 1640 bet B

1235 1670 hem liken H₁XRCLB₂, W hym likeþ M

1236 1690 As] And B        for to (forto) ride H₁ ... B₂

1237 1693 herd it] it herd A, Δ herd M

1238 1701 the om. AM

1239 1705 weie] werre B

1240 1706 go þan (þen) AM go þanne W

1241 1708 þe while H₁XE ... B₂, W my while G þat while M, Δ

1242 1738 that] which AJH₁ ... B₂

1243 1740 So þat I not H₁ ... B₂

1244 1752 that] it B

1245 1769 you] ȝe A ... B₂ (except G)

1246 1780 Bet B

1247 1805 knythode F

1248 1816 Namplus T (and so afterwards)

1249 1833 which] þat M ... B₂ feigned B₂, B

1250 1838 Namplus J, BT

1251 1850 The] This AJH₁ ... B₂ These M forþgon A, F forþ gon JC, SB

1252 1872 which J, B, F whiche AC, S

1253 1875 toþe A, F to þe JC, B &c.

1254 1892 king C, B

1255 1893 lust AJ, SB luste F

1256 1901 Prothefelay H₁G ... B₂, B

1257 1916 the deth] þe day X ... B₂

1258 1922 hir] his H₁ CB₂ this L

1259 1928 the om. H₁XGE, B

1260 1940 axeþ him H₁ ... B₂, W

1261 1944 beslain F

1262 1975 margin exagitaret SBΔΛ (Latin om. AdT)

1263 margin optauit A

1264 1966 hardiesse AH₁XGECB₂ hardiest L

1265 1978 and om. MXGL, B, W

1266 1996 make BTΛ

1267 2008 in honde MX ... B₂, W

1268 2010 mad (maad) AJC, T made B, F

1269 2012 to om. B

1270 2015 hardiesce AC, F hardinesse J, SB

1271 2020 Bot] That H₁ ... B₂

1272 2034 the] þy (thi) H₁, BTΛ om. Ad

1273 2039 begete FH₃

1274 2045 Cenes L, BΛ seues M

1275 2052 margin propter om. H₁ ... B₂

1276 2055 margin armorum] amorum RCLB₂

1277 2073 da̅n̅teþ F daunteþ C, B danteþ AJ, S

1278 2088 hardiesse A, F hardinesse J, SB

1279 2118 hem SBT

1280 2135 ouerþis A, F ouer þis J, SB

1281 2136 of] in A ... B₂

1282 2153 margin Amozonie H₁ ... B₂ (except G), B

1283 2165 þe king H₁ ... B₂

1284 2166 of Amozoine H₁ ... RLB₂ and Amozoine C

1285 2175 as for] for his BT

1286 2186 margin Lavine] set vinc A se uine M

1287 2189 And gete] He gette (gete, get) X ... B₂ He gate H₁ And gat M, W

1288 2199 ff. margin Hic dicit—dissoluit om. B

1289 2218 faileþ H₁GRCLB₂, Δ

1290 2224 þe which al was X ... B₂ the wiche was alle H₁

1291 2227 gouernacioun AM

1292 2234 the om. H₁XECLB₂, Ad, WH₃ (to om. R)

1293 2241 as of] ȝit of H₁ ... B₂ of W

1294 2251 Eldemoder (elde moder) AJH₁ &c., SAd, FH₃ eldirmodir (eldermoder) L, Δ oldmoder M olde moder BT alder moder W

1295 2254 he B

1296 2259 wene best to H₁ ... B₂, W wene best for to M

1297 2278 aday J, F a day (a dai) AC, SB

1298 2295 ese] eek (ek) XG, BTΛ

1299 2300 the om. H₁E, BTΛ

1300 2307 thei] þough BT

1301 2311 areste] haue reste AM

1302 2324 awise F

1303 2325 as hier is ded BT

1304 2330 all the] alle (al) A ... CB₂

1305 2348 ff. margin Apostolus—scripta sunt om. S ... Δ

1306 2351 S has lost a leaf (ll. 2351-2530)

1307 Latin Verses vii. 1 in] de B

1308 2373 margin et laboribus AM

1309 2377 al F aƚƚ J alle A, B

1310 2391 so] to BTΔ

1311 2397 lettre BT

1312 2407 Eldras H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1313 2414 and rime AJMX ... B₂

1314 2433 Herconius H₁XGECLB₂, BΛ Hercenius R Berconius T, H₃

1315 2477 Is] The B

1316 2501 as it is set H₁ ... B₂

1317 2512 lefte F

1318 2524 many on F

1319 2531 S resumes The BT

1320 2539 margin qui membra] que membra F sencibiles] sanabiles H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1321 2534 ferste S ferst AJ, F

1322 2535 lapis] cleped BT

1323 2538 As] And H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1324 2555 aweie F

1325 2556 vice goth] filþe be H₁ ... B₂, Λ (line om. W)

1326 2562 to om. BT

1327 2565 thextremetes] extremites X ... B₂, B

1328 2569 ffor AM þe ston H₁ ... B₂

1329 2576 He] It S ... Δ

1330 2578 as] which A ... B₂

1331 2587 all weies (alweies) XGRCLB₂

1332 2609 Orcalan H₁ ... B₂

1333 2615 put AJ, S, F putte C, B

1334 2620 faile of þe beȝete H₁ ... B₂ fallen of b, T but þei faile ȝit of b. Δ

1335 2627 of om. M, BT, H₃

1336 2629 out] out of AMH₁

1337 2641 ffor B

1338 2642 as SBTΔ is Ad and A ... B₂, Λ, FWH₃

1339 2650 schal the wordes] schal þe worde S shal wordes W scholde þe wordes Ad scholde her wordes B

1340 2662 and þilke time so H₁ ... RLB₂ and þilke time also C at thilke t. also W at þilke tyme þo M

1341 2674 take AJ, S, F tak C, BT

1342 2676 hise A

1343 2681 take B

1344 2704 margin Accidia H₁E ... B₂, W

1345 2707 margin sopori fero MH₁ERL, Λ, WH₃ sopori sero XGCB₂, B

1346 2710 a doun C, B, F adoun AJ, S

1347 2711 S has lost two leaves (ll. 2711-3078)

1348 2743 shal F

1349 2744 wolde A

1350 2760 I am now H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1351 2773 times BT

1352 2788 mow F mowe AJ, B

1353 2792 a chaunce H₁ ... RLB₂, BT his chaunce C

1354 2796 wole or so] wolde so BT

1355 2802 bidt A, F bit J bid C, B

1356 2822 doun om. AM

1357 2826 to the] atte M, B

1358 2833 Departen] Depart(e) and H₁ ... B₂, BΛ

1359 2846 go now (gon now) M ... B₂

1360 2860 mai] might (miȝte) H₁ ... B₂ doth W

1361 2867 him A ... B₂ hem AdBTΔ, FWH₃

1362 2937 margin demersus AM

1363 2942 margin Quo facto om. A ... B₂

1364 2945 margin mortuus om. A ... B₂

1365 2954 thoghte] wolde H₁ ... B₂ wol L thought to W

1366 2955 monþes H₁ ... B₂, H₃

1367 2973 she Λ, Magd he A ... B₂, AdBTΔ, FWKH₃

1368 2984 so om. AM

1369 2992 the om. AM

1370 2994 betwen the] betwene A ... B₂, T (bitwen) betwen bothe H₃

1371 2997 Wherfor(e) AJMG ... B₂

1372 3023 many a XGL, AdBTΔ, WH₃

1373 3027 þe wise þat M ... CB₂ þis wise as BT, H₃

1374 3033 schulde BT, W

1375 3056 was AdBTΔ

1376 3058 vnto JH₁ ... B₂, Δ, WH₃

1377 3074 falsen AM

1378 3079 S resumes

1379 3082 hir BT

1380 3086 forth lepte] lepte forþ AM lepte L

1381 3129 Aman F

1382 3132 þe couenant BTΛ

1383 3138 For] And BTΛ

1384 3140 it] in H₁ ... B₂

1385 3141 that om. AM

1386 3142 walkyng H₁RCB₂ line om. T

1387 3153 ne om. H₁ ... B₂

1388 3154 Ha om. A ... B₂

1389 3159 mi F myn AJ, B

1390 3165 all S, F alle AJ, B

1391 3199 margin sua om. BT

1392 3202 margin ita quod AM

1393 3204 margin illa om. SBTΔ (Latin om. Ad)

1394 3206 margin dignaretur A ... B₂, Λ

1395 3190 þe AM

1396 3206 cilence S, F silence AJ, B

1397 3221 ben unborn] be vp (vppe) AM

1398 3233 Thi (Thy) A ... B₂, S ... Δ This FWKH₃

1399 3244 all] at S ... Δ

1400 3250 if that I] if I H₁ ... B₂

1401 3252 vigilie B

1402 3255 nyht (night) AC, B nyhte (nihte) J, S, F

1403 3259 of] or X ... B₂, W

1404 3263 S has lost a leaf (ll. 3263-3442)

1405 3288 in] at XGEC, BT

1406 3308 he] it H₁ ... B₂

1407 3322 Of þo turneþ (torneþ) M, Ad Of hem þat turneþ X Of hem þat turnen H₁G ... B₂

1408 3337 haþ AdBTΔ

1409 3341 Wiþ þo which(e) E ... B₂, AdT Wiþ þo þe whiche B

1410 3349 the om. H₁ ... B₂, AdTΔ, WH₃

1411 3355 Whan] ffor whan H₁E ... B₂

1412 3361 as] and BT he] it AM

1413 3366 telle H₁ ... B₂, W

1414 3370 no M, F the rest non (none)

1415 Latin Verses ix. 1 Nil fortuna valet (rest of line blank) AM

1416 3397 margin poterit om. BT

1417 3401 tymes E, BT

1418 3427 gret JC, B grete A, F

1419 3437 no om. AM

1420 3443 S resumes folweth] falleþ SAdBΔ faileth TΛ

1421 3449 more þan is B, H₃ more þan hit L

1422 3459 o point BT, W

1423 3479 eny] my AM

1424 3484 my] me H₁RCLB₂, W (me bidde)

1425 3489 I dar AM

1426 3502 if þat H₁ ... B₂, W

1427 3529 margin Ciuitatem om. BT

1428 3531 hert sche BΛ sche (om. herte) T

1429 3535 king (kyng) JL, BT

1430 3560 manes F

1431 3576 sleplest F

1432 3586 Ȝit schal ... many a place J, S, FH₃ Ȝit schalt ... many a place AM Ȝit schal ... many place Ad, W Ȝit schal it ... mani place TΔ It (Hit) schal ... many a place H₁XGRCLB₂ It schal ... many place E, B

1433 3587 and] of H₁ ... B₂, B

1434 3596 syhe (sihe) AJ, SB syh F

1435 3612 wold(e) BT, W

1436 3622 O god þou wost þat it B O god þou wost it TΛ (wotest)

1437 3627 S has lost two leaves (ll. 3627—v. 274)

1438 3632 astounde AMR, T, W

1439 3638 and of] and eke of AM

1440 3656 Hir B be begrave] begraue A, Δ be graue MH₁ERLB₂, W

1441 3666 ek om. C, BTΛ

1442 3667 this] þat AdBTΛ

1443 3676 tho] þe JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W

1444 3678 aman F

1445 3687 despeir JMH₁XRLB₂, AdBTΔ, W vespeir H₃

Incipit Liber Quintus.

P. ii. 127

[AVARICE.]

i. Obstat auaricia nature legibus, et que

Largus amor poscit, striccius illa vetat.

Omne quod est nimium viciosum dicitur aurum,

Vellera sicut oues, seruat auarus opes.

Non decet vt soli seruabitur es, set amori[1446]

Debet homo solam solus habere suam.

Ferst whan the hyhe god began

This world, and that the kinde of man

Was falle into no gret encress,

For worldes good tho was no press,[1447]

Bot al was set to the comune.

Thei spieken thanne of no fortune

Or forto lese or forto winne,

Hic in quinto libro intendit Confessor tractare de Auaricia, que omnium malorum radix dicitur, necnon et de eiusdem vicii speciebus: set primo ipsius Auaricie naturam describens Amanti quatenus amorem concernit super hoc specialius opponit.

Til Avarice broghte it inne;

And that was whan the world was woxe

Of man, of hors, of Schep, of Oxe, 10

And that men knewen the moneie.

Tho wente pes out of the weie

And werre cam on every side,

Which alle love leide aside

P. ii. 128

And of comun his propre made,

So that in stede of schovele and spade

The scharpe swerd was take on honde;

And in this wise it cam to londe,

Wherof men maden dyches depe

And hyhe walles forto kepe 20

The gold which Avarice encloseth.

Bot al to lytel him supposeth,

Thogh he mihte al the world pourchace;

For what thing that he may embrace

Of gold, of catel or of lond,

He let it nevere out of his hond,

Bot get him more and halt it faste,

As thogh the world scholde evere laste.

So is he lych unto the helle;

For as these olde bokes telle,[1448] 30

What comth therinne, lasse or more,

It schal departe neveremore:

Thus whanne he hath his cofre loken,

It schal noght after ben unstoken,

Bot whanne him list to have a syhte[1449]

Of gold, hou that it schyneth brihte,

That he ther on mai loke and muse;

For otherwise he dar noght use

To take his part, or lasse or more.

So is he povere, and everemore[1450] 40

Him lacketh that he hath ynowh:

An Oxe draweth in the plowh,

Of that himself hath no profit;

A Schep riht in the same plit

P. ii. 129

His wolle berth, bot on a day

An other takth the flees away:

Thus hath he, that he noght ne hath,[1451]

For he therof his part ne tath.

To seie hou such a man hath good,

Who so that reson understod, 50

It is impropreliche seid,

For good hath him and halt him teid,

That he ne gladeth noght withal,

Bot is unto his good a thral,

And as soubgit thus serveth he,

Wher that he scholde maister be:

Such is the kinde of thaverous.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, as thou art amerous,

Tell if thou farst of love so.[1452]

Confessio Amantis.

Mi fader, as it semeth, no; 60

That averous yit nevere I was,

So as ye setten me the cas:

For as ye tolden here above,

In full possession of love

Yit was I nevere hier tofore,

So that me thenketh wel therfore,

I mai excuse wel my dede.

Bot of mi will withoute drede,

If I that tresor mihte gete,

It scholde nevere be foryete, 70

That I ne wolde it faste holde,

Til god of love himselve wolde

That deth ous scholde parte atuo.[1453]

For lieveth wel, I love hire so,

P. ii. 130

That evene with min oghne lif,

If I that swete lusti wif

Mihte ones welden at my wille,

For evere I wolde hire holde stille:

And in this wise, taketh kepe,

If I hire hadde, I wolde hire kepe, 80

And yit no friday wolde I faste,

Thogh I hire kepte and hielde faste.[1454]

Fy on the bagges in the kiste!

I hadde ynogh, if I hire kiste.

For certes, if sche were myn,

I hadde hir levere than a Myn

Of Gold; for al this worldesriche

Ne mihte make me so riche

As sche, that is so inly good.

I sette noght of other good; 90

For mihte I gete such a thing,

I hadde a tresor for a king;

And thogh I wolde it faste holde,

I were thanne wel beholde.

Bot I mot pipe nou with lasse,

And suffre that it overpasse,

Noght with mi will, for thus I wolde

Ben averous, if that I scholde.

Bot, fader, I you herde seie

Hou thaverous hath yit som weie, 100

Wherof he mai be glad; for he

Mai whanne him list his tresor se,[1455]

And grope and fiele it al aboute,[1456]

Bot I fulofte am schet theroute,

P. ii. 131

Ther as my worthi tresor is.

So is mi lif lich unto this,

That ye me tolden hier tofore,

Hou that an Oxe his yock hath bore

For thing that scholde him noght availe:

And in this wise I me travaile;[1457] 110

For who that evere hath the welfare,

I wot wel that I have the care,

For I am hadd and noght ne have,

And am, as who seith, loves knave.

Nou demeth in youre oghne thoght,

If this be Avarice or noght.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, I have of thee no wonder,

Thogh thou to serve be put under

With love, which to kinde acordeth:

Bot, so as every bok recordeth,[1458] 120

It is to kinde no plesance

That man above his sustienance

Unto the gold schal serve and bowe,

For that mai no reson avowe.

Bot Avarice natheles,

If he mai geten his encress

Of gold, that wole he serve and kepe,

For he takth of noght elles kepe,

Bot forto fille hise bagges large;[1459]

And al is to him bot a charge, 130

For he ne parteth noght withal,

Bot kepth it, as a servant schal:

And thus, thogh that he multeplie[1460]

His gold, withoute tresorie

P. ii. 132

He is, for man is noght amended[1461]

With gold, bot if it be despended

To mannes us; wherof I rede

A tale, and tak therof good hiede,

Of that befell be olde tyde,

As telleth ous the clerk Ovide. 140

[TALE OF MIDAS.]

Bachus, which is the god of wyn,[1462]

Acordant unto his divin[1463]

Hic loquitur contra istos Auaros. Et narrat qualiter Mida Rex Frigie Cillenum Bachi sacerdotem, quem rustici vinculis ferreis alligarunt, dissoluit, et in hospicium suum benignissime recollegit; pro quo Bachus quodcunque munus Rex exigere vellet donari concessit. Vnde Rex Auaricia ductus, ut quicquid tangeret in aurum conuerteretur, indiscrete peciit. Quo facto postea contigit quod cibos cum ipse sumere vellet, in aurum conuersos manducare non potuit. Et sic percipiens aurum pro tunc non posse sibi valere, illud auferri, et tunc[1464] ea que victui sufficerent necessaria iteratis precibus a deo mitissime postulauit.

A Prest, the which Cillenus hihte,[1465]

He hadde, and fell so that be nyhte

This Prest was drunke and goth astraied,

Wherof the men were evele apaied[1466]

In Frigelond, where as he wente.

Bot ate laste a cherl him hente

With strengthe of other felaschipe,

So that upon his drunkeschipe 150

Thei bounden him with chenes faste,

And forth thei ladde him als so faste

Unto the king, which hihte Myde.

Bot he, that wolde his vice hyde,

This courteis king, tok of him hiede,

And bad that men him scholde lede

Into a chambre forto kepe,

Til he of leisir hadde slepe.

And tho this Prest was sone unbounde,[1467]

And up a couche fro the grounde 160

To slepe he was leid softe ynowh;

And whanne he wok, the king him drowh

To his presence and dede him chiere,

So that this Prest in such manere,

P. ii. 133

Whil that him liketh, there he duelleth:

And al this he to Bachus telleth,

Whan that he cam to him ayein.

And whan that Bachus herde sein[1468]

How Mide hath don his courtesie,

Him thenkth it were a vilenie, 170

Bot he rewarde him for his dede,

So as he mihte of his godhiede.

Unto this king this god appiereth[1469]

And clepeth, and that other hiereth:

This god to Mide thonketh faire

Of that he was so debonaire

Toward his Prest, and bad him seie:

What thing it were he wolde preie,

He scholde it have, of worldes good.

This king was glad, and stille stod, 180

And was of his axinge in doute,

And al the world he caste aboute,

What thing was best for his astat,

And with himself stod in debat

Upon thre pointz, the whiche I finde[1470]

Ben lievest unto mannes kinde.

The ferste of hem it is delit,

The tuo ben worschipe and profit.[1471]

And thanne he thoghte, ‘If that I crave

Delit, thogh I delit mai have, 190

Delit schal passen in myn age:

That is no siker avantage.

For every joie bodily

Schal ende in wo: delit forthi

P. ii. 134

Wol I noght chese. And if worschipe

I axe and of the world lordschipe,[1472]

That is an occupacion

Of proud ymaginacion,

Which makth an herte vein withinne;

Ther is no certein forto winne, 200

For lord and knave al is o weie,[1473]

Whan thei be bore and whan thei deie.

And if I profit axe wolde,

I not in what manere I scholde

Of worldes good have sikernesse;

For every thief upon richesse

Awaiteth forto robbe and stele:

Such good is cause of harmes fele.

And also, thogh a man at ones

Of al the world withinne his wones[1474] 210

The tresor myhte have everydel,[1475]

Yit hadde he bot o mannes del[1476]

Toward himself, so as I thinke,

Of clothinge and of mete and drinke,

For more, outake vanite,

Ther hath no lord in his degre.’

And thus upon the pointz diverse[1477]

Diverseliche he gan reherce

What point him thoghte for the beste;

Bot pleinly forto gete him reste 220

He can no siker weie caste.

And natheles yit ate laste

He fell upon the coveitise

Of gold; and thanne in sondri wise

P. ii. 135

He thoghte, as I have seid tofore,

Hou tresor mai be sone lore,

And hadde an inly gret desir

Touchende of such recoverir,

Hou that he mihte his cause availe

To gete him gold withoute faile. 230

Withinne his herte and thus he preiseth

The gold, and seith hou that it peiseth

Above al other metall most:

‘The gold,’ he seith, ‘may lede an host

To make werre ayein a King;[1478]

Salomon. Pecunie obediunt omnia.

The gold put under alle thing,

And set it whan him list above;

The gold can make of hate love

And werre of pes and ryht of wrong,

And long to schort and schort to long; 240

Withoute gold mai be no feste,

Gold is the lord of man and beste,[1479]

And mai hem bothe beie and selle;

So that a man mai sothly telle

That al the world to gold obeieth.’

Forthi this king to Bachus preieth

To grante him gold, bot he excedeth

Mesure more than him nedeth.

Men tellen that the maladie[1480]

Which cleped is ydropesie 250

Resembled is unto this vice

Be weie of kinde of Avarice:

The more ydropesie drinketh,[1481]

The more him thursteth, for him thinketh

P. ii. 136

That he mai nevere drinke his fille;

So that ther mai nothing fulfille

The lustes of his appetit:

And riht in such a maner plit

Stant Avarice and evere stod;

The more he hath of worldes good, 260

The more he wolde it kepe streyte,

And evere mor and mor coveite.

And riht in such condicioun

Withoute good discrecioun

This king with avarice is smite,

That al the world it myhte wite:

For he to Bachus thanne preide,

That wherupon his hond he leide,[1482]

It scholde thurgh his touche anon

Become gold, and therupon 270

This god him granteth as he bad.

Tho was this king of Frige glad,

And forto put it in assai[1483]

With al the haste that he mai,[1484]

He toucheth that, he toucheth this,

And in his hond al gold it is,

The Ston, the Tree, the Lef, the gras,

The flour, the fruit, al gold it was.[1485]

Thus toucheth he, whil he mai laste

To go, bot hunger ate laste 280

Him tok, so that he moste nede[1486]

Be weie of kinde his hunger fede.

The cloth was leid, the bord was set,

And al was forth tofore him fet,

P. ii. 137

His disch, his coppe, his drinke, his mete;

Bot whanne he wolde or drinke or ete,

Anon as it his mouth cam nyh,

It was al gold, and thanne he syh[1487]

Of Avarice the folie.

And he with that began to crie, 290

And preide Bachus to foryive

His gilt, and soffre him forto live

And be such as he was tofore,

So that he were noght forlore.

This god, which herde of his grevance,[1488]

Tok rowthe upon his repentance,

And bad him go forth redily

Unto a flod was faste by,

Which Paceole thanne hyhte,

In which as clene as evere he myhte 300

He scholde him waisshen overal,[1489]

And seide him thanne that he schal

Recovere his ferste astat ayein.

This king, riht as he herde sein,

Into the flod goth fro the lond,

And wissh him bothe fot and hond,[1490]

And so forth al the remenant,

As him was set in covenant:

And thanne he syh merveilles strange,

The flod his colour gan to change, 310

The gravel with the smale Stones

To gold thei torne bothe at ones,

And he was quit of that he hadde,

And thus fortune his chance ladde.[1491]

P. ii. 138

And whan he sih his touche aweie,

He goth him hom the rihte weie[1492]

And liveth forth as he dede er,

And putte al Avarice afer,

And the richesse of gold despiseth,

And seith that mete and cloth sufficeth. 320

Thus hath this king experience

Hou foles don the reverence

To gold, which of his oghne kinde

Is lasse worth than is the rinde

To sustienance of mannes fode;

And thanne he made lawes goode

And al his thing sette upon skile:

He bad his poeple forto tile

Here lond, and live under the lawe,

And that thei scholde also forthdrawe 330

Bestaile, and seche non encress

Of gold, which is the breche of pes.[1493]

For this a man mai finde write,

Tofor the time, er gold was smite

In Coign, that men the florin knewe,

Ther was welnyh noman untrewe;

Tho was ther nouther schield ne spere

Ne dedly wepne forto bere;

Tho was the toun withoute wal,

Which nou is closed overal; 340

Tho was ther no brocage in londe,

Which nou takth every cause on honde:

So mai men knowe, hou the florin

Was moder ferst of malengin

P. ii. 139

And bringere inne of alle werre,

Wherof this world stant out of herre

Thurgh the conseil of Avarice,

Which of his oghne propre vice

Is as the helle wonderfull;

For it mai neveremor be full,[1494] 350

That what as evere comth therinne,

Awey ne may it nevere winne.

Bot Sone myn, do thou noght so,

Let al such Avarice go,

And tak thi part of that thou hast:

I bidde noght that thou do wast,

Bot hold largesce in his mesure;

And if thou se a creature,

Which thurgh poverte is falle in nede,

Yif him som good, for this I rede 360

To him that wol noght yiven here,

What peine he schal have elleswhere.

[THE PUNISHMENT OF TANTALUS.]

Ther is a peine amonges alle

Benethe in helle, which men calle[1495]

Nota de pena Tantali, cuius amara sitis dampnatos torquet auaros.

The wofull peine of Tantaly,

Of which I schal thee redely

Devise hou men therinne stonde.

In helle, thou schalt understonde,[1496]

Ther is a flod of thilke office,

Which serveth al for Avarice: 370

What man that stonde schal therinne,[1497]

He stant up evene unto the chinne;[1498]

Above his hed also ther hongeth

A fruyt, which to that peine longeth,

P. ii. 140

And that fruit toucheth evere in on

His overlippe: and therupon

Swich thurst and hunger him assaileth,

That nevere his appetit ne faileth.

Bot whanne he wolde his hunger fede,

The fruit withdrawth him ate nede, 380

And thogh he heve his bed on hyh,

The fruit is evere aliche nyh,

So is the hunger wel the more:

And also, thogh him thurste sore

And to the water bowe a doun,[1499]

The flod in such condicioun

Avaleth, that his drinke areche

He mai noght. Lo nou, which a wreche,

That mete and drinke is him so couth,

And yit ther comth non in his mouth! 390

Lich to the peines of this flod

Stant Avarice in worldes good:

He hath ynowh and yit him nedeth,

For his skarsnesse it him forbiedeth,[1500]

And evere his hunger after more

Travaileth him aliche sore,

So is he peined overal.

Forthi thi goodes forth withal,

[AVARICE.]

Mi Sone, loke thou despende,

Wherof thou myht thiself amende 400

Bothe hier and ek in other place.

And also if thou wolt pourchace[1501]

To be beloved, thou most use

Largesce, for if thou refuse

P. ii. 141

To yive for thi loves sake,

It is no reson that thou take

Of love that thou woldest crave.

Forthi, if thou wolt grace have,

Be gracious and do largesse,

Of Avarice and the seknesse 410

Eschuie above alle other thing,

And tak ensample of Mide king

And of the flod of helle also,

Where is ynowh of alle wo.

And thogh ther were no matiere

Bot only that we finden hiere,

Men oghten Avarice eschuie;

For what man thilke vice suie,

He get himself bot litel reste.

For hou so that the body reste, 420

The herte upon the gold travaileth,

Whom many a nyhtes drede assaileth;

For thogh he ligge abedde naked,

His herte is everemore awaked,[1502]

And dremeth, as he lith to slepe,

How besi that he is to kepe

His tresor, that no thief it stele.

Thus hath he bot a woful wele.

[JEALOUSY OF LOVERS.]

And riht so in the same wise,

If thou thiself wolt wel avise, 430

Ther be lovers of suche ynowe,

That wole unto no reson bowe.

If so be that thei come above,

Whan thei ben maistres of here love,

P. ii. 142

And that thei scholden be most glad,

With love thei ben most bestad,

So fain thei wolde it holden al.

Here herte, here yhe is overal,

And wenen every man be thief,

To stele awey that hem is lief; 440

Thus thurgh here oghne fantasie

Thei fallen into Jelousie.

Thanne hath the Schip tobroke his cable,

With every wynd and is muable.

Amans.

Mi fader, for that ye nou telle,

I have herd ofte time telle

Of Jelousie, bot what it is

Yit understod I nevere er this:[1503]

Wherfore I wolde you beseche,

That ye me wolde enforme and teche 450

What maner thing it mihte be.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, that is hard to me:

Bot natheles, as I have herd,

Now herkne and thou schalt ben ansuerd.[1504]

Among the men lacke of manhode

In Mariage upon wifhode

Makth that a man himself deceiveth,

Nota de[1505] Ialousia, cuius fantastica suspicio amorem quamuis fidelissimum multociens sine causa corruptum ymaginatur.

Wherof it is that he conceiveth

That ilke unsely maladie,[1506]

The which is cleped Jelousie: 460

Of which if I the proprete

Schal telle after the nycete,

So as it worcheth on a man,[1507]

A Fievere it is cotidian,

P. ii. 143

Which every day wol come aboute,

Wher so a man be inne or oute.

At hom if that a man wol wone,

This Fievere is thanne of comun wone

Most grevous in a mannes yhe:

For thanne he makth him tote and pryhe, 470

Wher so as evere his love go;[1508]

Sche schal noght with hir litel too

Misteppe, bot he se it al.

His yhe is walkende overal;

Wher that sche singe or that sche dance,

He seth the leste contienance,

If sche loke on a man aside

Or with him roune at eny tyde,

Or that sche lawghe, or that sche loure,

His yhe is ther at every houre. 480

And whanne it draweth to the nyht,

If sche thanne is withoute lyht,

Anon is al the game schent;

For thanne he set his parlement

To speke it whan he comth to bedde,

And seith, ‘If I were now to wedde,[1509]

I wolde neveremore have wif.’[1510]

And so he torneth into strif

The lust of loves duete,

And al upon diversete. 490

If sche be freissh and wel araied,

He seith hir baner is displaied

To clepe in gestes fro the weie:[1511]

And if sche be noght wel beseie,

P. ii. 144

And that hir list noght to be gladd,

He berth an hond that sche is madd

And loveth noght hire housebonde;

He seith he mai wel understonde,

That if sche wolde his compaignie,

Sche scholde thanne afore his ÿe 500

Schewe al the plesir that sche mihte.

So that be daie ne be nyhte

Sche not what thing is for the beste,

Bot liveth out of alle reste;

For what as evere him liste sein,[1512]

Sche dar noght speke a word ayein,

Bot wepth and holt hire lippes clos.

Sche mai wel wryte, ‘Sanz repos,’

The wif which is to such on maried.

Of alle wommen be he waried, 510

For with this Fievere of Jalousie[1513]

His echedaies fantasie

Of sorghe is evere aliche grene,

So that ther is no love sene,

Whil that him list at hom abyde.

And whan so is he wol out ryde,

Thanne hath he redi his aspie

Abidinge in hir compaignie,

A janglere, an evel mouthed oon,

That sche ne mai nowhider gon, 520

Ne speke a word, ne ones loke,

That he ne wol it wende and croke

And torne after his oghne entente,

Thogh sche nothing bot honour mente.

P. ii. 145

Whan that the lord comth hom ayein,

The janglere moste somwhat sein;

So what withoute and what withinne,

This Fievere is evere to beginne,

For where he comth he can noght ende,

Til deth of him have mad an ende. 530

For thogh so be that he ne hiere

Ne se ne wite in no manere

Bot al honour and wommanhiede,

Therof the Jelous takth non hiede,[1514]

Bot as a man to love unkinde,

He cast his staf, as doth the blinde,[1515]

And fint defaulte where is non;

As who so dremeth on a Ston

Hou he is leid, and groneth ofte,

Whan he lith on his pilwes softe. 540

So is ther noght bot strif and cheste;

Whan love scholde make his feste,

It is gret thing if he hir kisse:

Thus hath sche lost the nyhtes blisse,

For at such time he gruccheth evere[1516]

And berth on hond ther is a levere,

And that sche wolde an other were

In stede of him abedde there;

And with tho wordes and with mo

Of Jelousie, he torneth fro 550

And lith upon his other side,[1517]

And sche with that drawth hire aside,

And ther sche wepeth al the nyht.

Ha, to what peine sche is dyht,

P. ii. 146

That in hire youthe hath so beset

The bond which mai noght ben unknet!

I wot the time is ofte cursed,

That evere was the gold unpursed,

The which was leid upon the bok,

Whan that alle othre sche forsok 560

For love of him; bot al to late

Sche pleigneth, for as thanne algate

Sche mot forbere and to him bowe,

Thogh he ne wole it noght allowe.

For man is lord of thilke feire,

So mai the womman bot empeire,

If sche speke oght ayein his wille;

And thus sche berth hir peine stille.

Bot if this Fievere a womman take,

Sche schal be wel mor harde schake; 570

For thogh sche bothe se and hiere,

And finde that ther is matiere,

Sche dar bot to hirselve pleine,

And thus sche suffreth double peine,

Confessor.

Lo thus, mi Sone, as I have write,

Thou miht of Jelousie wite

His fievere and his condicion,

Which is full of suspecion.

Bot wherof that this fievere groweth,

Who so these olde bokes troweth, 580

Ther mai he finden hou it is:

For thei ous teche and telle this,

Hou that this fievere of Jelousie

Somdel it groweth of sotie

P. ii. 147

Of love, and somdiel of untrust.

For as a sek man lest his lust,

And whan he may no savour gete,

He hateth thanne his oughne mete,

Riht so this fieverous maladie,

Which caused is of fantasie, 590

Makth the Jelous in fieble plit

To lese of love his appetit

Thurgh feigned enformacion

Of his ymaginacion.

Bot finali to taken hiede,

Men mai wel make a liklihiede

Betwen him which is averous

Of gold and him that is jelous

Of love, for in on degre

Thei stonde bothe, as semeth me. 600

That oon wolde have his bagges stille,[1518]

And noght departen with his wille,

And dar noght for the thieves slepe,

So fain he wolde his tresor kepe;

That other mai noght wel be glad,

For he is evere more adrad[1519]

Of these lovers that gon aboute,

In aunter if thei putte him oute.

So have thei bothe litel joye

As wel of love as of monoie. 610

Now hast thou, Sone, at my techinge[1520]

Of Jelousie a knowlechinge,

That thou myht understonde this,

Fro whenne he comth and what he is,

P. ii. 148

And ek to whom that he is lik.

Be war forthi thou be noght sik

Of thilke fievere as I have spoke,

For it wol in himself be wroke.

For love hateth nothing more,

As men mai finde be the lore 620

Of hem that whilom were wise,

Hou that thei spieke in many wise.

Amans.

Mi fader, soth is that ye sein.

Bot forto loke therayein,

Befor this time hou it is falle,

Wherof ther mihte ensample falle

To suche men as be jelous

In what manere it is grevous,

Riht fain I wolde ensample hiere.

Confessor.

My goode Sone, at thi preiere 630

Of suche ensamples as I finde,

So as thei comen nou to mynde

Upon this point, of time gon

I thenke forto tellen on.

[TALE OF VULCAN AND VENUS.]

Ovide wrot of manye thinges,

Among the whiche in his wrytinges

He tolde a tale in Poesie,

Which toucheth unto Jelousie,

Upon a certein cas of love.

Hic ponit exemplum contra istos maritos quos Ialousia maculauit. Et narrat qualiter Vulcanus, cuius vxor Venus extitit, suspicionem inter ipsam et Martem concipiens, eorum gestus diligencius explorabat: vnde contigit quod ipse quadam vice ambos inter se pariter amplexantes in lecto nudos inuenit, et exclamans omnem cetum deorum et dearum ad tantum spectaculum conuocauit: super quo tamen derisum pocius quam remedium a tota cohorte consecutus est.

Among the goddes alle above 640

It fell at thilke time thus:

The god of fyr, which Vulcanus

Is hote, and hath a craft forthwith

Assigned, forto be the Smith

P. ii. 149

Of Jupiter, and his figure

Bothe of visage and of stature

Is lothly and malgracious,

Bot yit he hath withinne his hous

As for the likynge of his lif[1521]

The faire Venus to his wif. 650

Bot Mars, which of batailles is

The god, an yhe hadde unto this:

As he which was chivalerous,

It fell him to ben amerous,[1522]

And thoghte it was a gret pite

To se so lusti on as sche

Be coupled with so lourde a wiht:

So that his peine day and nyht

He dede, if he hire winne myhte;[1523]

And sche, which hadde a good insihte[1524] 660

Toward so noble a knyhtli lord,

In love fell of his acord.

Ther lacketh noght bot time and place,

That he nys siker of hire grace:

Bot whan tuo hertes falle in on,

So wys await was nevere non,

That at som time thei ne mete;

And thus this faire lusti swete

With Mars hath ofte compaignie.

Bot thilke unkynde Jelousie, 670

Which everemor the herte opposeth,[1525]

Makth Vulcanus that he supposeth

That it is noght wel overal,

And to himself he seide, he schal

P. ii. 150

Aspie betre, if that he may;

And so it fell upon a day,

That he this thing so slyhli ledde,

He fond hem bothe tuo abedde

Al warm, echon with other naked.

And he with craft al redy maked 680

Of stronge chenes hath hem bounde,[1526]

As he togedre hem hadde founde,

And lefte hem bothe ligge so,

And gan to clepe and crie tho

Unto the goddes al aboute;

And thei assembled in a route

Come alle at ones forto se.

Bot none amendes hadde he,

Bot was rebuked hiere and there

Of hem that loves frendes were; 690

And seiden that he was to blame,[1527]

For if ther fell him eny schame,

It was thurgh his misgovernance:

And thus he loste contienance,

This god, and let his cause falle;

And thei to skorne him lowhen alle,

And losen Mars out of hise bondes.

Wherof these erthli housebondes[1528]

For evere myhte ensample take,

If such a chaunce hem overtake: 700

For Vulcanus his wif bewreide,

The blame upon himself he leide,[1529]

Wherof his schame was the more;

Which oghte forto ben a lore

P. ii. 151

For every man that liveth hiere,

To reulen him in this matiere.

Thogh such an happ of love asterte,

Yit scholde he noght apointe his herte

With Jelousie of that is wroght,

Bot feigne, as thogh he wiste it noght: 710

For if he lete it overpasse,

The sclaundre schal be wel the lasse,

And he the more in ese stonde.

For this thou myht wel understonde,

That where a man schal nedes lese,

The leste harm is forto chese.

Bot Jelousie of his untrist

Makth that full many an harm arist,

Which elles scholde noght arise;

And if a man him wolde avise 720

Of that befell to Vulcanus,

Him oghte of reson thenke thus,

That sithe a god therof was schamed,

Wel scholde an erthli man be blamed

To take upon him such a vice.

Confessor.

Forthi, my Sone, in thin office

Be war that thou be noght jelous,

Which ofte time hath schent the hous.

Amans.

Mi fader, this ensample is hard,

Hou such thing to the heveneward 730

Among the goddes myhte falle:

For ther is bot o god of alle,

Which is the lord of hevene and helle.

Bot if it like you to telle

P. ii. 152

Hou suche goddes come aplace,

Ye mihten mochel thonk pourchace,

For I schal be wel tawht withal.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, it is thus overal

With hem that stonden misbelieved,

That suche goddes ben believed: 740

In sondri place sondri wise

Amonges hem whiche are unwise

Ther is betaken of credence;

Wherof that I the difference

In the manere as it is write

Schal do the pleinly forto wite.

[THE GODS OF THE NATIONS.]

ii. Gentibus illusis signantur templa deorum,[1530]

Vnde deos cecos nacio ceca colit.

Nulla creatori racio facit esse creatum

Equiperans, quod adhuc iura pagana fouent.[1531]

[i. BELIEF OF THE CHALDEANS.]

Er Crist was bore among ous hiere,

Of the believes that tho were

Quia secundum Poetarum fabulas in huius libelli locis quam pluribus nomina et gestus deorum falsorum intitulantur, quorum infidelitas vt Cristianis clarius innotescat, intendit de ipsorum origine secundum varias Paganorum Sectas scribere consequenter. Et primo de Secta Chaldeorum tractare proponit.

In foure formes thus it was.

Thei of Caldee as in this cas 750

Hadde a believe be hemselve,

Which stod upon the signes tuelve,

Forth ek with the Planetes sevene,

Whiche as thei sihe upon the hevene.

Of sondri constellacion

In here ymaginacion

With sondri kerf and pourtreture

Thei made of goddes the figure.

In thelementz and ek also

Thei hadden a believe tho; 760

P. ii. 153

And al was that unresonable:

For thelementz ben servicable

To man, and ofte of Accidence,

As men mai se thexperience,[1532]

Thei ben corrupt be sondri weie;

So mai no mannes reson seie

That thei ben god in eny wise.

And ek, if men hem wel avise,

The Sonne and Mone eclipse bothe,

That be hem lieve or be hem lothe, 770

Thei soffre; and what thing is passible

To ben a god is impossible.

Et nota[1533] quod Nembroth quartus a Noe ignem tanquam deum in Chaldea primus adorari decreuit.

These elementz ben creatures,

So ben these hevenly figures,

Wherof mai wel be justefied

That thei mai noght be deified:

And who that takth awey thonour

Which due is to the creatour,

And yifth it to the creature,

He doth to gret a forsfaiture. 780

Bot of Caldee natheles[1534]

Upon this feith, thogh it be les,

Thei holde affermed the creance;

So that of helle the penance,

[ii. BELIEF OF THE EGYPTIANS.]

As folk which stant out of believe,

They schull receive, as we believe.[1535]

De Secta Egipciorum.[1536]

Of the Caldeus lo in this wise[1537]

Stant the believe out of assisse:

Bot in Egipte worst of alle

The feith is fals, hou so it falle; 790

P. ii. 154

For thei diverse bestes there

Honoure, as thogh thei goddes were:[1538]

And natheles yit forth withal

Thre goddes most in special

Thei have, forth with a goddesse,[1539]

In whom is al here sikernesse.

Tho goddes be yit cleped thus,

Orus, Typhon and Isirus:

Thei were brethren alle thre,

And the goddesse in hir degre 800

Here Soster was and Ysis hyhte,

Whom Isirus forlai be nyhte

And hield hire after as his wif.

So it befell that upon strif

Typhon hath Isre his brother slain,

Which hadde a child to Sone Orayn,

And he his fader deth to herte

So tok, that it mai noght asterte

That he Typhon after ne slowh,

Whan he was ripe of age ynowh. 810

Bot yit thegipcienes trowe[1540]

For al this errour, which thei knowe,

That these brethren ben of myht

To sette and kepe Egipte upriht,

And overthrowe, if that hem like.

Bot Ysis, as seith the Cronique,

Fro Grece into Egipte cam,

And sche thanne upon honde nam

To teche hem forto sowe and eere,

Which noman knew tofore there. 820

P. ii. 155

And whan thegipcienes syhe[1541]

The fieldes fulle afore here yhe,

And that the loud began to greine,

Which whilom hadde be bareigne,—

For therthe bar after the kinde

His due charge,—this I finde,

That sche of berthe the goddesse

Is cleped, so that in destresse

The wommen there upon childinge

To hire clepe, and here offringe 830

Thei beren, whan that thei ben lyhte.

Lo, hou Egipte al out of syhte

[iii. BELIEF OF THE GREEKS.]

Fro resoun stant in misbelieve[1542]

For lacke of lore, as I believe.

De Secta Grecorum.[1543]

Among the Greks, out of the weie

As thei that reson putte aweie,[1544]

Ther was, as the Cronique seith,

Of misbelieve an other feith,

That thei here goddes and goddesses,

As who seith, token al to gesses 840

Of suche as weren full of vice,

To whom thei made here sacrifice.

The hihe god, so as thei seide,

To whom thei most worschipe leide,

Nota qualiter Saturnus deorum summus appellatur.

Saturnus hihte, and king of Crete

He hadde be; bot of his sete

He was put doun, as he which stod

In frenesie, and was so wod,

That fro his wif, which Rea hihte,

Hise oghne children he to plihte,[1545] 850

P. ii. 156

And eet hem of his comun wone.

Bot Jupiter, which was his Sone

And of full age, his fader bond

And kutte of with his oghne hond

Hise genitals, whiche als so faste

Into the depe See he caste;

Wherof the Greks afferme and seie,

Thus whan thei were caste aweie,

Cam Venus forth be weie of kinde.

And of Saturne also I finde 860

How afterward into an yle

This Jupiter him dede exile,[1546]

Wher that he stod in gret meschief.

Lo, which a god thei maden chief!

And sithen that such on was he,

Which stod most hihe in his degre[1547]

Among the goddes, thou miht knowe,

These othre, that ben more lowe,

Ben litel worth, as it is founde.

Iupiter deus deliciarum.

For Jupiter was the secounde, 870

Which Juno hadde unto his wif;

And yit a lechour al his lif

He was, and in avouterie

He wroghte many a tricherie;

And for he was so full of vices,

Thei cleped him god of delices:

Of whom, if thou wolt more wite,

Ovide the Poete hath write.

Bot yit here Sterres bothe tuo,

Saturne and Jupiter also, 880

P. ii. 157

Thei have, althogh thei be to blame,

Attitled to here oghne name.

Mars deus belli.

Mars was an other in that lawe,

The which in Dace was forthdrawe,

Of whom the clerk Vegecius

Wrot in his bok, and tolde thus,

Hou he into Ytaile cam,

And such fortune ther he nam,

That he a Maiden hath oppressed,

Which in hire ordre was professed, 890

As sche which was the Prioresse

In Vestes temple the goddesse,

So was sche wel the mor to blame.[1548]

Dame Ylia this ladi name

Men clepe, and ek sche was also

The kinges dowhter that was tho,

Which Mynitor be name hihte.

So that ayein the lawes ryhte

Mars thilke time upon hire that

Remus and Romulus begat, 900

Whiche after, whan thei come in Age,[1549]

Of knihthode and of vassellage

Ytaile al hol thei overcome

And foundeden the grete Rome;

In Armes and of such emprise

Thei weren, that in thilke wise

Here fader Mars for the mervaile

The god was cleped of bataille.

Thei were his children bothe tuo,

Thurgh hem he tok his name so, 910

P. ii. 158

Ther was non other cause why:

And yit a Sterre upon the Sky

He hath unto his name applied,

In which that he is signified.

Appollo deus Sapiencie.[1550]

An other god thei hadden eke,

To whom for conseil thei beseke,

The which was brother to Venus,

Appollo men him clepe thus.

He was an Hunte upon the helles,

Ther was with him no vertu elles, 920

Wherof that enye bokes karpe,

Bot only that he couthe harpe;

Which whanne he walked over londe,[1551]

Fulofte time he tok on honde,

To gete him with his sustienance,

For lacke of other pourveance.

And otherwhile of his falshede

He feignede him to conne arede[1552]

Of thing which after scholde falle;

Wherof among hise sleyhtes alle 930

He hath the lewed folk deceived,

So that the betre he was received.

Lo now, thurgh what creacion

He hath deificacion,

And cleped is the god of wit

To suche as be the foles yit.[1553]

Mercurius deus Mercatorum et furtorum.[1554]

An other god, to whom thei soghte,

Mercurie hihte, and him ne roghte

What thing he stal, ne whom he slowh.[1555]

Of Sorcerie he couthe ynowh, 940

P. ii. 159

That whanne he wolde himself transforme,

Fulofte time he tok the forme

Of womman and his oghne lefte;

So dede he wel the more thefte.

A gret spekere in alle thinges

He was also, and of lesinges

An Auctour, that men wiste non

An other such as he was on.[1556]

And yit thei maden of this thief

A god, which was unto hem lief, 950

And clepede him in tho believes[1557]

The god of Marchantz and of thieves.

Bot yit a sterre upon the hevene

He hath of the planetes sevene.

Vulcanus deus Ignis.

But Vulcanus, of whom I spak,

He hadde a courbe upon the bak,

And therto he was hepehalt:

Of whom thou understonde schalt,

He was a schrewe in al his youthe,

And he non other vertu couthe 960

Of craft to helpe himselve with,

Bot only that he was a Smith

With Jupiter, which in his forge

Diverse thinges made him forge;

So wot I noght for what desir

Thei clepen him the god of fyr.

Eolus deus ventorum.[1558]

King of Cizile Ypolitus

A Sone hadde, and Eolus

He hihte, and of his fader grant

He hield be weie of covenant 970

P. ii. 160

The governance of every yle

Which was longende unto Cizile,

Of hem that fro the lond forein

Leie open to the wynd al plein.

And fro thilke iles to the londe

Fulofte cam the wynd to honde:

After the name of him forthi

The wyndes cleped Eoli

Tho were, and he the god of wynd.[1559]

Lo nou, hou this believe is blynd! 980

The king of Crete Jupiter,

Neptunus deus maris.[1560]

The same which I spak of er,

Unto his brother, which Neptune

Was hote, it list him to comune

Part of his good, so that be Schipe

He mad him strong of the lordschipe[1561]

Of al the See in tho parties;[1562]

Wher that he wroghte his tyrannyes,

And the strange yles al aboute[1563]

He wan, that every man hath doute 990

Upon his marche forto saile;

For he anon hem wolde assaile[1564]

And robbe what thing that thei ladden,

His sauf conduit bot if thei hadden.

Wherof the comun vois aros

In every lond, that such a los

He cawhte, al nere it worth a stre,

That he was cleped of the See

The god be name, and yit he is

With hem that so believe amis. 1000

P. ii. 161

This Neptune ek was thilke also,

Which was the ferste foundour tho

Of noble Troie, and he forthi

Was wel the more lete by.

Pan deus nature.

The loresman of the Schepherdes,

And ek of hem that ben netherdes,[1565]

Was of Archade and hihte Pan:

Of whom hath spoke many a man;

For in the wode of Nonarcigne,[1566]

Enclosed with the tres of Pigne, 1010

And on the Mont of Parasie

He hadde of bestes the baillie,

And ek benethe in the valleie,[1567]

Wher thilke rivere, as men seie,

Which Ladon hihte, made his cours,

He was the chief of governours

Of hem that kepten tame bestes,

Wherof thei maken yit the festes

In the Cite Stinfalides.

And forth withal yit natheles 1020

He tawhte men the forthdrawinge

Of bestaile, and ek the makinge

Of Oxen, and of hors the same,

Hou men hem scholde ryde and tame:

Of foules ek, so as we finde,

Ful many a soubtiel craft of kinde

He fond, which noman knew tofore.

Men dede him worschipe ek therfore,

That he the ferste in thilke lond

Was which the melodie fond 1030

P. ii. 162

Of Riedes, whan thei weren ripe,

With double pipes forto pipe;

Therof he yaf the ferste lore,

Til afterward men couthe more.

To every craft for mannes helpe

He hadde a redi wit to helpe

Thurgh naturel experience:

And thus the nyce reverence

Of foles, whan that he was ded,

The fot hath torned to the hed, 1040

And clepen him god of nature,

For so thei maden his figure.

Bachus deus vini.

An other god, so as thei fiele,

Which Jupiter upon Samele

Begat in his avouterie,

Whom, forto hide his lecherie,

That non therof schal take kepe,

In a Montaigne forto kepe,

Which Dyon hihte and was in Ynde,

He sende, in bokes as I finde:[1568] 1050

And he be name Bachus hihte,

Which afterward, whan that he mihte,

A wastour was, and al his rente

In wyn and bordel he despente.

Bot yit, al were he wonder badde,

Among the Greks a name he hadde;

Thei cleped him the god of wyn,

And thus a glotoun was dyvyn.[1569]

Esculapius deus medicine.[1570]

Ther was yit Esculapius

A godd in thilke time as thus. 1060

P. ii. 163

His craft stod upon Surgerie,

Bot for the lust of lecherie,

That he to Daires dowhter drowh,

It fell that Jupiter him slowh:

And yit thei made him noght forthi[1571]

A god, and was no cause why.

In Rome he was long time also

A god among the Romeins tho;

For, as he seide, of his presence

Ther was destruid a pestilence, 1070

Whan thei to thyle of Delphos wente,

And that Appollo with hem sente[1572]

This Esculapius his Sone,

Among the Romeins forto wone.

And there he duelte for a while,

Til afterward into that yle,

Fro whenne he cam, ayein he torneth,

Where al his lyf that he sojorneth

Among the Greks, til that he deide.

And thei upon him thanne leide 1080

His name, and god of medicine

He hatte after that ilke line.

Hercules deus fortitudinis.[1573]

An other god of Hercules

Thei made, which was natheles

A man, bot that he was so strong,

In al this world that brod and long

So myhti was noman as he.

Merveiles tuelve in his degre,

As it was couth in sondri londes,

He dede with hise oghne hondes 1090

P. ii. 164

Ayein geantz and Monstres bothe,

The whiche horrible were and lothe,

Bot he with strengthe hem overcam:

Wherof so gret a pris he nam,

That thei him clepe amonges alle

The god of strengthe, and to him calle.

And yit ther is no reson inne,

For he a man was full of sinne,

Which proved was upon his ende,

For in a rage himself he brende; 1100

And such a cruel mannes dede

Acordeth nothing with godhede.

Pluto deus Inferni.[1574]

Thei hadde of goddes yit an other,

Which Pluto hihte, and was the brother

Of Jupiter, and he fro youthe[1575]

With every word which cam to mouthe,

Of eny thing whan he was wroth,[1576]

He wolde swere his commun oth,

Be Lethen and be Flegeton,[1577]

Be Cochitum and Acheron, 1110

The whiche, after the bokes telle,

Ben the chief flodes of the helle:[1578]

Be Segne and Stige he swor also,

That ben the depe Pettes tuo

Of helle the most principal.

Pluto these othes overal

Swor of his commun custummance,

Til it befell upon a chance,

That he for Jupiteres sake[1579]

Unto the goddes let do make 1120

P. ii. 165

A sacrifice, and for that dede

On of the pettes for his mede

In helle, of which I spak of er,

Was granted him; and thus he ther

Upon the fortune of this thing

The name tok of helle king.

Lo, these goddes and wel mo

Among the Greks thei hadden tho,

And of goddesses manyon,

Whos names thou schalt hiere anon, 1130

And in what wise thei deceiven

The foles whiche here feith receiven.

Nota, qualiter Sibeles Dearum[1580] Mater et origo nuncupatur.

So as Saturne is soverein

Of false goddes, as thei sein,

So is Sibeles of goddesses

The Moder, whom withoute gesses

The folk Payene honoure and serve,

As thei the whiche hire lawe observe.[1581]

Bot forto knowen upon this

Fro when sche cam and what sche is, 1140

Bethincia the contre hihte,

Wher sche cam ferst to mannes sihte;

And after was Saturnes wif,

Be whom thre children in hire lif

Sche bar, and thei were cleped tho

Juno, Neptunus and Pluto,

The whiche of nyce fantasie

The poeple wolde deifie.

And for hire children were so,[1582]

Sibeles thanne was also 1150

P. ii. 166

Mad a goddesse, and thei hire calle

The moder of the goddes alle.

So was that name bore forth,

And yit the cause is litel worth.

Iuno Dea Regnorum et diuiciarum.[1583]

A vois unto Saturne tolde

Hou that his oghne Sone him scholde[1584]

Out of his regne putte aweie;

And he be cause of thilke weie,

That him was schape such a fate,

Sibele his wif began to hate 1160

And ek hire progenie bothe.

And thus, whil that thei were wrothe,

Be Philerem upon a dai

In his avouterie he lai,

On whom he Jupiter begat;[1585]

And thilke child was after that

Which wroghte al that was prophecied,

As it tofore is specefied:

So that whan Jupiter of Crete

Was king, a wif unto him mete 1170

The Dowhter of Sibele he tok,

And that was Juno, seith the bok.[1586]

Of his deificacion

After the false oppinion,

That have I told, so as thei meene;

And for this Juno was the queene[1587]

Of Jupiter and Soster eke,

The foles unto hire sieke,

And sein that sche is the goddesse

Of Regnes bothe and of richesse: 1180

P. ii. 167

And ek sche, as thei understonde,

The water Nimphes hath in honde

To leden at hire oghne heste;

And whan hir list the Sky tempeste,

The reinbowe is hir Messager.

Lo, which a misbelieve is hier!

That sche goddesse is of the Sky

I wot non other cause why.

Minerua Dea sapienciarum.

An other goddesse is Minerve,

To whom the Greks obeie and serve: 1190

And sche was nyh the grete lay

Of Triton founde, wher sche lay

A child forcast, bot what sche was

Ther knew noman the sothe cas.

Bot in Aufrique sche was leid

In the manere as I have seid,

And caried fro that ilke place

Into an Yle fer in Trace,

The which Palene thanne hihte,[1588]

Wher a Norrice hir kepte and dihte. 1200

And after, for sche was so wys[1589]

That sche fond ferst in hire avis

The cloth makinge of wolle and lyn,[1590]

Men seiden that sche was divin,

And the goddesse of Sapience

Thei clepen hire in that credence.

Pallas Dea bellorum.[1591]

Of the goddesse which Pallas

Is cleped sondri speche was.

On seith hire fader was Pallant,

Which in his time was geant, 1210

P. ii. 168

A cruel man, a bataillous:

An other seith hou in his hous

Sche was the cause why he deide.

And of this Pallas some ek seide

That sche was Martes wif; and so

Among the men that weren tho

Of misbelieve in the riote

The goddesse of batailles hote

She was, and yit sche berth the name.

Now loke, hou they be forto blame. 1220

Ceres dea frugum.[1592]

Saturnus after his exil

Fro Crete cam in gret peril

Into the londes of Ytaile,

And ther he dede gret mervaile,

Wherof his name duelleth yit.

For he fond of his oghne wit

The ferste craft of plowh tilinge,

Of Eringe and of corn sowinge,

And how men scholden sette vines

And of the grapes make wynes;[1593] 1230

Al this he tawhte, and it fell so,

His wif, the which cam with him tho,[1594]

Was cleped Cereres be name,

And for sche tawhte also the same,

And was his wif that ilke throwe,

As it was to the poeple knowe,

Thei made of Ceres a goddesse,

In whom here tilthe yit thei blesse,[1595]

And sein that Tricolonius

Hire Sone goth amonges ous 1240

P. ii. 169

And makth the corn good chep or dere,

Riht as hire list fro yer to yeere;

So that this wif be cause of this

Goddesse of Cornes cleped is.

Diana Dea Moncium et Siluarum.[1596]

King Jupiter, which his likinge

Whilom fulfelde in alle thinge,

So priveliche aboute he ladde

His lust, that he his wille hadde

Of Latona, and on hire that

Diane his dowhter he begat 1250

Unknowen of his wif Juno.

And afterward sche knew it so,[1597]

That Latona for drede fledde[1598]

Into an Ile, wher sche hedde

Hire wombe, which of childe aros.

Thilke yle cleped was Delos;[1599]

In which Diana was forthbroght,

And kept so that hire lacketh noght.

And after, whan sche was of Age,

Sche tok non hiede of mariage, 1260

Bot out of mannes compaignie

Sche tok hire al to venerie[1600]

In forest and in wildernesse;

For ther was al hire besinesse

Be daie and ek be nyhtes tyde

With arwes brode under the side

And bowe in honde, of which sche slowh

And tok al that hir liste ynowh

Of bestes whiche ben chacable:

Wherof the Cronique of this fable 1270

P. ii. 170

Seith that the gentils most of alle

Worschipen hire and to hire calle,

And the goddesse of hihe helles,

Of grene trees, of freisshe welles,

They clepen hire in that believe,

Which that no reson mai achieve.

Proserpina Dea Infernorum.

Proserpina, which dowhter was

Of Cereres, befell this cas:

Whil sche was duellinge in Cizile,[1601]

Hire moder in that ilke while 1280

Upon hire blessinge and hire heste

Bad that sche scholde ben honeste,

And lerne forto weve and spinne,

And duelle at hom and kepe hire inne.

Bot sche caste al that lore aweie,

And as sche wente hir out to pleie,[1602]

To gadre floures in a pleine,[1603]

And that was under the monteine

Of Ethna, fell the same tyde

That Pluto cam that weie ryde,[1604] 1290

And sodeinly, er sche was war,

He tok hire up into his char.

And as thei riden in the field,

Hire grete beaute he behield,

Which was so plesant in his ÿe,

That forto holde in compainie

He weddeth hire and hield hire so[1605]

To ben his wif for everemo.

And as thou hast tofore herd telle

Hou he was cleped god of helle, 1300

P. ii. 171

So is sche cleped the goddesse

Be cause of him, ne mor ne lesse.

Confessor.

Lo, thus, mi Sone, as I thee tolde,

The Greks whilom be daies olde

Here goddes hadde in sondri wise,

And thurgh the lore of here aprise

The Romeins hielden ek the same.

And in the worschipe of here name[1606]

To every godd in special

Thei made a temple forth withal, 1310

And ech of hem his yeeres dai

Attitled hadde; and of arai

The temples weren thanne ordeigned,

And ek the poeple was constreigned

To come and don here sacrifice;

The Prestes ek in here office

Solempne maden thilke festes.

And thus the Greks lich to the bestes[1607]

The men in stede of god honoure,

Whiche mihten noght hemself socoure, 1320

Whil that thei were alyve hiere.

And over this, as thou schalt hiere,

Nota, quod dii Montium Satiri vocantur.

The Greks fulfild of fantasie

Sein ek that of the helles hihe

The goddes ben in special,

Bot of here name in general

Thei hoten alle Satiri.

Oreades Nimphe Montium.

Ther ben of Nimphes proprely

In the believe of hem also:

Oreades thei seiden tho 1330

P. ii. 172

Attitled ben to the monteines;[1608]

Driades Siluarum.

And for the wodes in demeynes

To kepe, tho ben Driades;[1609]

Naiades fontium.

Of freisshe welles Naiades;

And of the Nimphes of the See

Nereides Marium.[1610]

I finde a tale in proprete,

Hou Dorus whilom king of Grece,

Which hadde of infortune a piece,—

His wif forth with hire dowhtres alle,[1611]

So as the happes scholden falle, 1340

With many a gentil womman there

Dreint in the salte See thei were:

Wherof the Greks that time seiden,

And such a name upon hem leiden,

Nereïdes that thei ben hote,

The Nimphes whiche that thei note

To regne upon the stremes salte.

Lo now, if this believe halte!

Bot of the Nimphes as thei telle,[1612]

In every place wher thei duelle 1350

Thei ben al redi obeissant

As damoiselles entendant

To the goddesses, whos servise[1613]

Thei mote obeie in alle wise;

Wherof the Greks to hem beseke

With tho that ben goddesses eke,

And have in hem a gret credence.

Manes dii mortuorum.[1614]

And yit withoute experience

Salve only of illusion,

Which was to hem dampnacion, 1360

P. ii. 173

For men also that were dede

Thei hadden goddes, as I rede,

And tho be name Manes hihten,

To whom ful gret honour thei dihten,

So as the Grekes lawe seith,

Which was ayein the rihte feith.

Thus have I told a gret partie;

Bot al the hole progenie

Of goddes in that ilke time

To long it were forto rime. 1370

Bot yit of that which thou hast herd,

Of misbelieve hou it hath ferd,

Ther is a gret diversite.

Amans.

Mi fader, riht so thenketh me.

Bot yit o thing I you beseche,

Which stant in alle mennes speche,

The godd and the goddesse of love,

Of whom ye nothing hier above

Have told, ne spoken of her fare,

That ye me wolden now declare 1380

Hou thei ferst comen to that name.[1615]

Mi Sone, I have it left for schame,

Be cause I am here oghne Prest;[1616]

Qualiter Cupido et Venus deus et dea amoris nuncupantur.[1617]

Bot for thei stonden nyh thi brest[1618]

Upon the schrifte of thi matiere,

Thou schalt of hem the sothe hiere:

And understand nou wel the cas.

Venus Saturnes dowhter was,

Which alle danger putte aweie

Of love, and fond to lust a weie; 1390

P. ii. 174

So that of hire in sondri place

Diverse men felle into grace,

And such a lusti lif sche ladde,

That sche diverse children hadde,

Nou on be this, nou on be that.

Of hire it was that Mars beyat

A child, which cleped was Armene;

Of hire also cam Andragene,

To whom Mercurie fader was:

Anchises begat Eneas 1400

Of hire also, and Ericon

Biten begat, and therupon,

Whan that sche sih ther was non other,

Be Jupiter hire oghne brother

Sche lay, and he begat Cupide.[1619]

And thilke Sone upon a tyde,

Whan he was come unto his Age,

He hadde a wonder fair visage,

And fond his Moder amourous,

And he was also lecherous: 1410

So whan thei weren bothe al one,

As he which yhen hadde none

To se reson, his Moder kiste;

And sche also, that nothing wiste

Bot that which unto lust belongeth,

To ben hire love him underfongeth.

Thus was he blind, and sche unwys:

Bot natheles this cause it is,

Why Cupide is the god of love,

For he his moder dorste love. 1420

P. ii. 175

And sche, which thoghte hire lustes fonde,

Diverse loves tok in honde,

Wel mo thanne I the tolde hiere:[1620]

And for sche wolde hirselve skiere,

Sche made comun that desport,

And sette a lawe of such a port,

That every womman mihte take

What man hire liste, and noght forsake

To ben als comun as sche wolde.[1621]

Sche was the ferste also which tolde 1430

That wommen scholde here bodi selle;

Semiramis, so as men telle,

Of Venus kepte thilke aprise,

And so dede in the same wise

Of Rome faire Neabole,

Which liste hire bodi to rigole;

Sche was to every man felawe,

And hild the lust of thilke lawe,[1622]

Which Venus of hirself began;

Wherof that sche the name wan, 1440

Why men hire clepen the goddesse

Of love and ek of gentilesse,

Of worldes lust and of plesance.

Se nou the foule mescreance

Of Greks in thilke time tho,

Whan Venus tok hire name so.

Ther was no cause under the Mone[1623]

Of which thei hadden tho to done,

Of wel or wo wher so it was,

That thei ne token in that cas 1450

P. ii. 176

A god to helpe or a goddesse.

Wherof, to take mi witnesse,

Nota de Epistola Dindimi Regis Bragmannorum Alexandro magno directa, vbi dicit quod Greci tunc ad corporis conseruacionem pro singulis membris singulos deos specialiter appropriari credunt.

The king of Bragmans Dindimus[1624]

Wrot unto Alisandre thus:

In blaminge of the Grekes feith

And of the misbelieve, he seith

How thei for every membre hadden

A sondri god, to whom thei spradden

Here armes, and of help besoghten.

Minerve for the hed thei soghten, 1460

For sche was wys, and of a man

The wit and reson which he can

Is in the celles of the brayn,

Wherof thei made hire soverain.

Mercurie, which was in his dawes

A gret spekere of false lawes,

On him the kepinge of the tunge

Thei leide, whan thei spieke or sunge.

For Bachus was a glotoun eke,

Him for the throte thei beseke, 1470

That he it wolde waisshen ofte

With swote drinkes and with softe.

The god of schuldres and of armes

Was Hercules; for he in armes

The myhtieste was to fihte,

To him tho Limes they behihte.[1625]

The god whom that thei clepen Mart[1626]

The brest to kepe hath for his part,

Forth with the herte, in his ymage

That he adresce the corage. 1480

P. ii. 177

And of the galle the goddesse,

For sche was full of hastifesse[1627]

Of wraththe and liht to grieve also,

Thei made and seide it was Juno.

Cupide, which the brond afyre[1628]

Bar in his hond, he was the Sire[1629]

Of the Stomak, which builleth evere,

Wherof the lustes ben the levere.

To the goddesse Cereres,[1630]

Which of the corn yaf hire encress 1490

Upon the feith that tho was take,

The wombes cure was betake;

And Venus thurgh the Lecherie,

For which that thei hire deifie,

Sche kept al doun the remenant[1631]

To thilke office appourtenant.

[ORIGIN OF IDOL-WORSHIP.]

Thus was dispers in sondri wise

The misbelieve, as I devise,

Nota de prima ydolorum cultura, que ex tribus precipue Statuis exorta est; quarum prima fuit illa, quam in filii sui memoriam quidam princeps nomine Cirophanes a sculptore Promotheo fabricari constituit.

With many an ymage of entaile,

Of suche as myhte hem noght availe; 1500

For thei withoute lyves chiere

Unmyhti ben to se or hiere

Or speke or do or elles fiele;

And yit the foles to hem knele,

Which is here oghne handes werk.

Ha lord, hou this believe is derk,

And fer fro resonable wit!

And natheles thei don it yit:

That was to day a ragged tre,

To morwe upon his majeste 1510

P. ii. 178

Stant in the temple wel besein.

How myhte a mannes resoun sein

That such a Stock mai helpe or grieve?

Bot thei that ben of such believe

And unto suche goddes calle,

It schal to hem riht so befalle,

And failen ate moste nede.[1632]

Bot if thee list to taken hiede

And of the ferste ymage wite,

Petornius therof hath write[1633] 1520

And ek Nigargorus also;

And thei afferme and write so,

That Promotheüs was tofore

And fond the ferste craft therfore,

And Cirophanes, as thei telle,

Thurgh conseil which was take in helle,[1634]

In remembrance of his lignage[1635]

Let setten up the ferste ymage.

Of Cirophanes seith the bok,

That he for sorwe, which he tok 1530

Of that he sih his Sone ded,

Of confort knew non other red,

Bot let do make in remembrance

A faire ymage of his semblance

And sette it in the market place,[1636]

Which openly tofore his face

Stod every dai to don him ese.

And thei that thanne wolden plese

The fader, scholden it obeie,

Whan that they comen thilke weie. 1540

P. ii. 179

Secunda Statua fuit illa, quam ad sui patris Beli culturam Rex Ninus fieri et adorari decreuit. Et sic de nomine Beli postea Bel et Belzebub ydolum accreuit.

And of Ninus king of Assire

I rede hou that in his empire

He was next after the secounde

Of hem that ferst ymages founde.

For he riht in semblable cas

Of Belus, which his fader was

Fro Nembroth in the rihte line,

Let make of gold and Stones fine

A precious ymage riche

After his fader evene liche; 1550

And therupon a lawe he sette,

That every man of pure dette

With sacrifice and with truage

Honoure scholde thilke ymage:

So that withinne time it fell,

Of Belus cam the name of Bel,

Of Bel cam Belzebub, and so

The misbelieve wente tho.

Tercia Statua fuit illa, que ad honorem Apis Regis Grecorum sculpta fuit, cui postea nomen Serapis imponentes, ipsum quasi deum Pagani coluerunt.

The thridde ymage next to this

Was, whan the king of Grece Apis 1560

Was ded, thei maden a figure

In resemblance of his stature.

Of this king Apis seith the bok

That Serapis his name tok,

In whom thurgh long continuance

Of misbelieve a gret creance

Thei hadden, and the reverence

Of Sacrifice and of encence

To him thei made: and as thei telle,

Among the wondres that befelle, 1570

P. ii. 180

Whan Alisandre fro Candace

Cam ridende, in a wilde place

Undur an hull a Cave he fond;[1637]

And Candalus, which in that lond

Was bore, and was Candaces Sone,

Him tolde hou that of commun wone

The goddes were in thilke cave.

And he, that wolde assaie and have[1638]

A knowlechinge if it be soth,

Liht of his hors and in he goth, 1580

And fond therinne that he soghte:

For thurgh the fendes sleihte him thoghte,

Amonges othre goddes mo

That Serapis spak to him tho,

Whom he sih there in gret arrai.

And thus the fend fro dai to dai

The worschipe of ydolatrie

Drowh forth upon the fantasie

Of hem that weren thanne blinde

And couthen noght the trouthe finde. 1590

Thus hast thou herd in what degre

Of Grece, Egipte and of Caldee

The misbelieves whilom stode;[1639]

And hou so that thei be noght goode

Ne trewe, yit thei sprungen oute,

Wherof the wyde world aboute

His part of misbelieve tok.

Til so befell, as seith the bok,

That god a poeple for himselve

Hath chose of the lignages tuelve, 1600

P. ii. 181

Wherof the sothe redely,

As it is write in Genesi,

I thenke telle in such a wise

That it schal be to thin apprise.

[iv. BELIEF OF THE JEWS.]

De Hebreorum seu Iudeorum Secta, quorum Sinagoga, ecclesia Cristi superueniente, defecit.

After the flod, fro which Noë

Was sauf, the world in his degre

Was mad, as who seith, newe ayein,

Of flour, of fruit, of gras, of grein,

Of beste, of bridd and of mankinde,

Which evere hath be to god unkinde: 1610

For noght withstondende al the fare,

Of that this world was mad so bare

And afterward it was restored,

Among the men was nothing mored

Towardes god of good lyvynge,

Bot al was torned to likinge

After the fleissh, so that foryete

Was he which yaf hem lif and mete,

Of hevene and Erthe creatour.

And thus cam forth the grete errour, 1620

That thei the hihe god ne knewe,

Bot maden othre goddes newe,

As thou hast herd me seid tofore:

Ther was noman that time bore,[1640]

That he ne hadde after his chois

A god, to whom he yaf his vois.

Wherof the misbelieve cam

Into the time of Habraham:[1641]

Bot he fond out the rihte weie,

Hou only that men scholde obeie 1630

P. ii. 182

The hihe god, which weldeth al,

And evere hath don and evere schal,

In hevene, in Erthe and ek in helle;[1642]

Ther is no tunge his miht mai telle.

This Patriarch to his lignage

Forbad, that thei to non ymage

Encline scholde in none wise,

Bot here offrende and sacrifise

With al the hole hertes love

Unto the mihti god above 1640

Thei scholden yive and to no mo:

And thus in thilke time tho

Began the Secte upon this Erthe,[1643]

Which of believes was the ferthe.

Of rihtwisnesse it was conceived,

So moste it nedes be received[1644]

Of him that alle riht is inne,[1645]

The hihe god, which wolde winne

A poeple unto his oghne feith.

On Habraham the ground he leith, 1650

And made him forto multeplie

Into so gret a progenie,

That thei Egipte al overspradde.[1646]

Bot Pharao with wrong hem ladde

In servitute ayein the pes,

Til god let sende Moïses

To make the deliverance;

And for his poeple gret vengance

He tok, which is to hiere a wonder.

The king was slain, the lond put under, 1660

P. ii. 183

God bad the rede See divide,

Which stod upriht on either side[1647]

And yaf unto his poeple a weie,

That thei on fote it passe dreie[1648]

And gon so forth into desert:

Wher forto kepe hem in covert,

The daies, whan the Sonne brente,[1649]

A large cloude hem overwente,

And forto wissen hem be nyhte,

A firy Piler hem alyhte. 1670

And whan that thei for hunger pleigne,

The myhti god began to reyne

Manna fro hevene doun to grounde,

Wherof that ech of hem hath founde

His fode, such riht as him liste;

And for thei scholde upon him triste,

Riht as who sette a tonne abroche,

He percede the harde roche,[1650]

And sprong out water al at wille,

That man and beste hath drunke his fille: 1680

And afterward he yaf the lawe

To Moïses, that hem withdrawe

Thei scholden noght fro that he bad.

And in this wise thei be lad,

Til thei toke in possession[1651]

The londes of promission,

Wher that Caleph and Josuë

The Marches upon such degre

Departen, after the lignage

That ech of hem as Heritage 1690

P. ii. 184

His porpartie hath underfonge.

And thus stod this believe longe,

Which of prophetes was governed;

And thei hadde ek the poeple lerned

Of gret honour that scholde hem falle;

Bot ate moste nede of alle

Thei faileden, whan Crist was bore.

Bot hou that thei here feith have bore,[1652]

It nedeth noght to tellen al,

The matiere is so general: 1700

Whan Lucifer was best in hevene

And oghte moste have stonde in evene,

Towardes god he tok debat;

And for that he was obstinat,

And wolde noght to trouthe encline,

He fell for evere into ruine:

And Adam ek in Paradis,

Whan he stod most in al his pris

After thastat of Innocence,

Ayein the god brak his defence 1710

And fell out of his place aweie:

And riht be such a maner weie

The Jwes in here beste plit,[1653]

Whan that thei scholden most parfit

Have stonde upon the prophecie,[1654]

Tho fellen thei to most folie,

And him which was fro hevene come,

And of a Maide his fleissh hath nome,

And was among hem bore and fedd,

As men that wolden noght be spedd 1720

P. ii. 185

Of goddes Sone, with o vois

Thei hinge and slowhe upon the crois.

Wherof the parfit of here lawe

Fro thanne forth hem was withdrawe,

So that thei stonde of no merit,

Bot in truage as folk soubgit

Withoute proprete of place

Thei liven out of goddes grace,

Dispers in alle londes oute.

And thus the feith is come aboute, 1730

That whilom in the Jewes stod,

Which is noght parfihtliche good.

To speke as it is nou befalle,

Ther is a feith aboven alle,

In which the trouthe is comprehended,

Wherof that we ben alle amended.

[THE CHRISTIAN FAITH.]

De fide Cristiana, in qua perfecte legis complementum, summi misterii sacramentum, nostreque saluacionis fundamentum infallibiliter[1655] consistere credimus.

The hihe almyhti majeste,

Of rihtwisnesse and of pite,

The Sinne which that Adam wroghte,

Whan he sih time, ayein he boghte, 1740

And sende his Sone fro the hevene

To sette mannes Soule in evene,[1656]

Which thanne was so sore falle[1657]

Upon the point which was befalle,

That he ne mihte himself arise.[1658]

Gregoire seith in his aprise,[1659]

It helpeth noght a man be bore,

If goddes Sone were unbore;

For thanne thurgh the ferste Sinne,

Which Adam whilom broghte ous inne, 1750

P. ii. 186

Ther scholden alle men be lost;

Bot Crist restoreth thilke lost,

And boghte it with his fleissh and blod.

And if we thenken hou it stod

Of thilke rancoun which he payde,

Gregorius. O necessarium Ade peccatum![1660] O felix culpa, que talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem!

As seint Gregoire it wrot and sayde,

Al was behovely to the man:

For that wherof his wo began

Was after cause of al his welthe,

Whan he which is the welle of helthe, 1760

The hihe creatour of lif,

Upon the nede of such a strif

So wolde for his creature[1661]

Take on himself the forsfaiture

And soffre for the mannes sake.

Thus mai no reson wel forsake

That thilke Senne original

Ne was the cause in special

Of mannes worschipe ate laste,

Which schal withouten ende laste. 1770

For be that cause the godhede

Assembled was to the manhede[1662]

In the virgine, where he nom

Oure fleissh and verai man becom

Of bodely fraternite;

Wherof the man in his degre

Stant more worth, as I have told,

Than he stod erst be manyfold,

Thurgh baptesme of the newe lawe,

Of which Crist lord is and felawe. 1780

P. ii. 187

And thus the hihe goddes myht,[1663]

Which was in the virgine alyht,

The mannes Soule hath reconsiled,

Which hadde longe ben exiled.

So stant the feith upon believe,

Withoute which mai non achieve

To gete him Paradis ayein:

Bot this believe is so certein,

So full of grace and of vertu,

That what man clepeth to Jhesu 1790

In clene lif forthwith good dede,[1664]

He mai noght faile of hevene mede,

Which taken hath the rihte feith;

For elles, as the gospel seith,

Salvacion ther mai be non.

And forto preche therupon

Crist bad to hise Apostles alle,

The whos pouer as nou is falle

On ous that ben of holi cherche,

Iacobus. Fides sine operibus mortua est.[1665]

If we the goode dedes werche;[1666] 1800

For feith only sufficeth noght,[1667]

Bot if good dede also be wroght.

Confessor.

Now were it good that thou forthi,

Which thurgh baptesme proprely

Art unto Cristes feith professed,

Be war that thou be noght oppressed

Nota hic contra istos qui iam lollardi dicuntur.[1668]

With Anticristes lollardie.

For as the Jwes prophecie[1669]

Was set of god for avantage,

Riht so this newe tapinage 1810

P. ii. 188

Of lollardie goth aboute

To sette Cristes feith in doute.

The seintz that weren ous tofore,

Be whom the feith was ferst upbore,

That holi cherche stod relieved,

Thei oghten betre be believed

Than these, whiche that men knowe

Noght holy, thogh thei feigne and blowe

Here lollardie in mennes Ere.

Bot if thou wolt live out of fere, 1820

Such newe lore, I rede, eschuie,

And hold forth riht the weie and suie,

As thine Ancestres dede er this:

So schalt thou noght believe amis.

Incepit Jhesus facere et docere.

Crist wroghte ferst and after tawhte,

So that the dede his word arawhte;[1670]

He yaf ensample in his persone,

And we the wordes have al one,

Lich to the Tree with leves grene,

Upon the which no fruit is sene. 1830

Nota quod, cum Anthenor Palladium Troie a templo Minerue abstulit, Thoas ibidem summus sacerdos auro corruptus oculos auertit, et sic malum quasi non videns scienter fieri permisit.

The Priest Thoas, which of Minerve

The temple hadde forto serve,

And the Palladion of Troie

Kepte under keie, for monoie,

Of Anthenor which he hath nome,[1671]

Hath soffred Anthenor to come

And the Palladion to stele,

Wherof the worschipe and the wele

Of the Troiens was overthrowe.

Bot Thoas at the same throwe, 1840

P. ii. 189

Whan Anthenor this Juel tok,

Wynkende caste awei his lok

For a deceipte and for a wyle:

As he that scholde himself beguile,

He hidde his yhen fro the sihte,

And wende wel that he so mihte

Excuse his false conscience.

I wot noght if thilke evidence

Nou at this time in here estatz[1672]

Excuse mihte the Prelatz, 1850

Knowende hou that the feith discresceth

And alle moral vertu cesseth,

Wherof that thei the keies bere,

Bot yit hem liketh noght to stere

Here gostliche yhe forto se[1673]

The world in his adversite;

Thei wol no labour undertake

To kepe that hem is betake.

Crist deide himselve for the feith,

Bot nou our feerfull prelat seith, 1860

‘The lif is suete,’ and that he kepeth,

So that the feith unholpe slepeth,

And thei unto here ese entenden

And in here lust her lif despenden,

And every man do what him list.

Thus stant this world fulfild of Mist,

That noman seth the rihte weie:

The wardes of the cherche keie

Thurgh mishandlinge ben myswreynt,

The worldes wawe hath welnyh dreynt 1870

P. ii. 190

The Schip which Peter hath to stiere,

The forme is kept, bot the matiere

Transformed is in other wise.

Bot if thei weren gostli wise,

And that the Prelatz weren goode,

As thei be olde daies stode,

It were thanne litel nede

Among the men to taken hiede

Of that thei hieren Pseudo telle,[1674]

Which nou is come forto duelle, 1880

To sowe cokkel with the corn,

So that the tilthe is nyh forlorn,

Which Crist sew ferst his oghne hond.[1675]

Nou stant the cockel in the lond,

Wher stod whilom the goode grein,

For the Prelatz nou, as men sein,

Forslowthen that thei scholden tile.

And that I trowe be the skile,

Whan ther is lacke in hem above,

The poeple is stranged to the love 1890

Of trouthe, in cause of ignorance;

For wher ther is no pourveance

Of liht, men erren in the derke.[1676]

Bot if the Prelatz wolden werke

Upon the feith which thei ous teche,

Men scholden noght here weie seche

Withoute liht, as now is used:

Men se the charge aldai refused,

Which holi cherche hath undertake.

Gregorius. Quando Petrus cum Judea, Andreas cum Achaia, Thomas cum Yndea, et Paulus cum gente venient, quid dicemus nos moderni, quorum fossum talentum pro nichilo computabitur?

Bot who that wolde ensample take, 1900

P. ii. 191

Gregoire upon his Omelie

Ayein the Slouthe of Prelacie

Compleigneth him, and thus he seith:

‘Whan Peter, fader of the feith,

At domesdai schal with him bringe

Judeam, which thurgh his prechinge[1677]

He wan, and Andrew with Achaie

Schal come his dette forto paie,

And Thomas ek with his beyete

Of Ynde, and Poul the routes grete 1910

Of sondri londes schal presente,[1678]

And we fulfild of lond and rente,

Which of this world we holden hiere,

With voide handes schul appiere,

Touchende oure cure spirital,

Which is our charge in special,

I not what thing it mai amonte

Upon thilke ende of oure accompte,

Wher Crist himself is Auditour,

Which takth non hiede of vein honour.’ 1920

Thoffice of the Chancellerie

Or of the kinges Tresorie

Ne for the writ ne for the taille[1679]

To warant mai noght thanne availe;

The world, which nou so wel we trowe,[1680]

Schal make ous thanne bot a mowe:

So passe we withoute mede,

That we non otherwise spede,

Bot as we rede that he spedde,

The which his lordes besant hedde 1930

P. ii. 192

And therupon gat non encress.

Bot at this time natheles,

What other man his thonk deserve,

The world so lusti is to serve,

That we with him ben all acorded,

And that is wist and wel recorded

Thurghout this Erthe in alle londes

Let knyhtes winne with here hondes,

For oure tunge schal be stille

And stonde upon the fleisshes wille. 1940

It were a travail forto preche

The feith of Crist, as forto teche

The folk Paiene, it wol noght be;

Bot every Prelat holde his See

With al such ese as he mai gete

Of lusti drinke and lusti mete,[1681]

Wherof the bodi fat and full

Is unto gostli labour dull

And slowh to handle thilke plowh.

Bot elles we ben swifte ynowh 1950

Toward the worldes Avarice;

And that is as a sacrifice,[1682]

Which, after that thapostel seith,[1683]

Is openly ayein the feith

Unto thidoles yove and granted:

Bot natheles it is nou haunted,

And vertu changed into vice,

So that largesce is Avarice,

In whos chapitre now we trete.

Amans.

Mi fader, this matiere is bete 1960

P. ii. 193

So fer, that evere whil I live

I schal the betre hede yive

Unto miself be many weie:

Bot over this nou wolde I preie

To wite what the branches are[1684]

Of Avarice, and hou thei fare

Als wel in love as otherwise.

Confessor.

Mi Sone, and I thee schal devise

In such a manere as thei stonde,[1685]

So that thou schalt hem understonde.[1686] 1970

(LIBRI QUINTI §§ iii—xiii in sequenti volumine continentur)

LINENOTES:

1446 Latin Verses i. 5 dicet AM ... B₂

1447 4 þer was G, AdB

1448 30 Wher in it moste nedes dwelle H₁ ... B₂

1449 35 asyhte F

1450 40 ouermore, B

1451 47 that he] þat þat A

47 f. ffor he þer of his part ne taþ

Bot kepeþ to anoþer þat he haþ

So H₁ ... B₂ with some variations (þat for Bot C it hath for he haþ H₁)

1452 59 farst F fare A ... B₂, Ad ... Δ

1453 73 departe AMH₁ om. Ad

1454 82 To holde hir whil my lif may laste H₁ ... B₂ line om. T

1455 103 fiele] seche A ... B₂

1456 104 fulofte I A ... B₂ ofte I H₁

1457 110 wise] þing A ... B₂

1458 120 acordeþ XE ... B₂

1459 129 fulle AM

1460 133 that he] he to H₁ ... B₂

1461 135 He is] He as H₁ ... B₂

1462 141 the om. AMB₂, T

1463 142 his] þis A ... B₂

1464 160 margin tunc] tantum BT om. G, Δ

1465 143 the] is AM

1466 146 payed CB₂, AdB

1467 159 tho] þus BT

1468 168 that om. B

1469 173 þe king A ... B₂

1470 185 þe poyntes whiche H₁, BT, W

1471 188 Tho XGERCB₂, B They H₁

1472 196 the world] worldes A ... B₂, Λ

1473 201 is al AM

1474 210 þis world H₁ ... B₂

1475 211 myhte om. H₁ ... B₂ (hadde for have H₁)

1476 212 a mannes H₁ ... B₂, Ad, W

1477 217 the] þo GEC þese (þeis) AdBTΔ

1478 235 þe king BT

1479 242 the om. AMH₁XRLB₂

1480 249 telleþ AM

1481 253 dropesie (dropseie) AM

1482 268 þer vpon B

1483 273 put AJ, F putte C, BT

1484 274 He touched (toucheþ) al þat by him lay H₁ ... B₂, Λ (toucheþ H₁GC touchit B₂ touche X)

1485 278 al] as AM

1486 281 him most(e) AJMG ... B₂

1487 288 al] as AMXERLB₂

1488 295 þis SBT

1489 301 waisshen F waisschen B wasshen (waschen) AJ, S

1490 306 wyssh (wissh) SB wisshe AJ, F

1491 314 change AM

1492 316 hom] þanne (þan) H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1493 332 bruche AM

1494 350 befull F

1495 364 Benethe] Grieueþ C &c.

1496 368 And for no drede now wol I wonde H₁ ... B₂, Λ

1497 371 ffor what man stonde B ffor what man þat stonde T

1498 372 unto] to H₁ ... B₂, BTΔ, W vp to Λ

1499 385 a doun J, F adoun A, B

1500 394 forbiedeþ J, S, F forbedeþ A, B The more he haþ þe more he greedeþ H₁ ... B₂, Λ (dredeþ for greedeþ R)

1501 412 tak SB take AJ, F

1502 424 everemore] ouercome AM ... B₂, Λ

1503 448 vnderstod (vnderstood) AJ, B vnderstode S, F er this] þis AM ... L I wis B₂

1504 454 Now om. A ... B₂

1505 458 margin de om. AMXRCLB₂, Δ

1506 459 ilke] þilke AM

1507 463 on] in H₁ ... B₂

1508 471 as om. H₁ ... B₂, Δ

1509 486 I] it AM

1510 487 neveremore] neuer B neuermore more T

1511 493 fro] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, B

1512 505 liste] lust to B

1513 511 his H₁ ... B₂, W

1514 534 Wher of H₁G ... B₂ Where þat X

1515 536 as doth] and as G, B

1516 545 at om. AM

1517 551 his] þat B

1518 601 bagge BT

1519 606 euere more AJ, F eueremore SB

1520 611 at] of B

1521 649 Al AM ... B₂

1522 654 auerous BTΛ

1523 659 And sche þan þoughte how sche mighte B Grete it was and sore he sight Λ line om. T

1524 660 As sche BTΛ

1525 671 apposeþ AM, W

1526 681 him AMECLB₂

1527 691 that] how þat H₁XRCLB₂ how GE

1528 698 þe BT

1529 702 he leide] is leid(e) H₁ ... B₂ was leyed W

1530 Latin Verses ii. 1 Mentibus H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ, W

1531 4 Equiperans A Equipans J, B, F

1532 764 experience H₁ ... B₂, Δ

1533 773 ff. margin Et nota—decreuit om. BT

1534 781 of] as E ... B₂ os X

1535 786 And wol (woln) non oþer maner leue H₁ ... B₂ (whi for wol R)

1536 787 margin De Secta Egipciorum om. B

1537 787 lo] so B om. ME

1538 792 thogh om. AMH₁B₂, Δ

1539 795 forth] feiþ L seþ C seintis B₂

1540 811 þegipcienes (þe Egipcienes) YGEC, BΔ þe Egipcianis X thegipciens (þe Egipciens) AJMH₁RB₂, SAdT, FWH₃ egipcens L

1541 821 as in 811 but Egipcienes Y þegipciens L

1542 833 Fro] Of A ... B₂

1543 835 margin De Secta Grecorum] De secta egipciorum B om. E

1544 836 that om. XRCLB₂

1545 850 he to plihte (toplighte &c.) J, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ al to plyhte (alto plight &c.) AM ... B₂

1546 862 dede him H₁ ... B₂, Δ, W

1547 866 hihe A, S, F hih BT

1548 893 he BT

1549 901 Whiche A, S Which J, B, F

1550 915 margin Sciencie A

1551 923 whane F

1552 928 feigneþ B

1553 936 be the] beþ þe AMXE ... B₂ ther beth H₁ ben (om. the) J, Δ, W

1554 937 f. margin Mercurius—furtorum om. X ... CB₂, H₃ Mercurius deus latronum L Mercurie deus H₁

1555 939 stal] dide (dede) H₁ ... B₂

1556 948 ōn F

1557 951 tho] þe X ... B₂, Ad

1558 967 margin Eolus deus ventorum om. B

1559 979 Tho] They (þai &c.) H₁ ... B₂, B

1560 981 margin Neptunus deus maris om. X ... B₂ Iubiter deus deliciarum H₁

1561 986 mad J, S, F made AC, B

1562 987 tho] þe H₁ ... B₂

1563 989 al om. BT

1564 992 wold(e) hem H₁ ... B₂, Δ he wolde hem M

1565 1006 ben om. AM

1566 1009 Nonarigne (Nouarigne, Nonareigne &c.) H₁ ... B₂, B Nonartigne (Nonartyne) M, WH₃

1567 1013 benethe in] beneþe (by neþe, benethen &c.) H₁ ... B₂, BT beneþin A

1568 1050 sende] sayde B line om. T

1569 1058 a glotoun] þe glotoun B

1570 1059 margin Esculapius deus medicine om. B

1571 1065 thei om. AMXRCLB₂

1572 1072 him AM ... CB₂, BT, WH₃

1573 1083 margin Hercules &c. om. B.

1574 1103 margin Pluto &c. om. AH₁XE ... B₂ (ins. later M), B

1575 1105 fro] for H₁, BT of W

1576 1107 euery H₁ ... B₂

1577 1109 fflagetoun AMH₁, W fflogetoun GECLB₂, B

1578 1112 of the helle] of helle AM ... B₂, AdBΔΛ, W

1579 1119 Iupiteres (Iubiteres &c.) MYXGERC, SB Iupiters (Iubiters) AJLB₂, FH₃ Iupiter (Iubiter) H₁, AdTΔ, W

1580 1134 margin dearum JY, S ... Δ, FH₃ deorum AM ... B₂, W

1581 1138 the om. H₁ ... B₂, Δ, W lawes H₁ ... B₂

1582 1149 here (her) B, W his C

1583 1155 f. margin Iuno &c. om. AM ... B₂ et diuiciarum om. BT

1584 1156 him om. B

1585 1165 Iupiter he SAdΔ

1586 1172 was om. H₁ ... B₂ as seiþ H₁ ... B₂

1587 1176 And om. BT

1588 1199 Palon(e) H₁ ... B₂

1589 1201 after þat for sche was w. AM ... B₂

1590 1203 The] To H₁E ... B₂

1591 1207 margin Pallas &c. om. C, BT

1592 1221 margin Ceres dea frugum om. JH₁ ... B₂ Saturnus dea frugum B

1593 1230 grape AM ... B₂, Δ

1594 1232 the om. AM, W

1595 1238 her tilþes B

1596 1245 margin et Siluarum om. AM

1597 1252 And] Bot (But) SAdBTΔΛ

1598 1253 ledde BT

1599 1256 was cleped BTΛ

1600 1262 al to] vnto B

1601 1279 Whil sche was] Which was H₁ ... B₂

1602 1286 hir om. H₁ ... B₂

1603 1287 To gedre ARCLB₂ To gedres M

1604 1290 Than BTΛ þe weie H₁E ... B₂

1605 1297 hield] tok(e) H₁ ... B₂

1606 1308 in om. AM for H₁ ... B₂

1607 1318 to bestes ER, BTΔ, W

1608 1331 Attitred AMXRB₂

1609 1333 tho] þer H₁ ... B₂

1610 1336 margin Nereides Marium om. B

1611 1339 forth om. AM ... B₂

1612 1349 the om. AM ... B₂

1613 1353 goddes BΛ, W goddesse AM ... B₂

1614 1358 margin Manes &c. om. B

1615 1381 comen ferst AM came first W

1616 1383 here] hire (hir) JL, Ad, W ȝour(e) X ... CB₂

1617 1383 ff. margin Qualiter &c. om. H₁ ... B₂

1618 1384 þe brest A ... B₂, Ad, H₃

1619 1405 lay] haþ AM

1620 1423 telle X, B, W

1621 1429 a comun AM all comyn X

1622 1438 hild J, F hield SB huld A

1623 1447 no] þe AM ... B₂

1624 1453 Bragmas AM ... B₂, H₃

1625 1476 tho] þe H₁XGCLB₂, AdB, W

1626 1477 whom that] þe whom B whom H₁B₂, TΔ, W

1627 1482 hastifesse J, S, F hastifnesse A hastiuesse B

1628 1485 of fire H₁E ... B₂, Δ, WH₃

1629 1486 Bar] Bereþ (Berþ) XG But AME ... B₂

1630 1489 To] Lo AMH₁XG

1631 1495 kept J, B, F kepte A

1632 1517 ate] at here (atte her) AM ... B₂ at hor W

1633 1520 Petornius A, S, F Petronius J, B

1634 1526 which om. E ... B₂ þat W to helle E ... B₂

1635 1527 hir(e) E ... B₂ (her R)

1636 1535 sette SB set AJ, F

1637 1573 Vndur A, F Vnder J, S, B

1638 1578 And he] He AM ... B₂

1639 1593 mysbelieue H₁E ... B₂

1640 1624 bore] bifore BT

1641 1628 habraham F rest Abraham (J defective here) so also l. 1650

1642 1633 and erþe E ... B₂, Ad

1643 1643 the Secte] þat secte S ... Δ this secte W to sette AMH₁X this] þe AM ... B₂

1644 1646 And alle mysbelieue weyued E ... B₂, Λ (misbelieues RLB₂)

1645 1647 is] was E ... B₂

1646 1653 al om. XE ... B₂

1647 1662 on] in BT

1648 1664 on fote (foote) passen ECLB₂, B on fete p. R on fote myght p. W in fote it p. X

1649 1667 The daies] Be (By) daies S ... Δ A dayes W

1650 1678 perced(e) þo þe RCLB₂, Λ, W

1651 1685 toke (tooke) C, SB tok (took) A, F

1652 1698 lore MH₁XGLB₂, AdBT, W (hath lore H₁L, W)

1653 1713 Iwes F Iewes A, SB

1654 1715 stonde AC, B stond F

1655 1743 margin ineffabiliter ... creditur B

1656 1742 Which mannes soule haþ set in euene S ... Δ

1657 1743

And haþ his grace reconciled

ffro which þe man was ferst exiled

And in himself so sore falle

So S ... Δ (inserting a couplet between 1742 and 1743)

1658 1745 auise E ... B₂

1659 1746 margin Gregorius. Nichil nobis nasci profuit, nisi redimi profuisset SBΔ (proficit for profuit B)

1660 1756 ff. margin O certe necessarium Ade peccatum etcetera B O felix—redemptorem om. SBΔ(AdT) The note stands at l. 1746 in H₃

1661 1763 wolde he AdB

1662 1772 to] wiþ BT

1663 1781-1793

Thurgh vertu of his hihe myht

Which in Marie was alyht

To begge mannes soule aȝein

And þis belieue is so certein

So full of grace and of vertu

That what man clepeþ to Jhesu

In clene lif forþwiþ good dede

He mai noght faile of heuene mede 1790*

So þat it stant vpon belieue

That euery man mai wel achieue

Which taken haþ &c. SAdBTΔ

1664 1791 forþwiþ F forþ wiþ AJ, B

1665 1800 f. margin Iacobus &c. om. S ... Δ

1666 1800 þe goode dede JE ... B₂ (þo C) the goodenesse (þe goodnesse) H₁X goode dedes G

1667 1801 f.

ffor feiþ . bot if þer be good dede

Thapostel seiþ is worþ no mede SAdBTΔ

1668 1807 f. margin Nota hic—dicuntur om. BΔ(AdT), W Nota contra istos qui lollardi dicuntur S Nota contra lollardos C

1669 1808 Iwes F Iewes AJ, SB

1670 1826 his dede þe BT his dede his Λ, W

1671 1835 Anthenor AJ, SB Antenor F

1672 1849 estatz F estates J astatz (astates) A, SB

1673 1855 goodly (goodlich) BT

1674 1879 Pseudo telle] Pheudo telle E Pfeudo t. C hem telle Λ om. T

1675 1883 sew A, S, F siew B

1676 1893 erren] crepen E ... B₂, Λ

1677 1906 f.

Which haþ conuert wiþ his prechinge

And whan þat Andrew E ... B₂, Λ

(conuerted ... teching L conuer E)

1678 1911 schal] to B

1679 1923 no writ ... þe taile A no writ ... no t. YE ... B₂ to write ... to taile B

1680 1925 which now we see and trowe E ... B₂, Λ

1681 1946 and] of YEC, BT

1682 1952 as a sacrifice] a good s. E ... B₂

1683 1953 þat after E ... B₃

1684 1965 the] þo E ... L

1685 1969 a om. BT, W

1686 1970 hem om. BT wel Ad

NOTES

PROLOGUS

Latin Verses. i. 1 f. The author acknowledges his incapacity for higher themes, as at the beginning of the first book. The subject of the present work is a less exalted one than that of those which preceded it.

3 f. Qua tamen &c. The couplet may be translated, ‘Yet in that tongue of Hengist in which the island of Brut sings, I will utter English measures by the aid of Carmentis.’

5 f. Ossibus ergo carens &c. That is, ‘Let the evil tongue be far away.’ The reference is to Prov. xxv. 15, ‘A soft tongue breaketh the bone,’ taken here in a bad sense: cp. iii. 463 ff.

7. ‘Moved by the example of these wise men of old.’ For this use of ‘ensampled’ cp. Traitié, xv. l. 4,

‘Pour essampler les autres du present.’

13. Who that al &c. ‘If one writes of wisdom only’: a common form of expression in Gower’s French and English both; see note on Mirour, 1244. In English we have ‘who that,’ ‘who so (that)’ or ‘what man (that),’ sometimes with indic. and sometimes with subjunctive: cp. Prol. 460, 550, i. 383, 481, ii. 88, iii. 971, 2508, &c. See also note on l. 460.

writ, present tense, syncopated form.

16. if that ye rede, ‘if ye so counsel me,’ i.e. if you approve, equivalent to the ‘si bon vous sembleroit’ of the Mirour, l. 33.

24. The marginal note is wanting in F and S, and may perhaps have been added after the year 1397, when Henry became Duke of Hereford, cp. ‘tunc Derbie comiti,’ or even later, for in the Cron. Tripertita Gower calls him Earl of Derby at the time of his exile, using the same expression as here, ‘tunc Derbie comiti.’ Caxton, followed by Berthelet, gives the following: ‘Hic in primis declarat Ioannes Gower quam ob causam presentem libellum composuit et finaliter compleuit, An. regni regis Ric. secundi 16.’

31. That is, compared with what it was in former time: cp. l. 133.

41. write ... stode: subjunctive. For the subjunctive in indirect question cp. ii. 1243, 1943, iii. 708, 771, &c.

43. as who seith, i.e. ‘as one may say,’ a qualification of what follows, ‘a gret partie’: the phrase is a common one, e.g. i. 1381, ‘as who seith, everemo,’ 2794, ii. 696, ‘as who seith, ded for feere,’ &c.

46. schewen, used absolutely, ‘set forth their histories.’

52. a burel clerk, ‘a man of simple learning,’ esp. ‘a layman’; cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, B 3145, D 1872: ‘burel’ was a coarse cloth.

54. tok, ‘took place,’ ‘existed’: cp. Chaucer, Troilus, iv. 1562,

‘And if so be that pees herafter take.’

So ‘prendre’ in French, e.g. Mir. 831,

‘Le mariage devoit prendre.’

72. the god, so 198, ii. 594; cp. ‘the vertu,’ 116, ‘the manhode,’ 260, ‘the man,’ 546, 582, ‘The charite,’ 319, &c.

74. ended, ‘continued to the end.’

77 ff. Apparently a reference to the treatise on the duties of a ruler contained in the seventh book: ‘I shall make a discourse also with regard to those who are in power, marking the distinction between the virtues and the vices which belong to their office.’

81 ff. ‘But as my wit is too small to correct the faults of every one, I send this book unto my own lord Henry of Lancaster ... to be amended at his command.’ For ‘upon amendement to stonde’ cp. ii. 583. The suggestion of amendment at the hands of the author’s patron is of course a mere compliment, like that paid by Chaucer to Gower at the conclusion of Troilus, but it gives a modest appearance to the general censure.

It is not likely that the expression ‘upon amendement’ refers to the change made in this part of the text, to which the author would hardly have called attention thus. Also, unless we explain as above, the meaning would seem to be ‘as my wit is too small to admonish every one, I send my work as now revised to my own lord Henry of Lancaster,’ a much too pointed application of the coming admonitions.

It is hardly needful to add that ‘to tellen every man his tale’ is not a reference to the Canterbury Tales, as some have supposed.

24*-92*. For this variation see the Introduction. The text of B, which is here followed, is as good as any other, but none of the copies which give the passage are thoroughly good in spelling, and the text has in this respect been slightly normalized. A and E are here defective, and J, which is the best available MS., has eccentricities of spelling (‘Richardus,’ ‘wyche,’ ‘hyt,’ ‘hys,’ ‘aftur,’ ‘resonabul,’ ‘ȝef,’ ‘be heste,’ ‘be ginne,’ &c.), which make it rather unsuitable as a basis for the text. It will be found however that J and B mutually correct each other to a great extent, and we have also MGRCL as additional witnesses of a respectable character. Thus in regard to some of the variations in spelling from B we have as follows:—

- 24* bok J

- 25 belongeþ MC

- 27* euere JML

- 31* Preiende G Preiend MCL

- 36* betyde (betide) GCL

- 40* be JML

- 43* f. nyh: syh (sih) JL

- 47* f. seid: leyd J

- 49* besinesse J

- 51* boke JM

- 52* myhte loke J

- 53* f. wrytinge: comandinge J

- 55* herte JMGCL

- 59* wiþoute GC

- 62* non JGC

- 65* handleþ JMGL

- 66* preye (preie) JMGCL heuene JMG

- 69* befalle J

- 75* bit JMCL

- 80 longe JML

- 82* bok J

- 87* begynneþ (beginneþ) ML

- 89* f. bok: tok J

- 92* begynne MCL.

34* ff. A very loosely constructed sentence. It means apparently, ‘I consider how it befell, as a thing destined then to come to pass, namely that as on Thames I came rowing by boat &c., I chanced to meet my liege lord.’ The disorder in which the clauses are thrown together is a feature which we shall notice elsewhere in our author’s style. ‘The toun of newe Troye’ is of course London, supposed to have been founded by Brut of Troy, whence was derived ‘Britain,’ the ‘insula Bruti’ of the opening lines.

52*. loke, ‘examine’: cp. ii. 733, vi. 1959.

65*. There is here a corruption which affects all the existing copies. The various readings are given in the critical notes, and evidently ‘outkrong’ is that which has most support. I conjecture that the author wrote ‘onwrong,’ i.e. ‘awrong,’ which being an unusual word suffered corruption at the hand of the first transcriber, the ‘w’ being mistaken, as it easily might be, for ‘tk’: cp. Chaucer, H. of Fame, ii. 403, where ‘tokne’ is apparently a corruption of ‘towne.’

66*. the hevene king, ‘the king of hevene.’ Gower regularly writes the final ‘e’ in ‘hevene,’ ‘evene,’ ‘evere,’ ‘nevere,’ &c. The preceding syllable is of course syncopated in pronunciation.

69*. what befalle, ‘whatsoever may befall’: cp. iii. 325, ‘what it were.’

75*. bit, i.e. ‘biddeth.’

85*. The true reading is probably ‘listen pleie,’ which is preferable both as regards form and construction: cp. iv. 3147, ‘whan the wommen listen pleie.’ The readings are as follows: ‘listen pleye’ J, ‘lusten pleie’ M, ‘luste pley’ B₂; the rest mostly ‘lust to pleye.’ The verb seems usually to be followed by a preposition when used impersonally, as i. 147, 1403, and otherwise more generally not, as i. 2741, iv. 3147, but there are exceptions both ways, e.g. iv. 907 and iii. 111, iv. 3187.

90*. Cp. 54 ff.

92*. for to newe. This is the reading of the better MSS., and ‘schewe’ is probably the correction of a copyist who did not understand it. The word ‘newe’ means here ‘produce,’ but in l. 59 ‘neweth’ is intransitive and means ‘comes into being.’

Latin Verses, ii. 2. vertit in orbe, ‘turns round,’ as upon her wheel.

4. Cp. 111 f.

11. ‘And thus those regions which were once the strongest fall into decay throughout the world, and have no centre of rest there.’ (The first ‘que’ is the relative, for ‘quae.’) It is possible however that ‘per orbem’ may refer again to Fortune’s wheel, cp. 138 ff., where the sense of this couplet seems to be expressed, and in that case the meaning is, ‘fall into decay as they turn upon the wheel.’

116. the vertu: for this French use of the article, which is often found in Gower, see note on l. 72.

122 ff. ‘And in witness of that I take the common voice of every land, which may not lie.’ This appeal to the common voice, the ‘commune dictum,’ is characteristic of our author, who repeats the proverb ‘Vox populi vox dei’ several times in various forms, e.g. Mirour, 12725. For the use of ‘that’ in such expressions cp. l. 907, and iv. 2040.

133. to loke &c., ‘when we look on all sides’: cp. 31, i. 1060, 2278, &c.

139. blinde fortune. ‘Fortune’ must here be taken as a proper name, and hence the definite form of adjective: cp. i. 3396, ‘wyse Peronelle,’ ii. 588, 2721, ‘of grete Rome,’ ii. 2304, ‘false Nessus,’ iii. 2100, ‘false Egiste,’ &c.

143. upon a weer, i.e. in doubt or distress: cp. iii. 1148, and Chaucer, House of Fame, 979,

‘Tho gan I wexen in a wer.’

144 ff. ‘And especially if the power of the rulers of the world be not kept upright by good counsel in such wise that’ &c.

152. heved, always a monosyllable in the metre: the word also appears as ‘hefd’ i. 199, and frequently as ‘hed.’

154. her trowthe allowe, ‘approve of their loyalty,’ i.e. accept it.

155. ‘And welcome them with all his heart.’ For the position of the conjunction cp. 521, 756, 759, 1014, i. 854, 863, &c., and note on Mirour, 415. Mr. Liddell points out to me that the same usage occurs frequently in the ME. Palladius.

156 (margin). The quotation is from Ecclus. xxxii. 24, ‘Fili, sine consilio nihil facias.’ This book is often cited as Solomon in the Mirour.

162. A truce with both France and Scotland was made for three years in 1389, but peace was not finally concluded till 1396.

166 f. Cp. Praise of Peace, 190.

172. at alle assaies, ‘in every way’: cp. ii. 2447.

Latin Verses. iii. 1. Iohannes: St. John the Evangelist, who is mentioned either as the teacher of brotherly love or because his Gospel contains the exhortations to St. Peter, ‘Feed my sheep,’ ‘Feed my lambs.’

2. ista, ‘this.’

3. bina virtute, perhaps charity and chastity, cp. 464 ff.

4. inculta, nominative in spite of metre, so auaricia in l. 8.

8. tepente, ‘being lukewarm,’ that is, held in a lukewarm manner.

196 (margin). Roberti Gibbonensis, Robert of Geneva, elected pope in opposition to Urban VI, under the title of Clement VII.

198. the god, see note on l. 72.

204. Simon, i.e. Simon Magus, whence simony has its name: cp. 442 ff., Mirour, 18451 ff., and Vox Clamantis, iii. 249, 1217, &c.

207 ff. The reference is to Lombard bankers employed as intermediaries in obtaining Church preferment. The ‘letter’ referred to is the papal provision, or perhaps the letter of request addressed to the pope in favour of a particular person: cp. Vox Clam. iii. 1375 f.,

‘Littera dum Regis papales supplicat aures,

Simon et est medius, vngat vt ipse manus.’

210. provende, equivalent to prebend, and in fact ‘prebende’ is a var. reading here. Littré quotes from Wace,

‘Cil me dona et Diez li rende

À Baiex une provende,’

and from Rutebeuf,

‘Qui argent porte a Rome, assés tot provende a.’

212. ‘The authority of the Church’ (symbolized by the key) ‘did not then lie at the mercy of armed bands or depend upon the issue of battle.’ For ‘brigantaille,’ meaning bands of irregular troops, cp. Mir. 18675.

218. defence, ‘prohibition’: cp. iv. 1026, v. 1710, and Chaucer, Troil. iii. 138, ‘if that I breke your defence.’

220. ‘was then no charge of theirs,’ i.e. did not come under their authority: ‘baillie’ means the charge or government of a thing, as Trait. xi. 19, ‘Le duc q’ot lors Ravenne en sa baillie,’ hence a thing placed in a person’s charge.

221. The vein honour: the definite form is rather less regularly used by Gower in adjectives taken from French than in others, e.g. iii. 889, ‘For with here fals compassement’; but on the other hand, i. 864, ‘the pleine cas,’ ii. 412, ‘And thurgh his false tunge endited,’ and 824, ‘This false knyht upon delay.’

246. is went: cp. iii. 878 and Chaucer, Cant. Tales, E 1013, F 567.

247. here lawe positif: the ‘lex positiva’ is that which is not morally binding in itself, but only so because imposed by (ecclesiastical) authority: cp. Vox Clam. iii. 227 ff. This is naturally the sphere within which Church dispensations of all kinds take effect.

248. Hath set. Apparently ‘set’ is intransitive, ‘Since their positive law hath set itself to make,’ &c. There is no good authority for reading ‘hire.’.

252. There is hardly another instance of ‘but’ for ‘bot’ in F, and the form ‘right’ for ‘riht’ in the preceding line is very unusual.

260. the manhode, i.e. human nature: see note on l. 72. For ‘thenkth’ see note on 461.

263. withholde, ‘retained as her servant.’

268. in the point &c., i.e. so soon as it is collected. The allusion is to the circumstances of the campaign of the Bishop of Norwich in 1385; cp. Vox Clam. iii. 373 (margin), and see Froissart (ed. Lettenhove), vol. x. p. 207.

278. That scholde be &c., i.e. the papacy, which by reason of the schism has become a cause of war and strife.

289. Gregoire. The reference is to such passages as Regula Pastoralis, i. cap. 8, 9. The quotation in the margin at l. 298 is loosely taken from the Homilies on the Gospel (Migne, Patrol. vol. 76. p. 1128), ‘Mercenarius quippe est qui locum quidem pastoris tenet, sed lucra animarum non quaerit: terrenis commodis inhiat, honore praelationis gaudet, temporalibus lucris pascitur, impensa sibi ab hominibus reverentia laetatur.’ The idea expressed by ‘non vt prosint sed vt presint’ often occurs in Gregory’s writings, e.g. Reg. Past. ii. cap. 6, ‘nec praeesse se hominibus gaudent sed prodesse.’

299. manie: the final ‘e’ counts as a syllable and the preceding vowel is absorbed; see note on 323: but ‘many’ is also used as the plural.

305. Cp. Vox Clam. iii. 1271, ‘In cathedram Moysi nunc ascendunt Pharisei,’ and see Rom. de la Rose, 11809 ff. (ed. Méon), English version, 6889 ff.

311. is noght foryete, an impersonal use, ‘there is no forgetting’: cp. 338.

323. Here ‘studie’ is reduced by elision to the value of a monosyllable: see note on Mirour, 296. The rule applies to substantives like ‘accidie,’ ‘Mercurie,’ ‘chirie,’ adjectives like ‘manie’ (l. 299), and verbs like ‘studie,’ ‘carie,’ ‘tarie.’

329. If Ethna brenne &c. What is meant is the fire of Envy, which is often compared to that of Etna, ii. 20, 2337, &c.

338 f. The verb is used impersonally, ‘there is cause for us all to be sorry.’

348. ‘it causeth this new sect to be brought in.’ The subject must be supplied from the previous clause.

366 f. That is, the various claimants to the papacy are supported in various lands by national partiality or interest.

380 f. ‘They use no other reasoning than this as to the peril of religion.’

383. his world, i.e. his fortune, cp. 1081, i. 178, &c.

388 f. That is, the right cause has no defence but in the rule of personal inclination and interest, the principle expressed by ‘Where I love, there I hold.’

407 ff. This is a charge against those who hold office in the Church of deliberately throwing temptation in the way of their people, in order to profit by the fines which may be imposed for breaches of morality and discipline. The meaning is fully illustrated by parallel passages in the Mirour de l’omme, 20161 ff., and the Vox Clamantis, iii. 195; cp. Chaucer, Pers. Tale, 721. The sentence here is a little disorderly and therefore obscure: ‘Men say that they drive forth their flock from the smooth meadow into the briars, because they wish to seize and by such ill-treatment take away the wool which shall remain upon the thorns, torn out by the briars,’ &c. The archdeacon’s court is chiefly referred to.

416. chalk for chese, cp. ii. 2346: it is a proverbial expression still current.

430. ‘We see the lot drawn amiss’: for ‘merel’ cp. Mir. 23496.

434. Hebr. v. 4.

452. in audience, ‘in public assembly’: cp. ii. 2556.

454. a chirie feire, taken as an emblem of delights which are transitory: cp. vi. 890 f.,

‘And that endureth bot a throwe,

Riht as it were a cherie feste.’

460. understode, past subj. with indefinite sense: cp. i. 383, ii. 88, iii. 971, iv. 2597, 2728, vi. 1474. ‘Whoso understood their words, to him it seems likely,’ &c., instead of ‘to him it would seem likely’; cp. l. 520.

461. The distinction between ‘thinke’ and ‘thenke’ is completely lost in Gower’s usage: ‘thenke’ is the regular form for both, but ‘thinke’ is admitted equally for both in rhyme, as v. 213, 254.

480. ‘For fear that (On the chance that) I may say wrong.’ The subject is a delicate one and the author shows similar caution when dealing with it in the Mirour.

492. as of, ‘as regards’: cp. i. 557, iii. 1479, &c.

Latin Verses. iv. 4. velle, used as a noun, ‘will’: so ‘de puro velle’ in the lines at the beginning of the second book.

509 f. ‘Which with great difficulty man shall restrain, if he shall restrain it ever.’

521. For the position of ‘and’ see note on 155.

525. stonde upon: cp. 214.

529. som men: ‘som’ is uninflected in this expression: on the other hand we have ‘somme clerkes,’ l. 355.

546. the man, so 582: see note on 72.

550 f. ‘If any one thinks otherwise, look at the people of Israel’: ‘Behold’ is 2nd sing. imperative. The unusual form ‘Irael’ is given by the best MSS. here and elsewhere, and we must suppose that it proceeds from the author.

558. stonde full: perhaps a reference to 503 ff., or a metaphor from the tides.

567 (margin). The quotation is from Cons. Phil. ii. Pr. 4: ‘Quam multis amaritudinibus humanae felicitatis dulcedo respersa est.’ The constant references to Fortune and her wheel may probably be suggested by Boethius, e.g. ii. Pr. 1.

578. i.e. till the end of all things.

585 ff. This vision of Nebuchadnezzar, which our author takes as his guide to universal history, is made the subject of illustration in those MSS. which have miniatures at or near the beginning of the Confessio Amantis.

618. Fel doun: cp. iii. 2492, ‘That have I herd the gospell seith.’

668. hol: see note on 683.

676. ‘And he kept himself in this condition undisturbed,’ the subject being supplied from l. 671, ‘Was in that kinges time tho.’ For omission of pronoun cp. Prol. 348, i. 1895, 2083, 2462, &c. However, the fall of the Empire took place not in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar but of Belshazzar (see l. 685).

683. Here and in 693 the best MSS. have ‘put’ for ‘putte,’ and this entire suppression of the inflexional syllable in cases where it is lost to the metre by elision is sufficiently well-attested to justify us in accepting it as an occasional practice of the author, both in the case of verbs and adjectives; cp. 668, 739, &c. It is especially common with this particular verb, e.g. i. 1578, 1807, 3213, ii. 93, 1021, &c., where ‘put’ is used for infinitive as well as for the preterite. Much more rarely in cases where there is no elision, as i. 732. On the other hand, we have ‘putte’ pret. before an elision, l. 1069, i. 2797, ‘pute’ inf. i. 462, iv. 1641.

702. In the marginal summary here F gives ‘Imparatoris,’ and sometimes in other places where the word is fully written, as i. 1417, ii. 593, 2506, 3201. However, ‘Imperator’ is also found in various places of the same MS., as vii. 2416, and the contracted form ‘Imꝑator’ has in this edition been written out so.

725. Of that honour which tok, i.e. ‘of such honour that he took.’

738. so vileins: a clear case of French plural of the adjective, used here for the sake of the rhyme.

739. fals: see notes on 221, 683.

745 ff. It is hardly necessary to point out that our author’s history is here incorrect. Charlemagne was not called in against the Emperor Leo, who died in the year before he was born, but against the Lombards by Adrian I, and then against the rebellious citizens of Rome by Leo III, on which latter occasion he received the imperial crown. The authority here followed is the Trésor of Brunetto Latini, pp. 84-88 (ed. 1863).

756. Of Rome and: cp. ll. 759, 766, and note on 155.

761. doth restore, i.e. ‘causeth to be restored.’

772 ff. Here again the story is historically inaccurate, but it is not worth while to set it straight.

786 ff. The meaning seems to be, ‘But this after all is what we might expect, for prosperity (they say) seldom endures.’

795. hath no felawe ‘hath no supporter or champion’: cp. Praise of Peace, 266, ‘And in this wise hath charite no brother.’

809. The punctuation follows F.

823. expondeth. This form occurs also in ll. 663, 873, as a reading of F. The French terminations ‘-on,’ ‘-oun,’ had the same sound and rhymed together, and the same is true of ‘-ance,’ ‘-aunce.’ Probably on the same principle therefore ‘expondeth’ may stand for ‘expoundeth,’ and rhyme with ‘foundeth’: cp. viii. 235 f. On the other hand, in i. 2867 we have expounde, founde. It maybe noted that ‘exponde’ is the form used in the French works, e.g. Mir. 22192, Trait. xi. 20, where it rhymes with Rosemonde, responde, immonde. As a rule in the Mirour this class of words is given without ‘u,’ but in one stanza we have ‘responde,’ ‘monde,’ ‘blounde’ in rhyme together, 8681 ff.

836. Cit: this is the true reading; the word occurs also Mir. 7197.

843. now with that beforn, ‘the present with the past,’ ‘now’ being used as a substantive.

850. the sothe seie: this is the reading of the third recension; the others have ‘the soth schal seie.’ Either text is admissible, for ‘soth’ is used as a substantive, but ‘the sothe’ is usually preferred, as in l. 834, and i. 981, iii. 765.

858. Cp. ii. 3490.

881. writ: syncopated present, ‘writeth.’ The reference is to 1 Cor. x. 11.

891. Statue: a dissyllable in Gower and Chaucer (equivalent to ‘statwe’), and here reduced to one syllable by elision: cp. Cant. Tales, A. 975. The longer form ‘stature’ occurs vi. 1524.

900. these clerkes: demonstrative for definite article, as in French; cp. i. 608, and see note on Mir. 301.

905. See l. 965. Perhaps here ‘cause of’ means ‘because of,’ as ‘whos cause’ for ‘because of which’ 1040; but I suspect rather an inversion of order, for ‘Man is cause of al this wo.’

907. that in tokne, cp. 122.

910 ff. This matter of the corruption of all creation through man’s fall is discussed at length both in the Mirour, 26605 ff., and in the Vox Clamantis, vii. 509 ff.

945 ff. This is one of Gower’s favourite citations: it occurs also Mir. 26869, Vox Clam. vii. 639. It is quoted here from Moralia, vi. 16 (Migne, Patr. vol. 75, p. 740): ‘Homo itaque, quia habet commune esse cum lapidibus, vivere cum arboribus, sentire cum animalibus, discernere cum angelis, recte nomine universitatis exprimitur.’ In the Mirour it is given as from the Homilies; see Hom. in Ev. xxix. 2. The passage is also quoted in the Roman de la Rose, 19246 ff. (ed. Méon),

‘Il a son estre avec les pierres,

Et vit avec les herbes drues,

Et sent avec les bestes mues,’ &c.

947. the lasse world, i.e. a microcosm: cp. Vox Clam. vii. 645,

‘Sic minor est mundus homo, qui fert singula solus.’

The saying is attributed to Aristotle in Mirour, 26929.

953. That is, the stones have existence and so hath he, this being the only point in common.

955. as telleth the clergie, ‘as learning informs us.’

975. The which, resumed by ‘He’ in 978: for, i.e. ‘since.’

979. That is, the opposite elements in his constitution (‘complexioun’) are so much at variance with one another.

985. ‘Without separation of parts.’

995. also, a repetition of ‘yit over this,’ 991.

1013. sende, pret., cp. i. 851, 992, 1452, &c. (but ‘sente’ in rhyme i. 3095, ii. 613, v. 1072), so ‘bende’ ii. 2235.

1047. That is, there can be no conciliation of the discord.

1055 ff. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, ii. 83 ff.

1066. commun: this form, as well as ‘commune,’ occurs in the Mirour.

1085. The horse side: cp. i. 1536, 2301, &c.

After 1088 the Sidney Coll. MS. (Δ) has the following lines,

‘So were it gode at þis tide

þat eueri man vpon his side

besowt and preied for þe pes

wiche is þe cause of al encres

of worschep and of werldis welþe

of hertis rest of soule helþe

withouten pes stant no þing gode

forthi to crist wiche sched his blode

for pes beseketh alle men

Amen amen amen amen.’

These were printed by Caxton, and after him by Berthelet, with some slight variations of spelling, and the reading ‘and soules helthe’ for ‘of soule helþe.’ No other MS. contains them, so far as I know, except Hatton 51, which is copied from Caxton’s edition. If we read ‘So were it good as at þis tide,’ and correct the spelling throughout, the lines will be such as Gower might have written, and I rather suspect that they may have been contained in the Stafford MS. (S), to which Δ is nearly allied. S has lost a leaf here, on which ample room for them could have been found, the number of lines missing being only 156, while the number for a full leaf is 184. The authority of S would be conclusive in their favour.

LIB. I.

After setting forth in the Prologue the evils of the existing state of society and tracing them for the most part to lack of love and concord between man and man, the author now deliberately renounces the task of setting right the balance of the world, an undertaking which he has not shrunk from in former years, but recognizes now as too great for his strength. He proposes to change the style of his writings and to deal with something which all may understand, with that emotion of love which Nature has implanted both in man and beast, which no one is able to keep within rule or measure, and which seems to be under the dominion of blind chance, like the gifts of fortune.

Latin Verses. i. 7 f. Cp. the lines ‘Est amor in glosa pax bellica, lis pietosa,’ &c., which follow the Traitié.

10. of thing is, i.e. ‘of thing which is’: cp. ii. 1393, ‘Withinne a Schip was stiereles,’ so iii. 219, v. 298 &c., and Mirour, 16956.

21. natheles: as in Prol. 36, this seems to mean here ‘moreover,’ or perhaps ‘in truth,’ rather than ‘nevertheless.’

37. That is, ‘Wheresoever it pleases him to set himself,’ ‘him’ serving a double function.

50. went: present tense, ‘goes.’

62. I am miselven &c. Note, however, that the author guards himself in the margin with ‘quasi in persona aliorum, quos amor alligat, fingens se auctor esse Amantem.’

88. jolif wo, cp. ‘le jolif mal sanz cure,’ Bal. xiii. 24.

98 ff. The construction is broken off, and then resumed in a new form: cp. i. 2948, iii. 1595, 2610, iv. 3201, v. 1043, 1339, &c.

116. other: this must be regarded as a legitimate plural form beside ‘othre’: cp. iv. 1183, and see Morsbach, Schriftsprache, p. 23. On the other hand, ‘othre’ is sometimes used as singular, e.g. l. 481, ii. 283.

178. Mi world, i.e. ‘my fortune’: cp. Prol. 383.

196. The idea of ‘Genius’ is taken from the Roman de la Rose, where Genius is the priest of Nature, ‘Qui célébroit en sa chapelle,’ and she confesses to him, 16487 ff. (ed. Méon).

205. Benedicite: the regular beginning of a confessor’s address to his penitent.

213. Cp. Rom. de la Rose, 16927 f. (of Nature confessing to Genius),

‘Qui dit par grant dévocion

En plorant sa confession.’

225. my schrifte oppose, ‘question me as to my confession,’ cp. the use of ‘opponere’ in the margin here and 299, 708, &c.

232. tome. This is Gower’s usual form of combination where the accent is to be thrown on the preposition. We have also ‘byme,’ ii. 2016, &c., tome, l. 294, ii. 3160, &c., ‘untome,’ iii. 99, ‘tothe,’ iv. 1875. In such cases, as is seen below, l. 294, the final syllable becomes weak and subject to elision.

279. remene, ‘bring back,’ from Fr. ‘remener’: cp. ‘demenen.’

299 ff. See note on Mir. 16597.

320. The punctuation is here determined by that of F, which has a stop after ‘love.’ Otherwise the meaning might be, ‘And doth great mischief to love,’ the conjunction being transposed, as often.

333 ff. The story is from Ovid, Metam. iii. 138 ff.

350. cam ride. For this use of the infin. see New Engl. Dict., ‘come,’ B. i. 3. f.: so ‘thei comen ryde,’ iv. 1307.

367. For the use of ‘hire’ as a dissyllable in the verse, cp. 872, 1667: on the other hand, 884, 887, 939, 1673, &c.

383. That is, if a man gave heed to the matter, he would see that it was, &c.: cp. Prol. 460.

389. Ovid, Metam. iv. 772 ff. This, however, is not Gower’s only authority, for he mentions details, as for example the names of Medusa’s sisters, which are not given by Ovid. The confusion which we find here between the Graeae and the Gorgons appears in Boccaccio, De Gen. Deorum, x. 10, which possibly our author may have seen; but I suspect he had some other authority. The names which Gower gives as Stellibon and Suriale are properly Stheno (Stennio in Boccaccio) and Euryale.

422. Mercurie: see note on Prol. 323. Mercury’s sword is not mentioned either by Ovid or Boccaccio.

431. gan enbrace, ‘placed on his arm’; see the quotations in New Engl. Dict. under ‘embrace v. 1,’ e.g. K. Alis. 6651, ‘His scheld enbraceth Antiocus.’

452. To tarie with, ‘with which to vex’: cp. i. 2172, ii. 283, 1081, v. 925, &c., and Cant. Tales, F 471, ‘To hele with youre hurtes hastily.’

463 ff. Cp. Mirour, 15253. The legend is founded upon Psalm lviii. 4 f. (Vulg. lvii. 5 f.), ‘Furor illis secundum similitudinem serpentis; sicut aspidis surdae et obturantis aures suas, quae non exaudiet vocem incantantium,’ &c. (Hence the genitive form ‘Aspidis’ in our author.) The moral application is connected with the Gospel precept, ‘Be ye wise as serpents,’ to which reference is made in the Mirour. The serpent’s method of stopping his ears was perhaps first suggested by Augustine, In Ps. lvii, who is followed by Isid. Etym. xii. 4, but there is nothing in these authorities about the carbuncle. The authority for this is perhaps the Trésor, p. 191.

481. an othre thing: for ‘othre’ cp. i. 1496, ii. 511.

who that recordeth, ‘if a man calls it to mind’: see note on Prol. 13.

483. tale of Troie, i.e. Guido di Colonna, Hist. Troiana, lib. 32 (o2, ed. Argent. 1494), which is here followed. Benoît mentions the Sirens, but does not describe their form nor state that Ulysses stopped his men’s ears.

492 ff. This manner of piling up consecutive clauses is observable in the author’s French style, and the use of relatives like ‘wherof,’ ‘which’ (l. 771) to introduce them is parallel to that of ‘Dont,’ ‘Par quoy,’ &c. in the French: e.g. Mir. 219 ff.,

‘Et tant luy fist plesant desport,

Dont il fuist tant enamouré,

Que sur sa fille,’ &c.

Cp. Mir. 681.

527. ‘plus quam mille ex eis interfecimus,’ Guido, Hist. Troi., lib. 32.

532. hiere, subjunctive: cp. ii. 252, iii. 665, &c.

574. othre thing: plural no doubt, but we have also ‘othre (other) thinges,’ i. 2464, iv. 1183.

Latin Verses. v. i. que Leone. This position of ‘que’ is quite common in our author’s Latin writings: see the lines after the Praise of Peace, ll. 10, 49, 50, &c.

8. sub latitante, ‘lurking underneath,’ ‘sub’ being an adverb. The best copies have the words separate.

577. applied, ‘assigned’; cp. iv. 2607, v. 913, vii. 1100.

585. seid, ‘named.’

595. feigneth conscience, that is, makes pretence as to his feeling, or state of mind, (‘As thogh it were al innocence’): cp. iii. 1504, ‘Mi conscience I woll noght hyde.’ The explanation suggested in the New Engl. Dict. that ‘conscience’ stands for ‘conscientiousness’ or ‘rightful dealing,’ will hardly do, and the word does not seem to be used early in this sense.

599. the vein astat: see note on Prol. 221.

608. these ordres, i.e. ‘the orders’ (of religion): so ‘these clerkes,’ Prol. 900.

where he duelleth, that is, the hypocrite, standing for Hypocrisy in general.

623. religioun, the members of the religious orders, as distinguished from the rest of the clergy.

626. It scheweth, ‘it appears’: cp. Prol. 834.

636. devolte apparantie: the words are pure French, and the French feminine form is as naturally used for the adjective, as in the ‘seinte apparantie’ of Mir. 1124. We cannot apply the English rule of the definite adjective to such combinations as this: cp. note on Prol. 221. However, ‘devoute’ in l. 669 seems to be the plural form.

637. set, present tense: so ll. 650, 707, &c.

648. these othre seculers, ‘the men of the world also.’

650. ‘He makes no reckoning in his account.’

695. As he which &c.; that is simply, ‘feigning to be sick,’ so iv. 1833, ‘As he who feigneth to be wod’; cp. vii. 3955. The expression ‘as he which,’ ‘as sche which,’ is very commonly used by Gower in this sense; cp. i. 925, 1640, &c., and Mir. 27942, ‘Comme cil q’est tout puissant,’ ‘being all-powerful.’

698. Cp. iv. 1180, ‘And thus mi contienance I pike.’ It means ‘he makes many a pretence.’

709. Entamed, ‘wounded’: used in a similar moral sense in Mir. 25161, ‘Car Covoitise les entame.’

713. As forto feigne, i.e. ‘as regards feigning’: so l. 723, ‘as to my ladi diere.’

718 ff. For the form of sentence, which is a favourite one with our author in all his three languages, but especially perhaps in Latin, cp. Mirour, 18589 ff.,

‘Unques le corps du sainte Heleine

Serchant la croix tant ne se peine,

Qe nous ovesque nostre Court,

Assetz n’y mettons plus du peine,’ &c.

Vox Clam. i. 263 ff.,

‘In Colchos tauri, quos vicit dextra Iasonis,

Non ita sulphureis ignibus ora fremunt,

Quin magis igne boues isti,’ &c.

So also Bal. vii. 23, xviii. 8, xxx. 10; Vox Clam. i. 355, 449, 499, &c.; Conf. Am. i. 1259, 1319, &c.

733. ‘For I shall not declare this in my defence, that’ &c.; a somewhat different use of the word from that which we find in the quotations given by the New Engl. Dict., ‘Excuse v.’ i. 1. d.

761 ff. The story of Mundus and Paulina is historical, related by Josephus, Ant. xviii. 66 ff., and after him by Hegesippus, ii. 4, from whom it was taken by Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist. vii. 4, and also doubtless, directly or indirectly, by Gower. It is told in verse by Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon, xv, but it is certain that this was not Gower’s source.

771. Which: for this use of the relative in a consecutive clause, which is very common in our author’s style, see note on 492, and cp. 801.

773. thilke bore frele kinde. Human nature is described as frail from birth, and by its weakness causing blindness of the heart.

776 f. ‘And such were the fortunes of this tale of which I would speak,’ i.e. this was the passion which determined its course.

816. his thonk pourchace, ‘win their gratitude towards himself.’

833. ‘In which a false heart was concealed,’ an instance of inverted order, for which cp. ii. 565,

‘Whiche as he wot is puyson inne.’

872. hire, cp. 367.

894. which stod thanne upon believe, ‘which then was thought to be possible.’

938. homward, i.e. ‘goes towards home’; cp. iii. 1021, 2451.

940 ff. In Hegesippus the address is as follows: ‘Beata Paulina concubitu dei. Magnus deus Anubis cuius tu accepisti mysteria. Sed disce te sicut diis ita et hominibus non negare, quibus dii tribuant quod tu negaveras: quia nec formas suas dare nobis nec nomina dedignantur. Ecce ad sacra sua deus Anubis vocavit et Mundum, ut tibi iungeret. Quid tibi profuit duritia tua, nisi ut te xx milium quae obtuleram defraudaret compendio? Imitare deos indulgentiores, qui nobis sine pretio tribuunt quod abs te magno pretio impetrari nequitum est. Quod si te humana offendunt vocabula, Anubem me vocari placuit, et nominis huius gratia effectum iuvit.’ It must be allowed that our author has improved upon this offensive prolixity.

987. sche may ther noght, ‘she hath no power in the matter’: cp. 725, ‘there I lye noght.’

1006. Citezeine. Gower uses several of these feminine forms of substantives. Besides ‘citezeine’ we have cousine, ii. 1201, capiteine, v. 1972, enemie, v. 6753, anemie, viii. 1355 (all of which also occur in the Mirour), and occasionally adjectives, as ‘veine’ (gloire), i. 2677 ff., (vertu) ‘sovereine,’ ii. 3507, ‘seinte’ (charite), iv. 964, ‘soleine,’ v. 1971, and probably ‘divine,’ ii. 3243, ‘gentile,’ viii. 2294.

1013 ff. ‘questioni subicit, confessos necat.’ Our author here expands his original.

1040. Whos cause, ‘for the sake of which.’

1051. put, pres. tense, ‘putteth.’

1067. menable, ‘fit to guide,’ the ship; cp. ii. 1123, ‘A wynd menable fro the londe.’ The word occurs several times in our author’s French, as Mirour, 3676, 11882, 17392. The meaning in English is not always the same, the word being, like others of this form, sometimes active and sometimes passive: cp. ‘deceivable’ (ii. 1698, 2202). Here and in the passage quoted the meaning is ‘leading,’ ‘fit to guide’: elsewhere it stands for ‘easily led,’ ‘apt to be guided,’ as in iii. 390 and the French examples.

1068. ‘tobreken’ is the reading of JH₁XGL, SBΔ, W, and is evidently required by the sense.

1077 ff. Here Gower mainly follows Benoît de Sainte-More (Roman de Troie, 25620 ff.), but he was of course acquainted also with Guido (Historia Troiana, lib. 27: m 5, ed. Argent. 1494). The name Epius is from Benoît, for Guido has ‘Apius’: on the other hand, Guido and not Benoît describes the horse as made of brass. In speaking of the discussion about pulling down a portion of the walls, and of the walls themselves as built by Neptune, 1146, 1152 ff., our author is certainly drawing from Benoît. Some points of the story and many details are original.

Of hem that &c., ‘As regards those who have such deceit in their hearts,’ i.e. hypocrites: cp. 956, ‘O derke ypocrisie.’

1102. The MS. can hardly be right in punctuating after ‘Togedre.’

1129 f. So Lydgate, perhaps with this passage in his mind,

‘Makynge a colour of devocion

Through holynesse under ypocrisie.’

Tale of Troye, bk. iv.

1133. trapped. ‘In quo construentur quedam clausure sic artificiose composite, quod’ &c. Hist. Troiana, m 4 vo. Gower does not say that men were contained within, though this is stated by his authorities, of whom Benoît places Sinon inside the horse, while Guido finds room there for a thousand armed men. The ‘twelve’ wheels seem to be due to Gower, as also the picturesque touch, ‘And goth glistrende ayein the Sunne.’

1146 ff. Cp. Roman de Troie, 25814 ff. (ed. Joly),

‘Et quant ço virent Troien,

Conseil pristrent que des terralz

Abatroient les granz muralz,

Les biax, les granz, que Neptunus

Ot fet, M. anz aveit et plus,

Et qu’ Apollo ot dedié.’

1165. crossen seil, ‘set their sails across (the mast).’

1172. Synon. The reading of F may be right, for ‘Simon’ is the form of the name given in many copies of Guido. Here however the whole of the second recension and the better copies of the first give ‘Synon,’ and a copyist’s alteration would be towards the more familiar name.

1225. lok. In l. 1703 we have ‘loke’ for the imperative, which must be regarded as more strictly correct.

Latin Verses. vi. 1 f. olle Fictilis ad cacabum, a proverb derived from Ecclus. xiii. 3, ‘Quid communicabit cacabus ad ollam? quando enim se colliserint confringetur.’

6. The elephant was supposed to have no joints.

1262 f. That I ... ne bowe more. For the form of expression see note on 718. Pauli makes the text here quite unintelligible by reproducing an error of Berthelet’s edition and adding to it another of his own.

1293. A proverbial expression like that in vi. 447, ‘For selden get a domb man lond.’

1328. retenue, ‘engagement of service’: cp. Bal. viii. 17,

‘Q’a vous servir j’ai fait ma retenue.’

1354. the decerte Of buxomnesse, i.e. ‘the service of obedience.’ For both the spelling and meaning of ‘decerte’ cp. Mir. 10194,

‘Qe ja ne quiert ou gaign ou perte

Du siecle avoir pour sa decerte.’

1407 ff. The ‘Tale of Florent’ is essentially the same as Chaucer’s ‘Wife of Bath’s Tale,’ but the details are in many ways different. According to Chaucer the hero of the adventure is a knight of Arthur’s court and the occasion of his trouble a much less creditable one than in the case of Florent. In Chaucer’s tale the knight sees a fairy dance of ladies in the forest before he meets his repulsive deliverer, and she gets from him a promise that he will grant her next request if it lies in his power, the demand of marriage being put off until after the question has been successfully solved by her assistance. The rather unseasonable lectures on gentilesse, poverty, and old age are not introduced by Gower. On the other hand, Chaucer’s alternative, ‘Will you have me old and ugly but a faithful wife, or young and fair with the attendant risks?’ is more pointed and satisfactory than the corresponding feature in Gower’s tale. Finally, Chaucer has nothing about the enchantment by which the lady had been transformed.

It is tolerably certain that neither borrowed the story from the other, though there are a few touches of minute resemblance which may suggest that one was acquainted with the other’s rendering of it: see ll. 1587, 1727.

We cannot point to the precise original of either; but a very similar story is found in The Weddynge of Sir Gawene and Dame Ragnell, published in the collection of poems relating to Gawain edited by Sir F. Madden (Bannatyne Club, 1839) and contained in MS. Rawlinson C. 86. In this ballad Arthur’s life is spared by a strange knight who meets him unarmed in the forest, on condition of answering his question, ‘What do women love best,’ at the end of twelve months. He is assisted by Dame Ragnell, who demands in return to be married to Sir Gawain. Sir Gawain accepts the proposal from loyalty to his lord, and the rest is much as in Gower’s version. It should be noted that the alternative of day or night appears in the ballad and was a feature of the original story, which Chaucer altered.

The Percy fragment of The Marriage of Sir Gawain, also printed in Sir F. Madden’s volume, is the same story as we have in the other ballad. The name Florent and that of the Emperor Claudius are probably due to Gower, who is apt to attach to his stories names of his own choosing: cp. Lucius and Dionys (Conf. Am. v. 7124*, Mir. 7101).

Shakespeare refers to Gower’s story in the line,

‘Be she as foul as was Florentius’ love.’

Tam. of the Shr. i. 2. 69.

1427. his oghne hondes: cp. iii. 2011, 2142; v. 1884, 5455 (‘seide his oghne mouth’).

1509. schape unto the lere, ‘prepared for the loss’ (O. E. lyre).

1521. par aventure, or ‘per aventure’ as given by J. The former of the two words is as usual contracted in F.

1536. his horse heved, ‘his horse’s head’: cp. Prol. 1085, iv. 1357, &c. The word ‘heved,’ also written ‘hefd,’ ‘hed,’ is a monosyllable as regards the metre.

1541. Florent be thi name: cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, B 3982, ‘dan Piers be youre name.’

1556. ‘I ask for nothing better (to be imposed) as a task.’

1587. Have hier myn hond: so in Chaucer, ‘Have heer my trouthe,’ D 1013.

1662. This is one of the closest parallels with the ballad,

‘And she that told the nowe, sir Arthoure,

I pray to god I maye se her bren on a fyre.’

Weddynge of Syr Gawene, 475.

1676. what: cp. the use of ‘quoy’ in French, e.g. Mir. 1781.

1677. caste on his yhe, ‘cast his eye upon.’

1714. ‘He must, whom fate compels.’ The words ‘schal,’ ‘scholde’ are regularly used by Gower to express the idea of destiny, e.g. iii. 1348, iv. 92, 377.

1722. ‘Placing her as he best could.’

1727. Bot as an oule &c. So in Chaucer,

‘And al day after hidde him as an owle,

So wo was hym, his wyf looked so foule.’

D 1081 f.

1767. tok thanne chiere on honde, ‘began to be merry.’

1771. And profreth him ... to kisse, i.e. offers to kiss him: cp. v. 6923, ‘Anon he profreth him to love.’

1886. til it overthrowe, i.e. till it fall into calamity, ‘overthrowe’ being intransitive, as 1962.

1888. Hadde I wist: cp. ii. 473, iv. 305.

1895. And is, i.e. ‘And he is,’ the pronoun being frequently omitted: cp. Prol. 348, 676, i. 2083, 2462, ii. 258, 624, 2071, 2985, iii. 1063, &c.

1917 f. A proverbial expression: cp. Lydgate, Secrees of the Philosophres, 459, ‘Yit wer me loth ovir myn hed to hewe.’

1934. ne schal me noght asterte, ‘shall not escape me,’ in the sense of letting a fault be committed by negligence in repressing it: cp. i. 722.

1967. unbende, 1st sing. pret., ‘I unbent (my bow).’ For the form cp. ‘sende,’ Prol. 1013.

1980 ff. The example of Capaneus is probably from Statius. The medieval romances (e.g. the French Roman de Thèbes) do not represent Capaneus as slain by a lightning stroke. The impious speech alluded to here, ‘Primus in orbe deos fecit timor!’ is Statius, Theb. iii. 661, and the death of Capaneus, Theb. x. 827 ff.

2007. it proeveth, i.e. ‘it appears’: cp. Prol. 926.

2021 ff. This story was probably taken by Gower from the Vita Barlaam et Josaphat, cap. vi (Migne, Patrol. vol. 74. p. 462 f.). The incidents are the same, but amplified with details by Gower, who has also invented the title of the king. In the original he is only ‘magnus quidam et illustris rex.’ The story is found in several collections, as Gesta Romanorum, 143, Holkot, 70, see Gesta Romanorum, ed. Oesterley.

2030. ride amaied: cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, C 406, and Skeat’s note.

2049. par charite. Rather perhaps ‘per charite,’ following J. F and A both have the contracted form. So also ‘per chance,’ ‘per chaunce,’ in ll. 2225, 2290, 3203, and ‘per aventure,’ l. 2350.

2073. was the same ... which, cp. viii. 3062*.

2078. This line, which would more naturally follow the next, seems to be thrown in parenthetically here.

2106. So also ii. 895, 2670.

2172. to tendre with, ‘whereby to soften’: cp. i. 452, ‘To tarie with a mannes thoght,’ and ii. 283.

2176. sihe: the mixture of past with present tenses is common in Gower.

2214 ff. ‘O stulte ac demens, si fratris tui, cum quo idem tibi genus et par honos est, in quem nullius omnino sceleris tibi conscius es, praeconem ita extimuisti, quonam modo mihi reprehensionis notam idcirco inussisti, quod Dei mei praecones, qui mortem, ac Domini ,in quem me multa et gravia scelera perpetrasse scio, pertimescendum adventum mihi quavis tuba vocalius altiusque denuntiant, humiliter ac demisse salutarim?’ Barl. et Jos. cap. vi.

2225. See note on 2049.

2236. obeie, ‘do obeisance to’: cp. v. 1539.

2275 ff. The tale of Narcissus is no doubt from Ovid, Met. iii. 402 ff., but the account of his death is different from that which we find there. Ovid relates that he pined away gradually, and that his body was not found, but in place of it a flower.

2290. par chance: see note on 2049.

2316 f. Cp. Bocc. Gen. Deorum, vii. 59, ‘existimans fontis Nympham.’ By the margin we find that the nymph here meant is Echo, who is represented by Ovid as having wasted away for love of Narcissus and as giving an answer now to his cries.

2317. as tho was faie, ‘as then was endued with (magic) power,’ ‘faie’ being an adjective, as in ii. 1019, v. 3769.

2320. of his sotie, to be taken with what follows.

2340 ff. I know of no authority for this manner of his death.

2343-2358. This pretty passage is a late addition, appearing only in the third recension MSS. and one other copy, so far as I know. According to Ovid, the nymphs of the fountains and of the woods mourned for Narcissus,

‘Planxere sorores

Naides, et sectos fratri posuere capillos;

Planxerunt Dryades, plangentibus assonat Echo,’

but when they desired to celebrate his obsequies, they found nothing there but a flower.

2350. par aventure: see note on 2049.

2355 ff. This application of the story, founded on the fact that the narcissus blooms in early spring, seems to be due to our author: cp. ii. 196, iii. 1717.

2377. a place, equivalent to ‘aplace,’ which we find in l. 1888, i.e. ‘on place,’ ‘into place.’ We might read ‘aplace’ here also, for though the words were at first written separately in F, there seems to have been an intention of joining them afterwards. However, such separations are often found elsewhere, as ‘a doun,’ iv. 2710, v. 385; ‘a ferr’; i. 2335; ‘a game,’ viii. 2319; and most MSS. have ‘a place’ here.

2398. The reading of F, ‘Which elles scholde haue his wille,’ is a possible one, but the preservation of final ‘e’ before ‘have’ used unemphatically, as here, would be rather unusual. Instances such as l. 2465, ‘a werre hadde,’ are not to the point, and in l. 2542, where there is a better example, ‘Of such werk as it scholde have,’ the word ‘have’ is made more emphatic by standing in rhyme.

Latin Verses. ix. 2. cilens. Such forms of spelling are not uncommon in Gower’s Latin: cp. ‘cenatore,’ v. 4944 (margin).

2410. wynd. The curious corruption ‘hunt,’ which appears in one form or another in all the copies of the unrevised first recension, must have been one of the mistakes of the original copyist. The critical note here should be, ‘hunt(e) H₁YX ... C hante L haunt B₂,’ and the actual reading in L is, ‘Haþ þilke errour hante in his office,’ which seems due to a marginal note having been incorporated in the text.

2411. Which, for ‘that’ in consecutive sense, answering to ‘thilke,’ see note on l. 492. In this case it does not even stand as the subject of the verb, for we have ‘he overthroweth.’

2421. tok. This is second person singular, and we might rather expect ‘toke,’ which in fact is the reading of some good copies: cp. ii. 234, iii. 2629, viii. 2076.

2443. daunger. See note on Balades, xii. 8. The name represents the influences which are unfavourable to the lover’s suit, and chiefly the feelings in the lady’s own mind which tend towards prudence or prompt her to disdain. The personification in the Roman de la Rose is well known. There Danger is the chief guardian of the rose-bush, and has for his helpers Malebouche, who spreads unfavourable reports of the lover, with Honte and Paour, who represent the feelings in the lady’s mind which lead her to resist his advances: see Roman de la Rose, 2837 ff., Chaucer, Leg. of G. Women, B 160, Troilus, ii. 1376. Danger, however, also stands without personification for scornfulness or reluctance in love, and so the adjective ‘dangereus’ Rom. de la Rose, 479 (Eng. ‘dangerous,’ Cant. Tales, D 1090, ‘Is every knight of his so dangerous?’).

In the Confessio Amantis the principal passages relating to Danger as a person are iii. 1537 ff. and v. 6613 ff. Such expressions also frequently occur as ‘hire daunger,’ iv. 2813; ‘thi Daunger,’ iv. 3589; ‘make daunger,’ ii. 1110; ‘withoute danger,’ iv. 1149: cp. Chaucer, Troilus, ii. 384.

For the references to Danger in Lydgate see Dr. Schick’s note on Temple of Glas, 156 (E. E. T. S.).

2459 ff. The story of Alboin and Rosemund is related by Paulus Diaconus, Gest. Langob. ii. 28, and after him by many others. This historian declares that he has himself seen the cup made of a skull from which the queen was invited to drink. According to him, Helmichis, the king’s foster-brother and shield-bearer, plotted with Rosemunda against the king and induced her to gain the support of one Peredeus by the device of substituting herself for her waiting-maid. In some versions of the story this Peredeus was omitted. For example, in the Pantheon of Godfrey of Viterbo (xvii), where the story is related first in prose and then in verse, he is only slightly mentioned in the prose account and not at all in the verse, Helmegis being substituted for him in both as the object of the queen’s artifice. It seems probable that Gower followed this author, with whose book we know he was acquainted (viii. 271). The name of the waiting-maid, Glodeside, seems to have been supplied by our author, who took it no doubt from ‘Glodosinda,’ the name of Alboin’s former wife. Helmege the king’s ‘boteler’ is the ‘Helmegis pincerna regis’ of the Pantheon, and some expressions correspond closely, as 2474 (margin), ‘ciphum ex ea gemmis et auro circumligatum ... fabricari constituit,’ with the line ‘Arte scyphum fieri statuens auroque ligari.’

The tale is well told by Gower, but he alters the final catastrophe, so as not to lengthen the story unnecessarily and divert attention from his principal object, which has to do with Alboin’s punishment for boasting and not with the fate of the adulterous pair. He is responsible for most of the details: in the Pantheon the story occupies only sixty lines of Latin verse and is rather meagre in style. Compare, for example, the following with the account given by Gower of the holding of the banquet, the cruel boast of Alboin, and the feelings of the queen (2495-2569),

‘Ipse caput soceri, quem fecerat ense necari,

Arte scyphum fieri statuens auroque ligari,

Vina suae sponsae praecipit inde dari.

Femina nescisset quod testa paterna fuisset,

Vina nec hausisset, nisi diceret impius ipse,

“Testa tui patris est, cum patre, nata, bibe.”

Dum bibit immunda data vina gemens Rosimunda,

Pectora pessumdat, lacrymae vehementer inundant,

Occisique patris res fit amara satis.’

2485 (margin). Bibe cum patre tuo: these are the exact words of the prose account in the Pantheon.

2504. There is a stop after ‘ordeine’ in F, therefore ‘sende’ should be taken as a past tense rather than as infinitive dependent on ‘let.’

2533. ‘And took a pride within his heart.’

2548. The punctuation is that of the MSS.

2569. had mad. The use of ‘had’ for ‘hadde’ in a position like this, where it is followed by a consonant (or of ‘hadde’ with the value of a monosyllable in such a position), is most unusual in Gower’s verse. If there were a little more authority for it, we might read ‘hath,’ as given by J: cp. iv. 170, where many of the best copies read ‘Had mad’ for ‘Hath mad.’ It is possible that the author meant here ‘hath had mad’ (‘had’ being past participle), but I cannot quote any clear example of this form of speech at so early a date.

2642 ff. Here Gower departs from the authorities and winds up the story abruptly. According to the original story, Longinus the prefect of Ravenna conspired with Rosemunda to poison Helmichis; and he, having received drink from her hand and feeling himself poisoned, compelled her to drink also of the same cup.

2677. veine gloire. The adjective here adopts the French feminine form, as we have it in this very combination in the Mirour, e.g. l. 1219. On the other hand, where the words are separated, as l. 2720, the uninflected form is used. See note on l. 1006.

Latin Verses. x. 5. strigilare fauellum, ‘to curry favel.’

2684. ‘Heaven seems no gain to him.’ The forms ‘þinken’ and ‘þenken’ are identified by Gower under ‘þenken’; but ‘þinke’ is sometimes used in rhyme, and indifferently for either, e.g. v. 213, 254.

2701. unavised, adv., ‘in a foolish fashion.’

2703 ff. Cp. Mir. 27337 ff., where the author pleads guilty to these crimes, as the lover also does below.

2705 (margin). Ecclus. xix. 27, ‘Amictus corporis et risus dentium et ingressus hominis enunciant de illo.’

2706 f. the newe guise of lusti folk, i.e. the latest fashion for men of pleasure.

2713 f. This is one of the cases in which the third recension reading has been introduced over erasure into the text of F: cp. Prol. 336, iv. 1321, 1361, vii. Lat. Verses after ll. 1640 and 1984.

The original lines are given in the foot-note in accordance with S. They were altered perhaps to avoid repetition of 2681 f.

2745. songe, so here in F and A, elsewhere ‘song.’

2746. Wherof: cp. l. 498.

2764. hire good astat. For the loss of inflexion cp. ii. 2341, ‘his slyh compas.’

2769. whiche: often treated as a monosyllable in the verse, as ii. 604, iv. 1498, &c., but cp. l. 2825.

2787. Prol. 585 ff.

2795. bere: pret., as shown both by sense and rhyme.

2801. good. The original reading was ‘godd,’ which perhaps may be thought better, but the alteration may have been made by the author to avoid a repetition of the same word that he had used in l. 2796. The meaning is, ‘he did not remember that there was anything else of worth except himself.’

2830. And fedden hem, i.e. ‘And that they fed themselves,’ &c.; cp. 2833, ‘and seide.’

2883. sein: so ii. 170, iii. 757, in rhyme always.

2890. Written in F ‘vnder the þe kinges,’ as if to make a distinction, but ‘þee’ in the next line.

2939. The punctuation after ‘godd’ is on the authority of F: otherwise it would be better to take ‘with godd and stonde in good acord’ together.

2951. He let it passe &c. The preceding sentence is broken off, and a new one begins which takes no account of the negative: see note on i. 98. This seems better than to make ‘it’ refer to his pride, for ‘mynde’ can hardly mean anything here but memory.

3032. ‘He found the same gentleness in his God.’

3050. can no love assise, ‘can adapt no love to his liking.’

3067 ff. The tale of the Three Questions is one of which I cannot trace the origin, notwithstanding the details of name and place which are given at the end, viz. that the king was of Spain and was called Alphonso, that the knight’s name was Pedro and his daughter’s Petronilla. A reference to the second and third questions occurs in the Mirour de l’omme, 12601 ff.

3153. herd you seid: so v. 1623, 7609, ‘herd me told.’ This form of expression, for ‘herd you seie,’ ‘herd me telle,’ may have sprung from such a use of the participle as we have in v. 3376, ‘Sche hadde herd spoke of his name’: cp. the use of participle for infinitive with ‘do’ in ii. 1799 and Chaucer, Cant. Tales, A 1913, ‘Hath Theseüs doon wroght,’ E 1098, ‘Hath doon yow kept.’

3203. par chaunce: see note on 2049.

3246. ansuerde. This seems to be a plural form of the participle, used here for the rhyme: so iv. 1810, v. 6789.

3296. leste: elsewhere ‘lest’; cp. 3106, 3313. Here we have ‘leste’ A, F, ‘lest’ JC, B. The form ‘moste’ is undoubtedly used for ‘most’ (adv.) i. 307.

3308. reprise, ‘trouble,’ as we have ‘paine et reprise’ in Mirour, 3968.

3365 f. lete That I ne scholde be: cp. iv. 454. In both cases ‘lete’ is the past participle of ‘leten’ (lǣtan), and not from ‘letten,’ meaning ‘hinder.’ In these expressions ‘lete’ means ‘left’ in the sense of ‘omitted’ (like ‘lete Of wrong to don,’ vii. 2726), and in this usage is naturally followed by a negative: cp. v. 4465, ‘I wol noght lete, What so befalle of mi beyete, That I ne schal hire yive and lene.’ The same phrase occurs with the past participle ‘let’ (meaning ‘hindered’) in ii. 128, and the sense is nearly the same.

3369 ff. Several corrections have been made by the author in this passage, either to make the verse run more smoothly, as 3369 ‘it mot ben holde’ for ‘mot nede be holde,’ 3374 ‘mad a Pier’ for ‘an Erl hier,’ 3412 ‘vice be received’ for ‘vice schal be received,’ or to improve the sense and expression, as 3381 ‘maide’ for ‘place,’ 3396 ‘wyse Peronelle’ for ‘name Peronelle,’ 3414 ‘worth, and no reprise’ for ‘worthy, and no prise,’ 3416 ‘If eny thing stond in contraire’ for ‘And it is alway debonaire,’ an awkward parenthesis. It should be noted that Λ (the Wollaton copy of the second recension) here goes with the unrevised first recension, whereas B agrees with the revised form, except in ll. 3369, 3381.

3381. the maide asterte, ‘escape the influence of the maiden.’

3442 f. The hellish nature of Envy consists in the fact that it wrongs both itself and others without cause, that is without having any further object to gain. It rejoices in evil for the sake of the evil itself and not for any advantage to be won from it. Cp. ii. 3132 ff.

LIB. II.

11. if it be so, equivalent to ‘is it so,’ from the form ‘I ask if it be so.’

20. Ethna: cp. Mirour, 3805 ff.,

‘Ly mons Ethna, quele art toutdiz,

Nulle autre chose du paiis

Forsque soy mesmes poet ardoir;

Ensi q’ Envie tient ou pis

En sentira deinz soy le pis.’

The idea is that Envy, like Mount Etna, burns within itself continually, but is never consumed: cp. Ovid, Met. xiii. 867 (in the tale which follows below of Acis and Galatea),

‘Uror enim, laesusque exaestuat acrius ignis,

Cumque suis videor translatam viribus Aetnam

Pectore ferre meo.’

83. Write in Civile. ‘Civile’ is certainly the Civil Law, for so we find it in Mirour, 15217, 16092, &c., and also personified in Piers Plowman. The reference here has puzzled me rather, but the following, I believe, is the explanation of it, strange as it may seem at first sight.

In the Institutions of Justinian, i. 7, ‘De lege Furia Caninia sublata,’ we read that this law, which restricted the power of owners of slaves to manumit them by will, was repealed ‘quasi libertatibus impedientem et quodammodo invidam.’ It seems that medieval commentators upon this, reading ‘canina’ for Caninia in the title of the law, explained the supposed epithet by reference to the adjective ‘invidam’ used in the description of it, and conceived the law to have been called ‘canina’ because it compelled men to imitate the dog in the manger by withholding liberty from those for whom they no longer had any use as slaves. In Bromyard’s Summa Predicantium we find the following under the head of ‘Invidia’: ‘Omnes isti sunt de professione legis Fusie canine. Ille enim Fusius inventor fuit legis cuius exemplum seu casus est iste. Quidam habet fontem quo non potest proprium ortum irrigare ... posset tamen alteri valere sine illius nocumento; ipse tamen impedit ne alteri prosit quod sibi prodesse non potest, ad modum canis, sicut predictum est: a cuius condicione lex canina vocata est inter leges duodecim tabularum, que quia iniqua fuit, in aliis legibus correcta est, sicut patet Institut. lib. i. de lege Fusia canina tollenda.’

It seems likely then that Gower took the fable from some comment on this passage of the Institutions.

88. who that understode, ‘if a man understood,’ subjunctive: see notes on Prol. 13, 460.

104 ff. From Ovid, Met. xiii. 750 ff., where it is told at greater length. The circumstance, however, of Polyphemus running round Etna and roaring with rage and jealousy before he killed Acis, is added by Gower, possibly from a misunderstanding of l. 872. It is certainly an improvement.

128. it myhte noght be let &c. See note on i. 3365.

196. as he whilom &c. This suggestion is due to our author: cp. i. 2355 ff.

252. who overthrowe, Ne who that stonde. The verbs are probably singular and subjunctive: cp. iii. 665.

258. And am: cp. note on i. 1895.

261. Cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, G 746 ff., where the Ellesmere MS. has in the margin ‘Solacium miseriorum’ &c. The quotation does not seem to be really from Boethius.

265 f. ‘When I see another man labour where I cannot achieve success.’ For this use of ‘to’ cp. Prol. 133, &c.

283. to hindre with, ‘whereby to hinder’: cp. i. 452, 2172.

291 ff. This story, as Prof. Morley points out, is to be found among the fables of Avian, which were widely known. Gower has amplified it considerably. The fable is as follows:

xxii. ‘Iuppiter, ambiguas hominum praediscere mentes,

Ad terram Phoebum misit ab arce poli.

Tunc duo diversis poscebant numina votis,

Namque alter cupidus, invidus alter erat;

His sese medium Titan scrutatus utrumque

Obtulit et, “Precibus Iuppiter aecus,” ait,

“Praestandi facilis; nam quae speraverit unus,

Protinus haec alter congeminata feret.”

Sed cui longa iecur nequiit satiare cupido,

Distulit admotas in sua dona preces, 10

Spem sibi confidens alieno crescere voto,

Seque ratus solum munera ferre duo.

Ille ubi captantem socium sua praemia vidit,

Supplicium proprii corporis optat ovans;

Nam petit extincto iam lumine degat ut uno,

Alter ut hoc duplicans vivat utroque carens.

Tum sortem sapiens humanam risit Apollo,

Invidiaeque malum rettulit ipse Iovi,

Quae dum proventis aliorum gaudet iniquis,

Laetior infelix et sua damna cupit.’ 20

l. 6. Iuppiter aecus Lachmann vt peteretur codd.

309. Now lowde wordes &c., i.e. Now with loud words, &c.; cp. vii. 170.

317. That on, ‘The one.’

323 (margin). maculauit. Du Cange has, ‘Maculare, Vulnerare, vel vulnerando deformare.’

389. Malebouche, cp. Roman de la Rose, 2847 ff., Mirour de l’omme, 2677 ff.

390. pyl ne crouche, ‘pile nor cross,’ cross and pile being the two sides of a coin, head and tail.

399 f. The meaning of ‘heraldie’ is rather uncertain here. Probably it stands for ‘office of herald,’ and the passage means, ‘Holding the place of herald in the court of liars’; but the New Engl. Dict. apparently takes it in the sense of ‘livery,’ comparing the French ‘heraudie,’ a cassock, and an eighteenth-century example in English. In this case we must understand the lines to mean ‘wearing the livery of those who lie,’ that is, being in their service.

401 ff. Cp. Mirour, 3721 ff.

404. fals, see note on Prol. 221. Just below (l. 412) we have ‘his false tunge.’

413 ff. Cp. Mirour, 2893 ff.,

‘La hupe toutdis fait son ny,

Et l’escarbud converse auci,

Entour l’ordure et la merdaille;

Mais de ces champs qui sont flori

N’ont garde: et par semblance ensi

Malvoise langue d’enviaille,’ &c.

447. ‘That many envious tale is stered,’ ‘many’ being a monosyllable for the metre before the vowel, as frequently in the expression ‘many a,’ and ‘envious’ accented on the penultimate syllable. For the use of ‘many’ by itself in the singular cp. ii. 89, iv. 1619, &c.

473. That is, she is on her guard against doing that of which she might afterwards repent. For ‘hadde I wist’ cp. i. 1888.

510 f. I myhte noght To soffre &c. A very unusual construction.

547 ff. ‘I cannot find that I have spoken anything amiss by reason of envy,’ &c.

565. ‘In which he knows that there is poison’: for the arrangement of words cp. i. 833.

583. ‘To be amended’: cp. Prol. 83.

587 ff. The tale of Constance is Chaucer’s Man of Law’s Tale, and the story was derived by the two authors from the same source, Nicholas Trivet’s Anglo-Norman chronicle. The story as told by him has been printed for the Chaucer Society from MS. Arundel 56, with collation of a Stockholm copy (Originals and Analogues, 1872). The quotations in these Notes, however, are from the Bodleian MS., Rawlinson B. 178.

Gower has followed the original more closely than Chaucer, but he diverges from it in a good many points, as will be seen from the following enumeration:

(1) Gower says nothing of the proficiency of Constance in sciences and languages, on which Trivet lays much stress. (2) He abridges the negotiations for marriage with the Souldan (620 ff.). (3) He does not mention the seven hundred Saracens with whom the Souldan’s mother conspired. (4) He brings Constance to land in Northumberland in the summer instead of on Christmas day (732). (5) He omits the talk between Constance and Hermyngeld which leads to the conversion of the latter (cp. 752 ff.). (6) According to Trivet the blind man who received his sight was one of the British Christians who had remained after the Saxon conquest, and he went to Wales to bring the bishop Lucius. (7) The knight who solicited Constance had been left, according to Trivet, in charge during Elda’s absence, and planned his accusation against her for fear she should report his behaviour to Elda on his return (cp. 792 ff.). (8) The words spoken when the felon knight was smitten are not the same. Gower moreover makes him confess his crime and then die, whereas in the French book he is put to death by the king (cp. 879 ff.). (9) The reasons for Domilde’s hatred of Constance are omitted by Gower. (10) Trivet says that Domilde gave the messenger a drugged potion on each occasion (cp. 952 ff., 1008 ff.). (11) The communication to Constance of the supposed letter from the king, and her acceptance of her fate, are omitted by Gower. (12) The prayers of Constance for herself and her child upon the sea and her nursing of the child are additions made by Gower (1055-1083). (13) According to Trivet, Constance landed at the heathen admiral’s castle and was entertained there, going back to her ship for the night. Then in the night Thelous came to her, and professing to repent of having denied his faith, prayed that he might go with her and return to a Christian country. So they put out at sea, and he, moved by the devil, tempted her to sin. She persuaded him to look out for land, with a promise of yielding to his desires on reaching the shore, and while he is intent on this occupation, she pushes him overboard (cp. 1084-1125). (14) The vengeance of king Alle on his mother is related by Trivet immediately after this, by Gower later. According to Trivet he hewed her to pieces (cp. 1226-1301). In the ballad of Emaré the mother is condemned to be burnt, but her sentence is changed to exile. (15) Gower omits the entry of king Alle into Rome and the incident of his being seen by Constance as he passed through the streets. (16) Trivet says that when Morice took the message to the Emperor, the latter was struck by his resemblance to his lost daughter. (17) Gower adds the incident of Constance riding forward to meet her father (1500 ff.). (18) According to Trivet, Constance returned to Rome because of the illness of her father (cp. 1580 ff.).

These differences, besides others of detail, show that Gower treated the story with some degree of freedom.

Before Trivet was known as the common source for Chaucer and Gower, Tyrrwhitt suggested that Chaucer’s tale was taken from Gower. Chaucer in fact criticizes and rejects one feature of the tale which occurs in Gower’s version of it, namely the sending of ‘the child Maurice’ to invite the Emperor. This incident however comes from Trivet, and it is probably to him that Chaucer refers.

It has been argued however in recent times from certain minute resemblances in detail and forms of expression between Chaucer’s tale and Gower’s, that Chaucer was acquainted with Gower’s rendering of the story as well as with Trivet’s (E. Lücke in Anglia, vol. xiv); and the same line of reasoning has been employed by others, e.g. Dr. Skeat in his edition of Chaucer, to prove that Gower borrowed to some extent from Chaucer. It seems probable that Chaucer’s tale of Constance was written earlier than Gower’s, and it is likely enough that Gower was acquainted with his friend’s work and may have conveyed some expressions from it into his own. Lücke adduces twenty-seven instances, more than half of them trivial or unconvincing, but amounting on the whole to a tolerably strong proof that one of the two poets was acquainted with the other’s story. The most convincing of the parallels are the following: Gower, ‘Let take anon this Constantine’ 706, Chaucer, ‘And Custance have they take anon’ Cant. Tales, B 438; Gower, ‘lich hir oghne lif Constance loveth’ 750, Chaucer, ‘loved hire right as hir lif’ B 535; Gower, ‘yif me my sihte’ 765, Chaucer, ‘yif me my sighte again’ B 560, Trivet, ‘qe tu me facetz le signe de la croiz sur mes eux enveugles’ f. 34; Gower, ‘The king with many another mo Hath christned’ 907, Chaucer, ‘The kyng and many another in that place converted was’ B 685; Gower, ‘to kepe his wif’ 925, Chaucer, ‘his wyf to kepe’ B 717; Gower, ‘goth to seke Ayein the Scottes for to fonde The werre’ 928 ff.; Chaucer, ‘whan he is gon To Scotlondward, his fomen for to seke’ B 717 f.; Gower, ‘The time set of kinde is come, This lady hath hir chambre nome’ 931 f. Chaucer, ‘She halt hire chambre abiding Cristes wille. The tyme is come’ B 721 f. These resemblances of phrase are such as we might expect to find if Gower had read Chaucer’s story before writing his own. In all essentials he is independent, and it is surely not necessary to suppose, as Dr. Skeat does, that a quarrel between them was caused by such a matter as this.

590. Tiberius Constantinus was Emperor (at Constantinople) for four years only, 578-582; his wife’s name was Anastasia. He selected Maurice of Cappadocia to succeed him, and gave him his daughter in marriage. The romance related by Trivet seems to have no historical foundation, but it was during the reign of Maurice that the mission went from Rome for the conversion of the English, and this may have had something to do with the story that Maurice himself was partly of English origin. Trivet himself mentions the historical form of the story, but pretends that he finds a different account in the old Saxon chronicles, ‘les aunciens croniques des Sessouns,’ or ‘l’estoire de Sessons.’

594. the god: cp. Prol. 72. We find both ‘god’ and ‘godd’ as forms of spelling, so ‘rod’ and ‘rodd,’ ‘bed’ and ‘bedd.’ Here ‘godd’ has been altered in F by erasure.

613. Both Chaucer and Gower make the Souldan send for the merchants, whereas in Trivet they are brought before him on accusation: but in fact here Gower agrees in essentials with Trivet, while Chaucer invents a quite different occasion for the interview.

653. Betwen hem two, ‘by themselves together’: cp. 752, 3517, iii. 1466.

684. Hire clos Envie: see note on Prol. 221. The metaphor here may be from spreading a net, or perhaps it means simply she displayed her secret envy.

693 f. Compare Chaucer’s development of the idea with examples, Cant. Tales, B 470 ff.

709. withoute stiere: Chaucer says ‘a ship al steereles’ where Trivet has ‘sanz sigle et sanz naviroun,’ or ‘sanz viron’ (MS. Rawl.): but either ‘viron’ or ‘naviron’ might stand for the oar with which the ship was steered.

709 ff. Note the free transposition of clauses for the sake of the rhymes. The logical order would be 709, 711, 710, 713, 712.

711. for yeres fyve. Trivet says ‘pur treis aunz,’ but he keeps her at sea nevertheless for nearly five.

736. gon, plural, ‘he and his wife go’: cp. 1152.

749 ff. In the MSS. the paragraph begins at ‘Constance loveth,’ l. 751.

752. ‘They speaking every day together alone,’ an absolute use: cp. 1723. For ‘betwen hem two’ cp. 653.

762. Punctuated after ‘hire’ in F.

771. Thou bysne man. The word ‘bysne’ is taken from the original story. Trivet says she spoke in the Saxon language and said, ‘Bisne man, en Ihesu name in rode yslawe haue þi siht’ (MS. Rawl. f. 34).

785. As he that. The reference is to the king, so that we should rather expect ‘As him that,’ but the phrase is a stereotyped one and does not always vary in accordance with grammatical construction: cp. 1623. We find however also ‘As him which,’ iii. 1276.

791. ‘The time being appointed moreover’: an absolute use of the participle.

831. ‘trencha la gowle Hermigild’: therefore the fact that Gower and Chaucer agree in saying that he cut her throat has no special significance.

833. The reading ‘that dier,’ or ‘that diere,’ was apparently a mistake of the original copyist. It appears in all the unrevised copies of the first recension and also in B. Λ however has the corrected reading.

857. After, ‘In accordance with.’

880 ff. Here Chaucer follows the original more closely than Gower, as also just above, ‘him smoot upon the nekke boon.’ The words of the miraculous voice are given in Latin by Trivet, ‘Aduersus filiam matris ecclesie ponebas scandalum: hoc fecisti et tacui’ (‘et non tacui’ Rawl. Stockh.). Chaucer has (B 674 ff.),

‘And seyde, “Thou hast desclaundred gilteles

The doughter of holy chirche in heigh presence:

Thus hastou doon and yet holde I my pees.”’

895. This line occurs several times, e.g. i. 2106, ii. 2670.

905. Lucie, apparently to be pronounced ‘Lucíe.’ Such names usually appear either in the Latin forms ‘Lucius,’ ‘Tiberius,’ ‘Claudius,’ ‘Virginius,’ or with accent on the antepenultimate syllable ‘Tibérie,’ ‘Mercúrie,’ the ‘i’ not being counted as a syllable.

947. What the right name really is we can hardly say for certain. The printed text of the French gives ‘Domulde’ or ‘Domilde,’ the Rawlinson MS. has ‘Downilde,’ and Chaucer makes it ‘Donegild.’

964. which is of faierie. In the French book the letter states that the queen has been transformed since the king’s departure into the likeness of another creature and is an evil spirit in woman’s form.

994 f. ‘comaunda qe sanz nul countredit feissent sa femme sauvement garder’ f. 34 vo.

1001. I punctuate after ‘Knaresburgh’ on the authority of F.

1010. The manuscript has a stop after ‘drunke’ and this seems best.

1020. Here we have apparently one of the original corruptions of the author’s text.

1046 ff. The original has only ‘grant duel et grant dolour demeneient.’

1081. To rocke with: cp. i. 452.

1110. if sche him daunger make, ‘if she resist his desire’: see note on i. 2443.

1123. menable: see note on i. 1067.

1132. er it be falle And hath &c.; that is, ‘until it be so come that it hath,’ &c.

1152. scholden: note the plural verb after ‘I forth with my litel Sone’: cp. 736.

1163. Trivet adds ‘qar issit l’apelerent les Sessoneis’ f. 35 vo.

1164. for noght he preide &c., ‘for none of his prayers to be told,’ &c.

1173. The stop after ‘Romeward’ is on the authority of F, with which A agrees. We can say either, ‘He was coming from Barbarie towards Rome, and was going home,’ or ‘He was coming from Barbarie, and was going home towards Rome’; but the latter perhaps is the more natural.

1191. made sche no chiere. This must mean here, ‘she gave no outward sign of her thought.’ Usually ‘to make cheer’ means to be cheerful.

1243. what child that were, subjunctive in indirect question: cp. 1943, iii. 708, 771, &c. See note on Prol. 41.

1259. alle well: ‘wel’ seems to be a substantive.

1275. as seith the bok. The ‘book’ only says ‘ia tut enflammé de ire.’

1285. I schal be venged: cp. v. 6766. The first and second recensions have ‘It schal.’

1300. was after sunge. The French book does not say this. It seems probable that Gower was acquainted with ballads on the subject, such as that of Emaré, printed in Ritson’s Metrical Romances, ii. 204 ff. It is to be noted that Emaré is taken from a Breton lay:

‘Thys ys of Brytayne layes,

That was used by olde dayes

Men callys playn the garye.’

1317. According to Trivet he came especially to get absolution for having killed his mother, and Chaucer follows him here.

1329. In help to ben his herbergour. This seems to mean that the question was asked with a view to helping to provide a lodging for the king. The expression is rather obscure however.

1351. seknesse of the See. This is absurd here, but not so in the original story. Constance attributes her weakness to the effects produced by her long wanderings at sea, ‘se acundut par feblesce de sa cervele que lui avint en la mere’ f. 36.

1369. sihe, subjunctive, ‘so that the king might see him.’

1381 f. Cp. viii. 1702 ff.

1393. ‘a ship which was,’ cp. i. 10.

1405 f. See note on 1163. Trivet speaks here only of the name of Moris.

1423 f. Gower’s more usual form would be, ‘Desireth not the heaven so much, that he ne longeth more,’ as i. 718, &c.

1464 ff. The connexion of this remark is clearer in the original story, which says that Constance told her husband, if the Emperor should refuse his prayer, to ask ‘pur l’amur q’il avoit al alme sa fille Constaunce’; because she knew that he denied no one who prayed in this form.

1586 ff. after that, ‘according as’: cp. Prol. 544, iii. 1074. The book says in fact with much apparent accuracy that Alla died nine months after his return, that Constance returned to Rome half a year after, ‘pur la novele qe ele oit de la maladie son pere,’ that on the thirteenth day after her arrival the Emperor died in the arms of his daughter, and she followed him in a year, the date being St. Clement’s day of the year 585. It is further stated that Elda, who had accompanied Constance to Rome, died at Tours on his way back to England.

1599. the wel meninge of love. In spite of the variations there can hardly be a doubt about the true reading here. The word is clearly ‘meninge’ both in F and S, and the change to ‘whel’ was suggested no doubt by the misreading ‘meuinge.’ For the expression cp. iii. 599, ‘To love and to his welwillinge.’

1613 ff. Gower apparently pieced together this story of Demetrius and Perseus from several sources, for it does not seem to occur in any single authority precisely as he gives it. The first part, which has to do with the false accusation brought against Demetrius and its consequences, agrees with the account given in Justin, Epitome, lib. xxxii. The story of the daughter of Paulus Emilius and her little dog is told by Valerius Maximus, Mem. i. 5. 3. Finally, the details of the defeat of Perseus seem to be taken from the account of a catastrophe which about the same time befell the Basternae, a Thracian tribe allied with Perseus, who according to Orosius (iv. 20), when crossing the Danube in winter with large numbers of men and horses, were almost annihilated by the breaking of the ice. The same author mentions that after the defeat and capture of Perseus his son exercised the craft of a brass-worker at Rome.

It is possible of course that Gower had before him some single account in which these elements were already combined. In Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Hist. v. 65 f., we find first the catastrophe of the Basternae, taken from Orosius, then the Macedonian war from Justin and Orosius, with the incident of the dog inserted from Valerius.

1631 (margin). testibus que iudicibus, ‘witnesses and judges,’ a common use of the conjunction in Gower’s Latin: cp. ‘Celsior est Aquila que Leone ferocior,’ Latin Verses after i. 574.

1633. dorst, so here in the best MSS. for ‘dorste.’

1711. apparant, for ‘heir apparant,’ which was the original reading of the first recension: cp. Mirour, 5580,

‘Car d’autre bien n’est apparant.’

1723. livende his father: for this absolute use cp. 752.

1757. upon depos, that is, having his power given to him as a temporary charge. See the examples in the New Engl. Dict.

1778. And he. ‘As he’ is an error which crept into the third recension. The interchange of ‘As’ with ‘And’ in Gower MSS. is very common.

1793 f. ‘For such an omen of an hound was most like to him,’ the words being transposed for the sake of the metre.

1799. do slain. This is apparently past participle by attraction for infinitive: cp. i. 3153, iv. 249, 816.

1817 ff. This incident is not related of the army of Perseus in any history, so far as I know: see note on 1613.

Latin Verses. iv. 7 f. As punctuated in F the couplet runs,

‘Quod patet esse fides in eo, fraus est que politi

Principium pacti, finis habere negat.’

This does not seem to give any sense. The text may be translated thus: ‘What appears to be faith in him is in fact fraud, and the end of the smooth covenant disowns the beginning’ (lit. ‘denies that it has the beginning’).

1921. it scheweth, ‘there appeareth’: cp. iii. 809.

1943. how it were: subjunctive of indirect question; cp. 1243.

1950. of love, and. The punctuation is that of F.

2016. byme: see note on i. 232.

2018. For this I weene, ‘the other cause is because I ween,’ &c.

2025. Forwhy and, ‘provided that’: the same line occurs again in v. 2563. Compare the use of ‘for why that’ in Le Morte Arth. 389 (Roxb.), ‘Thou shalt haue yiftis good, For why þat thou wilte dwelle wyth me,’ quoted in the New Engl. Dict.

2066. of his oghne hed. It may be questioned whether ‘hed’ is not here from an O.E. ‘*hǣd,’ a collateral form of ‘hád,’ like the termination ‘-hed’ for ‘-hod.’ See New Engl. Dict., ‘hede.’ In that case, ‘of his oghne hed’ would mean ‘about his own condition.’ The rhyme with ‘red’ is no guide to us.

2071. Bot hield, i.e. ‘But I held’; see note on i. 1895.

2098 ff. With this attack on the Lombards compare Mirour de l’omme, 25429 ff. It is the usual popular jealousy of foreign rivals in trade.

2122. Fa crere, ‘make-believe,’ the art by which they acquired credit in business. The form ‘crere’ is used in Gower’s French, e. g. Mirour, 4474.

2124. hem stant no doute, ‘they have no fear,’ ‘they are sure’: cp. iii. 1524, v. 7244. In v. 2118, ‘which stant of him no doute,’ we have a somewhat different form of the expression: cp. iii. 2536.

2157 ff. The story is mainly taken from Ovid, Metam. ix. 101 ff., but probably Gower was acquainted also with the epistle, Deianira Herculi, and he has (naturally enough) supposed that what is there said of Hercules and Omphale, the exchange of clothes &c., referred to the relations of Hercules and Iole: see 2268 ff. ‘The kinges dowhter of Eurice’ is no doubt derived from the expression ‘Eurytidosque Ioles’: cp. Traitié, vii. 2. Ovid’s account of the death of Hercules is very much shortened by our author, and not without good reason.

2160. That is, ‘it befell him to desire,’ &c.

2297. Ovid, Met. ix. 229 ff.

2299. al of: so the first and second recension copies generally, and also W. The sense seems to require it, rather than ‘of al,’ given by FH₃.

2341. his slyh compas: a clear case of the loss of inflexion in the adjective, notwithstanding that it is a native English stem. The same word occurs in the definite form in l. 2374 ‘with his slyhe cast.’

2346. chalk for chese: cp. Prol. 416.

2366. axeth no felawe, ‘requires none to share it.’

2392. The metre requires the form ‘bote,’ which is etymologically correct, and is given in the best MSS.

2403. Me roghte noght: pret. subjunctive, ‘I should not care.’

2423. I wolde: cp. iii. 78. We should expect the negative ‘I nolde,’ as in i. 2750 f.,

‘I wol noght say

That I nam glad on other side.’

The conditional clause thrown in has broken the thread of the sentence.

2430. tant ne quant: so Mirour de l’omme, 3654, 23358.

2437. A man to ben, cp. vi. 57.

2447. in a wayt: so given by the best copies, cp. 2999, but ‘upon await’ iii. 955, 1016.

2451 ff. In the MSS. the paragraph is marked as beginning with the next line, ‘At Troie how that,’ the line before being insignificant. As to the first story referred to in the text, Gower may have known it from Hyginus (Fab. cvi), or from Ovid, Her. Ep. iii. The example of Diomede and Troilus had been popularized by Chaucer, who had the name ‘Criseide’ from Boccaccio’s ‘Griseida.’ In Benoît and Guido the name is ‘Briseida,’ but Boccaccio was aware that Briseis was a different person (Gen. Deorum, xii. 52).

2459 ff. The name Geta was taken by Gower from the Geta of Vitalis Blesensis, a dramatic piece in Latin elegiacs founded on Plautus, in which Geta takes the place of Sosia: see Wright’s Early Mysteries, &c., pp. 79-90. It may be suspected that our author himself modified the story in order to make it more suitable for his purpose by substituting a mortal friend for Jupiter. We may note that he has also reversed the part played by Amphitryon.

2501 ff. I cannot indicate the source of this tale.

2537. As thei. The sense seems to require this reading, which is found however in only two MSS., so far as I know, and those not the best. It appears as a correction in Berthelet’s second edition.

2550. which that him beclipte. Either this means ‘who was encompassing him,’ that is pressing upon his borders, referring to the Caliph of Egypt, or ‘which encircled his territory,’ referring to what follows, ‘in a Marche costeiant.’ In the latter case we should have a very bold inversion of clauses for the sake of rhyme, but hardly more so than in 709 ff.

2558. unto Kaire. It is evident that the author conceives this as the capital not of Egypt but of Persia: cp. 2648.

2578. hair. The form of the word is accommodated to the rhyme: so iv. 1252.

2642. Upon hire oth &c., inverted order, ‘how it was a token that she should be his wife upon her oath,’ i.e. in accordance with her oath.

2670. The same line occurs also i. 2106, ii. 895.

2680. tome, i.e. ‘leisure,’ ‘opportunity,’ from the adjective ‘tom,’ empty. The reading ‘come’ is due probably to the misunderstanding of a rather unusual word, but the rhyme ‘Rome: come’ (past partic.) is not an admissible one (cp. K. Fahrenburg in Archiv für neuere Sprachen, vol. 89, p. 406, who of course is not aware of the corruption).

2803. The account of Boniface VIII which was most current in England is that which we find given in Rishanger’s Chronicle and repeated by Higden and Walsingham. It is as follows, under the year 1294:—

Papa cedit.

‘Coelestinus Papa se minus sufficientem ad regendam Ecclesiam sentiens, de consilio Benedicti Gaietani cessit Papatui, edita prius constitutione super cessione Pontificum Romanorum.

Supplantatio Papae.

‘In vigilia Natalis Domini apud Neapolim in Papam eligitur Benedictus Gaietanus.... De quo praedecessor eius Coelestinus, vir vitae anachoriticae, eo quod eum ad cedendum Papatui subdole induxisset, prophetavit in hunc modum, prout fertur: “Ascendisti ut vulpes, regnabis ut leo, morieris ut canis.” Et ita sane contigit; nam ipsum Papam ut Papatui cederet et ut Papa quilibet cedere posset, constitutionem edere fecit; quam quidem postmodum ipsemet Papa effectus revocavit. Deinde rigide regens generosos quosdam de Columpna Cardinales deposuit; Regi Francorum in multis non solum obstitit, sed eum totis viribus deponere insudavit. Igitur Senescallus Franciae, Willelmus de Longareto, vir quidem in agibilibus admodum circumspectus, et fratres de Columpna praedicti, foederatis viribus Bonifacium Papam comprehenderunt et in equum effrenem, versa facie ad caudam, sine freno posuerunt; quem sic discurrere ad novissimum halitum coegerunt, ac tandem fame necaverunt.’

It remains to be asked where Gower found the story of the speaking-trumpet by means of which Celestin was moved to his abdication, why he supposed that the capture of Boniface took place near Avignon, and whence came such additional details as we have in l. 3028.

As to the first, it was certainly a current story, because we find it repeated by later writers, as Paulus Langius, Chron. Citiz., ann. 1294, ‘Per fistulam etiam frequentius noctu in cubili per parietem missam, velut coelica vox esset, loquebatur ei: “Celestine, Celestine, renuncia papatui, quia aliter saluari non poteris, nam vires tuas excedit.”’

As to the death of Boniface, it was commonly reported that he had been starved in prison, the fact being that after the episode of his captivity he refused to take food, and the biting of his hands was observed as a symptom of extreme vexation, ‘saepe caput muro concussit et digitos momordit,’ ‘per plures dies ira feruidus manus sibi arrodere videbatur,’ &c. Ciacon. Vita Pont. p. 655.

2837 f. cp. Prol. 329.

2875. of such prolacioun,’with so prolonged a note.’

2889. hedde: cp. v. 1254.

2966. Lowyz. This of course is a mistake historically.

2985. And seiden. For omission of pronoun cp. i. 1895.

2995. de Langharet. We find this form of the name, or something equivalent, in the English Chronicles quoted, and also in Villani. The true name was apparently ‘de Nogaret.’

3001. at Avinoun. This is quite unhistorical, and the precise mention of ‘Pontsorge’ (or as our author first wrote it, ‘Poursorge’) seems to point to the use of some particular form of the story, which cannot at present be indicated.

3033 ff. This saying is sometimes given in the form of a prophecy, and attributed to the predecessor of Boniface, whose resignation he was said to have procured: see the passage quoted on l. 2803.

3037. to the houndes like, ‘after the likeness of the hound’: cp. i. 2791, ‘to his liche.’ The form ‘like’ would hardly be admissible here as an adjective for ‘lik.’

3056. This prophecy no doubt was current among the many attributed to the Abbot Joachim, but I do not find it exactly in the form here given. The quotation of it in the margin of F is in a different hand from that of the text and of the heading ‘Nota de prophecia’ &c. The omission of the Latin altogether in some manuscripts, as AdT, W, has no special significance for this passage.

3081 f. ‘He shall not be able to abstain from hindering him.’

3095. This saying, which is here attributed to Seneca, and which appears also in the Mirour de l’omme in a slightly different form, 3831 ff., may be based really upon the well-known passage of Dante, Inf. xiii. 64.

Latin Verses. vi. 4. Dumque, for ‘Dum,’ as sometimes in the Vox Clamantis.

ethnica flamma: see note on l. 20.

3122 ff. Cp. Mirour, 3819 ff.

3160. See note on i. 232.

3187. The Latin books referred to are the current lives of Saint Silvester, the substance of which is reproduced in the Legenda Aurea. Gower tells the story in considerably better style than we have it there, with amplifications of his own, especially as regards the reflections of Constantine, 3243 ff., and the preaching of Silvester to the Emperor, 3383 ff. There are some variations in detail from the current account which may or may not point to a special source. For example, in the Life of Silvester we are told that the Emperor met the lamenting mothers as he was riding up to the Capitol to take his bath of blood, and in all forms of the legend that I have seen the mountain where Silvester lay in hiding was Soracte (or Saraptis) and not Celion. The name may however have been altered by Gower for metrical reasons, as was sometimes his habit; see note on i. 1407 (end).

3210. of Accidence. ‘Accidentia’ in its medical sense is explained as ‘affectus praeter naturam’: cp. v. 763.

3243 ff. These reflections, continued to l. 3300, are an expanded and improved form of the rather tasteless string of maxims given in the legend, the most pointed of which is that with which our author concludes, ‘Omnium se esse dominum comprobat, qui servum se monstraverit pietatis.’

3260. his oghne wone. This appears to mean ‘according to his own habits,’ like ‘his oghne hondes’ (i. 1427), ‘his oghne mouth’ (v. 5455), for ‘with his own hands,’ &c.

3507. vertu sovereine: a clear case of the French feminine inflexion, which must have been a very natural variation in such expressions as this; cp. i. 2677. In French as in English our author would feel at liberty to adapt the form to the rhyme or metre: so we have ‘sa joye soverein’ Mir. 4810, but ‘ma sovereine joie’ Bal. ix. 7.

3517. betwen ous tweie, i.e. ‘together’; cp. l. 653.

LIB. III.

4. ther nis on. Note the repetition of the negative from the clause above.

71. the leng the ferre, i.e. ‘the lengere the ferre.’

78. mihte I, for ‘ne mihte I’: cp. ii. 2423.

83. redy to wraththe: cp. ii. 3444, ‘redi to the feith.’

143 ff. The story is from Ovid, Her. Ep. xi. It is that which is referred to by Chaucer, Cant. Tales, B 77,

‘But certeinly no word ne writeth he

Of thilke wikke ensample of Canacee,

That loved hir owene brother synfully.’

(Note that the name ‘Canace’ is used by Gower so as to rhyme with ‘place.’)

In spite of the character of the subject, it must be allowed that Gower tells the story in a very touching manner, and he shows good taste in omitting some of Ovid’s details, as for example those in Ep. 39-44. The appeal of Canace to her father as given by Gower is original, and so for the most part is the letter to her brother and the picturesque and pathetic scene of her death. On the whole this must be regarded as a case in which our author has greatly improved upon his authority. Lydgate obviously has Gower’s story before him when he introduces the tale (quite needlessly) into his Fall of Princes. It may be noted that in Ovid also the catastrophe is given as a consequence of ungoverned anger:

‘Imperat, heu! ventis, tumidae non imperat irae.’

172. lawe positif: see note on Prol. 247. Gower’s view is that there is nothing naturally immoral about an incestuous marriage, but that it is made wrong by the ‘lex positiva’ of the Church. This position he makes clear at the beginning of the eighth book, by showing that in the first ages of the world such marriages must have been sanctioned by divine authority, and that the idea of kinship as a bar to marriage had grown up gradually, cousins being allowed to marry among the Jews, though brother and sister might not, and that finally the Church had ordered,

‘That non schal wedden of his ken

Ne the seconde ne the thridde.’ viii. 147 f.

If attacked by Chaucer with regard to the subject of this story, he would no doubt defend himself by arguing that the vice with which it dealt was not against nature, and that the erring brother and sister were in truth far more deserving of sympathy than the father who took such cruel vengeance. Notwithstanding his general strictness in matters of morality, Gower was something of a fatalist, cp. the recurring phrases of 1222, 1348, 1677, iv. 1524, &c., and he repeatedly emphasizes the irresistible character of the impulses of nature in love; cp. i. 17 ff., 1051 ff., 2621, vi. 1261 ff., and here l. 161 (margin), ‘intollerabilem iuuentutis concupiscenciam.’

219. ‘the child which was,’ cp. i. 10.

253 f. Ovid, Her. Ep. xi. 96,

‘Et iubet ex merito scire quid iste velit.’

279 ff. This letter is for the most part original. That which we have in Ovid is mainly narrative.

292. If that &c. The point of this as it occurs in Ovid depends upon the fact that her child has already been exposed and, as she conceives, torn by wild beasts, and she entreats her brother if possible to collect his remains and lay them by her,—a very natural and pathetic request. Gower has chosen for the sake of picturesque effect in this scene to make the exposure of the child come after the death of the mother, and he should therefore perhaps have omitted the reference to the child’s burial.

300 f. Ovid, Her. Ep. xi. 3, 4,

‘Dextra tenet calamum, strictum tenet altera ferrum,

Et iacet in gremio charta soluta meo.’

315. The word ‘baskleth’ is perhaps a genuine alternative reading.

331. ‘Of such a thing done as that was.’ We must not be tempted by the correction ‘tho’ for ‘that.’

352. A fatalistic maxim which is often repeated, e.g. i. 1714, ‘nede he mot that nede schal.’

355. The revision of this line for the third recension may indicate a preference for throwing back the accent of ‘nature’ in the English fashion: so ii. 1376, but ‘natúre’ ll. 175, 350.

361 ff. This is from Ovid, Met. iii. 324 ff. Gower has chosen to omit the sequel of the story, which was that after seven years Tiresias saw the same snakes again, and by striking them a second time recovered his former sex. This being so, he is obliged to make a separate story (736 ff.) of the dispute between Jupiter and Juno, which gave Ovid occasion for mentioning the incident of the snakes.

382. Wherof,’ In regard to which.’

390. menable, ‘apt to be led’; see note on i. 1067. For the variations of reading cp. ii. 1599, and below, 519.

417. ‘Cheste’ is that form of contention which expresses itself in angry words. Gower seems to have taken it to be connected with the verb ‘chide,’ see 443, 492, 534, 552 ff.

431. Cp. Mirour, 4146 ff.,

‘ly sage auci

Ce dist, que deinz le cuer de luy

Folie buylle tresparmy,

Comme du fontaine la liquour.’

The reference is to Proverbs xv. 2, ‘os fatuorum ebullit stultitiam.’

436. oppose, ‘inquire.’

463 ff. See note on the Latin verses at the beginning of the Prologue, 5 f.

479. That is, rather than sing such a creed, I would choose to be unlearned and know no creed at all.

487. Upon hirself, i.e. upon her authority.

515. balketh. A ‘balk’ is a ridge left unploughed, and ‘to balk’ in ploughing is to leave a ridge either between two furrows or in the furrow itself, the plough being permitted to pass over a piece of ground without breaking it. Here it is referred to as an accident arising either from not ploughing straight or not keeping the ploughshare regularly at the proper depth. From this idea of leaving out something come most of the other meanings of the verb: see New Engl. Dict.

544. Hire oghte noght be. For this impersonal use with the simple infinitive cp. 704.

545. For I, i.e. ‘For that I’: cp. 820, &c.

585. This expression, which Pauli for some reason calls an ‘obscene proverb,’ seems to be nearly equivalent to the saying about the bird that fouls his own nest (cp. Mirour, 23413), and refers apparently to recriminations between the owl and the stock upon which he sits, on the matter of cleanliness. The application is to the case of the man who quarrels with his own performances, and naturally has the worst of it himself.

626. ‘World’ seems to be the true reading here, though ‘word’ stood in the earlier form of text. The meaning is ‘that state of things shall never be permitted by me.’ The use of ‘world’ is like that which we have in i. 178, where ‘mi world’ means ‘my condition’: cp. Prol. 383, 1081. The verb ‘asterte’ is used in the sense of escaping notice and so being allowed to pass or to happen: cp. i. 1934,

‘Bot that ne schal me noght asterte,

To wene forto be worthi,’ &c.

Cp. i. 722.

The expression ‘that word schal me nevere asterte’ is a more ordinary one (and therefore more likely to have been introduced by a copyist), but it gives no satisfactory sense here.

641 ff. The story was a hackneyed one, and occurs in many places. It is shortly told by Jerome, Adv. Jovin. i. 48.

665. what labour that sche toke. The verb is subjunctive, either because the form of speech is indirect, cp. 708, or because the expression is indefinite.

699. Cp. Mirour, 4185 ff., where after telling the same story the author roundly declares that he shall not follow the example.

704. Him oghte ... bere: cp. 544, 1666.

708. how that it stode: subjunctive of indirect speech, under rhyme influence: cp. ii. 1243 and l. 771 below, and see note on Prol. 41.

736. Met. iii. 316 ff. We have here the rest of the story which was referred to above, 361 ff. The point of the incident as told by Ovid is (perhaps purposely) missed by Gower, who does not mention the reason why Tiresias was selected as judge.

737. That is, according to the religious belief which then prevailed.

762. ‘And yet the other state would have pleased him better, to have had’ &c.

771. what he mene: for the subjunctive cp. 708.

782. of olde ensample: for ‘olde’ in this expression cp. 1683; but ‘of old time,’ i. 1072, ‘an old ensample,’ iv. 75.

783. This is from Ovid, Met. ii. 542 ff. The Cornide of Gower’s story is Coronis. The story is told at greater length by Chaucer as the Manciple’s Tale.

818 ff. From Ovid, Fasti, ii. 585 ff.

889. fals: see note on Prol. 221.

918. F alone gives ‘overmor,’ but it is probably what the author intended, though his first editions had the common variation ‘evermor.’ S is here defective.

957. sleth, ‘strikes.’

971. who so rede: subjunctive because indefinite; cp. 2508 and note on Prol. 460.

973 ff. This story may be found in Benoît’s Roman de Troie, 27551 ff. and in Guido, lib. 32 (n 3 vo, ed. Argent.). We must note however that for the classical Nauplius we find in Gower ‘Namplus,’ whereas in Benoît and Guido both it is ‘Naulus’: therefore it would seem that our author had before him also some other form of the story, where he found the name ‘Nauplius’ or ‘Nauplus,’ which he read ‘Nanplus’ or ‘Namplus.’ Perhaps this may have been Hyginus, Fab. cxvi. Elsewhere Gower usually follows Benoît rather than Guido, but here several expressions occur which seem to be suggested by Guido’s form of the story: see notes on 1030 and 1063. Also Gower says nothing of the incident of rocks being hurled down on the Greeks (Rom. de Troie, 27795 ff.), which is also omitted by Guido.

1002. The name which appears here and in the Latin margin as ‘Namplus,’ with no important variation of reading, is quite clearly ‘Nauplus’ in iv. 1816 ff.

1021. Homward, i.e. going towards home: cp. 2451.

1030 f. Hist. Troiana, n 4, ‘qui necesse habebant per confinia regni sui transire.’

1036. it sihe, ‘might see it.’

1049. ten or twelve. Guido says two hundred. Benoît does not specify the number of ships, but says that ten thousand men were lost. Gower has judiciously reduced the number.

1063. Cp. Hist. Troiana, n 4 vo, ‘fugiunt et se immittunt in pelagus spaciosum.’

1065. ‘what’ for ‘war,’ which appears in the unrevised form of the first recension, must be an error of the original scribe: on the other hand, ‘tyme’ for ‘dai’ proceeded no doubt originally from the author and was altered in order to make the verse run more smoothly.

Latin Verses. iv. 1. et sit spiritus eius Naribus: a reference to Isaiah ii. 22, ‘Quiescite ergo ab homine, cuius spiritus in naribus eius est.’ The same passage is quoted in Mirour, 4754, and it is evident there that the ‘breath in the nostrils’ was understood by our author to stand for fury of anger.

1113. war hem wel, ‘let them beware.’

1158. The contest in the heart between Wit and Reason on the one hand and Will and Hope on the other is quite in the style of the Roman de la Rose, where Reason and the Lover have an endless controversy (2983 ff.). Though the agencies are clearly personified here, the author has not assigned capital letters to their names.

1166. out of retenue, ‘out of my service.’

1173. jeupartie, ‘discord,’ one side being matched against the other. The first reading was ‘champartie,’ which may have proceeded from the author. It is clear that this word was used by Lydgate in the sense of ‘rivalry’ or ‘contest’ in the phrase ‘holde champartie,’ and this may either have come from the idea of partnership, implying division of power and so rivalry, as in Chaucer, Cant. Tales, A 1949, or from the legal sense, with which Gower and Lydgate would doubtless be acquainted, meaning partnership for a contentious purpose. There seems no sufficient reason for supposing (with the New Engl. Dict.) that Lydgate’s use was founded on a misunderstanding of Chaucer.

1183. and til. Caxton and Berthelet both have ‘tyl that’ for ‘and til,’ and one is tempted to suggest that ‘and til’ was meant to stand for ‘until.’

1201 ff. The story of the visit of Alexander to Diogenes was a common one enough, and it is hardly worth while to investigate its source for Gower. He probably here combined various materials into one narrative, for the usual form of the story as given by Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist. iii. 68 f., and in the Gesta Romanorum, does not include the conversation about the Reason and the Will. This may have been derived from Walter Burley, De Vita Philosophorum, cap. l., ‘Dum Alexander rex coram Diogene transiret, Diogenes tanquam illum spernens non respexit; cui dixit Alexander, “Quid est Diogenes quod me non respicis, quasi mei non indigeas?” Cui ille, “Ad quid necesse habeo servi servorum meorum?” Et Alexander, “Numquid servorum tuorum servus sum?” Ait, “Ego prevaleo cupiditatibus meis refrenans illas et subiciens mihi illas ut serviant: tibi autem cupiditates prevalent, et servus earum efficeris, earum obtemperans iussioni: servus igitur es servorum meorum.”’ Burley gives the other part of the conversation separately.

The incident of the messenger sent to inquire and of the answer which he brought back is no doubt due to Gower, as also the idea of the ‘tun’ being set on an axle and adapted for astronomical observations.

1212. The ‘dolium’ was of course popularly regarded as a wooden cask.

1222. ‘As fate would have it’: see note on 172 (end), and cp. 1442.

1224. the Sonne ariste, i.e. the rising of the sun: so iv. 1285, ‘and that was er the Sonne Ariste.’

1310. to schifte, ‘to dispose of.’ In Burley, ‘rogo ne auferas quod dare non potes.’

1331 ff. The tale of Pyramus and Thisbe is from Ovid, Met. iv. 55-166. Chaucer has taken it from the same source in the Legend of Good Women. When we compare the results, we find that in this instance it is Chaucer who has followed his authority closely, while Gower gives a paraphrase in his own language and with several variations of detail. He says, for example, that the lovers themselves made the hole in the wall through which they conversed; he omits Ninus’ tomb; he speaks of a lion, not a lioness; he says that Thisbe hid herself in a bush (not a cave), and that then the lion slew and devoured a beast before drinking at the spring; he cuts short the speech of Pyramus before killing himself; he represents that Pyramus was slain at once instead of living until Thisbe came; he invents an entirely new speech for Thisbe; and he judiciously omits, as Chaucer does also, the mention of the mulberry-tree and its transformation.

In short, Gower writes apparently from a general recollection of the story, while Chaucer evidently has his Ovid before him and endeavours to translate almost every phrase, showing thereby his good taste, for Ovid tells the story well.

The following points in Ovid (among others) are reproduced by Chaucer and not by Gower: l. 56, ‘quas Oriens habuit’; 58, ‘Coctilibus muris’; 59, ‘Notitiam primosque gradus vicinia fecit’ (which Chaucer misunderstands, however); 62, ‘Ex aequo captis ’ &c.; 64, ‘Quoque magis tegitur, tectus magis aestuat ignis’; 65, ‘Fissus erat tenui rima,’ &c.; 68, ‘Quid non sentit amor?’; 73-77, the speeches of the lovers to the wall; 81 f., ‘Postera nocturnos aurora’ &c.; 85, ‘Fallere custodes’; 87, ‘Neve sit errandum’ &c.; 94, ‘adopertaque vultum’; 97, ‘leaena’; 99, ‘ad lunae radios’; 100, ‘in antrum’; 105, ‘vestigia vidit in alto Pulvere’ &c.; 108, ‘Una duos nox, inquit, perdet amantes,’ and the rest of this speech; 117 f., ‘Utque dedit notae lacrimas,’ &c.; 122, ‘Non aliter quam cum vitiato fistula plumbo Scinditur’; 130, ‘Quantaque vitarit narrare pericula gestit’; 133, ‘tremebunda videt pulsare cruentum Membra solum’; 134 f., ‘oraque buxo’ &c.; 140, ‘Vulnera supplevit’ &c.; 145, ‘oculos iam morte gravatos’; 148 ff., the speech of Thisbe, except the reference to the mulberry-tree.

Gower’s rendering of the story is inferior to that of Chaucer, as might be expected, but nevertheless it is simple and pathetic. It has even some points of superiority, as 1386 f., the passage of Thisbe through the town at night; 1400, ‘with his blodi snoute’; 1411, the terror of Thisbe when concealed in the bush; and finally 1486 ff., where instead of deliberately resolving on death and inflicting it with calm resolution, she is more naturally represented as overcome by a sudden impulse in the midst of her mourning and killing herself almost without consciousness of what she did.

1348. as it scholde be: cp. 1222, ‘As thing which scholde so betyde.’

1356. All the best copies have ‘miht’ or ‘might’ here: cp. 1440. The distinction, however, between ‘miht’ (= mayest) and ‘mihte’ is usually well preserved by our author.

1394. In haste and: so ll. 1396, 1415. On the other hand, in 1430 we have a stop after ‘folhaste’ (in F), while 1447 remains doubtful.

1442. as it schal betide, cp. 1222.

1448. For sche, a reference to the ‘folhaste’ of the previous line. It was his haste that destroyed him, for if he had waited but a little he would have seen her come.

1466 f. ‘If it be only by this mishap which has befallen my love and me together.’ For the use of ‘betwen’ see note on ii. 653. The position of ‘Only’ is affected by metrical requirements: see note on ii. 709.

1473. oure herte bothe, ‘the hearts of us both.’ The singular ‘herte’ is given by the best copies of each recension.

1496. Bewar: thus written several times in F, e.g. 1738. Here A also has ‘Bewar.’

1524. him stant of me no fere: cp. ii. 2124.

1537. Daunger: see note on i. 2443.

1593 ff. The construction of the sentence is interrupted, but the sense is clear: ‘For if I, who have given all my will and wit to her service, should in reward thereof be suffered to die, it would be pity.’ For this kind of irregularity cp. i. 98, 2948, &c.

1605. The reading ‘in such,’ though given by both S and F, must be wrong.

1630. overthrewe. The verb no doubt is intransitive, as often, e.g. i. 1886, 1962, and below, l. 1638.

1666. him oghte have be: cp. 704.

1685 ff. Ovid, Met. i. 453-567. Gower cuts the story short.

1701. Ovid, Met. i. 470,

‘Quod facit auratum est et cuspide fulget acuta.’

(Merkel alters ‘auratum’ to ‘hamatum,’ but this is certainly wrong.)

1704. Note that the final syllable of ‘Daphne’ is subject to elision here and in 1716: so ‘Progne’ v. 5574, &c.

1718 ff. The suggestion is Gower’s own, as in other similar cases, e.g. i. 2355.

1743. ‘And it is to be desired that a man,’ &c.

1757 ff. This story is chiefly from Benoît, Roman de Troie, 28025 ff. Guido omits many details which are given by Gower. Note that in l. 28025, where Joly’s edition has ‘Samas,’ Guido and Gower both have ‘Athemas.’ Our author has treated his materials freely and tells the story at greater length. The speech which he assigns to Nestor is for the most part original.

1885 ff. The tale of Orestes is from Benoît de Sainte-More, Rom. de Troie, 27925-27990, 28155-28283, and 28339-28402. Guido omits the visit of Orestes to Athens to obtain help for his expedition, the portion of the oracle which bad him tear away his mother’s breasts, and the name of Menetius (or Menesteus), who defended Orestes, and Gower’s details are in general more in accordance with those of Benoît. A few exceptions may be found, however. For example, Gower says that Agamemnon was murdered as he lay in bed (1915), Guido, ‘dum suo soporatus dormiret in lecto,’ but Benoît only, ‘L’ont la premiere nuit ocis.’ Again, Guido calls Idomeneus ‘consanguineum eius,’ and Gower says, ‘So as he was of his lignage,’ of which Benoît says nothing. No doubt Gower was acquainted with both, and preferred the French because he perceived it to be better.

1911. ‘To set her love in place where it cannot be secure.’

2022 f. Cropheon ... Phoieus. The names are given as ‘Trofion’ and ‘Florentes’ by Benoît (Joly’s text), ‘Troiesem’ (‘Croeze’ MS.) and ‘Forensis’ by Guido. They are originally derived from a misunderstanding of a passage in Dictys, Bell. Troi. vi. 3, ‘armatus cum praedicta manu ad Strophium venit: is namque Phocensis, cuius filia,’ &c.

2055 ff. This speech is introduced by Gower.

2112 f.

‘Li un dient qu’il a fet dreit,

Et li autre que non aveit.’

Rom. de Troie, 28275.

2145. Menesteüs. This is a more correct form of the name than the ‘Menetius,’ which we have in Joly’s text of Benoît.

2148. of the goddes bede. Here we perhaps have Guido rather than Benoît.

2173. Egiona. The name is properly Erigona, and so it is given by Benoît. The moralization on her fate, 2183 ff., is due to our author, and it is rather out of place, considering the circumstances of the story.

2346. the trew man. In F we have ‘trew,’ altered apparently from ‘trewe,’ which is the usual and the more correct form: ‘the trew man to the plowh’ means the labourer who truly serves the plough.

2358. This is simply a repetition of 2355, ‘thei stonde of on acord.’ ‘As of corage’ means as regards their feeling or inclination: for this use of ‘as’ cp. Prol. 492, i. 557, &c.

2363 ff. A very common story, found shortly in Augustine, Civ. Dei, iv. 4, and repeated in the Gesta Romanorum and many other books. Gower has expanded it after his own fashion.

2424 f. ‘that men set their hearts to make gain by such wrong doing.’

2451. homward, i.e. ‘going homeward.’ The word included something of a verbal sense, as we see in i. 938, iii. 1021: so also ‘toward’ in l. 2643.

2458. the world mistimed. The verb ‘mistime’ means properly ‘to happen amiss,’ with the suggestion that it is by the fault of the person concerned. Gower uses it here transitively for ‘to manage amiss,’ while in vi. 4 ‘was mystymed’ means ‘came unhappily about.’

2508. what man ... rede: for the subjunctive see note on Prol. 460.

2536. ‘Hardly have any fear’: see note on ii. 2124.

2555. Acastus was king of Iolcos. He purified Peleus, as some say of the murder of Eurytion, but according to others of that of Phocus: cp. Bocc. Gen. Deorum, xii. 50, ‘ad Magnetas abiit, ubi ab Achasto fraterna caede purgatus est.’

2563 f. Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, was purified by Achelous, whom our author here takes for a priest.

2599 ff. This anecdote is told also in the Mirour, 5029-5040, and there also it is ascribed to Solinus. I do not find it, however, in his book.

2608 ff. For the irregularity of this sentence cp. 1593 ff.

2639 ff. The story is taken from Benoît (Rom. de Troie, 6497-6590), as we may see at once from the name ‘Theucer,’ which Guido gives rather more correctly as ‘Theutran.’ Also ll. 2674-2680, Roman de Troie, 6545-6553, have nothing corresponding to them in Guido. Guido here certainly referred to a copy of the so-called Dares, where the name occurs in its classical form ‘Teuthras.’ He is particularly interested in the story on local grounds, being concerned to show that the ‘Messe’ which he found in Benoît might be connected with the name of his place of residence, Messina, and that the events related occurred actually in Sicily. Accordingly he speaks of certain columns popularly called ‘columns of Hercules,’ which existed in his own time in Sicily, ‘ex parte Barbarorum,’ i.e. on the south coast, and takes them as evidence of the connexion of Hercules with the island, and hence of the probability that this story (which in the original has to do with Hercules, though Gower has excluded him from it) had its scene in Sicily. Dares, he admits, says nothing of this, and his reference to Dares is here in more precise form than usual, ‘in suo codice’ according to the Bodleian MS., though the printed editions give ‘in suo opere’ (MS. Add. A. 365, f. 50 vo).

He says of the place where these columns are, ‘qui locus dicitur adhuc columpnarum,’ and adds that the emperor Frederic II has established a town there, and that the place is now called ‘terra nova.’ This is obviously identical with the modern Terranova, founded by Frederic II near the site of the ancient Gela. It seems probable that Guido may have been himself a native of this place or of its immediate neighbourhood, and that he chose to call himself after its former designation, ‘Columpna’ or ‘Columpnae,’ instead of by the new name which had come into use during his own lifetimeAN.

2643. His Sone. This is a mistake on the part of Gower. Both Benoît and Guido state quite clearly that Telephus was the son of Hercules, and that it was to Hercules that the obligation was due which is referred to in 2690 ff. Perhaps the copy of the Roman de Troie which Gower used had ‘Thelefus fu filz Achilles’ for ‘Thelefus fu filz Hercules,’ in l. 6506.

2756. We should rather have expected ‘That I fro you wol nothing hele.’

LIB. IV.

9. Cp. Mirour, 5606,

‘Lachesce dist, Demein, Demein.’

38. Thou schalt mowe: cp. ii. 1670, where we have ‘mow’ for ‘mowe.’

60. a fin. This is a French expression, which appears repeatedly in the Mirour as ‘au fin.’

77 ff. The only definite indication of sources here is the reference (such as it is) to Ovid, Her. Ep. vii., contained in ll. 104-115.

92. as it be scholde, cp. iii. 1348.

104 ff. This picture seems to be constructed partly from a misreading or misunderstanding of Ovid, Her. Ep. vii. 1 f.,

‘Sic ubi fata vocant, udis abiectus in herbis

Ad vada Maeandri concinit albus olor.’

It is difficult to see how our author translated these lines, but the result, which must have been chiefly due to his imagination, is rather creditable to him. Chaucer gives the true sense in the Legend of Good Women, 1355 ff.,

‘Ryght so,’ quod she, ‘as that the white swan

Ayenst his deth begynneth for to synge.

Ryght so to yow I make my compleynynge.’

128. such a lak of Slowthe, ‘such a fault of Sloth.’

137. That is, to put all the slothful in mind (of their duty).

147 ff. The general idea of this is taken from the letter of Penelope to Ulysses, Ovid, Her. Ep. i, but this is not closely followed in details, and it will be noticed that Gower represents the letter as sent while the siege of Troy still continued, and apparently he knows nothing of the great length of the wandering afterwards: cp. 226 ff.

170. The reading ‘Had’ for ‘Hath’ is given by many MSS., including F. We find ‘Hath’ in the following, H₁C, SAdTΔ, W, and it must certainly be the true reading.

196 ff. Ovid, Her. Ep. i. 2, ‘Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni.’

234. Robert Grosteste’s reputation for learning in the sciences earned for him, as for his contemporary Roger Bacon, the character of a student of magic. In the metrical life of Grosteste by Robert of Bardney (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i. 333) one chapter is ‘De aeneo capite quod Oxoniae fecit Grosthede ad dubia quaeque determinanda.’ This author says only that by some accident the head fell and was broken, and that its inventor thereupon abandoned the study of forbidden sciences.

Naudé in his Apologie pour les grands hommes soupçonnez de Magie classes ‘Robert de Lincolne’ and Albertus Magnus together as supposed makers of speaking images, but the former only on the authority of Gower, with whom he had been made acquainted by Selden.

242 f. That is, he lost all that he had done from the time when he first began to work; an inversion of clauses for the sake of the rhyme: cp. ii. 709 ff.

249. kept: more properly ‘kepe,’ but the infinitive is attracted into the form of the participle ‘wold,’ much as the participle of the mood auxiliary in modern German takes the form of the infinitive: see note on ii. 1799.

305. hadde I wist, cp. i. 1888, ii. 473. It is the exclamation of those who fall into evil by neglect of proper precaution. The same sentiment is expressed more fully in l. 899,

‘Ha, wolde god I hadde knowe!’

345. dar. This form stands as plural here and l. 350.

371 ff. The story of Pygmalion is from Ovid, Metam. x. 243-297.

377. ‘Being destined to the labours of love’; cp. note on iii. 143 (end).

415. how it were, i.e. ‘how so ever it were’: cp. l. 1848.

448. a solein tale, ‘a strange tale.’ This word ‘solein’ (or ‘soulein’), which English etymologists in search for the origin of ‘sullen’ report as hardly to be found in French, occurs repeatedly in the Mirour de l’omme in the sense of ‘alone,’ ‘lonely.’ For the meaning here assigned to it we may compare the modern use of the word ‘singular,’ which in Gower’s French meant ‘lonely.’ There is no authority for Pauli’s reading ‘solempne,’ and it gives neither sense nor metre.

451 ff. The tale of Iphis is from Ovid, Metam. ix. 666-797, abbreviated and altered with advantage.

453 ff. The authority of the MSS. is strongly in favour of ‘grete: lete’ in these lines, and this reading is certainly right. We must take ‘lete’ as the past participle of the strong verb ‘leten’ (from ‘lǣtan’), meaning ‘leave,’ ‘omit,’ and ‘grete’ as accommodated to the rhyme. The negative construction following rather suggests ‘let,’ meaning ‘hindered’ as ii. 128 ff., but the rhyme ‘let: gret’ would be an impossible one. See note on i. 3365 and cp. l. 1153.

585. And stonde, i.e. ‘And I stonde’: cp. i. 1895, &c., and below, l. 697.

624. on miself along, so below l. 952, ‘It is noght on mi will along,’ and Chaucer, Troilus, ii. 1001,

‘On me is nought along thyn yvel fare.’

The use of ‘on’ for ‘of’ in this phrase is still known in some dialects.

647 ff. For the Ring of Forgetfulness here spoken of see Petrus Comestor, Exodus vi., where it is related that Moses in command of the Egyptians captured the chief city of the Ethiopians by the help of Tarbis, daughter of their king, and married her in recompense of her services. Then, wishing to return to Egypt and being detained by his wife, ‘tanquam vir peritus astrorum duas imagines sculpsit in gemmis huius efficaciae, ut altera memoriam, altera oblivionem conferret. Cumque paribus anulis eas inseruisset, alterum, scilicet oblivionis anulum, uxori praebuit, alterum ipse tulit; ut sic pari amore sic paribus anulis insignirentur. Coepit ergo mulier amoris viri oblivisci, et tandem libere in Aegyptum regressus est’ (Migne, Patrol. vol. 198, p. 1144). Cp. Godfr. Viterb., Pantheon, v. (p. 115).

731 ff. Partly from Ovid, Her. Ep. ii. and Rem. Am. 591-604; but there was probably some other source, for our author would not find anything in Ovid about the transformation into a tree. Many of the details seem to be of his own invention, and he is probably responsible for the variation which makes the visit of Demophon to Thrace take place on the way to Troy instead of on the return. Chaucer’s form of the story in the Legend of Good Women is quite different.

733. F is here followed in punctuation.

776. a Monthe day: Ovid, Her. Ep. ii. 3 f.,

‘Cornua cum lunae pleno semel orbe coissent,

Litoribus nostris ancora pacta tua est.’

782. Cp. Ovid, Ars Am. ii. 354,

‘Exarsit velis acrius illa datis.’

787 ff. Except the idea of a letter being sent, Gower takes little here from Ovid.

816 ff. This passage seems mostly of Gower’s invention, partly perhaps on the suggestion of the story of Hero and Leander in Ovid, Her. Ep. xix. 33 ff. See Bech in Anglia, v. 347.

do set up. Apparently ‘set’ is the participle, cp. ii. 1799.

833. al hire one. This idea is emphasized by Ovid, Rem. Am. 591 f.

869. This piece of etymology is perhaps due to our author, who usually adds something of his own to the stories of transformation which he relates; see note on i. 2355. Lydgate says that Phyllis hanged herself upon a filbert-tree, but he perhaps took the notion from Gower:

‘Upon the walles depeint men myght se

Hou she was honged upon a filbert tre.’

Temple of Glas, 88.

See the note in Dr. Schick’s edition, E.E.T.S. 1891.

893. Cp. Mirour, 5436,

‘Lors est il sage apres la mein,’

of which this line is an exact reproduction.

904. pleith an aftercast. This looks like a metaphor from casting dice, but it is difficult to see the exact application. It means of course here that he is always too late in what he says and does.

914. come at thin above, i.e. attain to success: cp. Mirour, 25350,

‘Car lors est Triche a son dessus.’

964. See note on i. 2677.

979 ff. The story may probably enough be taken from Ovid, Metam. ii. 1-324, but if so it is much abbreviated.

which is the Sonne hote, ‘which is called the Sun’; cp. ii. 131 f. Possibly, however, ‘hote’ may be the adjective, with definite termination for the sake of the rhyme. There would be no objection to rhyming with it the adverb of the same form.

1030 ff. The moral drawn by Gower from the story of Phaeton is against going too low, that is abandoning the higher concerns of love owing to slothful negligence. The next story is against aiming too high and neglecting the due claims of service.

1035 ff. Ovid, Metam. viii. 183-235.

1090 f. Cp. Mirour, 5389 ff.

1096. who as evere take: so ‘what man’ is very commonly used with subjunctive, iii. 2508 &c., but the uncertainty of the construction is shown by ‘And thinkth’ in the next line. See notes on Prol. 13, 460.

1108 ff. Cp. Mirour, 5395 ff.

1131. A superfluous syllable, such as we have at the pause in this line, is very unusual in Gower’s verse; but cp. v. 447.

1153. lete I ne mai, ‘I may not neglect’: see note on i. 3365.

1180. Cp. i. 698, ‘And many a contenance he piketh.’ It means here perhaps ‘thus I keep up a pretence (for staying).’

1245 ff. A somewhat similar story to this is to be found in Andreas Capellanus, De Amore, to which my attention was first called by Mr. Archer. This book (written about 1220) gives imaginary colloquies between different kinds of persons, to illustrate the ways of courtship, ‘Plebeius loquitur plebeiae,’ ‘Plebeius nobili,’ ‘Nobilis plebeiae,’ ‘Nobilis nobili.’ In this last occurs the story of a squire who saw the god of love leading a great company of ladies in three bands, the first well mounted and well attended, the second well mounted but attended by so many that it was a hindrance rather than a help, and the third in wretched array with lame horses and no attendance. The meaning of the sight is explained to the squire by one of these last, and he is taken to see the appropriate rewards and punishments of each band. He relates what he has seen to his mistress in order to make her more ready to accept his suit (pp. 91-108, ed. Trojel, 1892).

There are some expressions which resemble those which Gower uses, as ‘quarum quaelibet in equo pinguissimo et formoso et suavissime ambulante sedebat’ (p. 92), cp. 1309 f.,

‘On faire amblende hors thei sete

That were al whyte, fatte and grete.’

And again, ‘domina quaedam ... habens equum macerrimum et turpem et tribus pedibus claudicantem,’ cp. 1343 ff. The story, however, is different in many ways from that of Gower. For other similar stories see the article in Romania for January 1900 on the ‘Purgatory of Cruel Beauties’ by W. A. Neilson.

The tale of Rosiphelee is well told by Gower, and in more than one passage it bears marks of having been carefully revised by the author. The alteration of 1321 f. is peculiarly happy, and gives us one of the best couplets in the Confessio Amantis.

1285. the Sonne Ariste: cp. iii. 1224. The capital letter was perhaps intended to mark ‘Ariste’ as a substantive.

1307. comen ryde: cp. i. 350.

1309. ‘hors’ is evidently plural here: so i. 2036 and often.

1320. long and smal, i.e. tall and slender. Adjectives used predicatively with a plural subject take the plural inflection or not according to convenience. Thus in Prol. 81 we have ‘Bot for my wittes ben to smale’ in rhyme with ‘tale.’

1323. beere. This is pret. plur., as 1376: the same form for pret. subj. 2749.

1330. For pure abaissht: cp. Chaucer, Troilus, ii. 656, ‘And with that thought for pure ashamed she Gan in hir hed to pulle.’ The parallel, to which my attention was called by Prof. McCormick, suggests the idea that ‘abaissht’ is a participle rather than a noun, and the use of the past participle with ‘for’ in this manner occurs several times in Lydgate, e.g. ‘for unknowe,’ ‘meaning from ignorance,’ Temple of Glas, 632, ‘for astonied,’ 934, 1366, and so with an adjective, ‘for pure wood’ in the English Rom. of the Rose, 276. See Dr. Schick’s note on Lydgate, Temple of Glas, 632.

1422. That I ne hadde, ‘I would that I had’: cp. v. 3747,

‘Ha lord, that he ne were alonde!’

‘to late war’ is in a kind of loose apposition to the subject.

1429. swiche. Rather perhaps ‘swich,’ as ii. 566 f., v. 377. Most MSS. have ‘such.’

1432 ff. warneth ... bidd. The singular of the imperative seems to be freely interchanged with the plural in this form of address.

1454 (margin). The author dissociates himself personally from the extreme doctrines enunciated in the text, as at first he took care to remind his readers that the character of a lover was for him only an assumed one (i. 63 ff. margin).

1490. and longe er that sche changeth &c. This is a puzzling sentence, and we are not helped by the punctuation of the MSS., which for the most part have a stop after ‘herte.’ I can only suppose that it means ‘and is long before she changes her heart in her youth to marriage.’ We can hardly make ‘longe’ a verb, ‘and may be eager until she changes,’ because of the lines which follow.

1505 ff. Judges xi. Our author has expanded the story so far as regards the mourning for the virginity of Jephthah’s daughter, that being the point with which he was particularly concerned here.

1516. ‘Whether it be of man or woman.’

1537 ff. In the original this is different, ‘Heu me, filia mea, decepisti me et ipsa decepta es: aperui enim os meum ad Dominum, et aliud facere non potero.’ Gower deals freely here as elsewhere with the narrative, especially in the matter of speeches.

1563. fourty daies: in the original ‘duobus mensibus.’

1632 ff. Cp. Mirour, 11694.

1649. as me thenketh ... That, equivalent to ‘me thinketh ... That,’ either ‘as’ or ‘That’ being redundant.

1659. The best MSS. give ‘heþen’ here, not ‘heþene.’

1693 ff. Roman de Troie, 18385 ff. In the medieval Tale of Troy it is the love of Polyxena which serves as motive for the withdrawal of Achilles from the war.

1723. which I travaile fore. We have here rather a remarkable instance of emphasis thrown on the preposition, with a modification of form for the sake of the rhyme: cp. ii. 565.

1741. On whether bord, i.e. on which tack: technical terms of the sea occur several times in the Confessio Amantis, e.g. v. 3119, 7048, viii. 1983.

1810. made: cp. Prol. 300.

1815 ff. Gower seems to have dealt rather freely with this story. The usual form of it gives Palamedes, not Nauplius, as the person who came to fetch Ulysses, and makes Ulysses yoke a horse and an ox together in a plough as a sign of madness: see Hyginus, Fab. xcv. As to the name of Nauplus, see notes on iii. 973, 1002.

1833. That is, ‘feigning to be mad,’ not ‘like one who feigns to be mad’: see note on i. 695.

1847 ff. ‘He thought to try if he were mad or no, however it might please Ulysses,’ that is, whether it pleased him or not. ‘Hou’ seems to be for ‘How so evere’: cp. l. 415.

1875. tothe, written so when the emphasis falls on the preposition, see note on i. 232.

1901 ff. Ovid, Her. Ep. xiii.

1927. F has a stop after ‘londeth,’ thus throwing the clause, ‘and was the ferste there Which londeth,’ into a parenthesis.

1935 ff. 1 Sam. xxviii., where the witch is called ‘mulier pythonem habens.’

1968 ff. The story of the education of Achilles by Chiron, as we have it here, is apparently taken, directly or indirectly, from Statius, Achill. ii. 121 (407) ff.,

‘Nunquam ille imbelles Ossaea per avia damas

Sectari, aut timidas passus me cuspide lyncas

Sternere, sed tristes turbare cubilibus ursos

Fulmineosque sues, et sicubi maxima tigris

Aut seducta iugis fetae spelunca leaenae.

Ipse sedens vasto facta exspectabat in antro,

Si sparsus magno remearem sanguine; nec me

Ante nisi inspectis admisit ad oscula telis.’

2014 ff. The argument is to the effect that Prowess, which is acknowledged to be the virtue opposed to Sloth, see Mirour, 10136 &c., must show itself partly in the spirit of warlike boldness, ‘the corage of hardiesce,’ leading to such undertakings as those of which the Lover had disputed the necessity.

2040. And that, i.e. ‘And as to that’: cp. Prol. 122.

2045 ff. The fight between Hercules and Achelous is related in detail by Ovid, Metam. ix. 31-88. Some parts of this seem to be reproduced by Gower, but the details are not very exactly copied. For the story generally he had some other authority, whence he got for example the names ‘Oënes’ and ‘Calidoyne.’

It is to be noted that Gower gives ‘Achelons’ instead of Achelous, as he does also in the Traitié, vii. 5, where the story is shortly told in the same way as here, and there we find ‘Achelontis’ in the margin as the genitive case. He ought to have been preserved from the mistake by the occurrence of the name in Ovid’s verse.

2054. For these two pillars cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, B 3307 f., but Gower supposes them to have been both set up in the ‘desert of India,’ ‘El grant desert d’Ynde superiour’ as he has it in Traitié, vii. 1, whereas according to Chaucer one was set up in the East and the other in the West, to mark the extreme bounds of the world.

2123 f. Such forms of spelling as ‘sleighte,’ ‘heighte’ are unusual with our author, but cp. vii. 1121, 1227 f.

2135. For the stories of ‘Pantasilee’ and Philemenis we may refer to the Roman de Troie, 23283 ff. and 25663-25704.

2200 ff. From this question arises the inevitable discussion of the nature of ‘gentilesse’ and how far it depends upon birth, riches or personal merit. Gower accepts only the last qualification, and argues for it after the fashion of John Ball, though he was neither a Lollard nor a social revolutionist: cp. Mirour, 23389 ff. For the general subject cp. Dante, Convito, iv. 10, Roman de la Rose, 18807 ff. (ed. Méon), Chaucer, Cant. Tales, D 1109, ff.

To Gower we must grant the merit of clearness and conciseness in handling the well-worn theme.

2208 f. Cp. Dante, Convito, iv. 3.

2305 ff. ‘And love is of profit also as regards women, so that they may be the better “affaited.”’

2314. make it queinte, ‘behave gently’: cp. ‘make it tough,’ Chaucer, Troilus, v. 101. For the meaning of ‘queinte’ see the quotations in Godefroy’s Dictionary under ‘cointe.’

2325. 1 John iii. 14.

2342. This is from Job v. 7.

2396 ff. Many of these names are unknown to me, and Warton’s conjectures on the subject are very wild, but some points may be illustrated from Godfrey of Viterbo. For example, as regards the first we find,

‘Septem quas legimus Cham primus scripserat artes.’

Pantheon, iii. (p. 88).

2401. Godf. Vit., Pantheon, vi. (p. 133), ‘Tunc Cadmus Graecas literas sedecim fecit.’

2410. Termegis. The word is a dissyllable for the metre. Probably this name stands for Termegistus (i.e. Trismegistus), and in that case we must throw the accent upon the final syllable and pass lightly over the preceding one.

2418 ff. I suspect that ‘Poulins’ means Apollo or Apollinis: cp. Pantheon, vi. (p. 133), ‘Apollo etiam citharam condidit et artem medicinalem invenit.’

2421. Zenzis, i.e. Zeuxis, who is referred to in the Rom. de la Rose (for example) as the chief of painters, 16387 ff. (ed. Méon).

2422. Cp. Godf. Vit, Panth. v. (p. 121),

‘Tunc et Prometheus, qui filius est Atlantis

Dat statuas hominis humano more meantes.’

2427. ‘Jadahel’ is the Jabal (or Jebal) of the Bible (Gen. iv. 20). Godfrey of Viterbo calls him by the same name and makes the same statement about his hunting and fishing:

‘In mundo Iadahel posuit tentoria primus,

Venator prior ipse fuit feritate ferinus,

Primus et invalidis retia mersit aquis.’

Panth. ii. (p. 77).

2439 ff. Godf. Vit., Panth. iv. (p. 98),

‘Saturnus statuit super aequora vela moueri,

Denarios posuit commercia rite mereri.

.    .    .    .    .    .

Aedificans Sutrium dum vivit ibi dominatur,

Triticeum semen primus in urbe serens.’

2462 ff. For the seven bodies and four spirits of Alchemy cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, G 818 ff. Mercury, it will be noticed, is reckoned both as a body and as a spirit, but some authorities called this a spirit only and reckoned six metallic bodies.

2476. after the bok it calleth, ‘according as the book calls it.’

2488 ff. Cp. 2565 ff.

2501. The seven forms are those enumerated in 2513 ff., viz. distillation, congelation, solution, descension, sublimation, calcination, fixation.

2522. Cp. Chaucer, Cant. Tales, G 862 f.

2533. Thre Stones. According to some authors, as Hortulanus (MS. Ashmole 1478, iv.), there was but one stone, the Elixir, which had vegetable, animal and mineral qualities or functions; but in Lydgate, Secrees of the Philosophres, l. 530 (E.E.T.S.), we have,

‘And of stones, specially of three,

Oon mineral, another vegetatyff,’ &c.;

and the editor quotes from Rosarium Philosophorum, ‘Tres sunt lapides et tres sales sunt, ex quibus totum magisterium consistit, scilicet mineralis, plantalis et animalis.’ In the Secreta Secretorum, however, the stone seems to be one only, see the chapter ‘De lapide animali vegetabili.’

2597. who that it knewe: cp. ii. 88, and see note on Prol. 460.

2606. Hermes, i.e. Hermes Trismegistus, to whom the invention of the science was attributed.

on the ferste, ‘the very first,’ cp. vi. 1481. It may be questioned, however, whether the theory put forward by C. Stoffel in Englische Studien, xxvii. 253 ff., is the correct explanation of this expression, which survived to Elizabethan times (Shaksp., Cymb. i. 6. 165, ‘he is one the truest mannered’). He takes ‘on’ in the sense of the Latin ‘unus’ in ‘iustissimus unus,’ to mean ‘alone,’ ‘above all.’ It is perhaps more likely that the usual explanation, which regards it as an elliptical expression for ‘one who was the first,’ is correct, especially in view of such expressions as ‘two the first,’ ‘three the noblest,’ &c., which also occur in the fourteenth century. The use of ‘on’ (‘oon’) for ‘a person’ is common enough, as in the expressions ‘so good on,’ ‘so worthi on,’ ii. 1217, 1240, and ‘Oon Theloüs,’ ii. 1092. We find a similar expression in Gower’s French, e.g. Mirour, 2462.

2608. A work by Geber, ‘Super Artem Alkemie,’ in six books, translated from Arabic into Latin, may be found in MS. Ashmole 1384. It seems to treat in a practical and systematic manner of the method of transmutation of metals into gold.

2609. ‘Ortolan’ is the Englishman John Garland, called Hortulanus, for which name see the note in MS. Ashmole 1471 iv. prefixed to an English translation of his ‘Commentary on the Smaragdine Table of Hermes.’

Morien is said to have been a hermit in the mountains near Jerusalem. The two ‘books of Morien’ in the form of dialogues between him and Kalid the son of Gesid may be read in Latin (translated from Arabic) in MS. Digby 162.

2610. A short treatise of Avicen on Alchemy may be found in MS. Ashm. 1420.

2624. the parfite medicine. The inflexion is perhaps in imitation of the definite form of the English adjective, as in vii. 2168, 4994, while in l. 2522, where the accent is thrown back, we have ‘the parfit Elixir.’ It is possible, however, that this is a case of the French feminine form such as we have in i. 2677, ii. 3507, iv. 964, cp. i. 636. So perhaps ii. 3243, ‘O thou divine pourveance,’ and viii. 23, ‘O thou gentile Venus.’

2637. Carmente: cp. Godf. Vit., Panth. vi. (p. 135).

2641. Dindymus here means the grammarian Didymus, a follower of the school of Aristarchus and a very voluminous writer on Greek language and literature. Our author here classes Aristarchus and Didymus with Donatus, and supposes them all to be concerned with the Latin tongue.

2648. Tullius with Cithero. It is apparent from this passage, which has been differently given without any authority in the printed editions, that Gower supposed Tullius and Cicero to be two different persons. There would have been reason to suspect this from the passage in the seventh book where he refers to the debate on the death sentence of the Catiline conspirators, speaking of Tullius as his authority for the rules of rhetoric there illustrated, and ‘Cithero’ as the consul, without any hint that they are the same person (vii. 1588 ff.). In Gower’s French works Tullius (Tulles) is the only name used. The form Cithero (or Scithero) is used also by Chaucer, Cant. Tales, F 722.

2738 ff. Cp. Mirour, 5185 ff.

2749. beere, past tense subjunctive, cp. 1323.

2756 ff. Gower seems to be exceptionally well informed on the subject of the Fates and their separate functions.

2792. This casting with the dice would not be for ordinary gambling, but for divining characters and telling fortunes in matters of love. Each combination produced by the three dice thrown would have a certain meaning determined beforehand, as we see by the piece called The Chaunces of the Dyse in the Bodleian MSS. Fairfax 16 and Bodl. 638. For example, the throw of six, four and ace is there explained by the following stanza:

‘O mekenesse of vertu principal,

That may be founde in eny creature!

In this persone of kunnynge ordinal

Is ful assembled, I yow dar assure,

The lorde of vertu and al vices cure,

Perfit beaute grounded without envye,

Assured trust withoute gelousye.’

And similarly there is a stanza, complimentary or otherwise, for each possible throw.

2813. Hire daunger: see note on i. 2443.

2855. whi ne were it, ‘would it were’: cp. the expression ‘that he ne were,’ vii. 3747, &c.

2895 f. Apparently he means that his dreams were of no such harmless things as sheep and their wool, or perhaps not of business matters, alluding to wool as the staple of English commerce.

2901 ff. Cp. Roman de la Rose, 2449-2479.

2905. I ne bede nevere awake: cp. Romaunt of the Rose, 791, ‘Ne bode I never thennes go.’ It means apparently ‘I should desire never to awake’ (‘I should not pray ever to awake’).

2924. in my wrytinges. The author forgets here that he is speaking in the person of the Confessor.

2927 ff. This is from Ovid, Metam. xi. 266-748, where the story is told at great length. Gower follows some parts of it, as the description of the House of Sleep and its surroundings, very closely.

Chaucer tells the story in the Book of the Duchess, but he has not been so successful in reproducing it as Gower. It is here introduced only as an illustration of the truth of dreams, but with its description of the House of Sleep it is very appropriate also in other respects to the subject of Somnolence, which is under discussion.

2928. Trocinie, from the adjective ‘Trachinia,’ in such expressions as ‘Trachinia tellus,’ Metam. xi. 269.

2973. The reading of all the best MSS. in this line is ‘he’: (S however is defective). We cannot doubt that the author meant to write ‘sche,’ for in what follows he regularly refers to Iris as female; but the mistake apparently escaped his notice, and we must regard the reading ‘she’ in the two copies in which I have found it as an unauthorized correction. Chaucer makes the messenger male, but does not name him.

2977-3055. This passage very happily follows Ovid, Met. xi. 589-645. Our author gives all the essential features, but rearranges them freely and adds details of his own.

2996. Metam. xi. 608,

‘Ianua, ne verso stridores cardine reddat,

Nulla domo tota.’

3009 ff. Metam. xi. 602 ff.,

‘saxo tamen exit ab imo

Rivus aquae Lethes, per quem cum murmure labens

Invitat somnos crepitantibus unda lapillis.’

3015 ff. Metam. xi. 610 ff.,

‘At medio torus est ebeno sublimis in antro,

Plumeus, unicolor, pullo velamine tectus,

Quo cubat ipse deus membris languore solutis.

Hunc circa passim varias imitantia formas

Somnia vana iacent,’ &c.

3044. ‘Ithecus’ is a misreading of ‘Icelos,’ as ‘Panthasas’ in l. 3049 of ‘Phantasos.’

3061 ff. Here Gower has made a real improvement in the story by employing the two other ministers of Sleep, whose functions have been described, to represent the scene of the tempest and the wreck, while Morpheus plays the part of Ceyx in the same scene. Ovid introduces the characters of Icelos and Phantasos, but makes no use of them, sending Morpheus alone to relate what has taken place, instead of representing it in action, as it would more naturally appear in a dream.

3159. mi herte: more usually ‘min herte’ as 3139, and so generally before ‘h,’ whether aspirated or not, e.g. 3561; but ‘for mi housebondes were,’ vii. 4813, (with ‘myn housebonde’ below, 4829).

3187 ff. This seems to be for the most part original. A hint may have been given by the lines of Ovid in which it is suggested that Aurora might have used a somewhat similar prayer:

‘At si quem manibus Cephalum complexa teneres,

Clamares, Lente currite, noctis equi.’

Amor. i. 13, 39.

3222. The sun enters Capricorn on Dec. 21.

3273. that he arise: so 3374, ‘Til it be dai that I arise,’ and v. 3422, ‘Til dai cam that sche moste arise.’

The verb seems here to be attracted into the subjunctive by the indefinite meaning of ‘Til.’ In the other passages the mood is uncertain.

3317 ff. Ovid, Metam. i. 588-723, much abbreviated. It was, however, Jupiter who turned Io into a cow.

3386. for thou thee schalt avise, ‘in order that thou mayest consider.’

3414. that I nere of this lif, ‘would that I were out of this life.’ For ‘that I nere’ cp. note on 1422. For ‘of this lif’ cp. vii. 2883, ‘whan he were of dawe.’

3438 f. ‘And yet he (Obstinacy) cannot support his own cause by any argument but by headstrong wilfulness.’

For the expression ‘of hed’ we may compare the Latin expression quoted by Du Cange ‘de testa esse,’ explained ‘esse obstinatum’ (Ital. ‘essere di testa’), and the French adjective ‘testu,’

‘Car fol estoient et testu,’ &c.

Froissart says of Pope Urban VI that after his election ‘il s’en outrecuida et enorguilli, et volt user de poissance et de teste,’ which is translated by Berners, ‘he waxed proude and worked all on heed.’ We find also the Latin adjective ‘capitosus’ used by Gower in the margin at the beginning of the Cronica Tripertita, and the adverb ‘capitose,’ meaning ‘in a headstrong manner,’ in Walsingham, Hist. Anglica, e.g. ‘Regem contra regni consuetudinem Cancellarium deposuisse capitose,’ vol. ii. p. 70 (Rolls Series).

The usual way of reading the sentence has been to punctuate after ‘skile’ and to take ‘bot of hed’ with the next line, ‘but he wastes away in his condition’ (‘hed’ from a supposed ‘hǣd’ akin to the suffix ‘-hed’ or ‘-hede’). This word perhaps occurs Conf. Am. ii. 2066, but it would give no very good sense here, and it is doubtful whether it would be rhymed with ‘ded.’ The suffix ‘-hed’ ‘-hede’ apparently has ‘ẹ’ in Gower’s rhymes. Again, if so marked a break in the middle of the line were intended, the Fairfax MS. would almost certainly have had a stop to indicate it, as in 3423, 3431, 3458, 3459, 3484, 3485, to quote instances only from the same page of the MS.

For the use of ‘avowe’ in this sense, cp. v. 124.

3515 ff. The story is based upon Ovid, Metam. xiv. 698-761. Our author, however, has reversed the position of the lover and his mistress. In Ovid Anaxarete is a high-born maid of the race of Teucer, while Iphis is ‘humili de stirpe creatus.’ Moreover, the story is considerably developed by Gower, to whom belong the speech of Iphis, the whole account of the grief and self-condemnation of Araxarathen, the details of the funeral and the tomb, and finally the very successful epitaph. Ovid says that she saw from a window the body of Iphis being carried by for burial, and was forthwith turned into stone, and that as witness of the truth of his tale a statue may still be seen at Salamis. There is nothing said about remorse on her part, rather the opposite is implied.

3516. Our author supposes this to be the same as the person mentioned in iii. 2645 ff. (who is really Teuthras king of Mysia). This is Teucer son of Telamon, founder of Salamis in Cyprus.

3520 f. These lines are transposed for the sake of the rhyme. It means ‘on a maid of low estate compared with his’: cp. ii. 709, and below, l. 3616.

3542. Punctuated in accordance with F.

3589. Thi Daunger, ‘thy unwillingness to love’: see note on i. 2443.

3658 f. Naturally the expression of Ovid,

‘Veneris quoque nomine templum

Prospicientis habet,’

was not understood.

LIB. V.

18. it cam to londe, wherof, ‘the occasion arose, whence,’ &c.

22. him supposeth: the verb is used impersonally, like ‘him thenketh.’ Probably the confusion between ‘thinke’ and ‘thenke’ gave rise to this expression.

29 ff. So below, 348 ff.: cp. Mirour, 7585 ff.

47 f. This seems, as it stands at present, to be an application of the instances to the case of the avaricious man, ‘Thus he so possesses his wealth that he in truth possesses nothing,’ (‘that’ for ‘so that’). The original couplet however, as read by all the unrevised class of manuscripts, applies to the case of the sheep, and we may take it so also in its revised form (‘Thus’ being answered by ‘that’).

49 ff. Cp. Mirour, 7645 ff.,

‘L’en dist, mais c’est inproprement,

Qe l’averous ad grant argent;

Mais voir est que l’argent luy a:

En servitude ensi le prent,’ &c.

65. nevere hier. Note that there is no elision before ‘hier.’

81 f. ‘And yet, though I held her fast (as a miser his hoard), my life would be a perpetual feast, even on Fridays.’ If he possessed the treasure, his avarice would not allow him to let it go, and yet he would not keep it unused, as a miser does his gold. So later, 93, ‘Though I should hold it fast, I should so be doing that which I were bound to do.’

95. pipe, ‘be content’: perhaps from the idea of a bird-catcher piping or whistling for birds, but failing to snare them.

127-136. Note the repetition of the word ‘gold’ in an emphatic position.

141 ff. Ovid, Metam. xi. 85-147, freely treated as usual. The debate of Midas as to which of three things he should prefer (ll. 180-245) is all due to our author. In Ovid he chooses without hesitation.

143. Cillenus, i.e. Silenus.

154 f. Gower attributes the action of the king to pure courtesy, Ovid to the fact that Midas recognized in Silenus a fellow-mystic.

249 ff. Cp. Mirour, 7603 ff.

272 ff. Ovid, Metam. xi. 106,

‘Laetus abit gaudetque malo Berecyntius heros:

Pollicitique fidem tangendo singula temptat.

Ilice detraxit virgam, virga aurea facta est:

Tollit humo saxum, saxum quoque palluit auro’: &c.

298. See note on i. 10.

315-332. This is an expansion of Metam. xi. 146 f.,

‘Ille perosus opes silvas et rura colebat,

Panaque montanis habitantem semper in antris.’

363 ff. The punishment referred to is certainly more appropriate for avarice than for the offence committed by Tantalus: cp. Hor. Sat. i. 1. 68. The story of Tantalus is alluded to several times in Ovid, as Metam. iv. 458, and told by Hyginus, Fab. lxxxii. Perhaps our author rather followed Fulgentius, Mythol. ii. 18, who quotes from Petronius,

‘Divitis haec magni facies erit, omnia late

Qui tenet, et sicco concoquit ore famem.’

Cp. Mirour, 7621 ff.,

‘Dame Avarice est dite auci

Semblable au paine Tantali,’ &c.

370. This seems to mean that it serves for the punishment of the avaricious; but from what follows in 391 ff. we gather that the pains of avarice in this life also are to be compared with this particular pain of hell, and so the application is made in the Mirour, 7621-7632.

388. which a wreche, ‘what a punishment.’

418. suie: cp. Prol. 460.

447. For the superfluous syllable at the pause in the middle of this line cp. iv. 1131.

496. berth an hond: equivalent to ‘berth on hond,’ l. 546.

519. Count ‘evel’ as a monosyllable for the verse; so regularly, e. g. iii. 1272, vii. 2773.

526. janglere. The final ‘-e’ is not pronounced here.

558 f. the gold ... The which was leid upon the bok. The gold in question is that which is laid upon the service-book in payment of the marriage fees: ‘and the Man shall give unto the Woman a Ring, laying the same upon the book with the accustomed duty to the Priest and Clerk.’ Marriage Service.

564. ‘though he will not praise it,’ i.e. he gives her no credit for it: cp. Prol. 154.

635 ff. Ovid, Ars Am. ii. 561-592, but the original is not very closely followed.

665. Cp. iii. 1362 ff.

729 ff. From this arises the very ill-advised digression of ll. 747-1970 about the various forms of Religion. There is no more reason why this should come in here than anywhere else, indeed if the question of false gods was to be raised at all, it ought to have come in as an explanation of the appearance of Venus and Cupid in the first book. Many stories have been told, for example those of Acteon, of the Gorgons, of Tiresias, of Phoebus and Daphne, of Phaeton, of Ceix, of Argus, and of Midas, which required the explanation quite as much as this one, and the awkwardness of putting it all info the mouth of the priest of Venus is inexcusable.

The main authority followed in this account of the religions of Chaldea, Egypt, and Greece is the Vita Barlaam et Josaphat, cap. xxvii. (Migne, Patrol. vol. 73, p. 548 ff.), but Gower adds much to it, especially as regards the gods and goddesses of Greece.

763. of Accidence: cp. ii. 3210.

774. hevenly: so Prol. 918, but ‘hevenely’ i. 834, 3136, the second syllable in that case being syncopated, as regularly in ‘hevene.’ So also in the case of ‘evermore’ and ‘everemore’ as compared with ‘evere.’

782. les, that is, ‘falsehood.’

798. Isirus, i.e. Osiris.

811. thegipcienes. This must be the true reading for the sake of the metre, both here and in l. 821, though the best copies fail to give it. A similar case occurs in l. 1119, but there the authority for ‘Jupiteres’ is made much stronger by the accession of S.

897. Mynitor, i.e. Numitor.

899 f. that Remus and Romulus. For the position of ‘that’ cp. 1166, 1249.

925. To gete him with: cp. i. 452.

1004. wel the more lete by, ‘much the more esteemed’: cp. Piers Plowman, A vi. 105, ‘to lete wel by thyselve,’ and xi. 29: also with ‘of,’ v. 5840; cp. Piers Plowm. iv. 160, ‘Love let of hire lighte and lewte yit lasse,’ Orm. 7523, ‘uss birrth ... lætenn wel off othre menn.’

1009. Nonarcigne. The name is taken no doubt from the adjective ‘Nonacrinus’ (from Nonacris), used as in Ovid, Met. i. 690, where it occurs in the story of Pan and Syrinx, told by Mercury to lull Argus to sleep: cp. Conf. Am. iv. 3345 ff.

1040. Cp. Prol. 118.

1043 ff. The sentence is interrupted and then begun again at l. 1051: see note on i. 98.

1063. That he, i.e. ‘In that he.’ Gower has here mistaken his authority, which says ‘post autem eum propter Tyndarei Lacedaemonii filium a Jove fulmine percussum interiisse narrant.’ Vita Barl. et Jos. xxvii.

1071. Delphi and Delos are very naturally confused in the medieval Tale of Troy and elsewhere; but Delos is mentioned correctly enough below, 1256.

1097. no reason inne: cp. i. 3209.

1163. Philerem, presumably Philyra, but there is no authority for making her the mother of Jupiter.

1249. that: cp. 899. Apparently it means, ‘that Diane of whom I am to speak.’ The necessities of rhyme are responsible for these forms of speech.

1276. ‘Which may not attain to reason.’

1323. The paragraph is made to begin here in the MSS. with what is, strictly speaking, its second line, because it is marked by a proper name which indicates its subject, the first line being a mere formal introduction. So also below, 1453: cp. ii. 2451.

1337. The name ‘Dorus’ seems to have been suggested by that of Doris, mother of the Nereids.

1389. alle danger, that is, all reluctance or coyness.

1397. Armene, i.e. Harmonia.

1398. Andragene Androgynus or Hermaphroditus.

1428. noght forsake To ben, i.e. ‘not refuse to be.’

1449. ‘whether it was of weal or wo’; ‘wher’ for ‘whether.’

1453. See note on 1323.

As for the letters said to have been exchanged between Alexander and the king of the Bragmans (or Brahmins), we find them at length in the Historia Alexandri Magni de Preliis, which was the source of most of the current stories about Alexander. The passage referred to is as follows: ‘Tot deos colis quot in tuo corpore membra portas. Nam hominem dicis paruum mundum, et sicut corpus hominis habet multa membra, ita et in celo dicis multos deos existere. Iunonem credis esse deum cordis, eo quod iracundia nimia mouebatur. Martem vero deum pectoris esse dicis, eo quod princeps extitit preliorum. Mercurium deum lingue vocas, ex eo quod plurimum loquebatur. Herculem deum credis brachiorum, eo quod duodecim virtutes exercuit preliando. Bachum deum gutturis esse putas, eo quod ebrietatem primus inuenit. Cupidinem esse deam dicis, eo quod fornicatrix extitit; tenere dicis facem ardentem, cum qua libidinem excitat et accendit, et ipsam deam iecoris etiam existimas. Cererem deam ventris esse dicis, et Venerem, eo quod fuit mater luxurie, deam genitalium membrorum esse profers’ (e 2, ed. Argent. 1489).

Cp. the English alliterative Wars of Alexander, E.E.T.S., 1886, ll. 4494 ff. There is no mention of Minerva in either of these.

1520 ff. The usual account is to the effect that Ninus set up the first idol: see below, 1541. What we have here seems to be taken from Fulgentius, Mythol. ii. 9, where the authorities here cited, Nicagoras and Petronius, are quoted. The passage is apparently corrupt, and our author obviously did not quite understand it: ‘Et quamvis Nicagoras in Disthemithea libro quem scripsit, primum illum formasse idolum referat, et quod vulturi iecur praebeat livoris quasi pingat imaginem: unde et Petronius Arbiter ait,

“Qui vultur iecor intimum pererrat”’ &c.

From the same author, Mythol. i. 1, he got the story about Syrophanes, who set up an image of his dead son, to which offerings were made by those who wished to gain his favour.

1541. Cp. Godfr. Vit., Panth. iv. (p. 102), whose account agrees very nearly with what we have here, though he represents this image as the first example of an idol, under the heading, ‘Quare primum idolum in mundo et quo tempore fuit.’ Cp. Guido, Hist. Troiana, lib. x (e 5, ed. Argent. 1494).

1559. Godf. Vit, Panth. iv. (p. 112): ‘His temporibus apud Egyptios constructum est idolum magnum in honorem Apis, Regis Argivorum; quidam tamen dicunt in honorem Ioseph, qui liberavit eos a fame; quod idolum Serapis vocabatur, quasi idolum Apis.’

1571 ff. Hist. Alexandri, f 1 vo, ed. Argent. 1489: ‘Exiens inde Alexander cum Candeolo profecti sunt iter diei vnius, et venerunt ad quandam speluncam magnam et hospitati sunt ibi. Dixitque Candeolus, “Omnes dii concilium in ista spelunca concelebrant.” Cum hoc audisset Alexander, statim fecit victimas diis suis, et ingressus in speluncam solus vidit ibi caligines maximasque nubes stellasque lucentes, et inter ipsas stellas quendam deum maximum,’ &c.

Cp. the English alliterative Wars of Alexander, ll. 5387 ff.

1624. herd me seid: see note on i. 3153.

1636. There is a stop after ‘Forbad’ in F. The meaning is that he gave a prohibition commanding them not to bow to an image.

1677. Riht as who sette: the verb apparently is subjunctive.

1746 ff. What purports to be the original passage is quoted in the margin of the second recension.

1747. For the form of expression cp. vi. 56 f.,

‘O which a sorwe

It is a man be drinkeles!’

1756 ff. The substance of this is to be found in Gregory, In i. Reg. viii. 7f. (Migne, Patrol. vol. 79. p. 222): ‘Et quidem, nisi Adam peccaret, Redemptorem nostrum carnem suscipere nostram non oporteret.... Si ergo pro peccatoribus venit, si peccata deessent, eum venire non oporteret.... Magna quippe sunt mala quae per primae culpae meritum patimur, sed quis electus nollet peiora perpeti, quam tantum Redemptorem non habere?’

1781 ff. Note that here twelve lines are replaced in the second recension by ten, one of the couplets (or the substance of it) having been inserted earlier, after l. 1742.

1826. ‘So that his word explained his deed’: ‘arawhte’ from ‘arechen’ (āreccan).

1831 ff. Roman de Troie, 25504-25559.

1848-1959. With this compare Prol. 193-498.

1865. ‘And they do every man what he pleases,’ the verb being plural.

1879. Pseudo: cp. Mirour, 21625 ff.,

‘Il estoit dit grant temps y a

Q’un fals prophete a nous vendra,

Q’ad noun Pseudo le decevant;

Sicomme aignel se vestira,

Et cuer du loup il portera.

O comme les freres maintenant

A Pseudo sont bien resemblant!’

So also Vox Clam. iv. 787 f.,

‘Nomine sunt plures, pauci tamen ordine fratres;

Vt dicunt aliqui, Pseudo prophetat ibi.’

It seems that the word ‘pseudopropheta,’ used Rev. xix. 20 and elsewhere, was read ‘Pseudo propheta,’ and ‘Pseudo’ was taken as a proper name. This was combined with the idea of the wolf in sheep’s clothing suggested by Matt. vii. 15, ‘Attendite a falsis prophetis,’ &c., and the application was made especially to the friars.

1888. ‘And this I am brought to believe by the argument that where those above neglect their duty, the people are ignorant of the truth, (as they now are).’

1900 ff. Cp. Mirour, 20065 ff., and Vox Clamantis, iii. 903. The reference is to Gregory, Hom. in Evang. xvii. (Migne, Patrol. vol. 76, p. 1148): ‘Ibi Petrus cum Iudaea conversa, quam post se traxit, apparebit: ibi Paulus conversum, ut ita dixerim, mundum ducens. Ibi Andreas post se Achaiam, ibi Iohannes Asiam, Thomas Indiam in conspectum sui regis conversam ducet.... Cum igitur tot pastores cum gregibus suis ante aeterni pastoris oculos venerint, nos miseri quid dicturi sumus, qui ad Dominum nostrum post negotium vacui redimus?’

1919. Cp. Mirour, 16662, ‘U q’il ert mesmes auditour.’ The metaphor from rendering accounts in the Exchequer is especially appropriate here for the prelates.

1930. his lordes besant hedde: Matt. xxv. 18.

1944. every Prelat holde, ‘let every Prelate hold.’

1952 ff. Coloss. iii. 5, ‘avaritiam, quae est simulacrorum servitus.’

END OF VOL. II

OXFORD

PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

BY HORACE HART, M.A.

PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

FOOTNOTES:

A In some unpublished papers kindly communicated to me by Miss Bateson.

B Froissart, Chron., ed. K. de Lettenhove, vol. xv. p. 167.

C B. ten Brink, Geschichte der Engl. Litt. ii. 141.

D This date has hitherto been omitted from the text of the printed editions.

E The last two lines, which contain the mention of the earl of Derby, are omitted in some MSS. of the first recension, and this may be an indication that the author circulated some copies without them. A full account of the various recensions of the poem is given later, under the head of ‘Text.’

F The term ‘epilogue’ is used for convenience to designate the conclusion of the poem after viii. 2940, but no such designation is used by the author: similarly ‘preface’ means here the opening passage of the Prologue (ll. 1-92).

G ‘Minoris etatis causa inde excusabilem pronuncians.’

H Dr. Karl Meyer, in his dissertation John Gower’s Beziehungen zu Chaucer und König Richard II (1889), takes account of these various notes of time, having made himself to some extent acquainted with the MSS., but his conclusions are in my opinion untenable.

I This has been equally the procedure of Prof. Hales on the one hand, who endeavours to throw back the composition of the first recension to an extravagantly early period, and of Dr. Karl Meyer on the other, who wishes to bring down the final form of the book to a time later than the deposition of Richard II. The theory of the latter, that the sixteenth year of King Richard is given as the date of the original completion of the poem, and not of the revised preface, is sufficiently refuted by the date ‘fourteenth year’ attached to the rewritten epilogue.

J For the connexion between this and the Confessio Amantis see L. Bech in Anglia, v. 313 ff.

K Lydgate apparently did not take Chaucer’s censure very seriously, for he quite needlessly introduced the tale of Canace into his Falls of Princes, following Gower’s rendering of it.

L See for example the picture of Nebuchadnezzar transformed into an ox, ‘Tho thoghte him colde grases goode,’ &c. (i. 2976 ff.), the account of the jealous husband, who after charging his wife quite unreasonably with wishing she had another there in his stead, turns away from her in bed and leaves her to weep all the night, while he sleeps (v. 545 ff.), and the description of the man who entertains his wife so cheerfully on his return home with tales of the good sport that he has had, but carefully avoids all reference to the occurrence which would have interested her most (v. 6119 ff.).

M The reading in the Latin note at the beginning of ‘quarto <decimo>’ for ‘sexto decimo’ is probably due to a mistake, for we find ‘sextenthe’ in the text of l. 25. It may be noted that the MS. mentioned by Pauli as containing the rewritten preface and also the Chaucer verses (New Coll. 326) is a hybrid, copied from two different manuscripts.

N for King Richard’s sake, to whom my allegiance belongs and for whom I pray. It chanced that as I rowed in a boat on the flowing Thames under the town of New Troy, I met my liege lord, and he bad me come from my boat into his barge, and there he laid upon me a charge to write some new thing which he himself might read. Thus I am the more glad to write, and I have the less fear of envious blame. A gentle heart praises without malice, but the world is full of evil tongues and my king’s command shall nevertheless be fulfilled. Though I have long been sick, yet I will endeavour to write a book which may be wisdom to the wise and play to those who desire to play. But the proverb says that a good beginning makes a good end: therefore I will here begin the prologue of my book, speaking partly of the former state of the world and partly of the present.

O Adieu, for I must go from thee. And greet Chaucer well, as my disciple and my poet, who has filled the land with the songs which he made for my sake. And bid him in his later age make his testament of love, as thou hast made thy shrift.’

And so enveloped in a starry cloud, Venus was taken to her place above, and I turned homeward with my beads in hand. (2940*-2970*.)

To God, the Creator of all things, I pray for my worthy king Richard the Second, in whom has always been found Justice mingled with Pity. In his person it may be shown what a king should be, especially in that he sought no vengeance through cruelty. Though evil came upon the land, yet his estate was kept safe by the high God, as the sun is ever bright in himself, though the air be troubled. He sought love and peace and accord, not only here at home, but abroad also, following Christ’s way, and therefore are we bound to serve him, and his name shall be ever remembered. (2971*-3035*.)

I, his subject, helpless with old age and sickness, desire to do him some pleasure, and therefore I present to him this poor book, made both for profit and for sport, and I ask that I may be excused for lack of curious skill. I have written, as I best might, in rude plain words.

And now that I am feeble and old, my Muse bids me rest and write no more of love. He who has achieved what he desired may fitly do his service to love in songs and sayings; but if a man fail, it is otherwise: therefore I take now my final leave of love. But that love which stands confirmed by charity, which brings no repentance and charges not the conscience, this may God send us, that in heaven our joy may be without end. (3036*-3114*.)

P The difference in the MS. usually consists only in the line drawn over the final on. So also often in the case of the words discussed below, chaunce, daunce, enchaunte, &c.

Q Very seldom sh in F, as Prol. 938, i. 2171, i. 1458.

R M. Konrath in Archiv für die neueren Sprachen, 89, p. 153 ff.

S In other cases, as with the group broke, loke, spoke, wroke (past participles), and ȝoke (subst.), there are no rhyme-words with ǭ from ā by which a distinction can be established.

T Archiv für n. Sprachen, 89, p. 392. As I sometimes have occasion to criticize statements in this paper, I take the opportunity here of acknowledging its merit, as the only careful study lately attempted of Gower’s language.

U According to ten Brink, nede ought to be regarded as an uncertain rhyme because of the O. E. nēades beside nīedes, but Gower never rhymes it with open ē.

V This latter rule explains Chaucer’s use of the inflected forms faire, fresshe, &c., in ‘fresshe Beaute,’ ‘gode, faire White,’ ‘fresshe May,’ &c.

W This is a regular use in Chaucer also, e.g. Cant. Tales, E 1749:

‘Fulfild of alle beautee and plesaunce,’

but it has not always been clearly recognized.

X In the Praise of Peace however the MS. has here for hire, ll. 108, 329, cp. 254. F has hire for here once accidentally, iii. 901.

Y In a few cases, as Prol. 543, i. 183, 1280, v. 3393, vi. 2062, the grammatically correct form has been printed in the text from less good MSS. and against the combined authority of F and S. On a review of the whole subject this does not now seem to me satisfactory.

Z Prof. Lounsbury’s criticism on the rhyme of vii. 5103 f., as given in Pauli’s edition, is quite sound, and Prof. Skeat’s defence of it will not do. Gower never rhymes a past participle in -ed with a weak preterite, though he sometimes drops the -e of the preterite before a vowel. The rhyme was good enough for Chaucer, however, as Prof. Lounsbury’s examples abundantly prove.

AA Except in the case of these imperative forms the 2nd pers. plur. is quite consistently used by the Lover in his shrift, and the 2nd pers. sing. by the Confessor in reply.

AB The copies which have this conclusion have also the preface in which Richard is mentioned as the occasion of the author’s undertaking, but this preface is found also in combination with the other conclusion.

AC Berthelette used a manuscript (not now existing) which in this respect, as in many others, resembled B.

AD It may be noted that the four second recension MSS. which contain the author’s Latin note about his books (‘Quia vnusquisque,’ &c.), viz. BTΛP₂, agree in a form of it which is different both from that which is given by first recension copies and that which we find in F, and is clearly intermediate between the other two, the first form fully excusing Richard II for the troubles of his reign and the third entirely condemning him, while this makes no mention of his merits or demerits, but simply prays for the state of the kingdom. It is noticeable that the second recension form definitely substitutes Henry for Richard as the patron of the Confessio Amantis, though in one at least of the copies to which it is attached this substitution has not been made in the text of the poem.

AE e.g. ii. 193, 365 ff., iii. 168, 1241, iv. 283, 1321, v. 1252, &c.

AF For the explanation of the use of letters to designate MSS. the reader is referred to the list of MSS. given later. It should be noted that AJM and FWH₃ represent in each case a group of about seven MSS., and H₁ ... B₂ one of nearly twenty. We observe in the examples given that B and A are sometimes found either separately or together on the side of the H₁ ... B₂ group, and that the same is true occasionally of W, while on the other hand some MSS. of the H₁ ... B₂ group are apt to pass over to the other side in a certain part of the text and support what we call the revised reading.

AG S is defective in one of these places and Ad in another, but a reckoning of the lines contained in the missing leaves proves that the facts were as stated.

AH They do not, however, contain the additions above mentioned, at Prol. 495, 579, i. 1403, 2267, &c.

AI It is doubtful, however, whether the special connexion between B and T extended over the whole book. It seems rather to begin about iii. 1500. The question about the relative position of these two MSS. would be easier of solution if it were not that T is defective up to ii. 2687, that is as regards the part where the connexion of B with the first recension is most apparent. The fact is that until about the middle of the third book B is found usually in accord with the ERCLB₂ group, and though it sometimes in these first books presents the characteristic second recension reading, as ii. 193, 365 ff., iii. 168, at other times it departs from it, as i. 1881, 2017.

AJ K belongs to the beginning and H₃ to the middle of the fifteenth century.

AK In the case of most of these passages the text proves them to be taken from Caxton’s edition. Thus in Prol. 497 both editions omit ‘to,’ Prol. 583 both omit ‘propre,’ i. 2248 both have ‘Vnder graue’ for ‘Vnder the grene,’ in 2354 ‘other’ for ‘thilke,’ and in 2372 ‘in me’ for ‘I me.’

AL These lines have never been printed in any edition before the present, though published separately by K. Meyer in his John Gower’s Beziehungen, &c., 1889, and by Prof. Easton of the University of Pennsylvania in his Readings in Gower, 1895. There are a large number of sound emendations from the Brit. Museum MSS. suggested in this latter book, but the author had no clear idea of the principles on which the text should be constructed.

AM The following will serve as examples of those omitted:

iii. 367 tawh B

422 vngood lieste A

618 is (for it) A

652 softe softe B

658 sely sely B

739 marg. litigabant B

864 artow B

923 he (for hem) B

iv. 635 f. betake ... þurghsott A

650 wedde A

1105 no wol no B

1229 herte B

1239 þo (for þou) A, &c.

AN On inquiry in the locality I find that Terranova, which has always had a column for its emblem, claims Guido as a native: see Memorie Gelesi by Sign. S. D. Navarra, Terranova 1896, pp. 72 f.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPLETE WORKS OF JOHN GOWER, VOLUME 2 ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg

Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

THE COMPLETE WORKS OF JOHN GOWER

PREFATORY NOTE

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

LINENOTES:

CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA

AN ADDITIONAL MS. OF THE ‘CONFESSIO AMANTIS’

CONFESSIO AMANTIS[24a]

LINENOTES:

Incipit Liber Primus

LINENOTES:

Incipit Liber Secundus.

LINENOTES:

Incipit Liber Tercius.

LINENOTES:

Incipit Liber Quartus.

LINENOTES:

Incipit Liber Quintus.

LINENOTES:

NOTES

FOOTNOTES:

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE