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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 6

Recent history - 1894-5 to 1901 A-Z

Author: J. N. Larned

Release date: October 17, 2023 [eBook #71897]

Language: English

Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co, 1895

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/71897

Credits: Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 6 ***

[Transcriber's Notes: These modifications are intended to provide

continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly

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To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:

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2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is

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without surrounding empty lines.

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between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are

replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

---------------------------------

MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE

Subheading one.

Subheading two.

Subject text.

See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

John Smith,

External Citation Title,

Chapter 3, page 89.---------------------------------

Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case

(as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and

immediately follow the main title.

Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles

(if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented

three spaces.

References to other articles in this work are in all upper

case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They

usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in".

Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces

and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in

Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,

including URLs of available internet versions.

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indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other

large block.

To search for words separated by an unknown number of other

characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words

"first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:

"first.{1,100}second"

A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of

this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings

that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled

differently by various authors. Search for:

"Word List: Start".

I use these free search tools:

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Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro -- https://www.mythicsoft.com

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End Transcriber's Notes.]

----------------------------------

Spine

Map of Asia

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.

FROM THE BEST HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS,

AND REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE BETTER

AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

BY

J. N. LARNED

WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL

STUDIES AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN O. REILEY

REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

IN SIX VOLUMES

VOLUME VI—RECENT HISTORY

1894-5 TO 1901

A to Z

SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

COPYRIGHT, 1901,

BY J. N. LARNED.

The Riverside Press,

Cambridge, Massachusetts, U. S. A.

Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.

PREFACE TO THE SIXTH VOLUME.

The six years that have passed since the original five volumes

of this compilation were published, in 1894-5, have been

filled with events so remarkable and changes so revolutionary

in political and social conditions that the work has seemed to

need an extension to cover them. The wish for such an

extension, expressed by many people, led to the preparation of

a new volume, in which all the lines of the historical record

are taken from the points at which they were dropped in the

early volumes, and are carried to the end of the Nineteenth

Century, and beyond it, into the opening months of the present

year.

In plan and arrangement this additional volume is uniform with

the preceding ones; but the material used in it is different

from that dealt with before, and a quite different character

is given consequently to the book. The former compilation

represented closet-studies of History—perspective views of a

past more or less remote from those who depicted it. This one,

on the contrary, exhibits History in the making,—the day by

day evolution of events and changes as they passed under the

hands and before the eyes and were recorded by the pens of the

actual makers and witnesses of them. If there is crudeness in the

story thus constructed, there is life in it, to quite make good

the lack of literary finish; and the volume is expected to

prove as interesting and as useful as its predecessors. It

sets forth, with the fulness which their present-day interest

demands, all the circumstances that led to the

Spanish-American war; the unforeseen sequences of that war, in

the Philippine Islands, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, and in

American politics; the whole controversy of Great Britain with

the South African Boers and the resulting war; the shameful

dealings of western nations with China, during late years,

which provoked the outbreak of barbaric hostility to

foreigners, and the dreadful experiences of the siege and

relief of Peking; the strange Dreyfus agitations in France;

the threatening race-conflicts in Austria; the change of

sovereign in England; the Peace Conference at The Hague and

its results; the federation of the Australian colonies; the

development of industrial combinations or trusts in the United

States; the archæological discoveries of late years in the

East, and the more notable triumphs of achievement in the

scientific world. On these and other occurrences of the period

surveyed, the record of fact is quoted from sources the most

responsible and authentic now available, and always with the

endeavor to present both sides of controverted matters with

strict impartiality.

For purposes of reference and study, a large number of

important documents—laws, treaties, new constitutions of

government, and other state papers—are given in full, and, in

most instances, from officially printed texts.

BUFFALO, NEW YORK; May, 1901.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

I am indebted to the following named authors, editors, and

publishers, for permission kindly given me to quote from books

and periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in

connection with the passages severally borrowed from them:

The manager of The American Catholic Quarterly Review;

the editor of The American Journal of Archæology;

the editor of The American Monthly Review of Reviews;

General Thomas F. Anderson;

Messrs. D. Appleton & Company;

Messrs. Wm. Blackwood's Sons (Blackwood's Magazine);

Mr. Andrew Carnegie;

Messrs. Chapman & Hall (The Fortnightly Review);

Mr. Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain);

Hon. W. Bourke Cockran;

the editor of The Contemporary Review;

Prof. John Franklin Crowell;

the G. W. Dillingham Company;

Messrs. Dodd, Mead & Company;

Messrs. Doubleday, Page & Company;

The Ecumenical Conference on Foreign Missions;

Mr. J. Foreman;

The Forum Publishing Company;

Harper & Brothers (Harper's Magazine);

Mr. Howard C. Hillegas;

Prof. H. V. Hilprecht;

Hon. Frederick W. Holls;

Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Company (The Atlantic Monthly);

Mr. George Iles;

the editor of The Independent;

Prof. John H. Latané;

Messrs. Longmans, Green & Company (The Edinburgh Review);

Mr. Charles F. Lummis;

Messrs. McClure, Philips & Company (The Popular Science Monthly);

Messrs. MacMillan & Company (London);

The New Amsterdam Book Company;

the editor of The Nineteenth Century Review;

the editor of The North American Review;

the editors of The Outlook;

the managing editor of The Political Science Quarterly;

Mr. Edward Porritt;

Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons;

Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons;

George M. Sternberg, Surgeon-General, U. S. A.;

The Frederick A. Stokes Company;

the managing editor of The Sunday School Times;

Prof. F. W. Taussig;

Prof. Elihu Thomson;

the manager of The Times, London;

The University Press, Cambridge;

Mr. Herbert Welsh; the editors of The Yale Review.

My acknowledgments are likewise due to the Hon. D. S.

Alexander, Representative in Congress, and to many officials

at Washington, for courteous assistance in procuring

publications of the national government for my use.

LIST OF MAPS.

Map of Asia,                           Preceding the title page

Map of Africa,                         Following page 2

Map of Alaska,                         Following page 8

Map of Australia,                      Following page 30

Map of Central America,

showing the Isthmian Canal routes,  Following page 66

Map of the East Coast of China,        Following page 76

Map of Cuba and the West Indies,       Following page 170

Map of Hawaii,                         Following page 254

Map of the Philippine Islands,

and of the seat of war in Luzon,    Following page 368

Map of Porto Rico,                     Following page 410

Map of the Boer Republics

and their surroundings,              Following page 492

Map illustrating the Santiago campaign

in the Spanish-American war,                 On page 603

LIST OF TABLES.

The descendants of Queen Victoria,              Page 215

Protestant foreign missions

and missionary societies,                    Pages 311-313

Navies of the Sea Powers,                       Page 318

Philippine Islands, area and population,        Pages 367-369

The Shipping of the World in 1900,              Page 452

British military forces in South African war,   Pages 509-510

Statistics of the Spanish-American War,         Pages 628-631

Twelfth Census of the United States (1900),     Pages 645-646

Revenues and expenditures of the government

of the United States for the fiscal

year ended June 30, 1900,                       Page 666

Losses from all causes in the armies

of the United States from

May 1, 1898, to May 20, 1900,                Pages 666-667

Qualifications of the elective franchise

in the several States of the United States,     Pages 676-677

Military and naval expenditures of

the greater Powers,                          Pages 694-697

Chronological record of events, 1895 to 1901,   Pages 702-720

{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.

ABORIGINES, American.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN.

ABRUZZI, the Duke of: Arctic expedition.

See (in this volume) POLAR EXPLORATION, 1899-1900, 1901.

ABYDOS, Archæological exploration at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1895-1896.

Successful war with the Italians.

See (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.

Treaty with Great Britain.

A treaty between King Menelek of Abyssinia and the British

Government was concluded in May, 1897. It gives to British

subjects the privileges of the most favored nations in trade;

opens the port of Zeyla to Abyssinian importations; defines

the boundary of the British Somali Protectorate, and pledges

Abyssinia to be hostile to the Mahdists.

ACETYLENE GAS, Production of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ADOWA, Battle of.

See (in this volume) ITALY; A. D. 1895-1896.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1893-1895.

Relinquishment of claims over Swat, Bajaur and Chitral.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1894.

The Waziri War.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1894.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

Anglo-Russian Agreement.

Determination of the northern frontier.

The joint Anglo-Russian Commission for fixing the northern

frontier of Afghanistan, from Zulfikar on the Heri-Rud to the

Pamirs, finished its work in July, 1895. This was consequent

upon an Agreement between the governments of Great Britain and

Russia which had been reduced to writing on the previous 11th

of March. In part, that Agreement was as follows:

"Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His

Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from

exercising any political influence or control, the former to

the north, the latter to the south, of the above line of

demarcation. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engage that

the territory lying within the British sphere of influence

between the Hindu Kush and the line running from the east end

of Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier shall form part of

the territory of the Ameer of Afghanistan, that it shall not

be annexed to Great Britain, and that no military posts or

forts shall be established in it. The execution of this

Agreement is contingent upon the evacuation by the Ameer of

Afghanistan of all the territories now occupied by His

Highness on the right bank of the Panjah, and on the

evacuation by the Ameer of Bokhara of the portion of Darwaz

which lies to the south of the Oxus, in regard to which Her

Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His

Majesty the Emperor of Russia have agreed to use their

influence respectively with the two Ameers."

Great Britain, Papers by Command: Treaty Series,

Number 8, 1895.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.

Conquest of Kafiristan.

By the agreement of 1893, between the Ameer of Afghanistan and

the government of India (see, in this volume, INDIA. A. D.

1895-MARCH-SEPTEMBER), the mountain district of Kafiristan was

conceded to the former, and he presently set to work to

subjugate its warlike people, who had never acknowledged his

yoke. By the end of 1896 the conquest of these Asiatic Kafirs

was believed to be complete.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1897-1898.

Wars of the British with frontier tribes.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1900.

Russian railway projects.

See (in this volume) RUSSIA-IN-ASIA: A. D. 1900.

----------AFRICA: Start--------

AFRICA: A. D. 1891-1900

(Portuguese East Africa).

Delagoa Bay Railway Arbitration.

See (in this volume)

DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

AFRICA: A. D. 1893 (Niger Coast Protectorate).

Its growth.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).

The Commandeering question.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).

Dissatisfaction of the Boers with the

London Convention of 1884.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (British South Africa Company).

Extension of charter and enlargement of powers.

Influence of Cecil J. Rhodes.

Attitude towards the Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (Rhodesia).

Extended territory and enlarged powers of the British

South Africa Company.

Ascendancy of Cecil J. Rhodes.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1898

(British Central Africa Protectorate: Nyassaland).

Administrative separation from British South Africa Company's

territory.

Conflicts with natives.

Resources and prospects.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

{2}

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Bechuanaland).

Partial conveyance to British South Africa Company.

Several Bechuana chiefs visited England to urge that their

country should not be absorbed by Cape Colony or the British

South Africa Company. An agreement was made with them which

reserved certain territories to each, but yielded the

remainder to the administration of the British South Africa

Company.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (British East Africa).

Transfer of territory to the British Government.

The territories previously administered by the Imperial

British East Africa Company (excepting the Uganda

Protectorate, which had been transferred in 1894) were finally

transferred to the British Government on the 1st of July. At

the same time, the dominion of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the

mainland came under the administrative control of the British

consul-general at Zanzibar.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Cape Colony).

Annexation of British Bechuanaland.

Proceedings for the annexation of British Bechuanaland to Cape

Colony were adopted by the Cape Parliament in August.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (French West Africa).

Appointment of a Governor-General.

In June, M. Chaudie was appointed Governor-General of French

West Africa, his jurisdiction extending over Senegal, the

Sudan possessions of France, French Guinea, Dahomey, and other

French possessions in the Gulf of Benin.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Orange Free State).

Proposed federal union of the Free State with the Transvaal.

A resolution making overtures for a federal union with the

Transvaal was passed by the Volksraad of the Orange Free State

in June.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Sierra Leone).

Establishment of a British Protectorate over the

Hinterland of Sierra Leone.

Anglo-French boundary agreement.

See (in this volume)

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Transvaal).

Action in Swaziland.

By a proclamation in February, the Transvaal Government

assumed the administration of Swaziland and installed King

Buna as paramount chief.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).

Closing of the Vaal River Drifts.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).

Discontent of the Uitlanders.

The Franchise question.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).

Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Zululand).

Extension of Boundary.

A strip of territory west of Amatongaland, along the Pondoland

River to the Maputa was formally added to Zululand in May, the

South African Republic protesting.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (Portuguese East Africa).

War with Gungunhana.

The Portuguese were involved in war with Gungunhana, king of

Gazaland, which lasted from September, 1895, until the

following spring, when Gungunhana was captured and carried a

prisoner, with his wives and son, to Lisbon.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (The Transvaal).

Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders at Johannesburg.

The Jameson raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895-1896.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1897 (British East Africa Protectorate).

Creation of the Protectorate.

Territories included.

Subjugation of Arab chiefs.

Report of commissioner.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE:

A. D. 1895-1897.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Ashanti).

British conquest and occupation.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (British South Africa Company).

Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

Parliamentary movement to investigate.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1896 (JUNE); and (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Cape Colony).

Investigation of the Jameson raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Rhodesia).

Matabele revolt.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):

A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Zanzibar).

Suppression of an usurper by the British.

On the sudden death (supposed to be from poison) of the Sultan

of Zanzibar, August 25, his cousin, Said Khalid, seized the

palace and proclaimed himself sultan. Zanzibar being an

acknowledged protectorate of Great Britain, the usurper was

summoned by the British consul to surrender. He refused, and

the palace was bombarded by war vessels in the harbor, with

such effect that the palace was speedily destroyed and about

500 of its inmates killed. Khalid fled to the German consul,

who protected him and had him conveyed to German territory. A

new sultan, Said Hamud-bin-Mahomed was at once proclaimed.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896-1899 (The Transvaal).

Controversies with the British Government.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL), to 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Congo Free State).

Mutiny of troops.

The Congo troops of an expedition led by Baron Dhanis mutinied

and murdered a number of Belgian officers. Subsequently they

were attacked in the neighborhood of Lake Albert Edward Nyanza

and mostly destroyed.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Dahomey and Tongoland).

Definition of boundary.

By a convention concluded in July between Germany and France,

the boundary between German possessions in Tongoland and those

of France in Dahomey and the Sudan was defined.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).

Massacre at Benin.

British expedition.

Capture of the town.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).

Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

In January and February, the forces of the Royal Niger Company

successfully invaded the strong Fulah states of Nupé and

Ilorin, from which slave raiding in the territory under

British protection was carried on. Bida, the Nupé capital, was

entered on the 27th of January, after a battle in which 800

Hausa troops, led by European officers, and using heavy

artillery, drove from the field an army of cavalry and foot

estimated at 30,000 in number. The Emir of Nupé was deposed,

another set up in his place, and a treaty signed which

established British rule. The Emir of Ilorin submitted after

his town had been bombarded, and bowed himself to British

authority in his government. At the same time, a treaty

settled the Lagos frontier. Later in the year, the stronghold

at Kiffi of another slave-raider, Arku, was stormed and

burned.

Map of Africa

{3}

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Orange Free State and Transvaal).

Treaty defensive between the two republics.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Sudan).

Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

A. D. 1897 (Zanzibar).

Abolition of slavery.

Under pressure from the British government, the Sultan of

Zanzibar issued a decree, on the 6th or April, 1897,

terminating the legal status of slavery, with compensation to

be awarded on proof of consequent loss.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Zululand).

Annexation to Natal.

By act of the Natal Parliament in December, 1897, Zululand

(with Amatongaland already joined to it) was annexed to Natal

Colony, and Dinizulu, son of the last Zulu king, was brought

from captivity in St. Helena and reinstated.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Sudan).

Completion of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Uganda).

Native insurrections and mutiny of Sudanese troops in Uganda.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Abyssinia).

Treaty of King Menelek with Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (British South Africa Company).

Reorganization.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Egypt).

The Nile question between England and France.

Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Nigeria and the French Sudan).

Definition of French and English possessions in

West and North Africa.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Rhodesia).

Reorganization of the British South Africa Company and

the administration of its territories.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Tunis).

Results of the French Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

Railway development.

"Railroad development in Africa has been rapid in the past few

years and seems but the beginning of a great system which must

contribute to the rapid development, civilization, and

enlightenment of the Dark Continent. Already railroads run

northwardly from Cape Colony about 1,400 miles, and

southwardly from Cairo about 1,100 miles, thus making 2,500

miles of the 'Cape to Cairo' railroad complete, while the

intermediate distance is about 3,000 miles. Mr. Rhodes, whose

recent visit to England and Germany in the interest of the

proposed through line from the Cape to Cairo is a matter of

record, and whose visit to Germany was made necessary by the

fact that in order to pass from the southern chain of British

territory to the northern chain he must cross German or

Belgian territory, is reported as confident that the through

line will be completed by the year 1910. Certainly it may

reasonably be assumed that a continuous railway line will be

in operation from the southern to the northern end of Africa

in the early years of the twentieth century. Toward this line,

present and prospective, which is to stretch through the

eastern part of the continent, lateral lines from either coast

are beginning to make their way. A line has already been

constructed from Natal on the southeast coast: another from

Lourenço Marquez in Portuguese territory and the gold and

diamond fields: another from Beira, also in Portuguese

territory, but considerably farther north, and destined to

extend to Salisbury in Rhodesia, where it will form a junction

with the 'Cape to Cairo' road; still another is projected from

Zanzibar to Lake Victoria Nyanza, to connect, probably, at

Tabora, with the transcontinental line; another line is under

actual construction westward from Pangani just north of

Zanzibar, both of these being in German East Africa; another

line is being constructed northwestwardly from Mombasa, in

British territory, toward Lake Victoria Nyanza, and is

completed more than half the distance, while at the entrance

to the Red Sea a road is projected westwardly into Abyssinia,

and is expected to pass farther toward the west and connect

with the main line. At Suakim, fronting on the Red Sea, a road

is projected to Berber, the present terminus of the line

running southwardly from Cairo. On the west of Africa lines

have begun to penetrate inward, a short line in the French

Sudan running from the head of navigation on the Senegal

eastwardly toward the head of navigation on the Niger, with

the ultimate purpose of connecting navigation on these two

streams. In the Kongo Free State a railway connects the Upper

Kongo with the Lower Kongo around Livingstone Falls; in

Portuguese Angola a road extends eastwardly from Loanda, the

capital, a considerable distance, and others are projected

from Benguela and Mossamedes with the ultimate purpose of

connecting with the 'Cape to Cairo' road and joining with the

lines from Portuguese East Africa, which also touch that road,

thus making a transcontinental line from east to west, with

Portuguese territory at either terminus. Farther south on the

western coast the Germans have projected a road from Walfisch

Bay to Windhoek, the capital of German Southwest Africa, and

this will probably be extended eastwardly until it connects

with the great transcontinental line from 'Cape to Cairo,'

which is to form the great nerve center of the system, to be

contributed to and supported by these branches connecting it

with either coast. Another magnificent railway project, which

was some years ago suggested by M. Leroy Beaulieu, has been

recently revived, being no less than an east and west

transcontinental line through the Sudan region, connecting the

Senegal and Niger countries on the west with the Nile Valley

and Red Sea on the east and penetrating a densely populated

and extremely productive region of which less is now known,

perhaps, than of any other part of Africa. At the north

numerous lines skirt the Mediterranean coast, especially in

the French territory of Algeria and in Tunis, where the length

of railway is, in round numbers, 2,250 miles, while the

Egyptian railroads are, including those now under

construction, about 1,500 miles in length.

{4}

Those of Cape Colony and Natal are nearly 3,000 miles, and

those of Portuguese East Africa and the South African Republic

another thousand. Taking into consideration all of the roads

now constructed, or under actual construction, their total

length reaches nearly 10,000 miles, while there seems every

reason to believe that the great through system connecting the

rapidly developing mining regions of South Africa with the

north of the continent and with Europe will soon be pushed to

completion. A large proportion of the railways thus far

constructed are owned by the several colonies or States which

they traverse, about 2,000 miles of the Cape Colony system

belonging to the Government, while nearly all that of Egypt is

owned and operated by the State."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, August, 1899.

See, also, (in this volume),

RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (June).

International Convention respecting the liquor traffic.

Representatives of the governments of Great Britain, Germany,

Belgium, Spain, the Congo State, France, Italy, the

Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and Turkey,

assembled at Brussels, in June, 1899, with due authorization,

and there concluded an international convention respecting the

liquor traffic in Africa. Subsequently the governments of

Austria-Hungary, the United States of America, Liberia and

Persia, gave their adhesion to the Convention, and

ratifications were deposited at Brussels in June, 1900. The

Convention is, in a measure, supplemental to what is known as

"the General Act of Brussels," relative to the African slave

trade, which was framed at a conference of the representatives

of European, American, African, and Asiatic states, at

Brussels. The treaty known as the General Act of Brussels was

signed July 2, 1890, but did not come into force until April

2, 1894. The text of it may be found in (United States) House

Doc. Number 276, 56th Congress, 3d Session. The Convention of

1899 provides:

"Article I.

From the coming into force of the present Convention, the

import duty on spirituous liquors, as that duty is regulated

by the General Act of Brussels, shall be raised throughout the

zone where there does not exist the system of total

prohibition provided by Article XCI, of the said General Act,

to the rate of 70 fr. the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade,

for a period of six years. It may, exceptionally, be at the

rate of 60 fr. only the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade in

the Colony of Togo and in that of Dahomey. The import duty

shall be augmented proportionally for each degree above 50

degrees centigrade; It may be diminished proportionally for

each degree below 50 degrees centigrade. At the end of the

above-mentioned period of six years, the import duty shall be

submitted to revision, taking as a basis the results produced

by the preceding rate. The Powers retain the right of

maintaining and increasing the duty beyond the minimum fixed

by the present Article in the regions where they now possess

that right.

Article II.

In accordance with Article XCIII of the General Act of

Brussels, distilled drinks made in the regions mentioned in

Article XCII of the said General Act, and intended for

consumption, shall pay an excise duty. This excise duty, the

collection of which the Powers undertake to insure as far as

possible, shall not be lower than the minimum import duty

fixed by Article I. of the present Convention.

Article III.

It is understood that the Powers who signed the General Act of

Brussels, or who have acceded to it, and who are not

represented at the present Conference, preserve the right of

acceding to the present Convention."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.

(Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 13, 1900).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

Progress of the Telegraph line from the Cape to Cairo.

See (in this volume)

TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (German Colonies).

Cost to Germany, trade, etc.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Nigeria).

Transfer of territory to the British Crown.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Orange Free State).

Treaty of alliance with the Transvaal.

Making common cause.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):

A. D. 1897 (APRIL); and 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (The Sudan).

Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Transvaal and Orange Free State).

Outbreak of war with Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):

A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (West Africa).

Definition of British and German frontiers.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Zanzibar).

Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899-1900.

Summary of the partition of the Continent.

"Seven European nations, as before remarked, now control

territories in Africa, two of them having areas equal in each

case to about the entire land area of the United States, while

a few small territories remain as independent States.

Beginning at the northeast, Egypt and Tripoli are nominally at

least tributaries of Turkey, though the Egyptian Government,

which was given large latitude by that of Turkey, has of late

years formed such relations with Great Britain that, in

financial matters at least, her guidance is recognized; next

west, Algeria, French; then Morocco on the extreme northwest,

an independent Government and an absolute despotism; next on

the south, Spain's territory of Rio de Oro; then the Senegal

territories, belonging to the French, and connecting through

the desert of Sahara with her Algeria; then a group of small

divisions controlled by England, along the Gulf of Guinea;

then Liberia, the black Republic; Togoland, controlled by the

Germans; Dahomey, a French protectorate; the Niger territory,

one-third the size of the United States, controlled by

England; Kamerun, controlled by Germany; French Kongo; then

the Kongo Free State, under the auspices of the King of

Belgium, and occupying the very heart of equatorial Africa;

then Portuguese Angola; next, German South west Africa; and

finally in the march down the Atlantic side, Cape Colony,

British.

{5}

Following up the eastern side comes the British colony of

Natal; then just inland from this the two Boer Republics, the

Orange Free State and the South African Republic, both of

which are entirely in the interior, without ocean frontage;

next, Portuguese Africa, and west of this the great territory

known as 'Rhodesia'; then German Africa, which extends almost

to the equator; north of these, British East Africa, fronting

on the Indian Ocean, and merging northwardly with the Egyptian

Sudan, which was recently recovered from the Mahdi by the joint

operation of British and Egyptian troops, and the British flag

placed side by side with that of Egypt; next north, upon the

coast, Italian territory and a small tract opposite the

entrance to the Red Sea controlled by England; and a few

hundred miles west of the entrance to the Red Sea, the

independent Kingdom of Abyssinia. This division of African

territory, nearly all of it made within the memory of the

present generation, forms the present political map of Africa.

With England and France controlling an area equal in each case

to that of the United States; Germany, a territory one-third

the size of the United States; Portugal, with an area somewhat

less; the Kongo Free State in the great equatorial basin, but

having a frontage upon the Atlantic with an area nearly

one-third that of the United States; Italy and Spain, each

with a comparatively small area of territory; Egypt, with

relations quite as much British as Turkish; Tripoli, Turkish,

and the five independent States of Morocco, Liberia,

Abyssinia, and the two Boer Republics—nothing remains

unclaimed, even in the desert wastes, while in the high

altitudes and subtropical climate of southeast Africa

civilization and progress are making rapid advancement."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, August, 1899.

The following table, given in an article in "The Forum,"

December, 1899, by Mr. O. P. Austin, Chief of the United

States Bureau of Statistics, shows the area, total population,

foreign population, and imports and exports of the territory

in Africa held by each European Government and by the

independent States of that continent, at the time of its

compilation so far as could be ascertained; but the statistics

of area and population, especially the latter, are in many

cases necessarily estimates:

POP.

TOTAL                      FOREIGN    PER SQ.

AREA.    POPULATION. POPULATION MILE     IMPORTS.     EXPORTS.

French Africa.        3,028,000   28,155,000   922,000    9.3   $70,116,000  $69,354,000

British Africa.       2,761,000   35,160,000   455,000   12.8   131,398,000  131,835,000

Turkish Africa.       1,760,000   21,300,000   113,000   12.2    54,091,000   62,548,000

German Africa.          944,000   11,270,000     4,000   12.0     4,993,000    2,349,000

Belgian Africa.         900,000   30,000,000     2,000   33.3     4,522,000    3,309,000

Portuguese Africa.      790,000    8,059,000     3,000   10.2    11,863,000    6,730,000

Spanish Africa.         243,000       36,000         …    0.5             …            …

Italian  Africa.        188,000      850,000         …    4.5             …            …

Independent States.

Morocco.                219,000    5,000,000         …   22.8     6,402,000    6,261,000

Abyssinia.              150,000    3,500,000         …   23.3             …            …

South African Republic. 120,000    1,096,000   346,000    9.2   104,703,000   53,532,000

Orange Free State.       48,500      208,000    78,000    4.3     5,994,000    8,712,000

Liberia.                 48,000    1,500,000    25,000   31.3     1,217,000    1,034,000

Total.               11,189,500  146,133,000  1,948,000     …  $395,299,000 $345,714,000

According to a statistical table in the twentieth volume of

Meyer's Konversations-Lexicon (third annual supplement), based

upon the latest data furnished by the boundary treaties

between the Powers, it would appear that all but about

one-seventh of the African continent is now (A. D. 1900)

included in some "protectorate" or "sphere of influence." The

French sphere is the largest, comprising about 3,700,000

square miles (about the extent of Europe) out of a total area

of 11,600,000. England comes next with 2,400,000 (including

the Boer territories). Then follow in order Germany, Belgium

(Congo Free State), and Portugal, each with somewhat less than

a million square miles. The Egyptian sphere (about 400,000

square miles) may properly be regarded as part of the British.

The extent of the French sphere will appear less imposing on

consulting the map of Africa here given, which shows that it

takes in the greater part of the sands of the Sahara. The

British sphere (including Egypt and her dependencies) is

estimated to contain in round numbers about 50,000,000 souls;

the French, 35,000,000; the Belgian, 17,000,000; the German,

9,000,000; the Portuguese, 8,000,000.

AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Ashanti).

Revolt of the tribes.

Siege and relief of Kumasai.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Togoland and Gold Coast).

Demarcation of the Hinterland.

Late in November it was announced from Berlin that conferences

regarding the British and German boundaries in West Africa

were then in progress in the Colonial Department of the German

Foreign Office, their principal object being the demarcation

of the Hinterland of Togoland and of the Gold Coast, and in

particular the partition of the neutral zone of Salaga as

arranged in Article 5 of the Samoa Agreement between Great

Britain and Germany.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRIDIS, British Indian war with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRIKANDER BUND, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE, COLONY):

A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

AFRIKANDER CONGRESS.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (Cape Colony): A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

AFRIKANDERS:

Joining the invading Boers.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER.).

AFRIKANDERS:

Opposition to the annexation of the Boer Republics.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{6}

AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS, The German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898; 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

AGRICULTURAL LAND BILL, The.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

First appearance in the Filipino insurrection.

His treaty with the Spaniards and departure from the Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

Circumstances in which he went to Manila to co-operate with

American forces.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

Arrival at Manila, May 19, 1898.

His organization of insurgent forces.

His relations with Admiral Dewey.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

Correspondence with General Anderson.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

Relations with American commander at Manila.

Declared President of the Philippine Republic.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.

Conflict of his army with American forces.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:

A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

Dispensary Laws.

Acts applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of

regulation for the liquor traffic to seventeen counties, but

not to the State at large, were passed by the Legislature.

See, in this volume,

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.

Discovery of the Cape Nome gold mining region.

"The Cape Nome mining region lies on the western coast of

Alaska, just beyond the military reservation of St. Michael

and about 120 miles south of the Arctic Circle. It can be

reached by an ocean voyage of ten or twelve days from Seattle.

It has long been known that gold exists in the general vicinity

of Cape Nome, and during the last five or six years a few

adventurous miners have done more or less prospecting and

claim staking throughout the district lying between Norton and

Kotzebue sounds. During the winter of 1898-99, a large number

of miners entered the Kotzebue country, while others spent the

season in the vicinity of Golofnin Bay." On the 15th of

October, 1898, a party of seven men reached Snake River in a

schooner. "Between that date and the 18th a miners' meeting

was held, the boundaries of a district 25 miles square were

established, local mining regulations were formulated, and Dr.

Kittleson was elected recorder for a term of two years. After

organizing the district natives were hired to do the necessary

packing, and a camp was established on Anvil Creek. The

prospecting outfits were quickly brought into service. In one

afternoon $76 was panned out on Snow Creek. Encouraged by this

showing lumber was carried up from the schooner and two

rockers were constructed. … In four or five days over $1,800

was cleaned up with these two rockers. … The weather turned

cold and the water was frozen up. As it was impossible to do

any more work with the rockers the party broke camp on the 3d

of November and returned to the schooner, which they found

frozen solid in 2 feet of ice. They then made their way in a

small boat to an Indian village, near Cape Nome, where they

obtained dogs and sleds, and a little farther on they were met

by reindeer from the Swedish Mission, with which they returned

to Golofnin Bay.

"The lucky miners had agreed among themselves that their

discovery should be held secret, but the news was too good to

keep, and soon leaked out. A general stampede commenced at

once and continued all winter. Every available dog and

reindeer was pressed into the service, and they were soon

racing with each other for the valuable claims which had been

left unstaked in the vicinity of Anvil Creek. As soon as that

creek had been all taken up the stampede extended to the

neighboring streams and gulches, and Glacier and Dexter

creeks, as well as many others which have not proved equally

valuable, were quickly staked and recorded. By the 25th of

December a large party armed with numerous powers of attorney

had entered the district, and as the local regulations allowed

every man to stake on each creek one claim of the full legal

dimensions (660 by 1,320 feet), it was not long until the

whole district had been thoroughly covered, and nearly every

stream had been staked with claims, which in some cases were

'jumped' and the right of possession disputed.

"The news of a rich strike at Nome worked its way up the Yukon

River during the winter, and as soon as the ice broke in June

a large crowd came down from Rampart City, followed by a

larger crowd from Dawson. The 'Yukoners,' as these people were

called, were already disgusted with the hardships,

disappointments, and Canadian misgovernment which they had met

with on the upper river. … Those to whom enough faith had been

given to go over to Cape Nome were disgusted and angered to

find that pretty much the whole district was already staked,

and that the claims taken were two or three times as large as

those commonly allowed on the upper river. Another grievance

was the great abuse of the power of attorney, by means of

which an immense number of claims had been taken up, so that

in many cases (according to common report) single individuals

held or controlled from 50 to 100 claims apiece. …

"A miners' meeting was called by the newcomers to remedy their

grievances. Resolutions were prepared, in which it was

represented that the district had been illegally organized by

men who were not citizens of the United States and who had not

conformed with the law in properly defining the boundaries of

the district with reference to natural objects, in enacting

suitable and sufficient mining regulations, and in complying

with any of the details of organization required by law. It

was intended by the promoters of this meeting to reorganize

the district in such a way as would enable them to share the

benefits of the discovery of a new gold field with the men who

had entered it the previous winter, and, as they expressed it,

'gobbled up the whole country.' It is, of course, impossible

to say what would have been the result if their attempt had

not been interfered with. … On the 28th of June Lieutenant

Spaulding and a detachment of 10 men from the Third Artillery

had been ordered to the vicinity of Snake River, and on the

7th of July their numbers were increased by the addition of 15

more.

{7}

As soon as it was proposed to throw open for restaking a large

amount of land already staked and recorded an appeal was made

to the United States troops to prevent this action by

prohibiting the intended meeting, which was called to assemble

July 10. It was represented to them that if the newcomers

should attempt, under the quasi-legal guise of a miners'

meeting, to take forcible possession of lands already claimed

by others, the inevitable consequence would be a reign of

disorder and violence, with the possibility of considerable

bloodshed. On the strength of this representation and appeal

the army officers decided to prevent the adoption of the

proposed resolutions. The miners were allowed to call their

meeting to order, but as soon as the resolutions were read

Lieutenant Spaulding requested that they be withdrawn. He

allowed two minutes for compliance with his request, the

alternative being that he would clear the hall. The

resolutions were not withdrawn, the troops were ordered to fix

bayonets, and the hall was cleared quietly, without a

conflict. Such meetings as were subsequently attempted were

quickly broken up by virtue of the same authority. The light

in which this action is regarded by the people at Nome

depends, of course, upon the way in which their personal

interests were affected. …

"The great discontent which actually did exist at this time

found sudden and unexpected relief in the discovery of the

beach diggings. It had long been known that there was more or

less gold on the seashore, and before the middle of July it

was discovered that good wages could be taken out of the sand

with a rocker. Even those who were on the ground could hardly

believe the story at first, but its truth was quickly and

easily demonstrated. Before the month was over a great army of

the unemployed was engaged in throwing up irregular

intrenchments along the edge of the sea, and those who had

just been driven nearly to the point of desperation by the

exhaustion of all their resources were soon contentedly

rocking out from $10 to $50 each per day and even more than

that. This discovery came like a godsend to many destitute

men, and was a most fortunate development in the history of

the camp.

"Meantime the men who were in possession of claims on Anvil

and Snow creeks were beginning to sluice their ground and

getting good returns for their work, while others were

actively making preparations to take out the gold which they

knew they had discovered. More sluice boxes were constructed

and put into operation as rapidly as possible. A town site was

laid off at the mouth of Snake River, and on the 4th of July a

post-office was established. The town which has sprung so

suddenly into existence is called 'Nome' by the Post-Office

Department, but at a miners' meeting held February 28, it was

decided to call it 'Anvil City,' and this is generally done by

the residents of the district, as well as in all official

records. At a meeting held in September, however, the name was

again changed to 'Nome.'"

United States, 56th Congress, 1st session,

Senate Document Number 357, pages. 1-4.

"A year ago [that is, in the winter of 1898-1899] a few Eskimo

huts and one or two sod houses of white men were the only

human habitations along 60 miles of the present Nome coast.

Last June [1899] a dozen or score of tents contained the whole

population. By October a town of 5,000 inhabitants fronting

the ocean was crowded for a mile or more along the beach.

Hundreds of galvanized-iron and wooden buildings were

irregularly scattered along two or three thoroughfares,

running parallel with the coast line. There is every

description of building, from the dens of the poor

prospectors, built of driftwood, canvas, and sod, to the large

companies' warehouses, stores, and the army barracks—a city,

as it were, sprung up in the night, built under the most

adverse circumstances on the barren seacoast, a coast without

harbor, all the supplies being landed through the surf. … The

country contributes nothing toward the support of the

population except a few fish and a limited supply of

driftwood.

"The city is of the most cosmopolitan type and contains

representatives of almost every nationality on the globe:

Germans, Canadians, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Russians, Swedes,

Norwegians, Poles, Chinese, negroes, Italians, Spaniards,

Greeks, Jews, and Americans. The dominant type is the

American, through whose efforts, with that inherent talent of

the Anglo-Saxon race for self-government, this isolated

community at once organized a city government. Before the

close of the summer Nome had a mayor, councilmen, a police

force, a deputy United States marshal, a United States

post-office, a fire department with town well, a board of

health, a hospital corps, and charitable organizations. A

majority of the people consists of the shifting population of

the Yukon country, which, upon hearing the news of the

discovery of gold, poured itself into Nome. … Along with the

shifting population of the Yukon from Dawson and other camps

came also many would-be explorers, adventurers, and especially

gamblers, but good order prevails throughout. Drunkenness,

disorderly conduct, and theft are promptly tried before the

police justice and punished by fine and imprisonment. Copies

of the official rules and regulations are kept posted before

the city hall and in other conspicuous places, as a warning to

all: 'Ignorance of the law is no excuse.' Some of the well-known

'toughs' and most undesirable characters are reported to have

been rounded up by the authorities late in the fall and

exported to the States. … There are several printing presses

and three newspapers—the Nome News, Nome Herald, and Nome Gold

Digger. … There are at least 2,500 people now [February, 1900]

wintering at Nome, and, by estimate, at least several thousand

are on their way there by winter routes. …

"Since, according to the conservative estimate of those who

are best situated to judge, it is believed that the Nome

region will have a population of at least 30,000 or 40,000

people this year (1900), some public improvements there seem

not only commendable but urgently necessary. Among these the

most important are: Some municipal form of government, water

supply, land-office service, and harbor facilities. As the

General Government had never made provision for any form of

municipal government in Alaska, the people of Nome, in

response to the urgency of the hour, called a mass meeting,

and organized the present government of Nome, with a complete

corps of city officers, as aforesaid, though they were

conscious at the time that it was without authority from the

United States Government."

F. C. Schrader and A. H. Brooks,

Preliminary Report on the Cape Nome Gold Region, Alaska

(United States Geological Survey), pages 45-47.

{8}

ALASKA: A. D. 1900.

Civil Government.

Better provision for the civil government of Alaska was made

by an Act which passed Congress after much debate and was

approved by the President on the 6th of June, 1900. It

constitutes Alaska a civil and judicial district, with a

governor who has the duties and powers that pertain to the

governor of a Territory, and a district court of general

jurisdiction, civil and criminal, and in equity and admiralty,

the court being in three divisions, each with a district

judge. The act provides a civil code for the district.

ALASKA: A. D. 1900.

Exploration of Seward peninsula.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1900.

ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION, The.

The boundary between Alaska, when it was Russian territory,

and the British possessions on the western side of the

American continent, was settled by an Anglo-Russian treaty in

1825. The treaty which ceded the Russian territory to the

United States, in 1867, incorporated the definition of

boundary given in Articles III. and IV. of the above-mentioned

convention, which (translated from French to English) read as

follows:

"III.

The line of demarcation between the possessions of the High

Contracting Parties upon the Coasts of the Continent and the

Islands of America to the North-West, shall be drawn in the

following manner: Commencing from the southernmost point of

the Island called Prince of Wales Island, which point lies in

the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes, North Latitude, and

between the 131st and 133d Degree of West Longitude (Meridian

of Greenwich), the said line shall ascend to the North along

the Channel called Portland Channel, as far as the Point of

the Continent where it strikes the 56th Degree of North

Latitude; from this last mentioned Point the line of

demarcation shall follow the summit of the mountains situated

parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of

the 141st Degree of West Longitude (of the same meridian),

and, finally, from the said point of intersection, the said

Meridian Line of the 141st Degree, in its prolongation as far

as the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between the Russian

and British Possessions on the Continent of America to the

North West.

"IV.

With reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the

preceding Article, it is understood:

1st.

That the Island called Prince of Wales Island shall belong

wholly to Russia.

2d.

That wherever the summit of the mountains which extend in a

direction parallel to the Coast, from the 56th Degree of North

Latitude to the point of intersection of the 141st Degree of

West Longitude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than

ten marine leagues from the Ocean, the limit between the

British Possessions and the line of Coast which is to belong

to Russia, as above mentioned, shall be formed by a line

parallel to the windings of the Coast, and which shall never

exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom."

When attempts to reduce this description in the treaty to an

actually determined boundary-line were begun, disagreements

arose between Canada and the United States, which became

exceedingly troublesome after the Klondike gold discoveries

had given a new importance to that region and to its

communications with the outside world. The Alaska boundary

question proved, in fact, to be considerably the most

difficult of settlement among all the many subjects of

disagreement between the United States and Canada which a

Joint High Commission was created in 1898 (see—in this

volume—CANADA: A. D. 1898-1900) to adjust. It was the one

question on which no ground of compromise could then be found,

and which compelled the Commission to adjourn in February,

1899, with its labors incomplete. The disputable points in the

definition of the boundary by the Anglo-Russian treaty of 1825

are explained as follows by Professor J. B. Moore,

ex-Assistant Secretary of State, in an article contributed to

the "North American Review" of October, 1899: "An examination

of the boundary defined in Articles III. and IV. of the

convention of 1825 shows," says Professor Moore, "that it is

scientifically divisible into two distinct sections, first,

the line from the southernmost point of Prince of Wales

Island, through Portland Channel and along the summit of the

mountains parallel to the coast, to the point of intersection

of the 141st meridian of longitude; and, second, the line from

this point to the Arctic Ocean. With the latter section, which

is merely a meridian line, and as to which the United States

and Canadian surveys exhibit no considerable difference, we

are not now concerned. The section as to which material

differences have arisen is the first. The principal

differences in this quarter are two in number, first, as to

what channel is meant by Portland Channel (sometimes called

Portland Canal); and, second, as to what is the extent of the

line or strip of coast (la lisière de côte) which was assigned

to Russia."

Map of Alaska.

The following is an English statement of the situation of the

controversy at the time the Joint High Commission adjourned:

"The adjournment of the Commission with nothing accomplished

is fresh in all our memories. Nor is it easy to determine on

whose shoulders lies the blame of this unfortunate break down.

America has been blamed for her stubbornness in refusing to

submit to an arbitration which should take into consideration

the possession of the towns and settlements under the

authority of the United States and at present under their

jurisdiction; while they have also been charged with having

made no concessions at all to Canada in the direction of

allowing her free access to her Yukon possessions. I am

enabled to say, however, in this latter respect the Americans

have not been so stiff-necked as has been made to appear.

Although it was not placed formally before the Commission, it

was allowed clearly to be understood by the other side, that

in regard to Skagway, America was prepared to make a very

liberal concession. They were ready, that is, to allow of the

joint administration of Skagway, the two flags flying side by

side, and to allow of the denationalisation, or

internationalisation as it might otherwise be termed, of the

White Pass and the Yukon Railroad, now completed to Lake

Bennett, and the only railroad which gives access to the

Yukon. They were even prepared to admit of the passage of

troops and munitions of war over this road, thus doing away

with the Canadian contention that, should a disturbance occur

in the Yukon, they are at present debarred from taking

efficient measures to quell it.

{9}

This proposition, however, does not commend itself to the

Canadians, whose main object, I think I am justified in

saying, is to have a railroad route of their own from

beginning to end, in their own territory, as far north as

Dawson City. At one time, owing to insufficient information

and ignorance of the natural obstacles in the way, they

thought they could accomplish this by what was known as the

Stikine route. They even went so far as to make a contract

with Messrs. McKenzie and Mann to construct this road, the

contractors receiving, as part of their payment, concessions

and grants of territory in the Yukon, which would practically

have given them the absolute and sole control of that

district. The value of this to the contractors can hardly be

overestimated. However, not only did the natural obstacles I

have referred to lead to the abandonment of the scheme, but

the Senate at Ottawa threw out the Bill which had passed

through the Lower House, affording a striking proof that there

are times when an Upper House has its distinct value in

legislation. It has been suggested (though I am the last to

confirm it) that it was the influence of the firm of railroad

contractors, to whose lot it would probably fall to construct

any new line of subsidised railway, which caused the Canadian

Commission to reject the tentative American proposal regarding

Skagway, and to put forward the counter claim to the

possession of Pyramid Harbour (which lies lower down upon the

west coast of the Lynn Canal), together with a two mile wide

strip of territory reaching inland, containing the Chilcat

Pass, and through it easy passage through the coast ranges,

and so by a long line of railroad to Fort Selkirk, which lies

on the Yukon River, to the south and east of Dawson City. It

is said also, though of this I have no direct evidence, that

the Canadians included the right to fortify Pyramid Harbour.

It is not surprising that the Americans rejected this

proposal, for they entered into the discussion convinced of

the impossibility of accepting any arrangement which would

involve the surrender of American settlements, and though it

is not so large or important as Skagway or Dyea, Pyramid

Harbour is nevertheless as much an American settlement as the

two latter. I am bound to point out that just as the Dominion

of Canada, as a whole, has a keener interest in this dispute

than has the Home Government, so the Government of British

Columbia is more closely affected by any possible settlement

than is the rest of the Dominion. And British Columbia is as

adverse to the Pyramid Harbour scheme as the United States

themselves. This is due to the fact that when finished the

Pyramid Harbour and Fort Selkirk railroad would afford no

access to the British Columbia gold fields on Atlin Lake,

which would still be reached only by way of Skagway and the

White Pass, or by Dyea and the Chilcat Pass. But quite apart

from this view of the matter, we may take it for granted that

the United States will never voluntarily surrender any of

their tide-water settlements, while the Canadian Government,

on the other hand, are no more disposed to accept any

settlement based on the internationalisation of Skagway, their

argument probably being that, save as a temporary 'modus

vivendi,' this would be giving away their whole case to their

opponents."

H. Townsend,

The Alaskan Boundary Question

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1899).

Pending further negotiations on the subject, a "modus vivendi"

between the United States and Great Britain, "fixing a

provisional boundary line between the Territory of Alaska and

the Dominion of Canada about the head of Lynn Canal," was

concluded October 20, 1899, in the following terms:

"It is hereby agreed between the Governments of the United

States and of Great Britain that the boundary line between

Canada and the territory of Alaska in the region about the

head of Lynn Canal shall be provisionally fixed as follows

without prejudice to the claims of either party in the

permanent adjustment of the international boundary: In the

region of the Dalton Trail, a line beginning at the peak West

of Porcupine Creek, marked on the map No. 10 of the United

States Commission, December 31, 1895, and on Sheet No. 18 of

the British Commission, December 31, 1895, with the number

6500; thence running to the Klehini (or Klaheela) River in the

direction of the Peak north of that river, marked 5020 on the

aforesaid United States map and 5025 on the aforesaid British

map; thence following the high or right bank of the said

Klehini river to the junction thereof with the Chilkat River,

a mile and a half, more or less, north of Klukwan,—provided

that persons proceeding to or from Porcupine Creek shall be

freely permitted to follow the trail between the said creek

and the said junction of the rivers, into and across the

territory on the Canadian side of the temporary line wherever

the trail crosses to such side, and, subject to such

reasonable regulations for the protection of the Revenue as

the Canadian Government may prescribe, to carry with them over

such part or parts of the trail between the said points as may

lie on the Canadian side of the temporary line, such goods and

articles as they desire, without being required to pay any

customs duties on such goods and articles; and from said

junction to the summit of the peak East of the Chilkat river,

marked on the aforesaid map No. 10 of the United States

Commission with the number 5410 and on the map No. 17 of the

aforesaid British Commission with the number 5490. On the Dyea

and Skagway Trails, the summits of the Chilcoot and White

Passes. It is understood, as formerly set forth in

communications of the Department of State of the United

States, that the citizens or subjects of either Power, found

by this arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of the

other, shall suffer no diminution of the rights and privileges

which they now enjoy. The Government of the United States will

at once appoint an officer or officers in conjunction with an

officer or officers to be named by the Government of Her

Britannic Majesty, to mark the temporary line agreed upon by

the erection of posts, stakes, or other appropriate temporary

marks."

In his Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the

President of the United States stated the situation as

follows:

"The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for

convenience of administration, around the head of Lynn Canal,

in accordance with the temporary arrangement of October, 1899,

was completed by a joint survey in July last.

{10}

The modus vivendi has so far worked without friction, and the

Dominion Government has provided rules and regulations for

securing to our citizens the benefit of the reciprocal

stipulation that the citizens or subjects of either Power

found by that arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of

the other shall suffer no diminution of the rights and

privileges they have hitherto enjoyed. But however necessary

such an expedient may have been to tide over the grave

emergencies of the situation, it is at best but an

unsatisfactory makeshift, which should not be suffered to

delay the speedy and complete establishment of the frontier

line to which we are entitled under the Russo-American treaty

for the cession of Alaska. In this relation I may refer again

to the need of definitely marking the Alaskan boundary where

it follows the 141st meridian. A convention to that end has

been before the Senate for some two years, but as no action

has been taken I contemplate negotiating a new convention for

a joint determination of the meridian by telegraphic

observations. These, it is believed, will give more accurate

and unquestionable results than the sidereal methods

heretofore independently followed, which, as is known, proved

discrepant at several points on the line, although not varying

at any place more than seven hundred feet."

ALEXANDRIA:

Discovery of the Serapeion.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:

EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

ALEXANDRIA:

Patriarchate re-established.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

ALIENS IMMIGRATION LAW, The Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

ALPHABET, Light on the origin of the.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

AMATONGALAND:

Annexed, with Zululand, to Natal.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

AMERICA:

The Projected Intercontinental Railway.

See (in this volume)

RAILWAY, THE INTERCONTINENTAL.

AMERICA, Central.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

AMERICAN ABORIGINES.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, The Bureau of the.

"The idea of the creation of an international bureau, or

agency, representing the Republics of the Western Hemisphere,

was suggested to the delegates accredited to the International

American Conference held in Washington in 1889-90, by the

conference held at Brussels in May, 1888, which planned for an

international union for the publication of customs tariffs,

etc. … On March 29, 1890, the International American

Conference, by a unanimous vote of the delegates of the

eighteen countries there represented, namely: The Argentine

Republic, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,

Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua,

Paraguay, Peru, Salvador, United States, Uruguay, and

Venezuela, provided for the establishment of an association to

be known as 'The International Union of American Republics for

the Prompt Collection and Distribution of Commercial

Information,' which should be represented at the capital of

the United States by a Bureau, under the title of 'The Bureau

of the American Republics.' This organ, so to speak, of the

independent governments of the New World was placed under the

supervision of the Secretary of State of the United States,

and was to continue in existence for a period of ten years,

and, if found profitable to the nations participating in its

advantages, it was to be maintained for successive periods of

ten years indefinitely. At the first session of the

Fifty-first Congress of the United States, that body, in an

'Act making appropriations for the support of the Diplomatic

and Consular Service, etc.,' approved July 14, 1890, gave the

President authority to carry into effect the recommendations

of the Conference so far as he should deem them expedient, and

appropriated $36,000 for the organization and establishment of

the Bureau, which amount it had been stipulated by the

delegates in the Conference assembled should not be exceeded,

and should be annually advanced by the United States and

shared by the several Republics in proportion to their

population. … The Conference had defined the purpose of the

Bureau to be the preparation and publication of bulletins

concerning the commerce and resources of the American

Republics, and to furnish information of interest to

manufacturers, merchants, and shippers, which should be at all

times available to persons desirous of obtaining particulars

regarding their customs tariffs and regulations, as well as

commerce and navigation."

Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,

June, 1898.

A plan of government for the International Union, by an

executive committee composed of representatives of the

American nations constituting the Union, was adopted in 1896,

but modified at a conference held in Washington, March 18,

1899. As then adopted, the plan of government is as follows:

"The Bureau of the American Republics will be governed under

the supervision of the Secretary of State of the United

States, with the cooperation and advice of four

representatives of the other Republics composing the

International Union, the five persons indicated to constitute

an Executive Committee, of which the Secretary of State is to

be ex-officio Chairman, or, in his absence, the Acting

Secretary of State. The other four members of the Executive

Committee shall be called to serve in turn, in the

alphabetical order of the official names of their nations in

one of the four languages of the Union, previously selected by

lot at a meeting of the representatives of the Union. At the

end of each year the first of these four members shall retire,

giving place to another representative of the Union, in the

same alphabetical order already explained, and so on until the

next period of succession."

{11}

"The interest taken by the various States forming the

International Union of American Republics in the work of its

organic bureau is evidenced by the fact that for the first

time since its creation in 1890 all the republics of South and

Central America are now [1899] represented in it. The unanimous

recommendation of the International American Conference,

providing for the International Union of American Republics,

stated that it should continue in force during a term of ten

years from the date of its organization, and no country

becoming a member of the union should cease to be a member

until the end of said period of ten years, and unless twelve

months before the expiration of said period a majority of the

members of the union had given to the Secretary of State of

the United States official notice of their wish to terminate

the union at the end of its first period, that the union

should continue to be maintained for another period of ten

years, and thereafter, under the same conditions, for

successive periods of ten years each. The period for

notification expired on July 14, 1899, without any of the

members having given the necessary notice of withdrawal. Its

maintenance is therefore assured for the next ten years."

Message of the President of the United States.

December 5, 1899.

AMERICANISM:

Pope Leo XIII. on opinions so called.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

AMNESTY BILL, The French.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

ANARCHIST CRIMES:

Assassination of Canovas del Castillo.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

Assassination of the Empress of Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

Assassination of King Humbert.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;

and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY, The.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

ANCON, The Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ANDERSON, General Thomas M.:

Correspondence with Aguinaldo.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

ANDRÉE, Salamon August:

Arctic balloon voyage.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900-.

ANGLO-AMERICAN POPULATION.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

ANGONI-ZULUS, The.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTEMNÆ, Excavations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

ANTIGUA: Industrial condition.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ANTITOXINE, Discovery of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

ANTI-IMPERIALISTS, The League of American.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY BILL, The German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

ANTI-SEMITIC AGITATIONS.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;

and FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after.

ANTI-SEMITIC LEAGUE, Treasonable conspiracy of the.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

APPORTIONMENT ACT.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

ARBITRATION, Industrial:

In New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

ARBITRATION, Industrial:

In the United States between employees and employers

engaged in inter-state commerce.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1896-1900.

Boundary dispute between Colombia and Costa Rica.

See (in this volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897.

Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897-1899.

Venezuela and Great Britain.

Guiana boundary.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.

Argentine Republic and Chile.

See (in this volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.

Treaty between Italy and the Argentine Republic.

See (in this volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1899.

The Treaty for the Pacific Settlement of International

Disputes concluded at the Peace Conference at the Hague (Text).

The Permanent Court created.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.

Brazil and French Guiana boundary dispute.

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.

Compulsory arbitration voted for at Spanish-American Congress.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

ARBITRATION TREATY, Great Britain and the United States.

Its defeat.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).

----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Start--------

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:

The Oriental Field.

Recent achievements and future prospects.

"Three successive years have just added to the realm of

Egyptian archaeology, not only the period of the first two

dynasties, hitherto absolutely unrecognized from contemporary

remains, but also a long prehistoric period. Assyriology

likewise has lately been pushed back into antiquity with

almost equal rapidity. Though the subjects will probably

always have their limitations, yet the insight of scholars and

explorers is opening up new vistas on all sides. … Our

prospect for the future is bright. Egypt itself seems

inexhaustible. Few of the cities of Babylonia and Assyria have

yet been excavated, and each of them had its library and

record office of clay-tablets as well as monuments in stone

and bronze. In Northern Mesopotamia are countless sites still

untouched; in Elam and in Armenia monuments are only less

plentiful.

{12}

In Arabia inscriptions are now being read which may perhaps

date from 1000 B. C. The so-called Hittite hieroglyphs still

baffle the decipherer; but as more of the documents become

known these will in all likelihood prove a fruitful source for

the history of North Syria, of Cappadocia, and of Asia Minor

throughout. Occasionally, too, though it is but rarely, an

inscription in the Phaenician type of alphabet yields up

important historical facts. When all is done, there is but

scant hope that we shall be able to construct a consecutive

history of persons and events in the ancient world. All that

we can be confident of securing, at any rate in Egypt, is the

broad outline of development and change, chronologically

graduated and varied by occasional pictures of extraordinary

minuteness and brilliancy."

F. LL. Griffith,

Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,

part 2, pages. 218-219

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: In Bible Lands:

General results as affecting our knowledge

of the ancient Hebrews.

"The general result of the archaeological and anthropological

researches of the past half-century has been to take the

Hebrews out of the isolated position which, as a nation, they

seemed previously to hold, and to demonstrate their affinities

with, and often their dependence upon, the civilizations by

which they were surrounded. Tribes more or less closely akin

to themselves in both language and race were their neighbours

alike on the north, on the east, and on the south; in addition

to this, on each side there towered above them an ancient and

imposing civilization,—that of Babylonia, from the earliest

times active, enterprising, and full of life, and that of

Egypt, hardly, if at all, less remarkable than that of

Babylonia, though more self-contained and less expansive. The

civilization which, in spite of the long residence of the

Israelites in Egypt, left its mark, however, most distinctly

upon the culture and literature of the Hebrews was that of

Babylonia. It was in the East that the Hebrew traditions

placed both the cradle of humanity and the more immediate home

of their own ancestors; and it was Babylonia which, as we now

know, exerted during many centuries an influence, once

unsuspected, over Palestine itself.

"It is true, the facts thus disclosed, do not in any degree

detract from that religious pre-eminence which has always been

deemed the inalienable characteristic of the Hebrew race: the

spiritual intuitions and experiences of its great teachers

retain still their uniqueness; but the secular institutions of

the nation, and even the material elements upon which the

religious system of the Israelites was itself constructed, are

seen now to have been in many cases common to them with their

neighbours. Thus their beliefs about the origin and early

history of the world, their social usages, their code of civil

and criminal law, their religious institutions, can no longer

be viewed, as was once possible, as differing in kind from

those of other nations, and determined in every feature by a

direct revelation from Heaven; all, it is now known, have

substantial analogies among other peoples, the distinctive

character which they exhibit among the Hebrews consisting in

the spirit with which they are infused and the higher

principles of which they are made the exponent. …

"What is called the 'witness of the monuments' is often

strangely misunderstood. The monuments witness to nothing

which any reasonable critic has ever doubted. No one, for

instance, has ever doubted that there were kings of Israel (or

Judah) named Ahab and Jehu and Pekah and Ahaz and Hezekiah, or

that Tiglath-Pileser and Sennacherib led expeditions into

Palestine; the mention of these (and such like) persons and

events in the Assyrian annals has brought to light many

additional facts about them which it is an extreme

satisfaction to know: but it has only 'confirmed' what no

critic had questioned. On the other hand, the Assyrian annals

have shewn that the chronology of the Books of Kings is, in

certain places, incorrect: they have thus confirmed the

conclusion which critics had reached independently upon

internal evidence, that the parts of these books to which the

chronology belongs are of much later origin than the more

strictly historical parts, and consequently do not possess

equal value.

"The inscriptions, especially those of Babylonia, Assyria, and

Egypt, have revealed to us an immense amount of information

respecting the antiquities and history of these nations, and

also, in some cases, respecting the peoples with whom, whether

by commerce or war, they came into contact: but (with the

exception of the statement on the stele of Merenptah that

'Israel is desolated') the first event connected with Israel

or its ancestors which they mention or attest is Shishak's

invasion of Judah in the reign of Rehoboam; the first

Israelites whom they specify by name are Omri and his son

Ahab. There is also indirect illustration of statements in the

Old Testament relating to the period earlier than this; but

the monuments supply no 'confirmation' of any single fact

recorded in it, prior to Shishak's invasion."

S. R. Driver,

Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,

part 1, pages 150-151

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:

Earlier explorations in.

For some account of the earlier archæological explorations in

Babylonia and their results,

See (in volume 1) BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

and (in volume 4) SEMITES.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:

American exploration of the ruins of ancient Nippur.

[Footnote: Quotations in this account from Professor

Hilprecht's copyrighted reports in the "Sunday School Times"

are used with permission from the publishers of that journal.]

"In the summer of 1888, the University of Pennsylvania fully

equipped and sent out the first American expedition to the

northern half of the plains of Babylonia to effect a thorough

exploration of the ruins of Nippur—the modern Niffer, or, more

correctly, Nuffar—on the border of the unwholesome swamps of

the Affej, and to undertake extensive excavations. A few

intelligent citizens of Philadelphia had met in the house of

Ex-Provost Dr. William Pepper, and formed 'The Babylonian

Exploration Fund,' a short time before this with the purpose

of effecting a systematic exploration of ancient Babylonia.

What science owes to this unselfish undertaking can be

adequately estimated only by posterity. … Two professors,

Peters and Hilprecht, were entrusted with the management of

the expedition, Dr. Peters as director, and Dr. Hilprecht as

Assyriologist."

H. V. Hilprecht, editor,

Recent Research in Bible Lands,

page 47.

{13}

Professor Hilprecht, who conducts for the "Sunday School

Times" a most interesting and important department, in which

the proceedings and principal results of archæological

exploration in Bible Lands have been currently chronicled

during several years past, gave, in that journal of December

I, 1900, the following description of the scene and the

historical importance of the ruins in which the excavations

above mentioned have been carried on: "Nuffar is the modern

Arabic name of an old Babylonian ruin situated about half-way

between the Euphrates and Tigris, at the northeastern boundary

of the great Affej swamps, which are formed by the regular

annual inundations of the Euphrates. In a straight line, it is

nearly eighty miles to the southeast from Baghdad. A large

canal, now dry, and often for miles entirely filled with

rubbish and sand, divides the ruins into two almost equal

parts. On an average about fifty or sixty feet high, these

ruins are torn up by frequent gulleys and furrows into a

number of spurs and ridges, from the distance not unlike a

rugged mountain range on the bank of the upper Tigris. In the

Babylonian language, the city buried here was called Nippur.

According to Jewish tradition, strongly supported by arguments

drawn from cuneiform texts and archaeological objects found at

the ruins themselves, Nippur was identical with the Biblical

Calneh, mentioned in Genesis 10: 10, as one of the four great

cities of the kingdom of Nimrod. It was therefore natural that

the public in general should take a warm interest in our

excavations at Nuffar. This interest grew considerably in

religious circles when, a few years ago, I announced my

discovery of the name of the 'river Chebar' in two cuneiform

texts from the archives of Nippur. It became then evident that

this 'river Chebar,' which hitherto could not be located, was

one of the four or five large canals once bringing life and

fertility to the fields of Nippur; that, furthermore, a large

number of the Jewish captives carried away by Nebuchadrezzar

after the destruction of Jerusalem were settled in the plains

around this city; and that even Ezekiel himself, while

admonishing and comforting his people, and holding out to them

Jehovah's mercy and never-failing promise of a brighter

future, stood in the very shadow of Babylonia's ancient

national sanctuary, the crumbling walls of the great temple of

Bêl at Nippur. The beginning and end of Old Testament history

thus point to Nippur as the background and theater for the

first and final acts in the great drama of divine selection

and human rejection in which Israel played the leading role."

In the same article, Professor Hilprecht indicated in a few

words what was done at Nuffar by the first three of the four

expeditions sent out from Philadelphia since 1888. "It was

comparatively easy," he said, "to get a clear idea of the

extent of the city and the life in its streets during the last

six centuries preceding our era. Each of the four expeditions

to Nuffar contributed its peculiar share to a better knowledge

of this latest period of Babylonian history, particularly,

however, the third and the present campaigns. But it was of

greater importance to follow up the traces of a very early

civilization, which, accidentally, we had met during our first

brief campaign in 1889. By means of a few deep trenches, the

second expedition, in the following year, had brought to light

new evidence that a considerable number of ancient monuments

still existed in the lower strata of the temple mound. The

third expedition showed that the monuments, while numerous,

are mostly very fragmentary, thereby offering considerable

difficulties to the decipherer and historian. But it also

showed that a number of platforms running through the temple

mound, and made of baked bricks, frequently bearing

inscriptions, enable us to fix the age of the different strata

of this mound with great accuracy. The two lowest of these

platforms found were the work of kings and patesis

(priest-kings) of 4000-3800 B. C., but, to our great

astonishment, they did not represent the earliest trace of

human life at Nippur. There were not less than about thirty

feet of rubbish below them, revealing an even earlier

civilization, the beginning and development of which lie

considerably before the times of Sargon the Great (3800 B. C.)

and Narâm-Sin, who had been generally regarded as

half-mythical persons of the first chapter of Babylonian

history."

Of the results of the work of those three expeditions of the

University of Pennsylvania, and of the studies for which they

furnished materials to Professor Hilprecht, Professor Sayce

wrote with much enthusiasm in the "Contemporary Review" of

January, 1897, as follows: "In my Hibbert Lectures on the

'Religion of the Ancient Babylonians' I had been led by a

study of the religious texts of Babylonia to the conclusion

that Nippur had been a centre from which Babylonian culture

was disseminated in what we then regarded as prehistoric

times. Thanks to the American excavations, what were

prehistoric times when my Hibbert Lectures were written have

now become historic, and my conclusion has proved to be

correct. … For the first time in Babylonia they have

systematically carried their shafts through the various strata

of historical remains which occupy the site, carefully noting

the objects found in each, and wherever possible clearing each

stag away when once it had been thoroughly examined. The work

began in 1888, about two hundred Arabs being employed as

labourers. … The excavations at Nippur were carried deeply and

widely enough not only to reveal the history of the city

itself but also to open up a new vista in the forgotten

history of civilised man. The history of civilisation has been

taken back into ages which a short while since were still

undreamed of. Professor Hilprecht, the historian of the

expedition, upon whom has fallen the work of copying,

publishing, and translating the multitudinous texts discovered

in the course of it, declares that we can no longer 'hesitate

to date the founding of the temple of Bel and the first

settlements in Nippur somewhere between 6000 and 7000 B. C.,

possibly even earlier.' At any rate the oldest monuments which

have been disinterred there belong to the fifth or sixth

millennium before the Christian era. Hitherto we have been

accustomed to regard Egypt as the land which has preserved for

us the earliest written monuments of mankind, but Babylonia

now bids fair to outrival Egypt. The earliest fixed date in

Babylonian history is that of Sargon of Akkael and his son

Naram-Sin. It has been fixed for us by Nabonidos, the royal

antiquarian of Babylonia. In one of his inscriptions he

describes the excavations he made in order to discover the

memorial cylinders of Naram-Sin, who had lived '3200 years'

before his own time. In my Hibbert Lectures I gave reasons for

accepting this date as approximately correct. The recent

discoveries at Niffer, Telloh, and other places have shown

that my conclusion was justified. …

{14}

"Assyriologists have long had in their possession a cuneiform

text which contains the annals of the reign of Sargon, and of

the first three years of the reign of his son. It is a late

copy of the original text, and was made for the library of

Nineveh. Our 'critical' friends have been particularly merry

over the credulity of the Assyriologists in accepting these

annals as authentic. … So far from being unhistorical, Sargon

and Naram-Sin prove to have come at the end of a

long-preceding historical period, and the annals themselves

have been verified by contemporaneous documents. The empire of

Sargon, which extended from the Persian Gulf to the

Mediterranean, was not even the first that had arisen in

Western Asia. And the art that flourished under his rule, like

the art which flourished in Egypt in the age of the Old

Empire, was higher and more perfect than any that succeeded it

in Babylonia. … Henceforward, Sargon and Naram-Sin, instead of

belonging to 'the grey dawn of time,' must be regarded as

representatives of 'the golden age of Babylonian history.'

That they should have undertaken military expeditions to the

distant West, and annexed Palestine and the Sinaitic Peninsula

to the empire they created need no longer be a matter of

astonishment. Such campaigns had already been undertaken by

Babylonian kings long before; the way was well known which led

from one extremity of Western Asia to the other. …

"It is Mr. Haynes [Director of the explorations from 1893] who

tells us that we are henceforth to look upon Sargon of Akkad

as a representative of 'the golden age of Babylonian history,'

and his assertion is endorsed by Professor Hilprecht. In fact,

the conclusion is forced upon both the excavator and the

palæographist. Professor Hilprecht, who, thanks to the

abundant materials at his disposal, has been able to found the

science of Babylonian palæography, tracing the development of

the cuneiform characters from one stage of development to

another, and determining the age of each successive form of

writing, has made it clear to all students of Assyriology that

many of the inscriptions found at Niffer and Telloh belong to

a much older period than those of the age of Sargon. The

palæographic evidence has been supplemented by the results of

excavation. … As far back as we can penetrate, we still find

inscribed monuments and other evidences of civilisation. It is

true that the characters are rude and hardly yet lifted above

their pictorial forms. They have, however, ceased to be

pictures, and have already become that cursive script which we

call cuneiform. For the beginnings of Babylonian writing we

have still to search among the relics of centuries that lie

far behind the foundation of the temple of Nippur.

"The first king whom the excavations there have brought to

light is a certain En-sag(sak)-ana who calls himself 'lord of

Kengi' and conqueror of Kis 'the wicked.' Kengi—'the land of

canals and reeds,' as Professor Hilprecht interprets the

word—was the oldest name of Babylonia, given to it in days

when it was still wholly occupied by its Sumerian population,

and when as yet no Semitic stranger had ventured within it.

The city of Kis (now El-Hy-mar) lay outside its borders to the

north, and between Kis and Kengi there seems to have been

constant war. … Nippur was the religious centre of Kengi, and

Mul-lil, the god of Nippur, was the supreme object of Sumerian

worship. … A king of Kis made himself master of Nippur and its

sanctuary, and the old kingdom of Kengi passed away. The final

blow was dealt by the son of the Sumerian high priest of the

'Land of the Bow.' Lugal-zaggi-si was the chieftain who

descended from the north upon Babylonia and made it part of

his empire. … Lugal-zaggi-si lived centuries before Sargon of

Akkad in days which, only a year ago, we still believed to lie

far beyond the horizon of history and culture. We little

dreamed that in that hoar antiquity the great cities and

sanctuaries of Babylonia were already old, and that the

culture and script of Babylonia had already extended far

beyond the boundaries of their motherland. The inscriptions of

Lugal-zaggi-si are in the Sumerian language, and his name,

like that of his father, is Sumerian also. … The empire of

Lugal-zaggi-si seems to have passed away with his death, and

at no long period subsequently a new dynasty arose at Ur. …

According to Professor Hilprecht, this would have been about

4000 B. C. How long the first dynasty of Ur lasted we cannot

tell. It had to keep up a perpetual warfare with the Semitic

tribes of northern Arabia, Ki-sarra, 'the land of the hordes,'

as it was termed by the Sumerians. Meanwhile a new state was

growing up on the eastern side of the Euphrates in a small

provincial city called Lagas, whose ruins are now known as

Telloh. Its proximity to Eridu, the seaport and trading depot

of early Babylonia, had doubtless much to do with its rise to

power. At all events the kings of Telloh, whose monuments have

been brought to light by M. de Sarzec, became continually

stronger, and the dynasty of Lagas took the place of the

dynasty of Ur. One of these kings, E-Anna-gin, at length

defeated the Semitic oppressors of northern Chaldæa in a

decisive battle and overthrew the 'people of the Land of the

Bow.' …

"The kings of Lagas represent the closing days of Sumerian

supremacy. With Sargon and his empire the Semitic age begins.

The culture of Chaldæa is still Sumerian, the educated classes

are for the most part of Sumerian origin, and the literature of

the country is Sumerian also. But the king and his court are

Semites, and the older culture which they borrow and adopt

becomes Semitised in the process. … For many generations

Sumerians and Semites lived side by side, each borrowing from

the other, and mutually adapting and modifying their own forms

of expression. … Sumerian continued to be the language of

religion and law—the two most conservative branches of human

study—down to the age of Abraham. … The new facts that have

been disinterred from the grave of the past furnish a striking

confirmation of Professor Hommel's theory, which connects the

culture of primitive Egypt with that of primitive Chaldæa, and

derives the language of the Egyptians, at all events in part,

from a mixed Babylonian language in which Semitic and Sumerian

elements alike claimed a share. We now know that such a mixed

language did once exist, and we also know that this language

and the written characters by which it was expressed were

brought to the shores of the Mediterranean and the frontiers

of Egypt in the earliest age of Egyptian history."

A. H. Sayce,

Recent Discoveries in Babylonia

(Contemporary Review, January, 1897).

{15}

The third of the Pennsylvania expeditions closed its work at

Nippur in February, 1896. There was then an interval of three

years before a fourth expedition resumed work at the ruins in

February, 1899. In the "Sunday School Times" of April 29 and

May 27, 1899, Professor Hilprecht (who did not go personally

to Nuffar until later in the year) gave the following account

of the friendly reception of the exploring party by the Arabs

of the district, from whom there had been formerly much

experience of trouble: "The Affej tribes, in whose territory

the large mounds are situated, had carefully guarded the

expedition's stronghold,—a mud castle half-way between the

ruins and the marshes, which had been sealed and entrusted to

their care before we quitted the field some years ago. They

now gave to the expedition a hearty welcome, accompanied by

shooting, shouting, dancing, and singing, and were evidently

greatly delighted to have the Americans once more in their

midst. In the presence of Haji Tarfa, their

commander-in-chief, who was surrounded by his minor shaykhs

and other dignitaries of the El-Hamza tribes, the former

arrangements with the two shaykhs Hamid el-Birjud and Abud

el-Hamid were ratified, and new pledges given for the security

and welfare of the little party of explorers, the question of

guards and water being especially emphasized. In accordance

with the Oriental custom, the expedition showed its

appreciation of the warm reception by preparing for their

hosts in return a great feast, at which plenty of mutton and

boiled rice were eaten by some fifty Arabs, and the old bond

of friendship was cemented anew with 'bread and salt.'" …

"Doubtless all the advantages resulting for the Affej Bed'ween

and their allies from the presence of the Americans were

carefully calculated by them in the three years (February,

1896-1899) that we had withdrawn our expedition from their

territory. They have apparently found out that the

comparatively large amount of money brought into their country

through the wages paid to many Arabs employed as workmen, and

through the purchase of milk, eggs, chicken, mutton, and all

the other material supplied by the surrounding tribes for our

camp, with its about two hundred and fifty persons, has done

much to improve their general condition. The conviction has

been growing with them that we have not come to rob them of

anything to which they attach great value themselves, nor to

establish a new military station for the Turkish government in

order to gather taxes and unpaid debts. Every Arab engaged by

the Expedition has been fairly treated, and help and

assistance have always been given cheerfully and gratis to the

many sick people who apply daily for medicine, suffering more

or less during the whole year from pulmonary diseases, typhoid

and malarial fevers, easily contracted in the midst of the

extended marshes which they inhabit."

In the "Sunday School Times" of August 5, in the same year,

Professor Hilprecht reported: "The mounds of Nippur seem to

conceal an almost inexhaustible treasure of inscribed

cuneiform tablets, by means of which we are enabled to restore

the chronology, history, religion, and the high degree of

civilization, obtained at a very early date by the ancient

inhabitants between the lower Euphrates and Tigris. More than

33,000 of these precious documents were found during the

previous campaigns. Not less than 4,776 tablets have been

rescued from February 6 to June 10 this year, averaging,

therefore, nearly 1,200 'manuscripts in clay,' as we may style

them, per month. About the fourth part of these tablets is in

perfect condition, while a very large proportion of the

remaining ones are good-sized fragments or tablets so

fortunately broken that their general contents and many

important details can be ascertained by the patient

decipherer."

In November, 1899, Professor Hilprecht started for the field,

to superintend the explorations in person, and on the way he

wrote to the "S. S. Times" (published December 13): "The

deeper the trenches of the Babylonian Expedition of the

University of Pennsylvania descend into the lower strata of

Nippur, the probable site of the biblical Calneh, the more

important and interesting become the results obtained. The

work of clearing the northeastern wall of the high-towering

temple of Bel was continued with success during the summer

months. Particularly numerous were the inscribed vase

fragments brought to light, and almost exclusively belonging

to the pre-Sargonic period,—3800 B. C. and before. As I showed

in the second part of Volume I of our official University

publication, this fragmentary condition of the vases is due to

the wilful destruction of the temple property by the

victorious Elamitic hordes, who, towards the end of the third

pre-Christian millennium, ransacked the Babylonian cities,

extending their conquest and devastation even as far as the

shores of the Mediterranean Sea (comp. Gen. 14). From the

earliest historical period down to about 2200 B. C., when this

national calamity befell Babylonia, the large temple

storehouse, with its precious statues, votive slabs and vases,

memorial stones, bronze figures, and other gifts from powerful

monarchs and governors, had practically remained intact. What,

therefore, is left of the demolished and scattered contents of

this ancient chamber as a rule is found above the platform of

Ur-Ninib (about 2500 B. C.), in a layer several feet thick and

about twenty-five feet wide, surrounding the front and the two

side walls of the temple. The systematic clearing and

examination of this layer, and of the huge mass of ruins lying

above it, occupied the attention of the expedition

considerably in the past years, and was continued with new

energy during the past six months." At the end of January,

1900, Professor Hilprecht arrived in Babylonia, and wrote some

weeks later to the "Sunday School Times" (May 3): "As early as

eleven years ago, the present writer pointed out that the

extensive group of hills to the southwest of the temple of Bel

must be regarded as the probable site of the temple library of

ancient Nippur. About twenty-five hundred tablets were rescued

from the trenches in this hill during our first campaign.

Later excavations increased the number of tablets taken from

these mounds to about fifteen thousand. But it was only within

the last six weeks that my old theory could be established

beyond any reasonable doubt.

{16}

During this brief period a series of rooms was exposed which

furnished not less than over sixteen thousand cuneiform

documents, forming part of the temple library during the

latter half of the third millennium B. C. In long rows the

tablets were lying on ledges of unbaked clay, serving as

shelves for these imperishable Old Babylonian records. The

total number of tablets rescued from different parts of the

ruins during the present campaign amounts even now to more

than twenty-one thousand, and is rapidly increased by new

finds every day. The contents of this extraordinary library

are as varied as possible. Lists of Sumerian words and

cuneiform signs, arranged according to different principles,

and of fundamental value for our knowledge of the early

non-Semitic language of the country, figure prominently in the

new 'find.' As regards portable antiquities of every

description, and their archeological value, the American

expedition stands readily first among the three expeditions at

present engaged in the exploration of Ancient Babylonia and

the restoration of its past history."

Three weeks later he added: "The Temple Library, as indicated

in the writer's last report, has been definitely located at

the precise spot which, in 1889, the present writer pointed

out as its most probable site. Nearly eighteen thousand

cuneiform documents have been rescued this year from the

shelves of a series of rooms in its southeastern and

northwestern wings. The total number of tablets (mostly of a

didactic character) obtained from the library up to date is

from twenty-five thousand to twenty-six thousand tablets

(whole and broken). In view, however, of more important other

duties to be executed by this expedition before we can leave

Nippur this year, and in consideration of the enormous amount

of time and labor required for a methodical exploration of the

whole mound in which it is concealed, I have recently ordered

all the gangs of Arabic workmen to be withdrawn from this

section of ancient Nippur, and to be set at work at the

eastern fortification line of the city, close to the

temple-complex proper. According to a fair estimate based upon

actual finds, the unique history of the temple, and

topographical indications, there must be hidden at least from

a hundred thousand to a hundred and fifty thousand tablets

more in this ancient library, which was destroyed by the

invading Elamites about the time of Abraham's emigration from

Ur of the Chaldees. Only about the twentieth part of this

library (all of Dr. Haynes's previous work included) has so

far been examined and excavated."

In the same letter the Professor described the uncovering of

one façade of a large pre-Sargonic palace—"the chief

discovery," in his opinion, "of this whole campaign." "A

thorough excavation of this large palace," he wrote, "will

form one of the chief tasks of a future expedition, after its

character, age, and extent have been successfully determined

by the present one. Important art treasures of the Tello type,

and literary documents, may reasonably be expected to be

unearthed from the floor-level of its many chambers. It has

become evident, from the large number of pre-Sargonic

buildings, walls, and other antiquities discovered on both

sides of the Shatt-en-Nil, that the pre-Sargonic Nippur was of

by far greater extent than had been anticipated. This

discovery, however, is only in strict accord with what we know

from the cuneiform documents as to the important historical

rôle which the temple of Bel ('the father of the gods'), as

the central national sanctuary of ancient Babylonia, played at

the earliest period, long before Babylon, the capital of the

later empire, achieved any prominence."

The work at Nippur was suspended for the season about the

middle of May, 1900, and Professor Hilprecht, after his return

to Philadelphia, wrote of the general fruits of the campaign,

in the "Sunday School Times" of December 1: "As the task of

the fourth and most recent expedition, just completed, I had

mapped out, long before its organization, the following work.

It was to determine the probable extent of the earliest

pre-Sargonic settlement at ancient Nippur; to discover the

precise form and character of the famous temple of Bêl at this

earliest period; to define the exact boundaries of the city

proper; if possible, to find one or more of the great city

gates frequently mentioned in the inscriptions; to locate the

great temple library and educational quarters of Nippur; to

study the different modes of burial in use in ancient

Babylonia; and to study all types and forms of pottery, with a

view to finding laws for the classification and determination

of the ages of vases, always excavated in large numbers at

Nuffar. The work set before us has been accomplished. The task

was great,—almost too great for the limited time at our

disposal. … But the number of Arab workmen, busy with pickax,

scraper, and basket in the trenches for ten to fourteen hours

every day, gradually increased to the full force of four

hundred. … In the course of time, when the nearly twenty-five

thousand cuneiform texts which form one of the most

conspicuous prizes of the present expedition have been fully

deciphered and interpreted; when the still hidden larger mass

of tablets from that great educational institution, the temple

library of Calneh-Nippur, discovered at the very spot which I

had marked for its site twelve years ago, has been brought to

light,—a great civilization will loom up from past

millenniums before our astonished eyes. For four thousand

years the documents which contain this precious information

have disappeared from sight, forgotten in the destroyed rooms

of ancient Nippur. Abraham was about leaving his ancestral

home at Ur when the great building in which so much learning

had been stored up by previous generations collapsed under the

ruthless acts of the Elamite hordes. But the light which

begins to flash forth from the new trenches in this lonely

mound in the desert of Iraq will soon illuminate the world

again. And it will be no small satisfaction to know that it

was rekindled by the hands of American explorers."

{17}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:

German exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

An expedition to explore the ruins of Babylon was sent out by

the German Orient Society, in 1899, under the direction of Dr.

Koldewey, an eminent architect and archæologist, who had been

connected with previous works of excavation done in Babylonia

and northern Syria. In announcing the project, in the "Sunday

School Times" of January 28, 1899, Professor Hilprecht

remarked: "These extended ruins will require at least fifty

years of labor if they are to be excavated as thoroughly and

systematically as the work is done by the American expedition

at Nippur, which has employed in its trenches never less than

sixty, but frequently from two hundred to four hundred, Arabic

workmen at the same time during the last ten years. Certain

parts of the ruins of Babylon have been previously explored

and excavated by Layard, Rawlinson, and the French expedition

under Fresnel and Oppert, to which we owe the first accurate

details of the topography of this ancient city." Writing

somewhat more than a year later from Nippur, after having

visited the German party at Babylon, Professor Hilprecht said

of its work: "The chief work of the expedition during the past

year was the exploration of the great ruin heap called

El-Kasr, under which are hidden the remains of the palace of

Nebuchadrezzar, where Alexander the Great died after his

famous campaign against India. Among the few important

antiquities so far obtained from this imposing mound of

Ancient Babylon is a new Hittite inscription and a

neo-Babylonian slab with an interesting cuneiform legend. Very

recently, Dr. Koldewey, whose excellent topographical surveys

form a conspicuous part of the results of the first year, has

found the temple of the goddess Nin-Makh, so often mentioned

in the building inscriptions of the neo-Babylonian rulers, and

a little terra-cotta statue of the goddess. The systematic

examination of the enormous mass of ruins covering Ancient

Babylon will require several decenniums of continued hard

labor. To facilitate this great task, a bill has been

submitted to the German Reichstag requesting a yearly

government appropriation of over fifteen thousand dollars,

while at the same time application has been made by the German

Orient Committee to the Ottoman Government for another firman

to carry on excavations at Warka, the biblical Erech, whose

temple archive was badly pillaged by the invading Elamites at

about 2280 B. C."

Some account of results from the uncovering of the palace of

Nebuchadrezzar are quoted from "Die Illustrirte Zeitung" in

the "Scientific American Supplement," December 16, 1899, as

follows: "According to early Babylonian records,

Nebuchadnezzar completed the fortifications of the city, begun

by his father Narbolpolassar, consisting of a double inclosure

of strong walls, the inner called Imgur-Bel ('Bel is

gracious'), the outer Nemitti-Bel ('foundation of Bel'). The

circumference of the latter according to Herodotus was 480

stades (55 miles), its height 340 feet, and its thickness 85

feet. At the inner and outer peripheries, one-story houses

were built, between which was room enough for a chariot drawn

by four horses harnessed abreast. When Koldewey cut through

the eastern front of Al Kasr, he came upon a wall which was

undoubtedly that described by Herodotus. The outer eastern

shell was composed of burnt brick and asphalt, 24 feet in

thickness; then came a filling of sand and broken stone 70½

feet in thickness, which was followed by an inner western

shell of 43 feet thickness. The total thickness was,

therefore, 137.5 feet. By dint of hard work this wall was cut

through and the entrance to Nebuchadnezzar's palace laid bare.

Koldewey and his men were enabled to verify the description

given by Diodorus of the polychromatic reliefs which graced

the walls of the royal towers and palaces. It still remains to

be seen how trustworthy are the statements of other ancient

historians. The city itself, as previous investigators have

found, was adorned with many temples, chief among them Esaglia

('the high towering house'), temple of the city, and the national

god Marduk (Merodach) and his spouse Zirpanit. Sloping toward

the river were the Hanging Gardens, one of the world's seven

wonders, located in the northern mound of the ruins of Babel.

The temple described by Herodotus is that of Nebo, in

Borsippa, not far from Babylon, which Herodotus included under

Babylon and which the cuneiform inscriptions term 'Babylon the

Second.' This temple, which in the mound of Birs Nimrûd is the

most imposing ruin of Babylon, is called the 'eternal house'

in the inscriptions; it was restored by Nebuchadnezzar with

great splendor. In form, it is a pyramid built in seven

stages, for which reason it is sometimes referred to as the

'Temple of the Seven Spheres of Heaven and Earth.' The Tower

of Babel, described in Genesis x., is perhaps the same

structure. It remains for the German expedition to continue

its excavations in Nebuchadnezzar's palace."

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:

Discovery of an inscription of Nabonidos,

the last of the Babylonian kings.

"A discovery of the greatest importance has just been made by

Father Scheil, who has for some time been exploring in

Babylonia. In the Mujelibeh mound, one of the principal heaps

of ruins in the 'enciente' of Babylon, he has discovered a

long inscription of Nabonidos, the last of the Babylonian

Kings (B. C. 555-538), which contains a mass of historical and

other data which will be of greatest value to students of this

important period of Babylonian history. The monument in

question is a small 'stela' of diorite, the upper part of

which is broken, inscribed with eleven columns of writing, and

which appears to have been erected early in the King's reign.

It resembles in some measure the celebrated India-House

inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, but is much more full of

historical matter. Its value may be estimated when it is

stated that it contains a record of the war of revenge

conducted by the Babylonians and their Mandian allies against

Assyria, for the destruction of the city by Sennacherib, in B.

C. 698; an account of the election and coronation of Nabonidos

in B. C. 555, and the wonderful dream in which Nebuchadnezzar

appeared to him; as well as an account of the restoration of

the temple of the Moon god at Kharran, accompanied by a

chronological record which enables us to fix the date of the

so-called Scythian invasion. There is also a valuable

reference to the murder of Sennacherib by his son in Tebet, B.

C. 681."

American Journal of Archœology,

January-March, 1896.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Persia:

French exploration of the ruins of Susa,

the capital of ancient Elam.

"In 1897 an arrangement was completed between the French

Government and the Shah of Persia by which the former obtained

the exclusive right of archeological explorations in the

latter's empire, coupled with certain privileges for the

exportation of different kinds of antiquities that might be

unearthed. Soon afterwards, M. J. de Morgan, late director of

excavations in Egypt, who had made archeological researches in

the regions east of the Tigris before, was placed at the head

of a French expedition to Susa, the ancient capital of Elam,

the upper strata of which had been successfully explored by M.

Dieulafoy.

{18}

In the Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions Elam appears as the

most terrible foe of the Babylonian empire from the earliest

time: and the name of its capital, Susa, or Shâsha, was

discovered by the present editor several years ago on a small

votive object in agate, originally manufactured and inscribed

in southern Babylonia, in the first half of the third

pre-christian millennium, several hundred years afterwards

carried away as part of their spoil by the invading Elamites,

and in the middle of the fourteenth century B. C. recaptured,

reinscribed, and presented to the temple of Nippur by King

Kurigalzu, after his conquest of Susa. It was therefore

evident that, if the same method of excavating was applied to

the ruins of Susa as had been applied so successfully by the

University of Pennsylvania's expedition in Nippur, remarkable

results would soon be obtained, and amply repay all labor and

money expended. M. de Morgan, accompanied by some engineers

and architects, set hopefully to work, cutting his trenches

more than fifty feet below the ruins of the Achæmenian

dynasty. The first campaign, 1897-98, was so successful, in

the discovery of buildings and inscribed antiquities, that in

October of last year the French government despatched the

Assyriologist Professor Scheil, in order to decipher the new

cuneiform documents, and to report on their historical

bearings.

"Among the more important finds so far made, but not yet

published, maybe mentioned over a thousand cuneiform tablets

of the earlier period, a beautifully preserved obelisk more

than five feet high, and covered with twelve hundred lines of

Old Babylonian cuneiform writing. It was inscribed and set up

by King Manishtusu, who left inscribed vases in Nippur and

other Babylonian cities. A stele of somewhat smaller size,

representing a battle in the mountains, testifies to the high

development of art at that remote period. On the one end it

bears a mutilated inscription of Narâm-Sin, son of Sargon the

Great (3800 B. C.); on the other, the name of Shimti-Shilkhak,

a well-known Elamitic king, and grandfather of the biblical

Ariokh (Genesis 14). These two monuments were either left in

Susa by the two Babylonian kings whose names they bear, after

successful operations against Elam, or they were carried off

as booty at the time of the great Elamitic invasion, which

proved so disastrous to the treasure-houses and archives of

Babylonian cities and temples [see above: BABYLONIA]. The

latter is more probable to the present writer, who in 1896

('Old Babylonian Inscriptions,' Part II, page 33) pointed out,

in connection with his discussion of the reasons of the

lamentable condition of Babylonian temple archives, that on

the whole we shall look in vain for well-preserved large

monuments in most Babylonian ruins, because about 2280 B. C.

'that which in the eyes of the national enemies of Babylonia

appeared most valuable was carried to Susa and other places:

what did not find favor with them was smashed and scattered on

Babylonian temple courts.'"

Prof. H. V. Hilprecht,

Oriental Research

(Sunday School Times, January 28, 1809).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:

Earlier explorations.

For some account of earlier archæological explorations in

Egypt,

See, in volume 1,

EGYPT.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:

Results of recent exploration.

The opening up of prehistoric Egypt.

The tomb of Mena.

The funeral temple of Merenptah.

Single mention of the people of Israel.

"During all this century in which Egyptian history has been

studied at first hand, it has been accepted as a sort of axiom

that the beginnings of things were quite unknown. In the

epitome of the history which was drawn up under the Greeks to

make Egypt intelligible to the rest of the world, there were

three dynasties of kings stated before the time of the great

pyramid builders; and yet of those it has been commonly said

that no trace remained. Hence it has been usual to pass them

by with just a mention as being half fabulous, and then to

begin real history with Senefern or Khufu (Cheops), the kings

who stand at the beginning of the fourth dynasty, at about

4000 B. C. The first discovery to break up this habit of

thought was when the prehistoric colossal statues of Min, the

god of the city of Koptos, were found in my excavations in his

temple. These had carvings in relief upon them wholly

different from anything known as yet in Egypt, and the

circumstances pointed to their being earlier than any carvings

yet found in that country. In the same temple we found also

statues of sacred animals and pottery which we now know to

belong to the very beginning of Egyptian history, many

centuries before the pyramids, and probably about 5000 B. C.

or earlier.

"The next step was the finding of a new cemetery and a town of

the prehistoric people, which we can now date to about 5000 B.

C., within two or three centuries either way. This place lay

on the opposite side of the Nile to Koptos—that is to say,

about 20 miles north of Thebes. At first we were completely

staggered by a class of objects entirely different from any

yet known in Egypt. We tried to fit them into every gap in

Egyptian history, but found that it was impossible to put them

before 3000 B. C. Later discoveries prove that they are really

as old as 5000 B. C. They show a very different civilization

from that of the Egyptians whom we already know—far less

artistic, but in some respects even more skillful in

mechanical taste and touch than the historical Egyptians. They

built brick houses to live in, and buried their dead in small

chambers sunk in the gravels of the water courses, lined with

mats, and roofed over with beams. They show several points of

contact with the early Mediterranean civilization, and appear

to have been mainly north African tribes of European type.

Their pottery, in its patterns and painting, shows designs

which have survived almost unchanged unto the present day

among the Kabyles of the Algerian Mountains. And one very

peculiar type of pottery is found spread from Spain to Egypt,

and indicates a widespread commercial intercourse at that

remote day. The frequent figures upon the vases of great

galley ships rowed with oars show that shipping was well

developed then, and make the evidences of trading between

different countries easy to be accepted.

{19}

"An of the above belongs to the age probably before 4700 B.

C., which is the age given for the first historical king of

Egypt by the Greek history of Manetho. A keystone of our

knowledge of the civilization is the identification of the

tomb of Mena, the first name in Egyptian history, the

venerated founder of all the long series of hundreds of

historic kings. This tomb, about 15 miles north of Thebes, was

found by some Arabs, and shown to Dr. De Morgan, the director

of the Department of Antiquities. It was a mass of about

thirty chambers, built of mud brick and earth. Each chamber

contained a different class of objects, one of stone vases,

one of stone dishes, one of copper tools, one of water jars,

etc. And among the things are carvings of lions and vases in

rock crystal and obsidian, large hard-stone vases, slate

palettes for grinding paint, pottery vases, and, above all, an

ivory tablet with relief carvings which show the names of the

king. Besides this, M. Amelineau has found sixteen tombs of

this same general character at Abydos, which we can hardly now

doubt belong to the early kings of the first three dynasties,

and some four or five have been actually identified with the

names of these kings in the Greek history. So now instead of

treating the first three dynasties as half fabulous and saying

that Egyptian art and civilization begin full blown at 4000 B.

C., we have the clear and tangible remains of much of these

early kings back to 4700 B. C., and a stretch of some

centuries of the prehistoric period with a varied and

distinctive civilization, well known and quite different from

anything later, lying before 4700 B. C. To put the earlier

part of this to 5500 B. C. is certainly no stretch of

probability. …

"We now pass entirely from these early times, with their

fascinating insight into the beginnings of things, long before

any other human history that we possess, until we reach down

to what seems quite modern times in the record of Egypt, where

it comes into contact with the Old Testament history. On

clearing out the funereal temple of King Merenptah I found in

that the upper half of a fine colossal statue of his, with all

the colors still fresh upon it. As this son of Rameses the

Great is generally believed to be the Pharaoh of the exodus,

such a fine portrait of him is full of interest. Better even

than that—I found an immense tablet of black granite over 10

feet high and 5 feet wide. It had been erected over two

centuries before and brilliantly carved by an earlier king,

whose temple was destroyed for materials by Merenptah. He took

this splendid block and turned its face inward against the

wall of his temple and carved the back of it with other scenes

and long inscriptions. Most of it is occupied with the history

of his vanquishing the Libyans, or North African tribes, who

were then invading Egypt. But at the end he recounts his

conquests in Syria, among which occurs the priceless passage:

'The people of Israel are spoiled; they have no seed.' This is

the only trace yet found in Egypt of the existence of the

Israelites, the only mention of the name, and it is several

centuries earlier than the references to the Israelite and

Jewish kings in the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria. "What

relation this has to our biblical knowledge of the Israelites

is a wide question, that has several possible answers. Without

entering on all the openings, I may here state what seems to

me to be the most probable connection of all the events,

though I am quite aware that fresh discoveries might easily

alter our views. It seems that either all the Israelites did

not go into Egypt or else a part returned and lived in the

north of Palestine before the exodus that we know, because we

here find Merenptah defeating Israelites at about 1200 B. C.

Of his conquest and of those of Rameses III in Palestine there

are no traces in the biblical accounts, the absence of which

indicates that the entry into Canaan took place after 1160 B.

C., the last war of Rameses III. Then the period of the Judges

is given in a triple record—(l) of the north, (2) of the east

of the Jordan, (3) of Ephraim and the west; and these three

accounts are quite distinct and never overlap, though the

history passes in succession from one to another. Thus the

whole age of Judges is but little over a century. And to this

agree the priestly genealogies stretching between the

tabernacle and temple periods.

"Leaving now all the monumental age, we come lastly to the

evidences of the Christian period, preserved in the papyri or

miscellaneous waste papers left behind in the towns of the

Roman times. Last winter my friends, Mr. Grenfell and Mr.

Hunt, cleared out the remains of the town Behnesa, about 110

miles south of Cairo. There, amid thousands of stray papers,

documents, rolls, accounts, and all the waste sweepings out of

the city offices, they found two leaves which are priceless in

Christian literature—the leaf of Logia, or sayings of Jesus,

and the leaf of Matthew's Gospel. The leaf of the Logia is

already so widely known that it is needless for me to describe

it. … The leaf of Matthew's Gospel is of great interest in the

literary history of the Gospels. Hitherto we have had no

manuscripts older than the second great ecclesiastical

settlement under Theodosius. Now we have a piece two ages

earlier—before the first settlement of things under

Constantine at the council of Nicea. Here, in the middle of

the third century, we find that the beginning of the Gospel,

the most artificial, and probably the latest, part, the

introductory genealogy and account of the Nativity, was

exactly in its present form. This gives us the greatest

confidence that the Gospel as we have it dates from the time

of the great persecutions. Such are some of the astonishing

and far-reaching results that Egypt has given us within three

years past."

W. M. Flinders Petrie,

Recent Research in Egypt

(Sunday School Times, February 19, 1898.)

In a later article, contributed to the "Popular Science

Monthly," Professor Petrie has described more fully the

results of recent exploration in Egypt, especially with

reference to the discovery and study of prehistoric remains.

The following are passages from the article: "The great stride

that has been made in the last six years is the opening up of

prehistoric Egypt, leading us back some 2000 years before the

time of the pyramid builders. Till recently nothing was known

before the age of the finest art and the greatest buildings,

and it was a familiar puzzle how such a grand civilization

could have left no traces of its rise. This was only a case of

blindness on the part of explorers. Upper Egypt teems with

prehistoric remains, but, as most of what appears is dug up by

plunderers for the market, until there is a demand for a class

of objects, very little is seen of them. Now that the

prehistoric has become fashionable, it is everywhere to be

seen. The earlier diggers were dazzled by the polished

colossi, the massive buildings, the brilliant sculptures of

the well-known historic times, and they had no eyes for small

graves, containing only a few jars or, at best, a flint knife.

{20}

"The present position of the prehistory of Egypt is that we

can now distinguish two separate cultures before the beginning

of the Egyptian dynasties, and we can clearly trace a sequence

of manufactures and art throughout long ages before the pyramid

builders, or from say 6000 B. C., giving a continuous history

of 8000 years for man in Egypt. Continuous I say advisedly,

for some of the prehistoric ways are those kept up to the

present time. In the earliest stages of this prehistoric

culture metal was already used and pottery made. Why no ruder

stages are found is perhaps explained by the fact that the

alluvial deposits of the Nile do not seem to be much older

than 8000 years. The rate of deposit is well known—very

closely one metre in a thousand years—and borings show only

eight metres thick of Nile mud in the valley. Before that the

country had enough rain to keep up the volume of the river,

and it did not drop its mud. It must have run as a rapid

stream through a barren land of sand and stones, which could

not support any population except paleolithic hunters. With

the further drying of the climate, the river lost so much

velocity that its mud was deposited, and the fertile mud flats

made cultivation and a higher civilization possible. At this

point a people already using copper came into the country. …

"The second prehistoric civilization seems to have belonged to

a people kindred to that of the first age, as much of the

pottery continued unchanged, and only gradually faded away.

But a new style arose of a hard, buff pottery, painted with

patterns and subjects in red outline. Ships are represented

with cabins on them, and rowed by a long bank of oars. The use

of copper became more general, and gold and silver appear

also. … Though this civilization was in many respects higher

than that which preceded it, yet it was lower artistically,

the figures being ruder and always flat, instead of in the

round. …

"The separation of these two different ages has been entirely

reached by the classification of many hundreds of tombs, the

original order of which could be traced by the relation of

their contents. … The material for this study has come

entirely from excavations of my own party at Nagada (1895),

Abadiyeh, and Hu (1899); but great numbers of tombs of these

same ages have been opened without record by Dr. de Morgan

(1896-1897), and by French and Arab speculators in

antiquities. The connection between these prehistoric ages and

the early historic times of the dynastic kings of Egypt is yet

obscure. The cemeteries which would have cleared this have

unhappily been looted in the last few years without any

record, and it is only the chance of some new discoveries that

can be looked to for filling up the history.

"We can at least say that the pottery of the early kings is

clearly derived from the later prehistoric types, and that

much of the civilization was in common. But it is clear that

the second prehistoric civilization was degrading and losing

its artistic taste for fine work before the new wave of the

dynastic or historic Egyptians came in upon it. These early

historic people are mainly known by the remains of the tombs

of the early kings, found by M. Amelineau at Abydos

(1896-1899), and probably the first stage of the same race is

seen in the rude colossi of the god Min, which I found at

Koptos (1894). … In these great discoveries of the last few

years we can trace at least three successive peoples, and see

the gradual rise of the arts, from the man who was buried in

his goat skins, with one plain cup by him, up to the king who

built great monuments and was surrounded by most sumptuous

handiwork. We see the rise of the art of exquisite flint

flaking, and the decline of that as copper came more commonly

into use. We see at first the use of signs, later on disused

by a second race, and then superseded by the elaborate

hieroglyph system of the dynastic race. …

"Turning now to the purely classical Egyptian work, the

principal discoveries of the last few years have given us new

leading examples in every line. The great copper statue of

King Pepy, with his son, dates from before 3000 B. C. It is

over life size, and entirely wrought in hammered copper,

showing a complete mastery in metal work of the highest

artistic power. … Many of the royal temples of the 19th

dynasty at Thebes were explored by the English in 1896. The

Ramesseum was completely examined, through all the maze of

stone chambers around it. But the most important result was

the magnificent tablet of black granite, about 10 feet high

and 5 wide, covered on one side with an inscription of Amen

Hotep III, and on the other side with an inscription of

Merenptah. The latter account, of about 1200 B. C., mentions

the war with the 'People of Israel'; this is the only naming

of Israel on Egyptian records, and is several centuries

earlier than any Assyrian record of the Hebrews. …

"One of the most important results of historical Egyptian

times is the light thrown on prehistoric Greek ages. The

pottery known as 'Mykenæan' since the discoveries of

Schliemann in the Peloponnesus was first dated in Egypt at

Gurob in 1889; next were found hundreds of vase fragments at

Tell el Amarna in 1892; and since then several Egyptian kings'

names have been found on objects in Greece, along with such

pottery. The whole of this evidence shows that the grand age

of prehistoric Greece, which can well compare with the art of

classical Greece, began about 1600 B. C., was at its highest

point about 1400 B. C., and became decadent about 1200 B. C.,

before its overthrow by the Dorian invasion. Besides this

dating, Greece is indebted to Egypt for the preservation of

the oldest texts of its classics."

W. M. Flinders Petrie,

Recent Years of Egyptian Exploration

(Appleton's Popular Science Monthly, April, 1900).

Still later, in an address at the annual meeting of the Egypt

Exploration Fund, November 7, 1900, Professor Petrie summed up

with succinctness the gains to our knowledge of early man from

the later researches in Egypt. "How many controversies," he

said, "had waged over Manetho! And now from the Royal tombs of

Abydos we had seen and handled this summer the drinking bowls and

furniture of the Kings of the first dynasty, even the property

of Menes himself, the first King of United Egypt. The early

Kings, whom we had scarcely believed in, even Mena who had

been proclaimed a mythical version of the Cretan Minos and the

Indian Manu, came now before us as real and as familiarly as

the Kings of the 30th dynasty or of Saxon England; and never

before had so remote a period been brought so completely

before us as it had been in the work this year at Abydos.

{21}

And how did Manetho and the State history of Seti bear the

test? Five Kings we could already identify out of the eight

recorded for the first dynasty. Those five are proved to have

been recorded in their correct order, although the time of the

first dynasty was so remote from even that of Seti that all

the names had become slightly altered by transmission. It was

to be remembered that the first dynasty was older to Seti than

the Exodus was to us. Now that we were no longer afraid of our

own rashness in assigning anything to a date before the fourth

dynasty, and could deal with the earliest periods back to the

first entry of agricultural man into Egypt, we could see more

of the perspective of history. We saw palæolithic man

scattering his massive flint weapons until the age of Nile mud

(beginning about 7000 B. C.) made agriculture possible, and a

Caucasian race ousted the palæolithic folks, whose portraits

were left us in the figures found in the earliest graves. We

saw this oldest race of man to have been of the Hottentot

type, but even more hairy than the Hottentot, with the traces

of his original Northern habitation not yet wiped off by

tropical suns. Then we saw a rapidly rising civilization

already knowing metals linked with the modern Kabyle both by

bodily formation and by existing products. Next after some

dozen generations we could trace strong Eastern or Semitic

influence, which carried on this civilization to a higher

point in many respects; and then decay set in and the first

cycle that we could trace was completed. The next cycle began

with the entry of the dynastic race from the Red Sea,

possessing the elements of hieroglyphic writing and far more

artistic sense and power than the earlier people. In some

three or four centuries they had gradually conquered and

invaded all the races scattered through Egypt—long-haired,

short-haired, bearded and unbearded, clothed and unclothed;

and the first King of all Egypt, who founded his new capital

at the mouth of the valley, was Mena. The era of consolidation

which preceded him was stated by Manetho as the dynasty of ten

Kings of Abydos, who reigned for 300 years; it was a time of

rapidly increasing civilization, during which most of the main

features of Egyptian language, life, and art were stamped for

5,000 years to come. From the Royal tombs of Abydos we could

see now how this art rose to its finest age in the middle of

the first dynasty, and was decaying and becoming cheaper and

more common by the end of that time. Probably we should see

that this cycle was fading when some new impetus gave birth to

the colossal ages of the pyramid builders. That grand period

we now see to have been the third cycle of civilization and

art, which was renewed again and again until we might see in

the brilliance of the Fatimite dynasty the seventh of the

great eras of Egypt. Such was the wider aspect of human

history which the work solely of English exploration in Egypt

now put before us. It might be safely said that there had

never been a greater extension of knowledge of man's past in

any decade than the discoveries of the last five years had

unfolded. Details yet awaited us, but the main lines were all

marked out, and their work of the future was to complete the

picture of which we now had the full extent before us. What,

now, would occupy the coming winter was the exploration of the

remaining Royal tombs."

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:

Discovery of a fragment of the Logia, or Sayings of Jesus.

During the winter of 1896-1897, Messrs. Bernard P. Grenfell

and Arthur S. Hunt conducted excavations for the Egypt

Exploration Fund on the site of Oxyrhynchus, which was a

flourishing city in the time of Roman rule in Egypt. Large

quantities of papyri were found in the rubbish heaps of the

town, and among them one fragment of special and remarkable

interest,—as thus described by the discoverers, in a brief

report, entitled "Sayings of Our Lord," published by the Egypt

Exploration Fund in 1897: "The document in question is a leaf

from a papyrus book containing a collection of Logia or

Sayings of our Lord, of which some, though presenting several

novel features, are familiar, others are wholly new. It was

found at the very beginning of our work upon the town, in a

mound which produced a great number of papyri belonging to the

first three centuries of our era, those in the immediate

vicinity of our fragment belonging to the second and third

centuries. This fact, together with the evidence of the

handwriting, which has a characteristically Roman aspect,

fixes with certainty 300 A. D. as the lowest limit for the

date at which the papyrus was written. The general

probabilities of the case, the presence of the usual

contractions found in biblical MSS., and the fact that the

papyrus was in book, not roll, form, put the first century out

of the question, and made the first half of the second

unlikely. The date therefore probably falls within the period

150-300 A. D. More than that cannot be said with any approach

to certainty. … The fragment measures 5¾X3¾ inches, but its

height was originally somewhat greater, as it is unfortunately

broken at the bottom."

The following is a translation of the fragmentary sayings

inscribed on the leaf:

"… and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote that

is in thy brother's eye."

"Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise

find the kingdom of God; and except ye keep the sabbath, ye

shall not see the Father."

"Jesus saith, I stood in the midst of the world, and in the

flesh was I seen of them, and I found all men drunken, and

none found I athirst among them, and my soul grieveth over the

sons of men, because they are blind in their heart. …"

"Jesus saith, Wherever there are … and there is one … alone, I

am with him. Raise the stone and there thou shalt find me,

cleave the wood and there am I."

"Jesus saith, A prophet is not acceptable in his own country,

neither doth a physician work cures upon them that know him."

"Jesus saith, A city built upon the top of a high hill, and

stablished, can neither fall nor be hid."

{22}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:Egypt:

New discoveries in the tombs of the Valley of the Kings.

In the Valley of the Kings, which extends along the west bank

of the Nile, in the Libyan Mountains, opposite Luxor, M.

Loret, director of the Egyptian explorations, discovered in

1898 the tombs of Thutmosis III. and Amenophis II., and in the

following year made the more important discovery of the tomb of

Thutmosis I., "the real founder of the eighteenth dynasty, who

made Egypt one of the great empires of the ancient world."

Professor Steindorf of the University of Leipsic, writing of

this discovery to Professor Hilprecht of the University of

Pennsylvania, remarked that its special importance "lies in

the fact that Thutmosis I, the earliest king of the eighteenth

dynasty, was also the first ruler to depart from the ancient

custom of the Pharaohs, that of building in the desert lowland

pyramidal tombs. For himself he had a tomb hewn out of rock in

the mountains. His predecessor, Amenophis I, according to

custom, built his tomb in the plain, near the present site of

Drah-abul-negge, as we know from written records. Thutmosis I,

on the contrary, chose for his last dwelling-place the lonely

and majestic valley in the Libyan Mountains. For centuries the

Pharaohs followed his example, and during the eighteenth,

nineteenth, and twentieth dynasties were built those

magnificent sepulchers which in Roman times were still among

the greatest curiosities of ancient Thebes. …

"Chief among the articles that Mr. Loret found in the tomb is

a remarkably well-preserved papyrus containing texts from the

Book of the Dead, with colored pictures finely executed; also

a chest in which were kept a draught-board, with a full set of

draughtmen, and some garlands; likewise fruit, food, poultry,

and beef. The last-mentioned articles, being intended for the

sustenance of the dead, each one was wrapped in linen and

enclosed in a wooden case, exactly corresponding to its form.

Thirteen large earthen beer jars, most of which, with their

seals, stood there unmarred, and a large number of other

vessels, had contained the beverages necessary for the

refreshment of the dead. Weapons, among others two

artistically wrought leathern quivers containing arrows, and

two beautiful armchairs, completed this strange stock of

equipments. The most remarkable piece of all is a large and

beautifully preserved couch, the like of which has never been

found in any other tomb. It consists of a quadrangular wooden

frame, overspread with a thick rush mat, and over this were

stretched three layers of linen with a life-size figure of the

god of death, Osiris, drawn upon the outer layer. The figure

itself was smeared with some material intended to make the

under layer waterproof. Over this, mingled with some adhesive

substance, soil had been spread, in which barley was planted.

The grains had sprouted, and had grown to the height of from

two and a half to three inches. The whole, therefore,

represented a couch whereon the dead Osiris lay figured in

greensward. Verily, a striking poetical idea, the resurrection

of the dead symbolized by the picture of the barley springing

up. The whole tomb, with its numerous equipments, furnishes a

very important contribution to the history of the methods of

burial among the ancient Egyptians."

Sunday School Times,

July 8, 1899.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:

Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak.

"From Professor Georg Steindorff, of the University of

Leipsic, comes the following: 'In the covered colonnade of the

great temple at Karnak extensive restorations have lately been

undertaken, rendered necessary by a most deplorable accident,

which, about a year ago, befell this grandest of all Egyptian

edifices. It occurred on the morning of October 3, 1899, in

the colonnade which was built by Ramses I, Sethos I, and

Ramses II, and which is doubtless familiar to all in

engravings and photographs. In the northeastern part of this

structure as many as eleven immense columns fell, and were

totally wrecked, while several others are leaning over so that

they might fall at any time. By this event the magnificent

structure has been utterly ruined, and it now presents a

dreary aspect. The cause of this catastrophe has not been

definitely ascertained. The first thought was of an

earthquake, but nothing of the sort was experienced elsewhere

in Egypt on the morning of the day above mentioned. It is more

likely that during the thirty-two hundred years of the

building's existence, the material used in its construction

had greatly deteriorated, and that this fact increased the

possibility of a collapse. Then, also, in the main hall during

recent years, the work of excavation and restoration was carried

on with little regard for the dilapidated condition of the

temple, which was weakened rather than strengthened by this

work. But especially for the last four years, during the

inundation of the Nile, the hall, by artificial means, has

been flooded in order to extract and remove the salt which had

formed. By this periodical flooding and drying of the ground

the foundations have been very badly damaged. This, according

to Dr. Borchardt, is the prime cause of the ruin. First the

ground gave way under a column, which then toppled, and, in

falling, brought down the others with it.

"We must recognize the zeal with which the Egyptian

Government, especially the department of Egyptian Antiquities,

with its Director-General, Professor Maspero, came to the

rescue of the ill-fated edifice. To prevent further

catastrophe, they first proceeded to remove the architraves

from five of the endangered columns, and to reduce the height

of the columns to about twenty feet. This was accomplished by

filling with sand that portion of the hall in which the

columns stood, and then rolling the separate parts down the

inclined plane formed by the sand. The north portion of the

pylon terminating the colonnade toward the east—that is,

toward the Nile—had badly suffered by the disaster. There were

cracks in it so large as to cause the fear that it might some

day collapse. After prompt and thorough work this danger also

was obviated. Later on the ruins of the eleven fallen columns

are to be removed, and the foundations of the hall examined.

Then everything possible will be done to make the ground

solid, and the attempt will be made to erect again the ruined

columns. But whether the beautiful colonnade will ever resume

its former appearance, whether it will ever again make upon

the visitor such an overpowering impression as formerly, may

well be a matter of serious doubt. Ancient Thebes has lost one

of its most beautiful monuments.'"

Sunday School Times,

December 1, 1900.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:

Discovery of the Serapeion at Alexandria.

"The excavations by Dr. Botti, the Director of the Alexandrian

Museum, in the neighborhood of Pompey's Pillar, have resulted

in the discovery of the Serapeion, where the last of the great

libraries of Alexandria was preserved. An elaborate account of

his researches, with an admirable plan, has been given by the

discoverer in a memoir on 'L'Acropole d'Alexandrie et le

Sérapeum,' presented to the Archæological Society of

Alexandria. … Dr. Botti was first led to make his explorations

by a passage in the orator Aphthonios, who visited Alexandria

about A. D. 315."

American Journal of Archœology,

January-arch, 1896.

{23}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Crete:

Recent explorations.

Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos

and the Cretan Labyrinth.

Fresh light on prehistoric Greece

and the origin of the alphabet.

Results of extraordinary importance have been already obtained

from explorations in Crete, carried on during 1899 and 1900 by

the British School at Athens, under the direction of Mr. D. G.

Hogarth, and by Mr. Arthur J. Evans, of the Ashmolean Museum,

working with the aid of a small Cretan Exploration Fund,

raised in England. The excavations of both parties were

carried on at Knossos, but the latter was the most fortunate,

having opened the site of a prehistoric palace which is

yielding remarkable revelations of the legendary age in Crete.

In a communication to the "London Times" of October 31, 1900,

Mr. Evans gave the following account of the results so far as

then obtained:

"The discoveries made at Knossos throw into the shade all the

other exploratory campaigns of last season in the Eastern

Mediterranean, by whatever nationality conducted. It is not

too much to say that the materials already gathered have

revolutionized our knowledge of prehistoric Greece, and that

to find even an approach to the results obtained we must go

back to Schliemann's great discovery of the Royal tombs at

Mycenae. The prehistoric site, of which some two acres have

now been uncovered at Knossos, proves to contain a palace

beside which those of Tiryns and Mycenae sink into

insignificance. By an unhoped-for piece of good fortune the

site, though in the immediate neighbourhood of the greatest

civic centres of the island in ancient, medieval, and modern

times, had remained practically untouched for over 3,000

years. At but a very slight depth below the surface of the

ground the spade has uncovered great courts and corridors,

propylaea, a long succession of magazines containing gigantic

store jars that might have hidden the Forty Thieves, and a

multiplicity of chambers, pre-eminent among which is the

actual throne-room and council-chamber of Homeric kings. The

throne itself, on which (if so much faith be permitted to us)

Minos may have declared the law, is carved out of alabaster,

once brilliant with coloured designs and relieved with curious

tracery and crocketed arcading which is wholly unique in

ancient art and exhibits a strange anticipation of 13th

century Gothic. In the throne-room, the western entrance

gallery, and elsewhere, partly still adhering to the walls,

partly in detached pieces on the floors, was a series of

fresco paintings, excelling any known examples of the art in

Mycenaean Greece. A beautiful life-size painting of a youth,

with a European and almost classically Greek profile, gives us

the first real knowledge of the race who produced this

mysterious early civilization. Other frescoes introduce us to

a lively and hitherto unknown miniature style, representing,

among other subjects, groups of women engaged in animated

conversation in the courts and on the balconies of the Palace.

The monuments of the sculptor's art are equally striking. It

may be sufficient to mention here a marble fountain in the

shape of a lioness's head with enamelled eyes, fragments of a

frieze with beautifully cut rosettes, superior in its kind to

anything known from Mycenae; an alabaster vase

naturalistically copied from a Triton shell; a porphyry lamp

with graceful foliation supported on an Egyptianising lotus

column. The head and parts of the body of a magnificent

painted relief of a bull in gesso duro are unsurpassed for

vitality and strength.

"It is impossible here to refer more than incidentally to the

new evidence of intercourse between Crete and Egypt at a very

remote period supplied by the Palace finds of Knossos. It may

be mentioned, however, as showing the extreme antiquity of the

earlier elements of the building that in the great Eastern

Court was found an Egyptian seated figure of diorite, broken

above, which can be approximately dated about 2000 B. C. Below

this again extends a vast Stone Age settlement which forms a

deposit in some places 24 ft. in thickness.

"Neither is it possible here to dwell on the new indications

supplied by some of the discoveries in the 'House of Minos' as

to the cult and religious beliefs of its occupants. It must be

sufficient to observe that one of the miniature frescoes found

represents the façade of a Mycenaean shrine and that the

Palace itself seems to have been a sanctuary of the Cretan God

of the Double Axe, as well as a dwelling place of prehistoric

kings. There can be little remaining doubt that this huge

building with its maze of corridors and tortuous passages, its

medley of small chambers, its long succession of magazines

with their blind endings, was in fact the Labyrinth of later

tradition which supplied a local habitation for the Minotaur

of grisly fame. The great figures of bulls in fresco and

relief that adorned the walls, the harem scenes of some of the

frescoes, the corner stones and pillars marked with the labrys

or double axe—the emblem of the Cretan Zeus, explaining the

derivation of the name 'Labyrinth' itself—are so many details

which all conspire to bear out this identification. In the

Palace-shrine of Knossos there stands at last revealed to us

the spacious structure which the skill of Daedalus is said to

have imitated from the great Egyptian building on the shore of

Lake Moeris, and with it some part at least of his fabled

masterpieces still clinging to the walls.

"But, brilliant as are the illustrations thus recovered of the

high early civilization of the City of Minos and of the

substantial truth of early tradition, they are almost thrown

into the shade by a discovery which carries back the existence

of written documents in the Hellenic lands some seven

centuries beyond the first known monuments of the historic

Greek writing. In the chambers and magazines of the Palace

there came to light a series of deposits of clay tablets, in

form somewhat analogous to the Babylonian, but inscribed with

characters in two distinct types of indigenous prehistoric

script—one hieroglyphic or quasi-pictorial, the other linear.

The existence of a hieroglyphic script in the island had been

already the theme of some earlier researches by the explorer

of the Palace, based on the more limited material supplied by

groups of signs on a class of Cretan seal-stones, and the

ample corroboration of the conclusions arrived at was,

therefore, the more satisfactory. These Cretan hieroglyphs

will be found to have a special importance in their bearing on

the origin of the Phoenician alphabet.

{24}

"But the great bulk of the tablets belonged to the linear

class, exhibiting an elegant and much more highly-developed

form of script, with letters of an upright and singularly

European aspect. The inscriptions, over 1,000 of which were

collected, were originally contained in coffers of clay, wood,

and gypsum, which had been in turn secured by clay seals

impressed with finely-engraved signets and counter-marked and

counter-signed by controlling officials in the same script

while the clay was still wet. The clay documents themselves

are, beyond doubt, the Palace archives. Many relate to

accounts concerning the Royal Arsenal, stores, and treasures.

Others, perhaps, like the contemporary cuneiform tablets,

refer to contracts or correspondence. The problems attaching

to the decipherment of these clay records are of enthralling

interest, and we have here locked up for us materials which

may some day enlarge the bounds of history."

In an earlier communication to "The Times" (September 15), Mr.

Evans had explained more distinctly the importance of the clay

tablets found at Knossos, as throwing light on the origin of

the alphabet: "In my excavation of the pre-historic Palace at

Knossos," he wrote, "I came upon a series of deposits of clay

tablets, representing the Royal archives, the inscriptions on

which belong to two distinct systems of writing—one

hieroglyphic and quasi-pictorial; the other for the most part

linear and much more highly developed. Of these the

hieroglyphic class especially presents a series of forms

answering to what, according to the names of the Phoenician

letters, we must suppose to have been the original pictorial

designs from which these, too, were derived. A series of

conjectural reconstructions of the originals of the Phoenician

letters on this line were in fact drawn out by my father, Sir

John Evans, for a lecture on the origin of the alphabet given

at the Royal Institution in 1872, and it may be said that

two-thirds of these resemble almost line for line actual forms

of Cretan hieroglyphics. The oxhead (Aleph), the house (Beth),

the window (He), the peg (Vau), the fence (Cheth), the hand

(Yod) seen sideways, and the open palm (Kaph), the fish (Nun),

the post or trunk (Samekh), the eye (Ain), the mouth, (Pe),

the teeth (Shin), the cross-sign (Tau), not to speak of

several other probable examples, are all literally reproduced.

"The analogy thus supplied is indeed overwhelming. It is

impossible to believe that, while on one side of the East

Mediterranean basin these alphabetic prototypes were naturally

evolving themselves, the people of the opposite shore were

arriving at the same result by a complicated process of

selection and transformation of a series of hieratic Egyptian

signs derived from quite different objects. The analogy with

the Cretan hieroglyphic forms certainly weighs strongly in

favour of the simple and natural explanation of the origin of

the Phoenician letters which was held from the time of

Gesenius onwards, and was only disturbed by the extremely

ingenious, though over-elaborate, theory of De Rougé."

At the annual meeting of the subscribers to the British School

at Athens, held in London, October 30, 1900, Mr. Hogarth, the

Director, spoke with great enthusiasm of the significance of

the Cretan discoveries already made, and of the promise of

enlarged knowledge which they gave. He said: "The discovery

made 25 years ago [by Schliemann] that no barbarians, but

possessors of a very high and individual culture, preceded the

Hellenic period in Greece—a culture which could not but have

affected the Hellenic—had been developed in various ways

since. It had been established that this culture had had a

very long existence and development; it covered completely a

large geographical area; it developed various local

characteristics in art production which seemed to be gathered

again into one by the typical art of Mycenae. But the most

important historical points remained obscure. Where was the

original home of this new civilization; what family did the

race or races belong to; of what speech were they and what

religions; what was the history of their societies and art

during their dominance, and what became of them after? Neither

mainland Greece nor the Aegean islands answered these. But

there were two unknown quantities, Crete and Asia Minor, with

Rhodes. One of these we have now attacked. Crete by its great

size and natural wealth, its position, and its mythologic fame

was bound to inform us of much. It is too early to say that

the questions will all be answered by Crete, but already we

have much light. The discovery of written documents and of

shrines has told us more than any other evidence of the origin

and family. The Knossos frescoes show us the racial type; the

Dictaean, Cave, and Knossos houses illuminate the religion.

New arts have been discovered, and the relation to Egypt and

Asia are already far better understood. It remains now to find

the early tombs, and clear the lower stratum of the Palace

ruins at Knossos, to know more of the earliest Cretan race, to

explore the cast or 'Eteocretan' end of the island, to obtain

light on the language and relations to Egypt and Asia, and to

investigate the 'Geometric' period, which is the transition to

the Hellenic."

Commenting in another place on the discoveries in Crete, Mr.

Hogarth has pointed out their effect in modifying the ideas

heretofore entertained of the importance of Phoenician

influence in the rise of European civilization. "For many

years now," he writes, "we have had before our eyes two

standing protests against the traditional claim of Phoenicia

to originate European civilization, and those protests come

from two regions which Phoenician influence, travelling west,

ought first to have affected, namely, Cyprus and Asia Minor.

In both these regions exist remains of early systems of

writing which are clearly not of Phoenician descent. Both the

Cypriote syllabic script and the 'Hittite' symbols must have

been firmly rooted in their homes before ever the convenient

alphabet of Sidon and Tyre was known there. And now, since Mr.

Evans has demonstrated the existence of two non-Phoenician

systems of writing in Crete also, the use of one of which has

been proved to extend to the Cyclades and the mainland of

Greece, it has become evident that we have to deal in

south-eastern Europe, as well as in Cyprus or Asia Minor, with

a non-Phoenician influence of civilization which, since it

could originate that greatest of achievements, a local script,

was quite powerful enough to account by itself also for the

local art.

{25}

"Those who continue to advocate the Phoenician claim do not

seem sufficiently to realize that nowadays they have to take

account neither only of the Homeric age nor only of even half

a millennium before Homer, but of an almost geologic

antiquity. Far into the third millennium B. C. at the very

least, and more probably much earlier still, there was a

civilization in the Aegean and on the Greek mainland which,

while it contracted many debts to the East and to Egypt, was

able to assimilate all that it borrowed, and to reissue it in

an individual form, expressed in products which are not of the

same character with those of any Eastern civilization that we

know."

D. G. Hogarth,

Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,

part 2, pages 237-238

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

"During the past season, Evans, discoverer of the now famous

early Cretan systems of writing, Halbherr and other Italians,

as well as the French, have been proving what was already

foreshadowed, that in Crete we find in its purest form and in

all its historic and racial phases that Mediterranean

civilization,—Pelasgic and Achæan,—that culminated in Tiryns

and Mykenae. We now see that Homer sings of the closing years

of a culture that dates back of the 'Trojan 'War' at least for

fifteen hundred years. Crete is found to be covered with

ruined Pelasgic cities, surrounded by gigantic polygonal

walls, crowned by acropoli, adorned with royal palaces,

defended by forts, connected by artificial highways, and with

necropoli of vaulted tombs like those discovered by Schliemann

at Mykenae. Already the royal palaces and libraries are being

unearthed at Cnossos and 'Goulâs' with sculptures and

decoration of the most novel description and early date. A

literature in an unknown tongue and in undeciphered scripts is

being found, to puzzle scholars as much perhaps as the Hittite

and Etruscan languages. Some day these 'Pelasgic' documents

will disclose the secrets of a neglected civilization and fill

up the gap between early Eastern and Hellenic cultures."

A. L. Frothingham, Jr.,

Archæological Progress

(International Monthly, December, 1900).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: India:

Discovery of the birthplace, tomb and relics of Gautama Buddha,

See (in this volume)

BUDDHA.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Troy:

Later researches on the site.

"Dr. Doerpfeld finished in 1894 the exploration which he had

begun in 1893 on the site of the excavations of Schliemann at

Hissarlik (Troia). It appears to be established that

Schliemann, carried away by his zeal, had overlooked the very

end which he wished to attain, and that the burnt city, which

he thought to be the real Troia, is a more ancient foundation

going back beyond the year 2000 B. C. M. Doerpfeld discerned,

in one of the layers of ruins (discovered but disregarded by

Schliemann), a city which must be the Ilios of Priam

contemporaneous with the Mykenai of Agamemnon; he removed the

surrounding walls, the towers, and some of the houses that

filled it. It is to be understood that this little acropolis,

analogous to that of Tiryns, is not the whole of the city but

simply its citadel, which Homer called 'Pergamos.' It was

surrounded, lower down, by a city reserved for the habitation

of the common people, some traces of which also have been

found."

American Journal of Archœology, 1896.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:

Excavations at Antemnæ disclose what early Rome

was probably like.

"We can show what the earliest Rome was, the Rome of Romulus

on the Palatine, and how it grew to be the City of the Seven

Hills. The City itself, crowded with the wrecks of twenty-five

centuries, preserves to-day few memorials of its earliest age;

but excavations made on two sites, one close to Rome, one a

little further north in Etruria, explain the process very

clearly. The traveller who approaches Rome by the Via Salaria

sees, just where Tiber and Anio join, a modern fort on an

isolated rock. Here was Antemnae, destroyed (according to

legend) by Roman jealousy very soon after Rome itself was

founded. The legend seems to be true, at least in substance.

On this hilltop excavations have shown a little village within

a wall of stone: it had its temple and senate-house, its

water-cistern, and square huts, thatched or timbered, for

dwelling-houses. The relics found there shew that the site was

abandoned, never to be again inhabited, about the time at

which the legend fixes the fall of Antemnae. Here we have

Rome's earliest rival. From the rival we may guess what the

earliest Rome was like on the Palatine rock, and what all the

little Italian towns were in their infancy."

F. Haverfield,

Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,

part 2, pages 302-303

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:

The Etruscans.

"During the decade which is now ending, archaeology has thrown

some light on this strange people. Researches in North Italy

prove that it never entered the Peninsula from the north.

Researches in Etruria itself prove that the earliest Etruscan

civilization resembled that which prevailed in the Eastern

Mediterranean in the last days of the Aegean period. After

all, the old legends were right. The ancients told how the

Etruscans came from the east: archaeological evidence is now

accumulating to confirm the legends. Precisely when they came

or why is still obscure, nor can we identify them yet with any

special tribe in pre-historic Greece, Pelasgian or other.

Probably they were driven from their old homes, like the

Phoenicians who built Carthage and the Phocaeans who built

Marseilles."

F. Haverfield,

Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,

part 2, page 305

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:

Sunken Roman vessels in Lake Nemi.

"A discovery during 1895 which made a great sensation

throughout Italy, was that of the famous Roman vessels which

had been sunk for so many centuries at the bottom of Lake

Nemi, the existence of which has been known or suspected ever

since the fifteenth century, notwithstanding many sceptics."

American Journal of Archœology

July-September, 1896.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Syria:

Ruined cities of the Roman Province.

An important exploration of ruined cities in the old Roman

provinces of Syria and Arabia was conducted by an American

archæological expedition organized in 1899. Mr. Howard Crosby

Butler, of Princeton, was in charge of the studies made in

architecture, sculpture and archæological matters generally;

Professor William K. Prentice devoted attention to classical

inscriptions, of which a great number were found, while

Semitic inscriptions were the subjects of the study of Dr.

Enno Littmann, of the University of Halle. The ruins of

thirty-three cities, nearly all of them evident places of

large population in their day, were visited in regions now too

bare of productive soil to support even the small nomadic

population of the present day. "The desert conditions have

preserved the cities intact as they stood at the time when

they appear to have been abandoned, in the beginning of the

seventh century." Some account of the expedition and its work

is given in the "New York Tribune" of February 3, 1901.

----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: End--------

{26}

ARCTIC EXPLORATION, Recent.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: Start--------

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

Census.

"According to the census, the number of persons in the

Argentine Republic on May 10, 1895, was 4,042,990; the

estimated number of Argentines outside the boundaries of the

Republic on that day is placed at 50,000, thus making the

total population 4,092,990." Of this population 663,854 is in

the city of Buenos Ayres. "The increase in the population

between September 15, 1869 (the last census), and May 10, 1895

(the date on which the present census was taken), has been

2,218,776, equivalent to an increase of 120 per cent, or an

annual increase of 4.6 per cent. The urban population of the

Republic has increased 1,045,944. … It is estimated that there

are 345,393 foreigners in the city of Buenos Ayres, and that

the total number of foreigners in the Republic is about

1,000,000. … Among the Argentine portion of the population,

the females exceed the males in number, while it is estimated

that two-thirds of the foreign population are males."

United States Consular Reports,

November, 1896, page 438.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

Resignation of President Peña.

President Saenz Peña having refused to issue, at the request

of Congress, a decree of amnesty, extended to all persons

implicated in the last revolution, his Cabinet resigned

(January 16), and he found it impossible to form another.

Thereupon the President himself resigned his office, on the

22d of January, and his resignation was accepted by the

Congress. Señor Uriburu was elected President on the following

day, and promptly issued the desired decree.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

Settlement of boundary dispute with Chile.

Election of President.

"A long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between

the Argentine Republic and Chile, stretching along the Andean

crests from the southern border of the Atacama Desert to

Magellan Straits, nearly a third of the length of the South

American continent, assumed an acute stage in the early part

of the year, and afforded to this Government occasion to

express the hope that the resort to arbitration, already

contemplated by existing conventions between the parties,

might prevail despite the grave difficulties arising in its

application. I am happy to say that arrangements to this end

have been perfected, the questions of fact upon which the

respective commissioners were unable to agree being in course

of reference to Her Britannic Majesty for determination. A

residual difference touching the northern boundary line across

the Atacama Desert, for which existing treaties provided no

adequate adjustment, bids fair to be settled in like manner by

a joint commission, upon which the United States Minister at

Buenos Aires has been invited to serve as umpire in the last

resort."

Message of the President of the United States of America,

December, 1898.

The arbitration of the United States Minister, Honorable

William I. Buchanan, proved successful in the matter last

referred to, and the Atacama boundary was quickly determined.

In June, 1898, General Julio Roca was elected President and

assumed the office in October. In July a treaty of arbitration

was concluded with the government of Italy, which provides

that there shall be no appeal from the decision of the

arbitrators.

----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: End--------

ARGON, The Discovery of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ARICA, The question concerning.

See (in this volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ARMENIA: A. D. 1895-1899.

Revolt against Turkish oppression.

Massacres and atrocities of the conflict.

Final concessions.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895; 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);

1896 (AUGUST); 1899 (OCTOBER).

ARMENIA: A. D. 1896.

Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank

and subsequent massacre of Armenians in Constantinople.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY; A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

ARMIES, European and American:

Their numbers and cost compared.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

ARMY ADMINISTRATION, American:

Investigation of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899.

ARMY CANTEEN, Abolition of the American.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

ARMY, United States:

Act to increase to 100,000 men.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

ASHANTI:

British occupation of the country.

Rising of the tribes.

Siege and relief of Kumassi.

In 1895, King Prempeh, of Ashanti, provoked a second

expedition of British troops against his capital, Kumassi, or

Coomassie, by persistence in slave-catching raids and in human

sacrifices, and by other violations of his treaty engagements.

For some account of the former expedition

See, in volume 2,

ENGLAND: A. D. 1873-1880)

Late in the year a strong force was organized in Gold Coast

Colony, mostly made up of native troops. It marched without

resistance to Kumassi, which it entered on the 17th of

January, 1896. Prempeh made complete submission, placing his

crown at the feet of the Governor of the Gold Coast; but he

was taken prisoner to Sierra Leone. A fort was built, and

garrisoned in the center of the town, and the country was then

definitely placed under British protection, politically

attached to the Gold Coast Colony. It submitted quietly to the

practical conquest until the spring of 1900, when a fierce and

general rising of the tribes occurred. It was said at the time

that the outbreak was caused by efforts of the British to

secure possession of a "golden stool" which King Prempeh had

used for his throne, and which had been effectually concealed

when Kumassi was taken in 1896; but this has been denied by

Sir Frederic Hodgson, the Governor of the Gold Coast. "The

'golden stool,'" he declared, "was only an incident in the

affair and had nothing to do with the cause of the rising,

which had been brewing for a long time.

{27}

In his opinion the Ashantis had been preparing ever since the

British occupation in 1896 to reassert their independence."

The Governor was, himself, in Kumassi when the Ashantis first

attacked it, on the 25th of March, and he has given an account

of the desperate position in which the few British officials,

with their small native garrison and the refugees whom they

tried to protect, were placed. "Our force," said Sir Frederic

Hodgson, "consisted of only some 200 Hausas, while there is

reason to believe that we had not less than 15,000 Ashantis

surrounding us. In addition to our own force we had to protect

some 3,500 refugees, chiefly Mahomedan traders, Fantis, and loyal

Kumassis, none of whom we were able to take into the fort,

where every available bit of space was required for military

purposes. It was heartrending to see the efforts of these poor

people to scale the walls or break through the gate of the

fort, and we had to withdraw the Hausas from the cantonments

and draw a cordon round the refugees. It is impossible to

describe the horror of the situation with these 3,500 wretched

people huddled together without shelter under the walls of the

fort. That same night a tornado broke over Kumassi, and the scene

next morning with over 200 children was too terrible for

words. Afterwards they were able to arrange shelters for

themselves." Near the end of April, two small reinforcements

from other posts reached Kumassi; but while this strengthened

the numbers for defence, it weakened the food supply. Taking

stock of their food, the besieged decided that they could hold

out until June 23, and that if the main body then marched out,

to cut, if possible, their way through the enemy, leaving a

hundred men behind, the latter might keep the fort until July

15. This, accordingly, was done. On the 23d of June Governor

Hodgson, with all but 100 men, stole away from Kumassi, by a

road which the Ashantis had not guarded, and succeeded in

reaching the coast, undergoing great hardships and dangers in

the march. Meantime, an expedition from Cape Coast Castle was

being energetically prepared by Colonel Sir J. Willcocks, who

overcame immense difficulties and fought his way into Kumassi

on Ju]y 15, the very day on which the food-supply of the

little garrison was expected to give out. The following

account of his entry into Kumassi is from Colonel Willcocks'

official report: "Forming up in the main road, we marched

towards Kumassi, a mile distant, the troops cheering wildly

for the Queen and then followed silence. No sound came from

the direction of the fort, which you cannot see till quite

close. For a moment the hideous desolation and silence, the

headless bodies lying everywhere, the sickening smell, &c.,

almost made one shudder to think what no one dared to

utter—'Has Kumassi fallen? Are we too late?' Then a bugle

sound caught the ear—'the general salute'—the tops of the

towers appeared, and again every man in the column, white and

black, broke into cheers long sustained. The brave defenders

had at last seen us; they knew for hours' past from the firing

growing ever nearer that we were coming, yet they dared not

open their only gate; they perforce must wait, for even as we

appeared the enemy were making their last efforts to destroy

the outlying buildings, and were actually setting them on fire

until after dark, when a party of 100 men went out and treated

them to volleys and cleared them out. If I have gone too fully

into details of the final scene, the occasion was one that

every white man felt for him comes perhaps but once, and no

one would have missed it for a kingdom."

ASPHYXIATING SHELLS: Declaration against.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of President Barrios.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

Of President Borda.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

Of Canovas del Castillo.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

Of Empress Elizabeth of Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

Of Governor Goebel.

See (in this volume)

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.

Of President Heureaux.

See (in this volume)

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

Of King Humbert.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;

and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

Of Professor Mihaileano.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

Of Nâsr-ed-din, Shah of Persia.

See (in this volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1896.

Of M. Stambouloff.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

ASSIOUT, Nile barrage at.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

ASSOCIATIONS BILL, The French.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

ASSOUAN. Nile barrage at.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

ASSUMPTIONIST FATHERS, Dissolution of the Society of the.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

ATACAMA, The question concerning.

See (in this volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ATBARA, Battle of the.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

The revival of Olympic games.

As the result of a movement instituted in France by the Baron

de Coubertin, an interesting attempt to give athletic sports

the spirit and semblance of the ancient Olympic games was made

at Athens in the spring of 1896. A number of wealthy Greeks in

different parts of the world joined generously in the

undertaking, one gentleman especially, M. Averoff, of

Alexandria, bearing the cost of a restoration in marble of the

stadium at Athens, for the occasion. The games were held in

April, from the 6th to the 15th, and were witnessed by a great

number of people. Besides Greek competitors, there were 42 from

Germany, 23 from England, 21 from America, 15 from France. The

great event of the occasion was the long foot-race from

Marathon to Athens, which was won by a young Greek.

The U. S. Consul at Athens, writing of the reconstruction of

the ancient stadium for the games, described the work as

follows:

{28}

"The stadium may be described as an immense open air

amphitheater constructed in a natural ravine, artificially

filled in at the end. It is in the shape of an elongated

horseshoe. The spectators, seated upon the sloping sides of

the ravine, look down into the arena below, which is a little

over 600 feet in length and about 100 feet wide at the widest

part. … The stadium, as rebuilt for the games, will consist of

(1) the arena, bounded by a marble curbing, surmounted by an

iron railing adorned with Athenian owls;

(2) a walk between this curbing and the first row of seats;

(3) a low retaining wall of marble on which rests the first

row of seats, the entire row being of marble;

(4) the seats;

(5) the underground tunnel.

In addition to these features there will be an imposing

entrance, a surrounding wall at the top of the hill, and two

supporting walls at the entrance. As far as possible, in the

reconstruction of the stadium, the old portions will be used,

where these are in a sufficient state of preservation, and an

effort will be made to reproduce, as nearly as practicable,

the ancient structure. The seats at present will not all be

made of pentelic marble, as there is neither time nor money

for such an undertaking. At the closed end of the arena,

seventeen rows will be made of pentelic marble, as well as the

first row all the way around. The remaining rows up to the

first aisle are being constructed of Pincus stone. These will

accommodate 25,000 seated spectators. From this aisle to the

top will be placed wooden benches for 30,000 seated

spectators. Add to these standing room for 5,000, and we have

the holding capacity of the stadium 60,000 without crowding."

United States Consular Reports,

March, 1896, pages 353-354.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

The Cotton States and International Exposition.

An important exposition, named as above, was held with great

success at Atlanta, Georgia, from the 18th of September until

the end of the year 1895. The exhibits from Mexico and many of

the Central and South American States were extensive and

interesting; but the main interest and value of the exposition

were in its showing of the industrial resources of the

Southern States of the American Union, and of the recent

progress made in developing them.

AUSGLEICH, The.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: FINANCIAL RELATIONS;

and A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

AUSTRAL ISLANDS:

Annexation to France.

The Austral or Tubuai Islands were formally annexed to France

by the Governor of Tahiti, on the 21st of August, 1900.

----------AUSTRALIA. Start--------

AUSTRALIA:

Recent extensions of Democracy in the Australian Colonies

and New Zealand.

Social experiments.

"The five colonies of the Australian continent, Tasmania, and

New Zealand constitute seven practically independent

commonwealths under the British crown. Australians and New

Zealanders have therefore been able to develop their countries

along their own lines, and have surpassed all other

Anglo-Saxon nations in the number and variety of functions

which the state is called upon to perform. … The railways

almost without exception, and all the telegraph and telephone

lines, are in the hands of the community. In the few cases in

which there is private ownership of railways, a particular

line was demanded at a certain time, and the government were

not then in a position to borrow the funds required for its

construction. Western Australia has recently purchased the

entire property of one of the two private undertakings in the

colony. A mass of sanitary and industrial legislation also has

been placed upon the statute book.

"Again, South Australia, Victoria, Western Australia, and New

Zealand lend money to settlers at low rates of interest; South

Australia sells its wines in London; Queensland facilitates

the erection of sugar mills; Victoria and South Australia have

given a bonus upon the exportation of dairy produce; South

Australia, New Zealand, and Victoria receive the produce,

grade and freeze it free of charge, or at a rate which barely

covers the expenses; Victoria contributes toward the erection

of butter factories; Victoria and New Zealand have subsidized

the mining industry; and Western Australia has adopted a

comprehensive scheme for the supply of water to the Coolgardie

gold fields. In all the colonies the national system of

primary education is compulsory and undenominational. In South

Australia, Victoria, Queensland, and New Zealand it is also free.

In the other colonies fees are charged, which may be remitted

wholly or partly if parents are unable to pay them. Assistance

is given in most cases for the promotion of secondary,

technical, and university education. New Zealand and South

Australia have appointed public trustees. New Zealand has long

possessed a department of life insurance.

"Finally, … New Zealand has adopted a system of old-age

pensions. A pension of seven shillings a week is to be given

to every person above the age of sixty-five years, provided he

or she has lived in the colony for twenty-five years, and is

able to pass a certain test in regard to sobriety and general

good conduct. … In South Australia direct taxation takes two

forms. There is an income tax at the rate of four and a half

pence in the pound up to £800, and of six-pence in the pound

above £800 of taxable amount resulting from personal

exertions, and at the rate of ninepence and one shilling in

the pound respectively on incomes from property. Incomes

between £125 and £425 enjoy exemption on £125 of the amount.

Again, there is a tax on the unimproved value of land of one

half-penny in the pound up to, and one penny above, the

capital value of £5000. …

"Similar taxation is to be found in New Zealand, and includes

both a progressive income tax and a tax on land values which

is more highly graduated than that of South Australia. … All

improvements are excluded from the assessment of the taxable

amount. … If the owner of the property is dissatisfied with

the assessment of the government, he can call upon them to buy

it of him at their own valuation. In only one case has such an

extreme step been taken; and it is pleasant to find that it

has resulted in an annual profit of nearly five per cent upon

the outlay, and that the land which formerly gave employment

to a few shepherds is now occupied by a large number of

thriving settlers.

{29}

I may add that when the government deem that an estate is not

being developed as it should be by its owners, they are

authorized by statute to purchase it—by negotiation if

possible, otherwise at a price paid by an impartial

tribunal—with a view to its subdivision into small holdings

suitable to the requirements of the community. This system of

taxation, it will be said with some truth, is based upon the

teachings of Henry George. He travelled in Australia and New

Zealand, and was listened to with attention; but, while he

looked to the ultimate absorption of the whole unearned

increment, his hearers in the antipodes dissociated themselves

from his conclusions, though they appreciated the value of his

premises. Consequently, while accepting his principles, they

did not hesitate to exempt small properties from the tax, and

to increase its rate progressively in relation to the amount

of the unimproved value. …

"One of the most hopeful signs of the day is that, with the

help of the representatives of labor in Parliament, Australian

governments have done much within recent years to mitigate the

excess of population in the large towns, and to replace the

unemployed upon the land. Of course mistakes have been made.

In some cases settlers have failed through lack of

agricultural knowledge; in others, on account of the

barrenness of the soil. In South Australia, the village

settlements, which were avowedly started as an alternative to

relief works, have been only a modified success. In New

Zealand, village settlements have produced very satisfactory

results. … In Victoria, a labor colony has been established,

with the entire support of the trades-unionists, to which the

unemployed may be sent, and at which they receive, at a very

low rate of wages, a course of instruction in agricultural

pursuits which enables them subsequently to obtain private

employment with farmers or others. In New Zealand, I found a

very strong feeling among trades-unionists that it would be to

the interest of the workingmen themselves if a penal colony

were established, on the lines of those which exist in

Germany, to which loafers might be sent, and at which they

would be compelled to work, with the alternative of

starvation."

H. De R. Walker,

Australasian Extensions of Democracy

(Atlantic Monthly, May, 1899).

See also (in this volume),

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

AUSTRALIA: Western Australia:

The Outlander problem in Australia.

"Here we have a problem in many respects similar to that which

has distracted South Africa. In several particulars the

resemblance is startlingly close. … Many of the elements of

disorder in the two continents are the same. In Western

Australia, as in the Transvaal, there is a large population of

mining residents, who complain that they are treated like

'helots'—to use Sir Alfred Milner's term—by the privileged

agricultural burghers. They urge that they are denied fair

representation, so that the burghers monopolise political

power; that the administration is in the hands of a knot of

politicians and place-hunters at Perth—I had almost written

Pretoria; that they have made the colony wealthy by their

enterprise and capital, only to see a large part of the fruits

of their industry drawn from them by excessive taxation, which

is expended mainly outside their own district; that they are

burdened by oppressive railway rates and denied access to the

port which is the natural outlet to the Goldfields, and so on.

The Kalgoorlie 'Uitlanders,' like the Johannesburgers, have

sent a petition to the Queen, signed by a larger number of

persons than those who forwarded the famous memorial which set

the ball rolling in South Africa and led to the Bloemfontein

Conference. The case is fully and temperately set forth in

this petition, and in the Manifesto of the Eastern Goldfields

Reform League of Western Australia, both of which documents

are in the last Bluebook relating to Australian Federation.

The same official compilation contains a statement to Mr.

Chamberlain from Dr. Paget Thurston, in which the parallel

between West Australia and the Transvaal is asserted with the

most uncompromising directness. 'We have here,' says the

writer, 'a Boer and Outlander question almost parallel to that

in the Transvaal. As an Outlander I appeal to you.' Dr.

Thurston adds: 'The old West Australians openly speak as if

the colony was theirs, and we were interlopers who have no

course open to us but to leave the colony if we are

dissatisfied.' This has a very familiar sound, and so has the

following: 'The great bulk of the taxation is levied through

duties on food and drink. As the Boer party includes all the

agricultural producers, and the Outlanders include the great

bulk of the consumers, this acts injuriously on us in two

ways. It puts a frightful load on the Outlander taxpayer, and

enables the Boer producer to command a very high price for his

food-stuffs. Owing to the limitation of the market by

excessive protection, many articles of common use reach famine

prices at times. In the three years I have been here, for

instance, potatoes have been £22 10s. a ton; apples, 2s. 6d. a

pound; oranges, 5s. a dozen; new-laid eggs, 4s. a dozen (at

the time of writing, 3s. 6d.). Fresh butter is practically

unobtainable for ten months in the year, and common country

wine (such as I used to buy for 3d. and 4d. a bottle in the

Canary Islands) is here 2s. a bottle. I ask you, Sir, whether

any other place in Her Majesty's Empire (not physically

inaccessible) can show prices one half as high during the past

three years?'

"Nor does the ominous kind of hint that preceded the Jameson

Raid fail to be uttered. Only three terminations, according to

Dr. Thurston, are possible if Sir John Forrest does not modify

his Krugerite policy towards the mining settlers:

'(1) Separation of the goldfields.—This would be only fair to

the goldfields; but thousands of Outlanders have settled in

the other parts of the colony, and this step would not redress

their wrongs. The practical result of this step would be

prosperity for the goldfields, but almost ruin for the rest of

the colony.

(2) Revolution.—I fear this is much more probable than is

generally thought. Unless a material change takes place

quickly there will be bloodshed in this colony.

(3) General depression, practically equivalent to bankruptcy.'

Separation, however, and the creation of a new colony, which

would include the Goldfields district and come down to the

sea, and would immediately join the Australian Federation, is

the remedy officially proposed by the representatives of the

Outlanders. …

{30}

"The Colonial Secretary has deferred his final answer to the

Goldfields Petition until the comments of the Perth Ministry

upon that document have been received and considered. But he

has sent a provisional reply to the representatives of the

petitioners in London. He sees the solution of the matter in

getting Western Australia somehow into the new Commonwealth.

In a communication to Mr. Walter Griffiths, one of the

Goldfields delegates, the Colonial Secretary says: 'The

decision of the Government of Western Australia to summon

Parliament immediately with the view to the passing of a

measure for the submission of the Commonwealth Bill to the

electors of the colony has removed the chief of the grievances

put forward in the petition and has opened up an early

prospect of obtaining the object which the petitioners had in

view. An answer will be returned to the petition after a

careful consideration of its terms and of the comments of the

Government of the colony thereon, but Mr. Chamberlain trusts

that before an answer can be returned the people of the colony

will have decided to join the Commonwealth, for the government of

which, in that event, it will be to deal with the grievances

alleged in the petition in so far as they are not exclusively

within the province of the Parliament and Government of

Western Australia.' In other words, let the Federation dispose

of the matter. But the delegates point out that this might not

remove their grievances. The Federal Parliament would have no

power to compel the dominant party in the Perth Assembly

either to redistribute seats fairly, or divide the colony, so

as to create 'Home Rule for the Rand.' True, we should have

washed our hands of the affair, and could tell the malcontent

Uitlanders that it was none of our business. But if Perth

still remained obstinate, and Coolgardie in consequence began

to carry out some of those ugly projects hinted at by Dr.

Thurston, it might become our business in an embarrassing

fashion. At any rate, it does not seem quite fair to the new

Commonwealth to start it in life with this grave question,

still unsettled, upon its hands."

S. Low,

Enigmas of Empire

(Nineteenth Century, June, 1900).

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1894-1895.

Defeat of the Protectionist policy.

Adoption of a liberal tariff.

At the general elections of July, 1894, in New South Wales,

the tariff issue was sharply defined. "'Protection' was

inscribed on the banners of the ministerial party, led by the

then Premier, Sir George Dibbs, while the aggressive

opposition, led by Mr. Reid, … fought under the banner of

'free trade.' The Free Traders won the battle in that

election, as there were 63 Free Traders, 40 Protectionists,

and 22 labor members, mostly with free-trade leanings,

returned. On the reassembling of Parliament, Sir George Dibbs

was confronted with a large majority, and Mr. George H. Reid

was called to form a government on the lines suggested by the

issues of the campaign. The Council or 'upper house,'

consisting of Crown nominees for life, rejected the measures

suggested by Mr. Reid and passed by the Assembly by an

overwhelming majority, and Mr. Reid dissolved Parliament on

July 6, 1895, and appealed to the country. The election was

held on July 24, and again the issues, as set forth in the

measures, were fought out vigorously. The great leader of

protection, Sir George Dibbs, with several of his ablest

followers, was defeated, and the so-called Free Trade party

came back, much stronger than before. Thus, it was claimed

that the mandate of the people, declaring for free trade and

direct taxation, had been reaffirmed, and on the reassembling

of Parliament, on August 13, the same measure, as passed by

the Assembly and rejected by the Council, was again presented

and passed by the Assembly by a majority of 50 to 26, and

again went to the upper house. Again it was met with great

hostility, but the Government party in that chamber, having

been augmented by ten new appointments, the temper of the

house was softened and the bill was passed with some two

hundred and fifty amendments. As, the Assembly could only

accept some eighty of these without, yielding material points

… a conference was suggested, which, after several days of

discussion, agreed to a modified measure, embracing the

principle of free trade, as interpreted in this colony, and

direct taxation, and the new law goes into effect as above

stated, on January 1, 1896.

"It may be well here to remark that there are a few articles,

notably raw sugar, glucose, molasses, and treacle, upon which

the duty will be removed gradually, so as not to wantonly

disturb vested interests, but, with these exceptions, the

change is a very sweeping one."

United States Consular Reports,

June, 1896, page 299.

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1896.

Change in the government of Norfolk Island.

Its re-annexation to New South Wales.

A change in the government of Norfolk Island was proclaimed in

November, 1896, by the Governor of New South Wales, who came

to the island, acting under directions from the British

Colonial Office, and announced that "Her Majesty's Government

has decided to appoint a resident magistrate. The object

sought is to secure the impartial administration of justice,

while leaving the local and municipal affairs of the island to

be conducted by a council representing the inhabitants. In

consideration of the fact that the Norfolk Island settlement

originally formed part of the administrative colony of New

South Wales, and that the legal business of the island and the

registration of all land titles and transfers have uniformly

been conducted by the Government departments at Sydney, Her

Majesty's Government has decided to transfer the

administration of the island to the Government of New South

Wales. The Government of New South Wales has accepted the

charge and as soon as the necessary arrangements have been

completed Norfolk Island will be administered by the governor

of New South Wales in council." "It will thus be seen that the

Pitcairn community, which, for more than one hundred years,

has governed itself by its own laws, is now abolished and that

a new era has begun. The governor's legal right to annul the

constitution given by the Queen when the community emigrated

from Pitcairn was questioned. A deputation was appointed to

wait on the governor, but he refused

to discuss the subject further."

United States Consular Reports,

May, 1897, page 37.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1897.

Conference of colonial premiers with

the British Colonial Secretary.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

Map of Australia and Islands of the Pacific.

{31}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.

Federation of the Australian Colonies.

The steps by which the Union was accomplished.

Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act" by

the Imperial Parliament.

"The first indication of a plan for united action among the

colonies is to be found in a proposal of Earl Grey in 1850.

The main object of the proposal was to bring about uniformity

in colonial tariffs; but, though partially adopted, it came to

nothing. From 1850 to 1860 the project of federation was

discussed from time to time in several of the colonial

legislatures, and committees on the subject were appointed.

But there seems to have been little general interest in the

question, and up to 1860 all efforts in the direction of

federation met with complete failure. Shortly after, however,

a new form of united action, less ambitious but more likely of

success, was suggested and adopted. From 1863 to 1883

conferences of colonial ministers were held at various times

to discuss certain specified topics, with a view to

introducing identical proposals in the separate colonial

legislatures. Six of these conferences were held at Melbourne

and three at Sydney; and one also was held at Hobart in 1895,

though the period of the real activity of the conference

scheme practically closed in 1883. The scheme proved a

failure, because it was found impossible to carry out the

measures concerted in the conferences. But material events

were doing more than could any public agitation to draw

attention to the advantages of closer union. The colonies were

growing in population and wealth, railroads were building and

commerce was extending. The inconveniences of border customs

duties suggested attempts at something like commercial

reciprocity between two or more colonies. New political

problems also helped to arouse public interest. Heretofore

there had been little fear of foreign aggression and, hence,

no feeling of the need of united action for common defense;

nor had there been any thought of the extension of Australian

power and interests beyond the immediate boundaries of the

different colonies. But the period from 1880 to 1890 witnessed

a change in this respect. It was during this period that much

feeling was aroused against the influx of French criminals,

escaped from the penal settlements in New Caledonia. The

difficulties in regard to New Guinea belong also to this

decade. Suspicion of the designs of Germany upon that part of

the island of New Guinea nearest the Dutch boundary led to the

annexation of its eastern portion by the Queensland

government. This action was disavowed by the British

government under Gladstone, and the fears of the colonists

were ridiculed; but almost immediately after the northern half

of New Guinea was forcibly taken possession of by Germany. The

indignation of Australians was extreme, and the opinion was

freely expressed that the colonies would have to unite to

protect their own interests. Finally, this was the time of the

French designs on the New Hebrides Islands and of German

movements with reference to Samoa. These conditions, economic

and political, affected all the colonies more or less

intimately and resulted in the first real, though loose, form

of federal union. At the instigation of the Honorable James

Service, premier of Victoria, a convention met at Sydney,

November, 1883, composed of delegates from all the colonial

governments. This convention adopted a bill providing for the

establishment of a Federal Council, with power to deal with

certain specified subjects and with such other matters as

might be referred to it by two or more colonies. … New South

Wales and New Zealand refused to agree to the bill, but it was

adopted by the other colonies; and the Imperial Parliament, in

1885, passed an act permitting such a Council to be called

into existence at the request of any three colonies, to be

joined by other colonies as they saw fit. Meetings of the

Council took place in 1886, 1888, 1889 and 1891, but very

little was accomplished. That the Federal Council was a very

weak affair is obvious. … Meanwhile, interest in a more

adequate form of federation was growing. In 1890 Sir Henry

Parkes proposed a plan for federal union of a real and

vigorous sort. At his suggestion, a conference met at

Melbourne, February 6, 1890, to decide on the best method of

getting the question into definite shape for consideration. …

Provision was made … for the calling of a convention to draw

up a constitution. … In accordance with the decision of the

conference, delegates from the several colonies convened at

Sydney, March 2, 1891; and with the work of this convention

began the third and final stage in the federation movement.

The Sydney convention formulated a bill, embodying a draft of

a federal constitution, and then resolved that provision

should be made by the several parliaments to submit it to the

people in such manner as each colony should see fit. … But

there was no sufficient external pressure to bring about an

immediate discussion and an early settlement. … The result was

that nothing was done. … Meanwhile, federation leagues had

been organized in different colonies, and in 1893 delegates

from a number of these leagues met at Bendigo, Victoria. …

After adopting the bill of 1891 as a basis of discussion, the

Bendigo conference resolved to urge the colonial governments

to pass uniform enabling acts for a new convention—its members

to be elected by popular vote—to frame a constitution which

should be submitted to the people for approval. This proposal

met with general favor and resulted in the calling of a

meeting of the premiers of all the colonies at Hobart in

January, 1895. There an enabling bill was drafted which five

premiers agreed to lay before their respective parliaments. …

It took two years to get this machinery into working order. At

length, however, the requisite authority was granted by five

colonies: New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Western

Australia and Tasmania, Queensland and New Zealand declining

to participate. On March 22, 1897, the second constitutional

convention assembled at Adelaide. This convention drew up a

new federal constitution, based upon the draft of 1891.

Between May 5 and September 2 the constitution was discussed

in each of the parliaments. When the convention reassembled at

Sydney on March 2, as many as 75 amendments were reported as

suggested by the different colonies. Many were of an

insignificant character and many were practically identical.

The constitution and proposed amendments were discussed in two

sessions of the convention, which finally adjourned March 16,

1898, its work then being ready to submit to the people.

{32}

In June a popular vote resulted in the acceptance of the

constitution by Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia; but

the failure of the parent colony, New South Wales, to adopt it

blocked all hope of federal union for the moment. Recently,

however, at a conference of colonial premiers certain

amendments demanded by New South Wales were agreed to in part,

and upon a second vote the constitution, as amended, was

accepted by that colony."

W. G. Beach,

The Australian Federal Constitution

(Political Science Quarterly, December, 1899).

In August, 1899, the draft of a Constitution thus agreed upon

was transmitted to England, with addresses from the provincial

legislatures, praying that it be passed into law by the

Imperial Parliament. Early in the following year delegates

from the several colonies were sent to England to discuss with

the Colonial Office certain questions that had arisen, and to

assist in procuring the passage by Parliament of the necessary

Act. Looked at from the Imperial standpoint, a number of

objections to the draft Constitution were found, but all of

them were finally waived excepting one. That one related to a

provision touching appeals from the High Court of the

Australian Commonwealth to the Queen in Council. As framed and

adopted in Australia, the provision in question was as

follows:

"74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council in

any matter involving the interpretation of this Constitution

or of the Constitution of a State, unless the public interests

of some part of Her Majesty's Dominions, other than the

Commonwealth or a State, are involved. Except as provided in

this section, this Constitution shall not impair any right

which the Queen may be pleased to exercise, by virtue of Her

Royal Prerogative, to grant special leave of appeal from the

High Court to Her Majesty in Council. But The Parliament may

make laws limiting the matters in which such leave may be

asked."

This was objected to on several grounds, but mainly for the

reasons thus stated by Mr. Chamberlain: "Proposals are under

consideration for securing a permanent and effective

representation of the great Colonies on the Judicial

Committee, and for amalgamating the Judicial Committee with

the House of Lords, so as to constitute a Court of Appeal from

the whole British Empire. It would be very unfortunate if

Australia should choose this moment to take from the Imperial

Tribunal the cognizance of the class of cases of greatest

importance, and often of greatest difficulty. Article 74

proposes to withdraw from the Queen in Council matters

involving the interpretation of the Constitution. It is

precisely on questions of this kind that the Queen in Council

has been able to render most valuable service to the

administration of law in the Colonies, and questions of this

kind, which may sometimes involve a good deal of local

feeling, are the last that should be withdrawn from a Tribunal

of appeal with regard to which there could not be even a

suspicion of prepossession. Questions as to the constitution

of the Commonwealth or of a State may be such as to raise a

great deal of public excitement as to the definition of the

boundaries between the powers of the Commonwealth Parliament

and the powers of the State Parliaments. It can hardly be

satisfactory to the people of Australia that in such cases,

however important and far-reaching in their consequences, the

decision of the High Court should be absolutely final. Before

long the necessity for altering the Constitution in this

respect would be felt, and it is better that the Constitution

should be enacted in such a form as to render unnecessary the

somewhat elaborate proceedings which would be required to

amend it."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, April and May, 1900,

Australia—Cd. 124 and 158).

In reply, the Australian delegates maintained that they had no

authority to amend, in any particular, the instrument which

the people of the several colonies had ratified by their

votes; but the Imperial authorities were inflexible, and the

article 74 was modified in the Act which passed Parliament, on

the 7th of July, 1900, "to constitute the Commonwealth of

Australia," as may be seen by reference to the text, published

elsewhere.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.

The question of the Federal Capital.

By the Constitution of the Commonwealth, it is required that

the seat of government "shall be determined by the Parliament,

and shall be within territory which shall have been granted to

or acquired by the Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and

belong to the Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New

South Wales, and be distant not less than one hundred miles

from Sydney;" and "such territory shall contain an area of not

less than one hundred square miles." "New South Wales," says a

correspondent, writing from Sydney, "is naturally anxious to

get the question decided as quickly as possible; but Victoria

will equally be inclined to procrastinate, and the new

Parliament—which cannot be more comfortable than it will be

at Melbourne—will not be in a hurry to shift. The necessity

for a new and artificial capital arises entirely out of our

provincial jealousies, and it would have been a great saving

of initial expense and a great diminution of inconvenience if

we could have used one of the old capitals for a quarter of a

century." To remove preliminary difficulties and avoid delay,

the government of New South Wales appointed a commissioner to

visit and report on the most likely places. The report of this

commissioner, made early in October, "reduces the possible

positions to three—one near Bombala in the south-east corner

of the colony at the foot of the Australian Alps, one near

Yass on the line of the railway between Sydney and Melbourne,

and one near Orange on our western line. On the whole he gives

the preference to the first named."

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1900.

Old-Age Pension Act.

A letter from Sydney, November 29, 1900, announced: "The

question of the establishment of an old age pension system,

similar to that now in successful operation in New Zealand

[see (in this volume) NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899], has been

agitating New South Wales for several months, and to-day the

bill for that purpose became a law. There has been a desire on

the part of some members of the Legislature to hold over the

bill until the convening of the Federal Parliament, in the

hope that the measure would become universal throughout the

continent, but the majority, including the Premier, wished the

bill to be pushed through without loss of time. There is no

opposition worth mentioning. … At a mass meeting in favor of

the bill representatives of every political party, of every

Church and of every profession and trade in the community were

present.

{33}

The sentiment of the colony has never been more unanimous. …

The estimated cost of the scheme is something like £250,000 or

£300,000 a year, but this does not take into consideration the

amount which will be saved by doing away with the charitable

institutions now draining the pockets alike of the state and

of the individual. Private contributions alone amount to

£600,000 a year; all this will be saved, together with a part

of the Government's annual expenditure—about £400,000—for

public institutions. Not all pauper institutions can be

abolished, for many of the aged and friendless poor are ailing

or slightly feeble minded, and will continue to need medical

attention."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (March).

New Zealand looking toward federation with the Australian

Commonwealth.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

AUSTRALIA: West Australia: A. D. 1900 (August).

Vote to join the Commonwealth.

The question of union with the other colonies in the

Commonwealth, from which the West Australians had previously

held aloof, was submitted to them in August (women voting for

the first time), and decided affirmatively by 44,704 against

19,691. Adding the West Australian totals to the aggregate

vote at the decisive referendum in each of the other

federating colonies, the following is the reported result:

For federation.     422,647

Against federation. 161,024

Majority.           261,623

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (September-December).

The Queen's Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth.

Contemplated visit of the Duke and Duchess of York

to open the first session of the Federal Parliament.

Appointment of Lord Hopetoun to be Governor-General.

The first Federal Cabinet.

On the 17th of September the following proclamation of the

Australian Commonwealth was issued by the Queen:

"Whereas by an Act of Parliament passed in the sixty-third and

sixty-fourth years of Our reign, intituled 'An Act to

constitute the Commonwealth of Australia,' it is enacted that

it shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the Privy

Council, to declare by Proclamation that, on and after a day

therein appointed, not being later than one year after the

passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,

South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her

Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have

agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a

Federal Commonwealth, under the name of the Commonwealth of

Australia. And whereas We are satisfied that the people of

Western Australia have agreed thereto accordingly. We

therefore, by and with the advice of Our Privy Council, have

thought fit to issue this Our Royal Proclamation, and We do

hereby declare that on and after the first day of January, one

thousand nine hundred and one, the people of New South Wales,

Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, and Western

Australia shall be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the

name of the Commonwealth of Australia. Given at Our Court at

Balmoral, this seventeenth day of September, in the year of

our Lord one thousand nine hundred, and in the sixty-fourth

year of Our reign. God save the Queen."

At the same time, the following announcement, which caused

extreme delight in Australia, was published officially from

the Colonial Office:

"Her Majesty the Queen has been graciously pleased to assent,

on the recommendation of the Marquis of Salisbury, to the

visit of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of York

to the colonies of Australasia in the spring of next year. His

Royal Highness the Duke of York will be commissioned by her

Majesty to open the first Session of the Parliament of the

Australian Commonwealth in her name. Although the Queen

naturally shrinks from parting with her grandson for so long a

period, her Majesty fully recognizes the greatness of the

occasion which will bring her colonies of Australia into

federal union, and desires to give this special proof of her

interest in all that concerns the welfare of her Australian

subjects. Her Majesty at the same time wishes to signify her

sense of the loyalty and devotion which have prompted the

spontaneous aid so liberally offered by all the colonies in

the South African war, and of the splendid gallantry of her

colonial troops. Her Majesty's assent to this visit is, of

course, given on the assumption that at the time fixed for the

Duke of York's departure the circumstances are as generally

favourable as at present and that no national interests call

for his Royal Highness's presence in this country."

To manifest still further the interest taken by the British

government in the event, it was made known in October that

"when the Duke of York opens the new Commonwealth Parliament,

the guard of honour, it is directed, shall be so made up as to

be representative of every arm of the British Army, including

the Volunteers. To the Victoria and St. George's Rifles has

fallen the honour of being selected to represent the entire

Volunteer force of the country. A detachment of the regiment,

between 50 and 60 strong, will accordingly leave for Australia

in about a month and will be absent three or four months."

The honor of the appointment to be the first Governor-General

of the new Commonwealth fell to a Scottish nobleman, John

Adrian Louis Hope, seventh Earl of Hopetoun, who had been

Governor of Victoria from 1889 to 1895, and had held high

offices at home, including that of Lord Chamberlain in the

household of the Queen. Lord Hopetoun landed at Sydney on the

15th of December and received a great welcome. On the 30th,

his Cabinet was formed, and announced, as follows:

Mr. Barton, Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs;

Mr. Deakin, Attorney-General;

Sir William Lyne, Minister for Home Affairs;

Sir George Turner, Treasurer;

Mr. Kingston, Minister of Trade and Commerce;

Mr. Dickson, Minister of Defence;

Sir John Forrest, Postmaster-General.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (January).

Inauguration of the Federal Government.

The government of the Commonwealth was inaugurated with

splendid ceremonies on the first day of the New Year and the

New Century, when the Governor-General and the members of the

Federal Cabinet were sworn and assumed office. Two messages

from the British Secretary of State for the Colonies were

read, as follows:

{34}

"The Queen commands me to express through you to the people of

Australia her Majesty's heartfelt interest in the inauguration

of the Commonwealth, and her earnest wish that, under divine

Providence, it may ensure the increased prosperity and

well-being of her loyal and beloved subjects in Australia."

"Her Majesty's Government send cordial greetings to the

Commonwealth of Australia. They welcome her to her place among

the nations united under her Majesty's sovereignty, and

confidently anticipate for the new Federation a future of

ever-increasing prosperity and influence. They recognize in

the long-desired consummation of the hopes of patriotic

Australians a further step in the direction of the permanent

unity of the British Empire, and they are satisfied that the

wider powers and responsibilities henceforth secured to

Australia will give fresh opportunity for the display of that

generous loyalty and devotion to the Throne and Empire which

has always characterized the action in the past of its several

States."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (May).

Opening of the first Parliament of the Commonwealth

by the heir to the British crown.

The programme of the Federal Government.

The Duke of Cornwall and York, heir to the British crown (but

not yet created Prince of Wales), sailed, with his wife, from

England in March, to be present at the opening of the first

Parliament of the federated Commonwealth of Australia, which

is arranged to take place early in May. He makes the voyage in

royal state, on a steamer specially fitted and converted for

the occasion into a royal yacht, with an escort of two

cruisers.

Preliminary to the election and meeting of Parliament, the new

federal government has much organizing work to do, and much

preparation of measures for Parliament to discuss. The

Premier, Mr. Barton, in a speech made on the 17th of January,

announced that the Customs were taken over from the several

States on January 1, and the defences and post-offices would

be transferred as soon as possible. " Probably the railways

would be acquired by the Commonwealth at an early date.

Whether the debts of the several States would be taken over

before the railways was a matter which had to be decided, and

was now engaging the attention of the Treasurer. The Ministry

would not consider the appointment of a Chief Justice of the

High Court until Parliament had established that tribunal." In

the same speech, the main features of the programme and policy

of the federal government were indicated. "The Commonwealth,"

said the Premier, "would have the exclusive power of imposing

Customs and excise duties, and it would, therefore, be

necessary to preserve the States' power of direct taxation.

There must be no direct taxation by the Commonwealth except

under very great pressure. Free trade under the Constitution

was practically impossible; there must be a very large Customs

revenue. … The policy of the Government would be protective, not

prohibitive, because it must be revenue-producing. No one

colony could lay claim to the adoption of its tariff, whether

high or low. The first tariff of Australia ought to be

considerate of existing industries. The policy of the

Government could be summed up in a dozen words. It would give

Australia a tariff that would be Australian. Regarding a

preferential duty on British goods, he would be glad to

reciprocate where possible, but the question would have to

receive very serious consideration before final action could

be taken. Among the legislation to be introduced at an early

date, Mr. Barton continued, were a Conciliation and

Arbitration Bill in labour disputes, and a Bill for a

transcontinental railway, which would be of great value from

the defence point of view. He was in favour of womanhood

suffrage. Legislation to exclude Asiatics would be taken in

hand as a matter of course."

----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

Financial relations of the two countries

forming the dual Empire.

"The financial relations of Austria and Hungary fall under

three main heads. Firstly, the Quota, or proportionate

contribution to joint expenditure. The Quota is an integral

portion of the compact of 1867 [see—in volume 1—AUSTRIA: A. D.

1866-1867], but is revised every ten years. Failing an

agreement on the proportion to be paid by each half of the

monarchy, the Quota is fixed from year to year by the Emperor

till an agreement is arrived at. Secondly, the so-called

commercial 'Ausgleich' treaty, which provides for a customs

union, postal and telegraphic union, commercial equality of

citizens of one state in the other, identical excise duties,

&c. Thirdly, the Bank Union, by which Austria and Hungary have

a common Austro-Hungarian bank, and common paper money. The

Ausgleich and Bank Union are not essential parts of the 1867

compact; they are really only treaties renewable every ten

years, and if no agreement is come to, they simply lapse, and

each state makes its own arrangements, which seems very likely

to be the fate of the Ausgleich unless the present crisis can

be got over. The proceeds of the joint customs are applied

directly to common expenses, and only the difference is made

up by Quota. But if the Ausgleich falls through, the whole of

the joint expenditure will have to be settled by quota

payments. The joint expenditure goes almost wholly to the

up-keep of the army, navy, and consular and diplomatic

services. It amounts on an average to about 150 million

florins or 12½ million £, falling as low as 124½ million

florins in 1885 and rising to nearly 167 million in 1888. Of

this total the customs revenues have, in the last few years,

accounted for nearly a third, usually about 31 per cent. The

Quota was fixed in 1867 at 70 per cent. for Austria and 30 per

cent. for Hungary, based on a very rough calculation from the

yield of common taxation in the years 1860-1865, the last few

years preceding the restoration of Hungarian independence. On

the incorporation of the so-called Military Frontier in

Hungary, the Hungarian proportion was increased to 31.4.

Hitherto the Hungarians have resisted any attempt to increase

their quota. This 'non possumus' attitude has provoked great

resentment in Austria, especially when it is compared with the

self-complacent tone with which the Magyars dwell on the enormous

progress made by Hungary since 1867. That progress is

indubitable. Hungary has not only developed as an agricultural

state, but is in a very fair way of becoming an industrial and

manufacturing state as well. …

{35}

"On all these grounds the Austrians declare that they can no

longer go on paying the old Quota of 68.6 per cent. The

Hungarians admit the great progress made by Hungary, but with

some qualifications. In spite of the growth of Budapest,

Fiume, and a few other towns, Hungary is still, on the whole,

very backward when compared with Austria. The total volume of

her manufactures is very small, in spite of the rapid increase

of recent years. Hungary is still, to all intents and

purposes, an agricultural country, and as such, has suffered

largely from the fall in prices."

L. S. Amery,

Austro-Hungarian Financial Relations

(Economic Journal, September, 1898).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

Conflict with the Church.

Resignation of Count Kalnoky.

In the last month of 1894 royal assent was given to three

bills, known as the Ecclesiastical Laws, which marked an

extraordinary departure from the old subserviency of the State

to the Church. The first was a civil marriage law, which made

civil marriage compulsory, leaving religious ceremonies

optional with the parties, and which modified the law of

divorce; the second annulled a former law by which the sons of

mixed marriages were required to follow the father's religion,

and the daughters to follow that of the mother; the third

established an uniform State registration of births, deaths

and marriages, in place of a former registration of different

creeds, and legalized marriages between Christians and Jews

without change of faith. These very radical measures, after

passing the lower house of the Hungarian legislature, were

carried with great difficulty through the aristocratic and

clerical upper house, and only by a strong pressure of

influence from the emperor-king himself. They were exceedingly

obnoxious to the Church, and the Papal Nuncio became active in

a hostility which the Hungarian premier, Baron Banffy, deemed

offensive to the State. He called upon the Imperial Minister

of Foreign Affairs, Count Kalnoky, to address a complaint on

the subject to the Vatican. This led to disagreements between

the two ministers which the Emperor strove without success to

reconcile, and Count Kalnoky, in the end, was forced to retire

from office. The Pope was requested to recall the offending

Nuncio, and declined to do so.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

Race-jealousies and conflicts.

The position of Bohemia in the part of the dual Empire

called Austria.

Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.

Austrian Ministry of Count Badeni.

Enlarged parliamentary franchise.

In the constitutional reconstruction of the Empire after the

war of 1866, almost everything was conceded to the Magyars of

Hungary, who acquired independence in matters of internal

administration, and ascendancy over the other races subject to

the Hungarian crown. "On the other hand, absolute equality was

established between the different countries that are not

connected with Hungary. No greater privileges were granted to

an ancient historical kingdom such as Bohemia than were given,

for instance, to the small Alpine district situated between

the Tyrol and the Boden See (Lake of Constance) known as

Vorarlberg. … The representatives of these countries were to

meet at Vienna, and a ministry for 'Cisleithania' was

appointed. That these measures were injudicious is now the

opinion of almost all Austrians. Beust [the Saxon statesman

who was called in to conduct the political reconstruction of

1867—see, in volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867; and

1866-1887], created a new agglomeration of smaller and larger

countries, entirely different as regards race, history, and

culture. It is characteristic of the artificiality of Count

Beust's new creation that up to the present day no real and

generally accepted name for it has been found. The usual

designation of Cisleithania is an obvious absurdity. A glance

at the map will suffice to show how senseless such a name is

when applied, for instance, to Dalmatia, one of the countries

ruled from Vienna. The word 'Austria' also can correctly be

applied only either to all the countries ruled by the house of

Habsburg-Lorraine or to the archduchies of Upper and Lower

Austria, which are the cradle of the dynasty. The official

designation of the non-Hungarian parts of the empire is 'the

kingdoms and lands represented in the parliament' (of

Vienna)—'Die im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und

Länder.'

"Though the Germans willingly took part in the deliberations

of the Parliament of 'Cisleithania,' the Slavs of Bohemia and

Poland were at first violently opposed to the new institution.

They might perhaps have willingly consented to take part in a

Vienna parliament that would have consisted of representatives

of the whole empire. But when the ancient historical rights of

Hungary were fully recognized, countries such as Bohemia and

Poland … naturally felt offended. Count Beust dealt

differently with these two divisions of the empire. The partly

true, partly imaginary, grievances of the Poles were more

recent and better known thirty years ago than they are now.

Beust was impressed by them and considered it advisable to

make large concessions to the Poles of Galicia with regard to

autonomy, local government, and the use of the national

language. The Poles, who did not fail to contrast their fate

with that of their countrymen who were under Russian or

Prussian rule, gratefully accepted these concessions, and

attended the meetings of the representative assembly at

Vienna. Other motives also contributed to this decision of the

Galician Poles. Galicia is a very poor country, and the Germans

who then ruled at Vienna, naturally welcoming the

representatives of a large Slav country in their Parliament,

proved most generous in their votes in favour of the Galician

railways. Matters stood differently in Bohemia, and the

attitude of Count Beust and the new 'Cisleithanian' ministers

was also here quite different. They seem to have thought that

they could break the resistance of the Bohemians by military

force, and with the aid of the German minority of the

population. A long struggle ensued. … Bohemia is … the

'cockpit' of Austrian political warfare, and almost every

political crisis has been closely connected with events that

occurred in Bohemia. The Bohemian representatives in 1867

refused to take part in the deliberations of the Vienna

Parliament, the existence of which they considered contrary to

the ancient constitution of their country.

{36}

In 1879 they finally decided to take part in the deliberations

of the Vienna assembly. … The Bohemians, indeed, entered the

Vienna Parliament under protest, and declared that their

appearance there was by no means to be considered as a

resignation of the special rights that Bohemia had formerly

possessed. The Bohemian deputies, however, continued

henceforth to take part in the deliberations of the

Cisleithanian Parliament and loyally supported those of the

many Austrian ministers who were not entirely deaf to their

demands. Some of these demands, such as that of the foundation

of a national university at Prague, were indeed granted by the

Vienna ministers. Though a German university continued to exist

at Prague, this concession was vehemently opposed by the

Germans, as indeed every concession to appease the Bohemian

people was."

Francis Count Lutzow,

Austria at the End of the Century

(Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1899).

During recent years, government in the dual empire has been

made increasingly difficult, especially on the Austrian side,

by the jealousy, which grows constantly more bitter, between

the German and Slavic elements of the mixed population, and by

the rising heat of the Anti-Semitic agitation. The latter was

brought to a serious crisis in Vienna during 1895 by the

election of Dr. Lueger, a violent leader of Anti-Semitism, to

the office of First Vice-Burgomaster, which caused the

resignation of the Burgomaster, and led to such disorders in

the municipal council that the government was forced to

intervene. The council was dissolved and an imperial

commissioner appointed to conduct the city administration

provisionally; but similar disorders, still more serious,

recurred in October, when elections were held and the

Anti-Semites won a majority in the council. Dr. Lueger was

then elected Burgomaster. The government, supported by a

majority in the Austrian Reichsrath, refused to confirm the

election. A second time Dr. Lueger was elected; whereupon the

municipal council was again dissolved and the municipal

administration transferred to an imperial commissioner. This

measure was followed by scenes of scandalous turbulence in the

Reichsrath and riotous demonstrations in the streets, which

latter were vigorously suppressed by the police. Some

considerable part of the temper in these demonstrations was

directed against the Austrian premier, Count Badeni, and still

more against the Polish race, to which he belonged. Count

Badeni, who had been Governor of Galicia, had just been called

to the head of affairs, and gave promise of an administration

that would be strong; but several other members of his cabinet

were Poles, and that fact was a cause of offense. He gave an

early assurance that the demand for an enlargement of the

parliamentary franchise should be satisfactorily met, and that

other liberal measures should be promptly taken in hand. These

promises, with the show of firmness in the conduct of the

government, produced a wide feeling in its favor. The promise

of an enlargement of the parliamentary franchise in Austria

was redeemed the following February (1896), by the

introduction and speedy passage of a parliamentary reform

bill, which embodied an important revision of the Austrian

constitution. Seventy-two new members were added to the 353

which formerly constituted the lower or Abgeordneten House of

the Austrian Reichsrath. The original body of 353 remained as

it had been, made up in four sections, elected by four classes

in the community, namely: owners of large estates, electing 85

members; doctors of the universities and town taxpayers who

pay five florins of direct taxation yearly, these together

electing 115; chambers of commerce and industry, electing 22;

country taxpayers who pay five florins of direct taxation

yearly, electing 131. The number of voters in these four

privileged classes were said to number 1,732,000 when the

Reform Bill passed. The new voters added by the bill were

estimated to number about 3,600,000. But the latter would

elect only the 72 new members added to the House, while the

former continued to be exclusively represented by the 353

members of its former constitution. In other words, though the

suffrage was now extended to all male adults, it was not with

equality of value to all. For about one-third of the political

community, the franchise was given five times the weight and

force that it possessed for the remaining two-thirds.

Nevertheless, the bill seems to have been accepted and passed

with no great opposition. In Vienna, the Anti-Semitic

agitation was kept up with violence, Dr. Lueger being elected

four times to the chief-burgomastership of the city, in

defiance of the imperial refusal to sanction his election.

Finally the conflict was ended by a compromise. Lueger

resigned and was permitted to take the office of Vice

Burgomaster, while one of his followers was chosen to the

Chief Burgomaster's seat.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

Celebration of the Millennium of the Kingdom of Hungary.

The millennial anniversary of the Kingdom of Hungary was

celebrated by the holding of a great national exposition and

festival at Buda-Pesth, from the 2d of May until the end of

October, 1896. Preparations were begun as early as 1893, and

were carried forward with great national enthusiasm and

liberality, the government contributing nearly two millions of

dollars to the expense of the undertaking. The spirit of the

movement was expressed at the beginning by the Minister of

Commerce, Bela Lukács, by whose department it was specially

promoted. "The government," he said, "will take care that the

national work be exhibited in a worthy frame, so as to further

the interests of the exhibitors. May everyone of you, its

subjects, therefore show what he is able to attain by his

diligence, his taste, and his inventive faculty. Let us all,

in fact, compete—we who are working, some with our brains,

others with our hands, and others with our machines—like one

man for the father-land. Thus the living generation will be

able to see what its fore-fathers have made in the midst of

hard circumstances, and to realize what tasks are awaiting us

and the new generations in the path which has been smoothed by

the sweat, labor, and pain of our ancestors. This will be a

rare family festival, the equal of which has not been granted

to many nations. Let the people gather, then, round our august

ruler, who has guided our country with fatherly care and

wisdom in the benevolent ways of peace to the heights which

mark the progress of to-day, and who—a faithful keeper of the

glorious past of a thousand years—has led the Hungarian people

to the threshold of a still more splendid thousand years to

come!"

{37}

Writing shortly before the opening, the United States Consul

at Buda-Pesth, Mr. Hammond, gave the following description of

the plans and preparations then nearly complete: "The series

of official festivities will be diversified by those of a

social and popular character. These will be the

interparliamentary conference for international courts of

arbitration; the congress of journalists, with the view to

constitute an international journalistic union; international

congresses of art and history, of actors, tourists, athletes,

etc.; numerous national congresses embracing every

intellectual and material interest of the country, in which

the leading personages of all groups and branches of national

production, the highest authorities in the field of commerce,

industry, communication, etc., as well as those who are in the

forefront of the literary, spiritual, and philanthropic

movements of the country will take part.

"There is activity in all classes of Hungarian society, with a

view to carrying out the ingenious project of the artist Paul

Vágó—the great historical pageant. Several municipal bodies

have already promised their cooperation, while scores of men

and women, bearers of historic names, have declared their

readiness to take part at their own expense. All the costumes

of all the races and social classes who have inhabited this

country during ten centuries will pass before our eyes in this

beautiful cortege. The genius of the artist will call into life

in their descendants the warriors who conquered Pannonia under

Arpad, and, during the reign of Louis the Great, annexed to

this realm all the neighboring countries; all the dignitaries,

both civil and ecclesiastical, who, under Stephen the Saint, King

Kálman, and Mathias Corvinus, spread Christianity,

enlightenment, liberty, and wealth to the extreme confines of

this part of Europe; all the crusaders of Joannes Hunyady, who

drove back the Crescent for a century and thus defended

western civilization against eastern fanaticism; all the

kings, princes, noblemen, and poets of modern times who have

led the nation in her struggle for modern ideas. These

historical figures will be followed by their retainers or

surrounded by the popular types of the respective epochs. To

judge by the sketches of the artist, this pageant promises to

surpass anything that has hitherto been offered on similar

occasions.

"All these festivals will move, as it were, within the fixed

frame of the Millennial National Exhibition, which will cover

an area of 500,000 square meters (5,382,100 square feet) and

consist of 169 buildings and pavilions, erected at a total

cost (including private expenses) of 10,000,000 florins

($4,020,000). This exhibition is divided into two sections,

viz:

(1) The historical section, containing art treasures, relics,

and antiquities of the past, which will illustrate the

political, religious, military, and private life of each

principal period in the history of the nation. …

(2) The section of modern times will embrace everything offered

by similar exhibitions.

Nevertheless, the visitor's mind will here, too, be impressed

with the solemnity of the millennium and the enthusiasm

inspiring the nation at this momentous period of its history.

The programme embraces the national life in all its

manifestations. Not only will the present condition of Hungary

be laid open to general view, but the world will also be

impressed with the great progress Hungary has made since the

reestablishment of her constitution in 1867."

United States Consular Reports,

April, 1896.

By every possible arrangement of facilitation and cheapening,

a visit to the Exposition was placed within the means of all

the inhabitants of the kingdom; and especial provision was

made for bringing schools and teachers to receive the

object-lessons which it taught.

Among the ceremonies which attended the ending of the great

national festival, was the formal opening, at Orsova, of a

ship channel through the rocky obstructions that have been

known since the days when they troubled the Romans as the

"Iron Gates of the Danube."

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

Industrial combinations.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

The forces of feudalism and clericalism in Austria.

Austrian parties in the Reichsrath.

Their aims, character and relative strength.

Count Badeni's language decrees for Bohemia.

"In no European country have the forces of feudalism and

clericalism such an enormous influence as they have in

Austria. The Austrian nobility is supreme at Court and in the

upper branches of the Administration. In Hungary the small

nobility and landed gentry exercise a preponderating

influence, but they are a wide class and filled with the

national spirit. The Austrian nobility forms a narrow,

intensely exclusive and bigoted caste, whose only political

interest is the maintenance of its own class supremacy. The

large Protestant element in Hungary has in no small degree

contributed to the success of the Magyars, both in its effect

on the national character and by the secondary position to

which the mixture of creeds has relegated the Church. In

Austria the Church of Rome is all-powerful. The House of

Habsburg has always been bigotedly Catholic: Francis Joseph

himself was a pupil of the Jesuits. The triumph of the

reaction after 1848 was the establishment in 1855 of that

'written Canossa' the Concordat, which made the Church

absolute in all matters relating to education and marriage.

And even though the Concordat was got rid of in 1870, the

energies of the clerical party have been but little weakened.

The real explanation of the whole course of Austrian politics

lies in the interaction of the two conflicts—of reaction,

clerical or aristocratic, against liberalism, and of Slav

against German. …

"In March 1897 came the general elections, to which a special

interest was lent by the first appearance of the fifth class

of voters. The most striking feature of the elections was the

complete and final break up of the German Liberal party. … The

history of the German Liberal party has been one of a

continuous decline both in numbers and importance. It counted

200 members in 1873, 170 in 1879, 114 in 1885-1891, and only

77 out of a total of 425 in 1897. … Their political theories

are those of moderate constitutional liberalism as understood

on the Continent in the middle of the century—i. e. belief in

the efficacy of parliamentary government, in commercial and

industrial freedom, hostility to military bureaucracy and

clericalism. … The most radical group among them, the

Progressists, an offshoot of the last election, is about as

radical as the ordinary English Conservative of to-day. The

views of the Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz are those of

the English Tory of fifty years ago.

{38}

"Of the fractions into which the Liberal party is now divided

the most important is the Deutsch Fortschrittliche, or

Progressive, which split off from the main body in November

1896. Its chief object was to direct a stronger opposition on

national and liberal lines to Count Badeni. Its 35 members are

almost exclusively recruited from Bohemia and Moravia. They

differ from the German 'Volkspartei' mainly in their refusal

to accept anti-Semitism, which would be both against their

liberal professions and their economic convictions as

representatives of the commercial and manufacturing classes.

The constitutional landowners (Verfassungstreue

Grossgrundbesitz, 30 seats) represent the most conservative

element of the old Liberal party. … The 12 members of the Free

German Union (Freie Deutsche Vereinigung) may perhaps consider

themselves the most authentic remnant of the great Liberal

party—it is their chief claim to distinction. The German

National or People's party (Deutsche Volkspartei, 43 seats)

first made its appearance at the elections of 1885. It

rejected the old idea of the Liberals that the Germans were

meant, as defenders of the State, to look to State interests

alone without regard to the fate of their own nationality, and

took up a more strictly national as well as a more democratic

attitude. It has also of late years included anti-Semitism in

its programme. Its main strength lies in the Alpine provinces,

where it heads the German national and Liberal opposition to

the Slovenes on the one side, and the German clericals on the

other. It is at present the largest of the German parties. …

"Least but not last of the German parties comes the little

group of five led by Schönerer and Wolf. Noisy, turbulent, and

reckless, this little body of extremists headed the

obstruction in the Reichsrath, the disorganised larger German

parties simply following in its wake. The object these men aim

at is the incorporation of German Austria in the German

Empire, the non-German parts being left to take care of

themselves. Both the German National party and Schönerer's

followers are anti-Semitic, but anti-Semitism only plays a

secondary part in their programme. The party that more

specially claims the title of anti-Semite is the Christian

Social (Christlich-Soziale, 27 seats). The growth of this

party in the last few years has been extraordinarily rapid. In

Dr. Lueger and Prince Alois Liechtenstein it has found leaders

who thoroughly understand the arts of exciting or humouring

the Viennese populace. … The characteristic feature of

Austrian anti-Semitism, besides the reaction against the

predominance of the ubiquitous Jew in commerce, journalism,

and the liberal professions, is that it represents the

opposition of the small tradesman or handicraftsman to the

increasing pressure of competition from the large Jewish shops

and the sweating system so frequently connected with them. The

economic theories of the party are of the crudest and most

mediæval kind; compulsory apprenticeship, restricted trade

guilds, penalties on stock exchange speculation, &c., form the

chief items of its programme. …

"The German Clericals and the Clerical Conservatives

(Katholische Volkspartei and Centrum) number some 37 votes

together; but their importance has always been increased by

the skilful and unscrupulous parliamentary tactics of the

party. The strength of the Clerical party lies in the ignorant

and devotedly pious peasantry of Upper Austria and the Alpine

provinces. The defence of agrarian interests is included in

its programme; but its only real object is the maintenance of

the moral and material power of the Church. Its policy looks

solely to the interests of the Vatican. …

"The best organised of the national parties is the Polish Club

(59 seats). It represents the national and social interests of

the Polish nobility and landed gentry. … Standing outside of

Austrian interests, they exercise a controlling voice in

Austrian affairs. The three-score well-drilled Polish votes

have helped the Government again and again to ride roughshod

over constitutional opposition. The partition of Poland has

thus avenged itself on one at least of its spoilers. The

Germans have long resented this outside interference which

permanently keeps them in a minority. … The Czechs are a party

of 60, and together with the 19 representatives of the Czech

landed aristocracy, form the largest group in the Reichsrath.

The Young Czech party began in the seventies as a reaction

against the Old Czech policy of passive resistance. In

contra-distinction to the Old Czechs, they also professed

radical and anti-clerical views in politics generally. … In

1897 the Old Czechs finally withdrew from the contest or were

merged in the victorious party. … Of the other nationalist

parties the most important is the Slav National Christian

Union (35 seats), comprising the Slovenes, Croatians, and some

of the more moderate Ruthenians from Galicia. Their programme

is mainly national, though tinged with clericalism; equality

of the Slav languages with German and Italian in mixed

districts; and ultimately a union of the southern Slavs in an

autonomous national province. The Italians are divided into 5

Clerical Italians from the Tirol and 14 Liberals from Trieste,

Istria, &c. The Tirolese Italians desire a division of the

Tirol into a German and an Italian part. …

"The most interesting, and in some ways the most respectable,

of all Austrian parties is the Socialist or Social Democratic

party (15 seats). It is the only one that fights for a living

political theory—German liberalism being to all intents and

purposes defunct—and not for mere national aggression. The

Social Democrats hold the whole national agitation to be an

hysterical dispute got up by professors, advocates, and other

ne'er-do-weels of the unemployed upper classes. … Their

support is derived from the working classes in the industrial

districts, and not least from the poorer Jews, who supply

socialism with many of its keenest apostles. …

"Altogether a most hopeless jumble of incoherent atoms is this

Austrian Reichsrath. The chariots driving four-ways on the

roof of the Houses of Parliament are a true symbol of the

nature of Austrian politics. To add to the confusion, all the

parties are headless. Able men and men of culture, there are a

good many in the House; but political leaders there are none.

The general tone of the House is undignified, and has been so

for some time. …

{39}

"On April 5, 1897, Count Badeni published the notorious

language decrees for Bohemia. This ordinance placed the Czech

language on an absolute equality with the German in all

governmental departments and in the law courts all over

Bohemia. … After 1901 all officials in every part of Bohemia

were to be obliged to know both languages. The refusal of the

Germans to admit the language spoken by 62 per cent. of the

population of Bohemia to an equality with their own is not

quite so preposterous as would at first sight appear. Without

subscribing to Professor Mommsen's somewhat insolent dicta

about 'inferior races,' one must admit that the Czech and

German languages do not stand on altogether the same footing.

German is a language spoken by some 60,000,000 of people, the

language of a great literature and a great commerce. Czech is

difficult, unpronounceable, and spoken by some 5,000,000 in

all. It must be remembered, too, that the two nations do not

really live together in Bohemia, but that the Germans live in

a broad belt all round the country, while the Czechs inhabit

the central plain. There is no more reason for a German

Bohemian to acquire Czech than there is for a citizen of

Edinburgh to make himself master of Gaelic. On the other hand,

every educated Czech naturally learns German, even in a purely

Czech-speaking district. … It must also be remembered that the

decrees, as such, were of doubtful constitutionality; the

language question was really a matter for the Legislature to

settle. The decrees at once produced a violent agitation among

the Germans, which rapidly spread from Bohemia over the whole

Empire."

The Internal Crisis in Austria-Hungary

(Edinburgh Review, July, 1898).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (October-December).

Scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath described by Mark Twain.

"Here in Vienna in these closing days of 1897 one's blood gets

no chance to stagnate. The atmosphere is brimful of political

electricity. All conversation is political; every man is a

battery, with brushes overworn, and gives out blue sparks when

you set him going on the common topic. … Things have happened

here recently which would set any country but Austria on fire

from end to end, and upset the government to a certainty; but

no one feels confident that such results will follow here.

Here, apparently, one must wait and see what will happen, then

he will know, and not before; guessing is idle; guessing

cannot help the matter. This is what the wise tell you; they

all say it; they say it every day, and it is the sole detail

upon which they all agree. There is some approach to agreement

upon another point: that there will be no revolution. … Nearly

every day some one explains to me that a revolution would not

succeed here. 'It couldn't, you know. Broadly speaking, all

the nations in the empire hate the government—but they all

hate each other too, and with devoted and enthusiastic

bitterness; no two of them can combine; the nation that rises

must rise alone; then the others would joyfully join the

government against her, and she would have just a fly's chance

against a combination of spiders. This government is entirely

independent. It can go its own road, and do as it pleases; it

has nothing to fear. In countries like England and America,

where there is one tongue and the public interests are common,

the government must take account of public opinion; but in

Austria-Hungary there are nineteen public opinions—one for

each state. No—two or three for each state, since there are

two or three nationalities in each. A government cannot

satisfy all these public opinions; it can only go through the

motions of trying. This government does that. It goes through

the motions, and they do not succeed; but that does not worry

the government much.' …

"The recent troubles have grown out of Count Badeni's

necessities. He could not carry on his government without a

majority vote in the House at his back, and in order to secure

it he had to make a trade of some sort. He made it with the

Czechs—the Bohemians. The terms were not easy for him: he must

pass a bill making the Czech tongue the official language in

Bohemia in place of the German. This created a storm. All the

Germans in Austria' were incensed. In numbers they form but a

fourth part of the empire's population, but they urge that the

country's public business should be conducted in one common

tongue, and that tongue a world language—which German is.

However, Badeni secured his majority. The German element was

apparently become helpless. The Czech deputies were exultant.

Then the music began. Badeni's voyage, instead of being

smooth, was disappointingly rough from the start. The

government must get the 'Ausgleich' through. It must not fail.

Badeni's majority was ready to carry it through; but the

minority was determined to obstruct it and delay it until the

obnoxious Czech-language measure should be shelved.

"The 'Ausgleich' is an Adjustment, Arrangement, Settlement,

which holds Austria and Hungary together [see above; also, in

volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867]. It dates from 1867, and

has to be renewed every ten years. It establishes the share

which Hungary must pay toward the expenses of the imperial

government. Hungary is a kingdom (the Emperor of Austria is

its King), and has its own parliament and governmental

machinery. But it has no foreign office, and it has no army—at

least its army is a part of the imperial army, is paid out of

the imperial treasury, and is under the control of the

imperial war office. The ten-year rearrangement was due a year

ago, but failed to connect. At least completely. A year's

compromise was arranged. A new arrangement must be effected

before the last day of this year. Otherwise the two countries

become separate entities. The Emperor would still be King of

Hungary—that is, King of an independent foreign country. There

would be Hungarian custom-houses on the Austrian frontier, and

there would be a Hungarian army and a Hungarian foreign

office. Both countries would be weakened by this, both would

suffer damage. The Opposition in the House, although in the

minority, had a good weapon to fight with in the pending

'Ausgleich.' If it could delay the 'Ausgleich' a few weeks,

the government would doubtless have to withdraw the hated

language bill or lose Hungary.

"The Opposition began its fight. Its arms were the Rules of

the House. It was soon manifest that by applying these Rules

ingeniously, it could make the majority helpless, and keep it

so as long as it pleased. It could shut off business every now

and then with a motion to adjourn. It could require the ayes

and noes on the motion, and use up thirty minutes on that

detail. It could call for the reading and verification of the

minutes of the preceding meeting, and use up half a day in

that way.

{40}

It could require that several of its members be entered upon

the list of permitted speakers previously to the opening of a

sitting; and as there is no time limit, further delays could

thus be accomplished. These were all lawful weapons, and the

men of the Opposition (technically called the Left) were

within their rights in using them. They used them to such dire

purpose that all parliamentary business was paralyzed. The

Right (the government side) could accomplish nothing. Then it

had a saving idea. This idea was a curious one. It was to have

the President and the Vice-Presidents of the parliament

trample the Rules under foot upon occasion! …

"And now took place that memorable sitting of the House which

broke two records. It lasted the best part of two days and a

night, surpassing by half an hour the longest sitting known to

the world's previous parliamentary history, and breaking the

long-speech record with Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour effort, the

longest flow of unbroken talk that ever came out of one mouth

since the world began. At 8.45, on the evening of the 28th of

October, when the House had been sitting a few minutes short

of ten hours, Dr. Lecher was granted the floor. … Then burst

out such another wild and frantic and deafening clamor as has

not been heard on this planet since the last time the

Comanches surprised a white settlement at midnight. Yells from

the Left, counter-yells from the Right, explosions of yells

from all sides at once, and all the air sawed and pawed and

clawed and cloven by a writhing confusion of gesturing arms

and hands. Out of the midst of this thunder and turmoil and

tempest rose Dr. Lecher, serene and collected, and the

providential length of him enabled his head to show out above

it. He began his twelve-hour speech. At any rate, his lips

could be seen to move, and that was evidence. On high sat the

President imploring order, with his long hands put together as

in prayer, and his lips visibly but not hearably speaking. At

intervals he grasped his bell and swung it up and down with

vigor, adding its keen clamor to the storm weltering there

below. Dr. Lecher went on with his pantomime speech,

contented, untroubled. … One of the interrupters who made

himself heard was a young fellow of slight build and neat

dress, who stood a little apart from the solid crowd and

leaned negligently, with folded arms and feet crossed, against

a desk. Trim and handsome; strong face and thin features;

black hair roughed up; parsimonious mustache; resonant great

voice, of good tone and pitch. It is Wolf, capable and

hospitable with sword and pistol. … Out of him came early this

thundering peal, audible above the storm:

"'I demand the floor. I wish to offer a motion.'

"In the sudden lull which followed, the President answered,

'Dr. Lecher has the floor.'

"Wolf. 'I move the close of the sitting!'

"President. 'Representative Lecher has the floor.'

[Stormy outburst from the Left—that is, the Opposition.]

"Wolf. 'I demand the floor for the introduction of a

formal motion. [Pause.] Mr. President, are you going to grant

it, or not? [Crash of approval from the Left.] I will keep on

demanding the floor till I get it.'

"President. 'I call Representative Wolf to order. Dr.

Lecher has the floor.' …

"'Which was true; and he was speaking, too, calmly, earnestly,

and argumentatively; and the official stenographers had left

their places and were at his elbows taking down his words, he

leaning and orating into their ears—a most curious and

interesting scene. … At this point a new and most effective

noisemaker was pressed into service. Each desk has an

extension, consisting of a removable board eighteen inches

long, six wide, and a half-inch thick. A member pulled one of

these out and began to belabor the top of his desk with it.

Instantly other members followed suit, and perhaps you can

imagine the result. Of all conceivable rackets it is the most

ear-splitting, intolerable, and altogether fiendish. … Wolf

went on with his noise and with his demands that he be granted

the floor, resting his board at intervals to discharge

criticisms and epithets at the Chair. … By-and-by he struck

the idea of beating out a tune with his board. Later he

decided to stop asking for the floor, and to confer it upon

himself. And so he and Dr. Lecher now spoke at the same time,

and mingled their speeches with the other noises, and nobody

heard either of them. Wolf rested himself now and then from

speech-making by reading, in his clarion voice, from a

pamphlet.

"I will explain that Dr. Lecher was not making a twelve-hour

speech for pastime, but for an important purpose. It was the

government's intention to push the 'Ausgleich' through its

preliminary stages in this one sitting (for which it was the

Order of the Day), and then by vote refer it to a select

committee. It was the Majority's scheme—as charged by the

Opposition—to drown debate upon the bill by pure noise—drown

it out and stop it. The debate being thus ended, the vote upon

the reference would follow—with victory for the government.

But into the government's calculations had not entered the

possibility of a single-barrelled speech which should occupy

the entire time-limit of the sitting, and also get itself

delivered in spite of all the noise. … In the English House an

obstructionist has held the floor with Bible-readings and

other outside matters; but Dr. Lecher could not have that

restful and recuperative privilege—he must confine himself

strictly to the subject before the House. More than once, when

the President could not hear him because of the general

tumult, he sent persons to listen and report as to whether the

orator was speaking to the subject or not.

"The subject was a peculiarly difficult one, and it would have

troubled any other deputy to stick to it three hours without

exhausting his ammunition, because it required a vast and

intimate knowledge—detailed and particularized knowledge—of

the commercial, railroading, financial, and international

banking relations existing between two great sovereignties,

Hungary and the Empire. But Dr. Lecher is President of the

Board of Trade of his city of Brünn, and was master of the

situation. … He went steadily on with his speech; and always

it was strong, virile, felicitous, and to the point. He was

earning applause, and this enabled his party to turn that fact

to account. Now and then they applauded him a couple of

minutes on a stretch, and during that time he could stop

speaking and rest his voice without having the floor taken

from him. …

{41}

"The Minority staid loyally by their champion. Some

distinguished deputies of the Majority staid by him too,

compelled thereto by admiration of his great performance. When

a man has been speaking eight hours, is it conceivable that he

can still be interesting, still fascinating? When Dr. Lecher had

been speaking eight hours he was still compactly surrounded by

friends who would not leave him and by foes (of all parties)

who could not; and all hung enchanted and wondering upon his

words, and all testified their admiration with constant and

cordial outbursts of applause. Surely this was a triumph

without precedent in history. …

"In consequence of Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour speech and the

other obstructions furnished by the Minority, the famous

thirty-three-hour sitting of the House accomplished nothing. …

Parliament was adjourned for a week—to let the members cool

off, perhaps—a sacrifice of precious time, for but two months

remained in which to carry the all-important 'Ausgleich' to a

consummation. …

"During the whole of November things went from bad to worse.

The all-important 'Ausgleich' remained hard aground, and could

not be sparred off. Badeni's government could not withdraw the

Language Ordinance and keep its majority, and the Opposition

could not be placated on easier terms. One night, while the

customary pandemonium was crashing and thundering along at its

best, a fight broke out. … On Thanksgiving day the sitting was

a history-making one. On that day the harried, bedeviled and

despairing government went insane. In order to free itself

from the thraldom of the Opposition it committed this

curiously juvenile crime: it moved an important change of the

Rules of the House, forbade debate upon the motion, put it to

a stand-up vote instead of ayes and noes, and then gravely

claimed that it had been adopted. … The House was already

standing up; had been standing for an hour; and before a third

of it had found out what the President had been saying, he had

proclaimed the adoption of the motion! And only a few heard

that. In fact, when that House is legislating you can't tell

it from artillery-practice. You will realize what a happy idea

it was to sidetrack the lawful ayes and noes and substitute a

stand-up vote by this fact: that a little later, when a

deputation of deputies waited upon the President and asked him

if he was actually willing to claim that that measure had been

passed, he answered, 'Yes—and unanimously.' …

"The 'Lex Falkenhayn,' thus strangely born, gave the President

power to suspend for three days any deputy who should continue

to be disorderly after being called to order twice, and it

also placed at his disposal such force as might be necessary

to make the suspension effective. So the House had a

sergeant-at-arms at last, and a more formidable one, as to

power, than any other legislature in Christendom had ever

possessed. The Lex Falkenhayn also gave the House itself

authority to suspend members for thirty days. On these terms

the 'Ausgleich' could be put through in an hour—apparently.

The Opposition would have to sit meek and quiet, and stop

obstructing, or be turned into the street, deputy after

deputy, leaving the Majority an unvexed field for its work.

"Certainly the thing looked well. … [But next day, when the

President attempted to open the session, a band of the

Socialist members made a sudden charge upon him, drove him and

the Vice President from the House, took possession of the

tribune, and brought even the semblance of legislative

proceedings to an end. Then a body of sixty policemen was

brought in to clear the House.] Some of the results of this

wild freak followed instantly. The Badeni government came down

with a crash; there was a popular outbreak or two in Vienna;

there were three or four days of furious rioting in Prague,

followed by the establishing there of martial law; the Jews

and Germans were harried and plundered, and their houses

destroyed; in other Bohemian towns there was rioting—in some

cases the Germans being the rioters, in others the Czechs—and

in all cases the Jew had to roast, no matter which side he was

on. We are well along in December now; the new

Minister-President has not been able to patch up a peace among

the warring factions of the parliament, therefore there is no

use in calling it together again for the present; public

opinion believes that parliamentary government and the

Constitution are actually threatened with extinction, and that

the permanency of the monarchy itself is a not absolutely

certain thing!

"Yes, the Lex Falkenhayn was a great invention, and did what

was claimed for it—it got the government out of the

frying-pan."

S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain),

Stirring Times in Austria

(Harper's Magazine, March, 1898).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (December).

Imperial action.

On the last day of the year the Emperor closed the sittings of

the Austrian Reichsrath by proclamation and issued a rescript

continuing the "Ausgleich" provisionally for six months.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898.

Prolongation of factious disorders.

Paralysis of constitutional government.

Though scenes in the Austrian Chamber were not quite so

violent, perhaps, as they had become near the close of 1897,

the state of factious disorder continued much the same

throughout the year, and legislation was completely stopped.

The work of government could be carried on only by imperial

decrees. The ministry of Baron von Gautsch, which had

succeeded that of Count Badeni, attempted a compromise on the

language question in Bohemia by dividing the country into

three districts, according to the distribution of the several

races, in one of which German was to be the official tongue,

in another Czech, while both languages were to be used in the

third. But the Germans of the empire would accept no such

compromise. In March, Baron von Gautsch retired, and Count

Thun Hohenstein formed a Ministry made up to represent the

principal factions in the Reichsrath; but, the scheme brought

no peace. Nor did appeals by Count Thun, "in the name of

Austria," to the patriotism and the reason of all parties, to

suspend their warfare long enough for a little of the

necessary work of the state to be done, have any effect. The

turbulence in the legislature infected the whole community,

and especially, it would seem, the students in the schools,

whose disorder caused many lectures to be stopped. In Hungary,

too, there was an increase of violence in political agitation.

A party, led by the son of Louis Kossuth, struggled to improve

what seemed to be an opportunity for breaking the political

union of Hungary with Austria, and realizing the old ambition

for an independent Hungarian state.

{42}

The ministry of Baron Banffy had this party against him, as

well as that of the clericals, who resented the civil marriage

laws, and legislation came to a deadlock nearly as complete in

the Hungarian as in the Austrian Parliament. There, as well as

in Austria, the extension of the Ausgleich, provisionally for

another year, had to be imposed by imperial decree.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (April).

Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and

the "Concert of Europe."

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (September).

Assassination of the Empress.

Jubilee of the Emperor's reign.

On the 10th of September, Elizabeth, Empress of Austria and

Queen of Hungary, was assassinated at Geneva by an Italian

anarchist, named Luigi Luccheni, who stabbed her with a small

stiletto, exceedingly thin and narrow in the blade. The

murderer rushed upon her and struck her, as she was walking,

with a single attendant, on the quay, towards a lake steamer

on which she intended to travel to Montreux. She fell, but

arose, with some assistance, and walked forward to the

steamer, evidently unaware that she had suffered worse than a

blow. On the steamer, however, she lost consciousness, and

then, for the first time, the wound was discovered. It had

been made by so fine a weapon that it showed little external

sign, and it is probable that the Empress felt little pain.

She lived nearly half an hour after the blow was struck. The

assassin attempted to escape, but was caught. As Swiss law

forbids capital punishment, he could be only condemned to

solitary confinement for life. This terrible tragedy came soon

after the festivities in Austria which had celebrated the

jubilee year of the Emperor Francis Joseph's reign. The

Emperor's marriage had been one of love: he had suffered many

afflictions in his later life; the state of his realm was such

as could hardly be contemplated without despair; men wondered

if he could bear this crowning sorrow and live. But he had the

undoubted affection of his subjects, much as they troubled him

with their miserably factious quarrels, and that consciousness

seems to have been his one support.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

Continued obstruction by the German parties in Austria.

Extensive secession of German Catholics from their

Church, and its significance.

Withdrawal of the Bohemian language decrees.

Obstruction taken up by the Czechs.

During most of the year the German parties in the Austrian

Reichsrath continued to make legislation impossible by

disorderly obstruction, with the avowed purpose of compelling

the government to withdraw the language decrees in Bohemia. A

still more significant demonstration of German feeling and

policy appeared, in a wide-spread and organized movement to

detach German Roman Catholics from their church, partly, it

would seem, as a proceeding of hostility to the Clerical

party, and partly as a means of recommending the Germans of

the Austrian states to the sympathy of the German Empire, and

smoothing the approach to an ultimate union of some of those

states with the Germanic federation. The agitation against the

Catholic Church is called "Los von Rom," and is said to have

had remarkable results. "Those acquainted with the situation

in Austria," says a writer in the "Quarterly Review," "do not

wonder that in various parts of the Empire there is a marked

tendency among the German Catholics to join Christian

communions separated from Rome. Many thousand Roman Catholics

have recently renounced their allegiance to the Holy See.

Further secessions are announced as about to take place. The

movement is especially strong in great centres like Eger,

Asch, and Saatz, but has made itself felt also in Carinthia,

and even in coast districts. This is a grave political fact,

for it is a marked indication of serious discontent, and a

sure sign that some arrangement under which certain districts

of Austria might be joined to Germany would not be unwelcome

to a section of the people."

Quarterly Review,

January, 1899.

In September the Austrian Ministry of Count Thun resigned, and

was succeeded by one formed under Count Clary-Aldingen. The

new premier withdrew the language decrees, which quieted the

German obstructionists, but provoked the Czechs to take up the

same rôle. Count Clary-Aldingen resigned in December, and a

provisional Ministry was formed under Dr. Wettek, which lasted

only until the 10th of January, 1900, when a new Cabinet was

formed by Dr. von Körber. In Hungary, Baron Banffy was driven

from power in February, 1899, by a state of things in the

Hungarian Parliament much like that in the Austrian. M.

Koloman Szell, who succeeded him, effected a compromise with

the opposition which enabled him to carry a measure extending

the Ausgleich to 1907. This brought one serious difficulty of

the situation to an end.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1901.

Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901;

and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900.

Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (February).

Attempted pacification of German and Czech parties by a

Conciliation Board.

"On Monday last [February 5] the German and Czech Conciliation

Board met for the first time in Vienna, under the presidency of

the Austrian Premier, Dr. von Körber, and conferred for two

hours. … Dr. von Körber is at the head of what may be called a

'business' Ministry, composed largely of those who had filled

subordinate offices in previous Ministries. It was hoped,

perhaps, that, since the leading politicians with a political

'past' could apparently do nothing to bring about a

settlement, men with no past, but with a capacity for

business, and in no way committed on the racial question,

might do better in effecting a working arrangement. The

appointment of this Conciliation Board seemed a promising way

of attempting such a settlement. Dr. von Körber opened

Monday's proceedings with a strong appeal to both sides,

saying: 'Gentlemen, the Empire looks to you to restore its

happiness and tranquillity.' It cannot be said that the Empire

is likely to find its wishes fulfilled, for when the Board came

down to hard business, the old troubles instantly revealed

themselves.

{43}

The Premier recommended a committee for Bohemia of twenty-two

members, and one for Moravia of fifteen members, the two

sitting in joint session in certain cases. Dr. Engel then set

forth the historical claims of the Czechs, which immediately

called forth a demand from Dr. Funke, of the German party,

that German should be declared the official language

throughout Austria. Each speaker seems to have been supported

by his own party, and so no progress was made, and matters

remain in 'statu quo ante.' The singularly deficient

constitution of this Board makes against success, for it seems

that the German Nationalists and Anti-Semites have only one

delegate apiece, the Social Democrats were not invited at all,

while the extreme Germans and extreme Czechs, apparently

regarding the Board as a farce, declined to nominate delegates

to its sittings. … There is unhappily little reason for

believing that the Board of Conciliation will effect what the

Emperor himself has failed to accomplish."

Spectator (London),

February 10, 1900.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (September-December).

Warnings by the Emperor.

Clerical interference in politics.

The attitude of Hungary.

Economic decline of Austria.

Pessimistic views in Vienna.

The pending elections.

The Vienna correspondence of the "London Times" seems to be

the best source of information concerning the critical

conditions that are prevailing in the composite Empire, as the

Nineteenth Century closes, and the events by which those

conditions are from time to time revealed. The writer, whose

reports we shall quote, is evidently well placed for

observation, and well prepared for understanding what he sees.

In a dispatch of September 14, he notes the significance of a

reprimand which the Emperor had caused to be administered to

the Archbishop of Sarajevo, for interference in political

affairs:

"The chief of the Emperor's Cabinet called the Archbishop's

attention to newspaper reports of a speech made by him at the

close of the Catholic Congress recently held at Agram, in

which he was represented to have expressed the hope that

Bosnia would be incorporated with Croatia at the earliest

possible date. As that question was a purely political one and

foreign to the sacred vocation of the Archbishop, and as its

solution fell exclusively within the jurisdiction of certain

lay factors, and more especially within the Sovereign

prerogatives of his Majesty, the chief of the Cabinet was

instructed, in case the reports were correct, to communicate

to his Grace the serious warning and firm expectation of the

Emperor that his Grace would abstain in future, both in word

and deed, from interference in political questions. As was to

be expected, this sharp reprimand to an ecclesiastic of such

high position and repute has made a great sensation. It meets

with warm approval from the entire Hungarian Press. … There

is, on the other hand, bitter mortification in Clerical

circles. It is evidently felt that the warning to abstain from

politics may be of more than mere local and individual

significance."

In another dispatch on the same day the correspondent reported

a still more significant imperial utterance, this time from

the Emperor's own lips: "Yesterday the Emperor, who is

attending the manœuvres in Galicia, received the Polish

Parliamentary Deputation and, addressing their president,

informed him that the dissolution of the Reichsrath and the

coming elections were the last constitutional means which

would be employed by his Government. That implies that, if the

new Parliament will not work, the Constitution will be

suspended. … The dissolution of the Reichsrath takes place in

opposition to the wish of the moderate element of all parties,

who did their utmost to dissuade the Prime Minister from

taking such a drastic measure. The opinion of those who did

not approve of dissolution is that in the absence of a new

suffrage the next Parliament will prove more unruly than the

last. … Yesterday's Imperial warning requires no comment.

It means no more than it says—namely, an eventual suspension

of the Constitution. It does not point to any alternative

regime in case the Parliamentary system should break down.

Indeed, there is nothing to show that any such alternative has

been under the consideration of the Emperor and his Ministers. No

less an authority than Dr. Lueger, the Anti-Semitic

burgomaster of Vienna, has just expressed his opinion on the

subject to a local journalist in the following words:

'I am firmly convinced that nobody, not a single man in

Austria, including all statesmen and Parliamentary

politicians, has the faintest idea of how the situation will

develop.'"

A few days later (September 25) the "Times" correspondence

summarized an important speech by the Hungarian statesman,

Count Apponyi, to his constituents, in which the same forecast

of a political catastrophe in Austria was intimated. Count

Apponyi,—"after dwelling upon the importance of maintaining

the Ausgleich, remarked that affairs in Austria might take a

turn which would render its revision indispensable owing

either to a complete suspension of the constitutional system

in Austria, the maintenance of which was one of the conditions

of the arrangement of 1867, or such modifications thereof as

would make the existing form of union between the two

countries technically untenable or politically questionable.

In either case the revision could only confirm the

independence of Hungary. But even then Count Apponyi believed

that by fallowing the traditions of Francis Deák it would be

possible to harmonize the necessary revision with the

fundamental principles of the Dual Monarchy. It would,

however, be a great mistake to raise that question unless

forced to do so by circumstances. Count Apponyi went on to say

that the importance of Hungary, not only in the Monarchy but

throughout the civilized world, was enormously increased by

the fact that it secured the maintenance of Austria-Hungary,

threatened by the destructive influence of the Austrian chaos,

and thus constituted one of the principal guarantees of

European tranquillity. The peace-abiding nations recognized

that this service to the dynasty, the Monarchy, and the

European State system was only possible while the

constitutional independence and national unity of Hungary was

maintained. It was clear to every unprejudiced mind that

Hungarian national independence and unity was the backbone of

the Dual Monarchy and one of the most important guarantees of

European peace. But the imposing position attained by Hungary

through the European sanction of her national ideal would be

imperilled if they were of their own initiative to raise the

question of the union of the two countries and thus convert

the Austrian crisis into one affecting the whole Monarchy."

{44}

An article in the "Neue Freie Presse," of Vienna, on the

hostility of the Vatican to Austria and Hungary was partially

communicated in a despatch of October 11. The Vienna journal

ascribes this hostility in part to resentment engendered by

the alliance of Catholic Austria with Italy, and in part to

the Hungarian ecclesiastical laws.

See above: A. D. 1894-1895.

It remarked: "Never has clericalism been so influential in the

legislation and administration of this Empire. The most

powerful party is the one that takes its 'mot d'ordre' from

the Papal Nunciature. It guides the feudal nobility, it is the

thorn in the flesh of the German population, it has provoked a

20 years' reaction in Austria, and, unhindered and protected,

it scatters in Hungary that seed which has thriven so well in

this half of the Monarchy that nothing is done in Austria

without first considering what will be said about it in Rome."

A day or two later some evidence of a growing resentment in

Austria at the interference of the clergy in politics was

adduced: "Thus the Czech organ, inspired by the well-known

leader of the party, Dr. Stransky, states that a deputation of

tradespeople called on the editor and expressed great

indignation at the unprecedented manner in which the priests

were joining in electoral agitation. They added that they

'could no longer remain members of a Church whose clergy took

advantage of religious sentiment for political purposes.' The

Peasants' Electoral Association for Upper Austria has just

issued a manifesto in which the following occurs:—'We have for

more than 20 years invariably elected the candidates proposed by

the Clerical party. What has been done during that long period

for us peasants and small tradespeople? What have the Clerical

party and the Clerical members of Parliament done for us? How

have they rewarded our long fidelity? By treason. … We have

been imposed upon long enough. It is due to our self-respect

and honour to emancipate ourselves thoroughly from the

mamelukes put forward by the Clerical wirepullers. We must

show that we can get on without Clerical leadingstrings.'"

On the 26th of October the writer summarized a report that day

published by the Vienna Stock Exchange Committee, as

furnishing "fresh evidence of the disastrous effects of the

prolonged internal political crisis." "The report begins by

stating that the Vienna Stock Exchange, formerly the leading

and most important one in Europe, and which, in consequence of

the geographical situation of the town, was called upon to be

the centre of financial operations with the Near East, has for

years past been steadily declining. Every year the number of

those frequenting the Bourse diminishes, and there has been an

annual decrease in the amount of capital that has changed

hands. Of late years, and particularly within the last few

months, this has assumed such dimensions that it has become an

imperative duty for the competent authorities to investigate the

causes of the evil and to seek a remedy. It is recognized that

the deplorable domestic situation has largely contributed to

the decline of the Bourse. The deadlock in the Legislative

Assembly has occasioned stagnation in industry and commerce,

whereas outside the Monarchy there has been an unprecedented

development of trade. Further prejudice has been caused by

what is called in the report the anti-capitalist tendencies,

which represent all gains and profits to be ill-gotten. The

profession of merchant has been held up by unprincipled

demagogues as disreputable. The authorities are reproached

with having encouraged those tendencies by undue tolerance."

Early in November, the Vienna letters began accounts of the

electioneering campaign then opening, though elections for the

new House were not to take place until the following January:

"Every day," wrote the correspondent, "brings its contingent

of electoral manifestos, and all parties have already had

their say. Unfortunately, nothing could be less edifying. It

may be said of them all that they have profited little by

experience, and it is vain to search for any indication of a

conciliatory disposition among Czechs or Germans, Liberals or

Clericals. One and all are as uncompromising as ever, and

neither the leaders nor the rank and file are prepared to

reckon with the real exigencies of the situation, even to save

their own Parliamentary existence. The feudal nobility, who

stand aloof from Parliamentary strife, have alone lost nothing

of their position and influence. They disdainfully refuse to

take either the requirements of the State or the legitimate

wishes of the Crown into account. They are preparing in

alliance with Ultramontanism to hold their own against the

coming storm. Their action in the pending electrical campaign

is of an occult nature; their proceedings are seldom reported

by the newspapers, and when they meet it is by groups and

privately.

"The political speeches which have hitherto been delivered in

various parts of the country are bewildering. The Germans are

split up into several fractions, and even on the other side

there have been separate manifestos from the Young Czechs and

also from the Old Czechs, who have long ceased to play a part

in the Reichsrath. It is confusion worse confounded, in fact

complete chaos. The prospect of a rallying of the

heterogeneous and mutually antagonistic groups on the basis of

resistance to Hungarian exigencies, though possible, is not

yet at hand, whatever the future may reserve. … The words of

warning that came from the Crown as to this being the last

attempt that would be made to rule by constitutional methods

has clearly failed to produce that impression among

Parliamentary politicians which might justly have been

anticipated. Not even the most experienced and best informed

among the former members of the Reichsrath are disposed to

make any prophecy as to what will follow the dissolution of

the next Chamber."

{45}

In the following month, a significant speech in the Reichsrath

at Buda-Pesth, by the very able Hungarian Prime Minister, M.

Szell, WIIS reported. "He foreshadowed the possibility of a

situation in which Austria would not be able to fulfil the

conditions prescribed in the Ausgleich Act of 1867 with regard

to the manner of dealing with the affairs common to both halves

of the Monarchy. He himself had, however, made up his mind on

the subject, and was convinced that even in those

circumstances the Hungarians would by means of provisional

measures regulate the common affairs and interests of the two

States, 'while specially asserting the rights of Hungary and

its independence.' Another version of this somewhat oracular

statement runs as follows:—'Hungary, without infringing the

Ausgleich law, will find ways and means of regulating those

affairs which, in virtue of the Pragmatic sanction, are common

to both States, while at the same time protecting her own

interests and giving greater emphasis to her independence.'

Dr. Szell added:—'When the right time comes I shall explain my

views, and eventually submit proposals to the House.

Meanwhile, let us husband our strength and keep our powder

dry.' The self-confident and almost defiant tone of this

forecast, coming from a responsible statesman accustomed to

display such prudence and moderation of language as M. Szell,

has made a profound impression in Austria. It assumes the

breakdown of the Austrian Parliamentary system to be a

certainty, and anticipates the adoption by Hungary of

one-sided measures which, according to M. Szell, will afford

more effective protection to its interests and confirm its

independence. This seems to be interpreted in Vienna as an

indication that the Hungarian Premier has a cut and dry scheme

ready for the revision of the Ausgleich in a direction which

bodes ill for Austria. The gravity of the Ministerial

statement is recognized by journals of such divergent views as

the semi-official 'Fremdenblatt,' the pan-Germanic and

Anti-Semitic 'Deutsche Zeitung,' and the 'Neues Wiener

Tagblatt,' which is the organ of the moderate German element.

The 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt' frankly acknowledges that, in

addition to all her other cares, Austria has now to consider

the crucial question of the form which her relations with

Hungary will assume at no distant date. Commercial severance

and declarations of independence are, it says, being discussed

by the initiated sections of the community in both countries,

as if it were a matter of merely economic concern, instead of

the greatest and most perilous political problem that the

Monarchy has been called upon to solve since the establishment

of the Dual system, which, in spite of its complexity, has

worked well for such a long period. The 'Neues Wiener

Tagblatt,' nevertheless, admits that things have now reached a

stage at which economic severance is no longer impossible." In

a subsequent speech on New Year's Day, M. Szell declared that

it "would be a fatal mistake to sever the ties which had so

long connected the two countries, as the objects for which

they were called into existence still remained and their

fundamental basis was not shaken."

The Vienna journals, on that New Year's Day of 1901, reviewed

the past and surveyed the prospects of the future in gloomy

and pessimistic tones. Heading its article "Progress

Backward," the "Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung" said: "It is true

that Austria has at her disposal a larger and more efficiently

trained army than ever. The natural resources of the country

have been better developed than in the past. The progress of

the century has not been without influence upon ourselves.

But, whereas other nations are more vigorous, greater, and

mightier, we have become weaker, smaller, and less important.

The history of the world during the second half of the past

century has been made at our expense. … In the new partition

of the world no room has been reserved for Austria. The most

important events which will perhaps give the world a new

physiognomy are taking place without Austria's being able to

exercise the slightest influence thereon. We are living upon

our old reputation, but in the long run that capital will

prove insufficient."

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (December).

Census of Vienna.

See (in this volume)

VIENNA: A. D. 1900.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

Parliamentary elections.

Weakening of the Clerical and Anti-Semitic parties.

Gains for the ultra-radical German parties.

Disorderly opening of the Reichsrath.

Speech of the Emperor from the throne.

From the parliamentary elections held in January the Clerical

and Anti-Semitic parties came back to the Reichsrath shorn of

about one-third of their strength, while the various radical

factions, especially those among the Germans, appear to have

made considerable gains. Even in the Tyrol, one of the

strongest of the Clerical leaders, Baron Di Pauli, was

defeated, and in Vienna the Anti-Semitic majority was cut to

less than one-fourth of what it had been three years before.

"The Pan-Germanic group," writes "The Times" correspondent

from Vienna, "which only numbered five in the last Parliament,

now musters 21. It will be remembered that it openly advocates

incorporation with the German Empire, and as a preparatory

measure the wholesale conversion of the German population of

Austria to Protestantism. It has hitherto been to a certain

extent boycotted by the other German parties, being excluded

from their so-called union for mutual defence and joint

action." "But the programme which had thus been boycotted by

the bulk of the German members has been the most successful of

all in the recent general election. The position of its

leading representative, Herr Schönerer, has been so

strengthened that he has been able to impose upon the whole

group the title of Pan-Germanic Union, and to enforce the

acceptance of the principle of 'emancipation from Rome.' The

latter demand caused a certain hesitation on the part of some

of his new followers, who, however, ultimately decided to

adopt it, although not to the full extent of renouncing the

Roman Catholic faith, as Herr Schönerer and his principal

lieutenant, Herr Wolf, themselves had done. At a conference of

the party its programme was declared to be the promotion of

such a federal connexion of the German provinces of Austria

with the German Empire as would furnish a permanent guarantee

for the maintenance of the German nationality in this country.

The party would oppose every Government that resisted the

realization of that object, and it could not participate in

any manifestations of loyalty while such a Government policy

was maintained. At the same time, the party regarded it as

their obvious duty to emancipate themselves from Rome in a

political but not religious sense—that is to say, to free

themselves from the influence of the Roman Curia in affairs of

State.

{46}

"This boycotted party and programme now threatens to win the

voluntary or enforced adherence of the advanced section of the

other German groups which had hitherto declined to commit

themselves to such an extreme policy. The most moderate of all

the German parties, that of the constitutional landed

proprietors, has felt called upon to enter an energetic and

indignant protest against the foregoing Pan-Germanic

programme. While they are convinced supporters of the

Austro-German alliance, they unconditionally reject

aspirations which they hold to be totally inconsistent with

the tried and reliable basis of that agreement, and which

would constitute an undignified sacrifice of the independence

of the Monarchy. They further decline to make their

manifestations of loyalty to the Sovereign dependent upon any

condition; and they strongly condemn the emancipation from

Rome movement as a culpable confusion of the spheres of

religion and politics, and an infringement of the liberty of

conscience which is calculated to sow dissension among the

German nationality in Austria.

"It now remains to be seen to which side the bulk of the

German representatives will rally; to that of the Moderates,

who have re-affirmed their devotion to the Dynasty and the

existing Constitution, or to that of the Pan-Germanic

revolutionaries, who have decided to make their manifestations

of loyalty dependent upon the adoption by the Crown of their

programme.

"The outlook has thus undergone, if anything, a change for the

worse since the last Reichsrath was dissolved. The only

reassuring feature of the situation is that the fall of the

Ministry is not a primary end with any of the parties in the

Reichsrath. Dr. von Körber, who is a politician of great tact

and experience, has avoided friction on all sides."

The opening session of the newly elected Reichsrath was held

on the 31st of January, and the disorderly temper in it was

manifested upon a reference by the President to the death of

Queen Victoria, which called out cries of hostility to England

from both Germans and Czechs.

"In the course of the proceedings some of the members of the

Extreme Czech fraction warned the Prime Minister in

threatening terms against introducing a single word hostile to

the Czech nation in the coming Speech from the Throne. They

also announced their intention of squaring accounts with him

so soon as the Speech from the Throne should be delivered. The

whole sitting did not last an hour, but … what happened

suffices to show that not only the Pan-Germanic Union, but

also the Extreme section of the German People's party and a

couple of Radical Czechs, are ready at a moment's notice to

transform the Reichsrath into a bear garden."

On the 4th of February the two Houses of the Reichsrath were

assembled at the Palace and addressed by the Emperor, in a

speech from the throne of which the following is a partial

report: "His Majesty referred to various features of

legislation, including the Budget, the revision of the Customs

tariff, the promotion of trade, industry, and navigation, the

protection of the working classes and the regulation of the

hours of labour, the Government railway projects and the

Bosnian lines, and Bills for the regulation of emigration, the

construction of dwellings for the lower classes, the

repression of drunkenness, the development of the University

system and other educational reforms, and a revision of the

Press laws—in fact a whole inventory of the important

legislative arrears consequent upon the breakdown of

Parliament.

"The following passage occurs in the further course of the

speech: 'The Constitution which I bestowed upon my dominions

in the exercise of my free will ought to be an adequate

guarantee for the development of my people. The finances of

the State have been put in order in exemplary fashion and its

credit has been raised to a high level. The freedom of the

subject reposes upon a firm foundation, and thanks to the

scholastic organization and the extraordinary increase of

educational establishments general culture has reached a

gratifying standard, which has more especially contributed to

the efficiency and intelligence of my army. The Provincial

Diets have been able to do much within the limits of their

jurisdiction. The beneficial influence of the constitutional

system has penetrated as far as the communal administrations.

I am thus justified in saying that the fundamental laws of the

State are a precious possession of my loyal people.

Notwithstanding the autonomy enjoyed by certain kingdoms and

provinces, they constitute for foreigners the symbol of the

strength and unity of the State. I was, therefore, all the

more grieved that the last sessions of the Legislature should

have had no result, even if I am prepared to acknowledge that

such business as affected the position of the Monarchy was

satisfactorily transacted by all parties.'

"The Emperor then expressed his regret that other matters of

equal importance affecting the interests of Austria had not

been disposed of. His Majesty made an appeal to the

representatives of the Reichsrath to devote their efforts to

the necessary and urgent work awaiting them, and assured them

that they might count upon the Government. All attempts at the

moral and material development of the Empire were, he said,

stultified by the nationality strife. Experience had shown

that the efforts of the Government to bring about a settlement

of the principal questions involved therein had led to no

result and that it was preferable to deal with the matter in

the Legislature. The Government regarded a generally

satisfactory solution of the pending language question as

being both an act of justice and a necessity of State.

Trusting in the good will manifested by all parties, the

Ministry would do its utmost to promote a settlement which

would relieve the country of its greatest evil. At the same

time, the Cabinet was under the obligation of maintaining

intact the unity of language in certain departments of the

Administration, in which it constituted an old and well-tested

institution. Success must never again be sought through

paralysing the popular representation. The hindrance of

Parliamentary work could only postpone or render quite

impossible the realization of such aspirations as most deeply

affected the public mind. The Sovereign then referred to the

damage done to the interests of the Empire by the obstacles

placed in the way of the regular working of the Constitution,

and pointed to the indispensable necessity of the vigorous

co-operation of Parliament in the approaching settlement of

the commercial relations between the two halves of the

Monarchy. The speech concluded with a warmly-worded appeal to

the representatives to establish a peace which would

correspond to the requirements of the time and to defend as

their fathers had defended 'this venerable State which accords

equal protection to all its peoples.'"

{47}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901 (March).

Continued turbulence of the factions

in the Austrian Reichsrath.

Outspoken aim of the Pan-Germans.

At this writing (late in March), the disgraceful and

destructive conflict of reckless factions is still raging in

the Austrian Reichsrath, and the parties have come to blows

several times. The hope of the German extremists for a

dissolution of the Empire seems to be more and more openly

avowed. On one occasion, "a Czech member, Dr. Sieleny, having

accused the Pan-Germans of wistfully glancing across the

frontier, Herr Stein, a member of the Pan-Germanic group,

replied, 'We do not glance, we gaze.' Being reproached with

looking towards Germany with an ulterior motive, the same

gentleman answered, 'You Czechs want to go to Russia, and we

Germans want to go to Germany.' Again, on being told that he

would like to become a Prussian, he exclaimed, 'I declare

openly that we want to go to the German Empire.' Finally, in

reply to another remark, Herr Stein observed that everybody in

the country who was an Austrian patriot was stupid."

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTONOMY, Constitutional:

Granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);

and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

AYUNTAMIENTOS.

Town councillors in Spain and in the Spanish American states.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

B.

BABYLON: Exploration of the ruins of the city.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:

BABYLONIA: GERMAN EXPLORATION.

BABYLON: Railway to the ruins.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

BABYLONIA: Archæological Exploration in.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BACHI,

BASHEE ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BACTERIAL SCIENCE, Recent.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

BADENI, Count: Austrian ministry.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

BADEN-POWELL, General R. S. S.: Defense of Mafeking.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

BAGDAD, Railways to.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and JEWS: A. D. 1899.

BAJAUR.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A.D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:

First Lord of the Treasury in the British Cabinet.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:

Tribute to Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES, The.

"The States of the Balkan Peninsula, ever since the practical

disruption of European Turkey after the war of 1877-78, have

been in a condition of chronic restlessness. Those who desire

the repose of Europe have hoped against hope that the new

communities which were founded or extended on the ruins of the

Ottoman dominion in Europe would be able and willing to keep

the peace among themselves and to combine in resisting the

intrusion of foreign influences. These expectations have been

too frequently disappointed. The lawlessness of Bulgaria and

the unsettled state of Servia, more especially, continue to

constitute a periodical cause of anxiety to the diplomacy of

Europe. The recent murder at Bukharest of Professor

Mihaileano, a Macedonian by birth and a Rumanian by

extraction, appears to be a shocking example of the teaching

of a school of political conspirators who have their centre of

operations at Sofia. These persons had already combined to

blackmail and terrorise the leading Rumanian residents in the

capital of Bulgaria, where the most abominable outrages are

stated to have been committed with impunity. Apparently, they

have now carried the war, with surprising audacity, into the

Rumanian capital itself. Two persons marked out for vengeance

by the terrorists of Sofia had previously been murdered in

Bukharest, according to our Vienna Correspondent, but these

were Bulgarians by birth. It is a further step in this

mischievous propaganda that a Rumanian subject, the occupant

of an official position at the seat of the Rumanian

government, should be done to death by emissaries from the

secret society at Sofia. His crime was that, born of Rumanian

parents in Macedonia, he had the boldness to controvert in the

Press the claims of the Bulgarians to obtain the upper hand in

a Turkish province, where Greeks, Turks, Bulgarians,

Albanians, and Serbs are inextricably mixed up. Professor

Mihaileano had probably very good reasons for coming to the

conclusion that, whatever may be the evils of Ottoman rule,

they are less than those which would follow a free fight in

the Balkans, ending, it may be, in the ascendency of Bulgarian

ruffianism.

"It is for this offence that M. Mihaileano suffered the

penalty of death by the decree of a secret tribunal, and at

the hands of assassins sent out to do their deadly work by

political intriguers who sit in safety at Sofia. The most

serious aspect of the matter, however, is the careless and

almost contemptuous attitude of the Bulgarian Government. The

reign of terror at Sofia and the too successful attempts to

extend it to Rumania have provoked remonstrances not only from

the government at Bukharest, but from some of the Great

Powers, including Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy. … There

is only too much reason to fear, even now, that both the

Bulgarian Government and the ruler of the Principality are

afraid to break with the terrorists of Sofia.

{48}

Political assassination is unfortunately among the traditions

of the Bulgarian State, but it has never been practised with

such frequency and impunity as under the rule of Prince

Ferdinand. … His own conduct as a ruler, coupled with the

lamentable decline of the spirit of Bulgarian independence,

which seemed to be vigorous and unflinching before the

kidnapping of Prince Alexander, has steadily lowered his

position. The Bulgarian agitation—to a large extent a sham

one—for the 'redemption,' as it is called, of Macedonia is a

safety-valve that relieves Prince Ferdinand and those who

surround him from much unpleasant criticism. …

"The situation in the Balkans is in many respects disquieting.

The Bulgarian agitation for the absorption of Macedonia is not

discouraged in high quarters. The hostility of the Sofia

conspirators to the Koutzo-Wallachs, the Rumanians of

Macedonia, is due to the fact that the latter, being a small

minority of the population, are ready to take their chance of

equal treatment under Turkish rule, subject to the supervision

of Europe, rather than to be swallowed up in an enlarged

Bulgaria, dominated by the passions that now prevail in the

Principality and that have been cultivated for obvious

reasons. Russia, it is believed, has no wish to see Bulgarian

aspirations realized, and would much rather keep the

Principality in a state of expectant dependence. Servia and

Greece would be as much embarrassed as Rumania by the success

of the Bulgarian propaganda, and Austria-Hungary would regard

it as a grave menace. Of course the Turkish government could

not be expected to acquiesce in what would, in fact, be its

knell of doom. … In Greece, the insubordination in certain

sections of the army is a symptom not very alarming in itself,

but unpleasantly significant of latent discontent. In Turkey,

of course, the recrudescence of the fanaticism which

periodically breaks out in the massacres of the Armenians

cannot be overlooked. A more unfortunate time could not be

chosen for endeavouring to reopen the Eastern question by

pressing forward the Bulgarian claim to Macedonia. Nor could a

more unfortunate method be adopted of presenting that claim than

that of the terrorists who appear to be sheltered or screened

at Sofia."

London Times, August 23, 1900.

See, also (in this volume),

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:

Bulgaria.

On the 15th of July, 1895, M. Stambouloff, lately the powerful

chief minister in the Bulgarian government, but now overthrown

and out of favor, was attacked by four assassins, in the

streets of Sofia, and received wounds from which he died three

days afterwards.

The increasing influence of Russia in Bulgaria was manifested

unmistakably on the 14th of February, 1896, when Prince Boris,

the infant son and heir of the reigning Prince Ferdinand, was

solemnly baptised into the Orthodox Greek Church, the Tzar of

Russia, represented by proxy at the ceremony, acting as

sponsor. This is understood to have been done in opposition to

the most earnest remonstrances of the mother of the child, who is

an ardent Roman Catholic, the father being nominally the same.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:

Recent changes.

"The accession of territory obtained under the Berlin Treaty

has already begun to alter the character of the country. The

area of the Principality has been almost doubled, and fertile

valleys, tracts of rich woodland and a strip of sea-coast have

been added to the realm of Prince Nikolas. Montenegro is now

something more than the rocky eyrie of a warlike clan, and the

problem of its commercial development constantly occupies the

mind of its ruler. The state of transition is reflected in the

aspect of the capital. A tiny hamlet in 1878, Tzetinye now

bears witness to the growth of civilisation and to the

beneficent influence of a paternal despotism. … Nikolas I.,

'Prince and Gospodar of free Tzrnagora and the Berda,' is the

most picturesque and remarkable figure in the South Slavonic

world. Descended from a long line of heroes, the heir of the

Vladikas, he has, like them, distinguished himself in many a

hard-fought conflict with the hereditary foe. In the field of

poetry he has also won his triumphs; like his father Mirko,

'the Sword of Montenegro,' he has written lyric odes and

ballads; like his ancestor, the Vladika Petar II., he has

composed historical dramas, and his poems and plays hold a

recognised place in contemporary Slavonic literature. The

inheritor of a splendid tradition, a warrior and a bard,

gifted by nature with a fine physique and a commanding

presence, he forms the impersonation and embodiment of all

that appeals most to the imagination of a romantic and

impressionable race, to its martial instinct, its poetic

temperament, and its strange—and to us

incomprehensible—yearning after long-vanished glories. … Any

attempt to describe Prince Nikolas' work as an administrator

and a reformer would lead me too far. The codification of the

law, which was begun by his ancestors, Danilo I. and Petar I.,

has been almost completed under his supervision. … The

suppression of the vendetta is one of the greatest of the

Prince's achievements. … Crime is now rare in the

Principality, except in the frontier districts, where acts of

homicide are regarded as justifiable, and indeed laudable, if

perpetrated in payment of old scores, or if the victim is an

Albanian from over the border. Primary education has been made

universal, schools have arisen in every village, and lecturers

have been appointed to explain to the peasants the advantages

of learning. Communications are being opened up, and the

Principality, which a few years since possessed nothing but

mule-tracks, can now boast of 138 miles of excellent

carriage-road, better engineered and maintained than any I

have seen in the Peninsula. The construction of roads is

viewed with some apprehension by the more conservative

Montenegrins, who fear that their mountain stronghold may lose

its inaccessible character. But the Prince is determined to

keep abreast of the march of civilisation. Nine post-offices

and thirteen telegraph stations have been established. The

latter, which are much used by the people, will play an

important part in the next mobilization of the Montenegrin

army. Hitherto the forces of the Principality have been called

together by stentorian couriers who shouted from the tops of

the mountains. A great reform, however, still remains to be

attempted—the conversion of a clan of warriors into an

industrial nation. The change has been rendered inevitable by

the enlargement of the bounds of the Principality, and its

necessity is fully recognised by the Prince.

{49}

Once the future of the country is assured, his order will be

'à bas les armes.' He is aware that such an edict would be

intensely unpopular, but he will not flinch when the time for

issuing it arrives. Every Montenegrin has been taught from his

cradle to regard warfare as his sole vocation in life, and to

despise industrial pursuits. The tradition of five hundred

years has remained unbroken, but the Prince will not hesitate

to destroy it. So enormous is his influence over the people,

that he feels confident in his ability to carry out this

sweeping reform."

J. D. Bourchier,

Montenegro and her Prince

(Fortnightly Review, December, 1898).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:

New title of the Prince.

On the 19th of December, 1900, at Tzetinye, or Cettigne, "the

President of the Council of State, in the presence of the

other Ministers and dignitaries and of the members of the

Diplomatic Corps, presented an address to the Prince of

Montenegro praying him, in token of the gratitude of the

Montenegrin people for the benefits which he had conferred on

them during his 40 years' reign, to take the title of Royal

Highness. The Prince acceded to the request, and, replying to

the President, thanked all the European rulers who on this

occasion had given him a fresh proof of their friendship by

their recognition of his new title. After the ceremony a Te

Deum was celebrated in the Cathedral, and the Prince

subsequently reviewed the troops, receiving a great welcome

from the people."

Telegram,

Reuter's Agency.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:

Servia.

In January, 1894, the young king, Alexander, called his

father, the ex-king, Milan (abdicated in 1889—see, in volume

1. BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889), to Belgrade

to give him help against his Radical ministers, who had been

taking, the latter thought, too much into their own hands. The

first result was a change of ministry, soon followed by a

decision from the synod of Servian bishops annulling the

divorce of ex-King Milan and Queen Natalie; by a public

announcement of their reconciliation, and by an ukase from

King Alexander, cancelling all laws and resolutions which

touched his parents and restoring to them their rights and

privileges as members of the royal house. This, again, was

followed, on the 21st of May, by a royal proclamation which

abolished the constitution of December, 1888, and restored the

old constitution of 1869. This was a tremendous step backward, to

a state of things in which almost no protection against

arbitrary kingship could be found.

For some years the ex-king exercised considerable influence

over his son, and was again an uncertain and much distrusted

factor in the troubled politics of southeastern Europe. In

1898 the son appointed him commander-in-chief of the Servian

army, and he is said to have ably and energetically improved

its efficiency during the brief period of his command. A

breach between father and son was brought about before long,

however, by the determination of the latter to marry a lady,

Madame Draga Maschin, considerably older than himself, who had

been lady-in-waiting to his mother; while the father was

arranging a political marriage for him with a German princess.

The young king married his chosen bride in August, 1900, and

guarded his frontier with troops to bar the return of his

father, then sojourning at a German watering place, to the

kingdom. It was a final exile for the ex-king. He visited

Paris for a time; then went to Vienna, and there, on the 11th

of February, 1901, he died, at the age of 47.

BALLOONS, Declaration against explosives from.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

BALTIC and NORTH SEA CANALS.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE); and 1900 (JUNE).

BANK OF FRANCE: Renewal of privileges.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

BANKING: Its effect on the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

BANKRUPTCY LAW, National.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 1).

BARBADOS: Condition and relief measures.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1895.

Student riots.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

BAROTSILAND:

British Protectorate proclaimed.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BARRAGE WORKS, Nile.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

BARRIOS, President: Assassination.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

BARTON, Miss Clara, and the Red Cross Society.

Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

See (in this volume)

ARMENIA: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);

and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BASHEE,

BACHI ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BECHUANALAND, British:

Annexation to Cape Colony.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (CAPE COLONY).

BECHUANALAND, British:

Partial conveyance to the British South Africa Company.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BEEF INVESTIGATION, The American Army.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

BEET SUGAR.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY);

and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BEHRING SEA.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA.

BÊL, Temple of:

Exploration of its ruins at Nippur.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BELGIAN ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897-1899.

{50}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

The first election under the new constitution.

Victory of the Catholics and surprising Socialist gains.

Elsewhere in this work the full text of the Belgian

constitution as it was revised in 1893;

See in volume 1

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM).

The peculiar features of the new constitution, especially in

its provision of a system of cumulative or plural voting, are

described.

See in volume 3

NETHERLANDS (BELGIUM): A. D. 1892-1893)

The singularity of the experiment thus introduced caused the

elections that were held in Belgium in 1894 and 1895 to be

watched with an interest widely felt. Elections for the

Chamber of Representatives and the Senate occurred on the same

day, October 14, 1894. Previously the Belgian suffrage had

been limited to about 130,000 electors. Under the new

constitution the electors numbered no less than 1,370,000, and

the working of the plural system gave them 2, 111,000 votes.

The result was a more crushing victory for the Catholics than

they had ever won before. Of 152 Representatives they elected

no less than 104. The Liberal party was almost annihilated,

securing but 20 seats in the Chamber; while the Socialists

rose to political importance, winning 28 seats. This

representation is said to be not at all proportioned to the

votes cast by the several parties, and it lent force to the

demand for a system of proportional representation, as the

needed accompaniment of plural voting, which had been urged

when the constitution was revised. In the Senate the

Conservatives obtained 52 seats and the Liberals 24. In the

next year an electoral law relating to communal councils was

passed. In this law, the principle of proportional

representation was introduced, along with that of cumulative

or plural voting. Compulsory voting, enforced by penalties

more or less severe, was also a feature of the law. In

November, the first election under it was held, and again the

Socialists made surprising gains, at the expense of the

Radical party, the Catholics and Liberals generally holding

their ground.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1895.

New School Law.

Compulsory religious teaching restored.

See (in this volume)

EDUCATION: A. D. 1895 (BELGIUM).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897.

Industrial combinations.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897 (July).

British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (July-December).

In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.

Threatened revolution.

An explosion of discontent with the working of the electoral

provisions of the new constitution (see above) occurred in

June, and created for a time an exceedingly dangerous

situation. It was precipitated by an attempt on the part of

the government to pass a bill providing for proportional

representation in certain districts, which was expected to

increase the advantage already possessed by the Clerical or

Catholic party. Excitement in the Chamber of Deputies reached

such a height on the 28th of June that fighting among the

members occurred, and soldiers were called in. That night and

the next day there was serious rioting in Brussels; barricades

were built; sharp battles between citizens and soldiers were

fought, and a general strike of working men was proposed. On

the 30th, the government arranged a compromise with the

Socialist and Liberal leaders which referred the question of

proportional representation to a committee in which all

parties were represented. This quieted the disorder. In due

time the committee reported against the measure which the

government had proposed; whereupon a change of ministry was

made, the new ministry being expected to bring forward a more

satisfactory plan of proportional representation. It produced

a bill for that purpose, the provisions of which failed to

give satisfaction, but which was passed, nevertheless, near

the end of the year.

Commenting, in July, on the disturbances then just quieted in

Belgium, the "Spectator," of London, remarked: "The recent

explosion of political feeling in Belgium was a much more

serious event than was quite understood in this country. It

might have involved all Europe, as, indeed, it may even yet.

There was revolution in the air, and a revolution in Belgium

would gravely affect the military position both of France and

Germany, would rouse keen suspicions and apprehensions in this

country, and would perturb all the dynasties with fears of

coming change. The new electoral bill drove the Liberals and

Socialists of the little kingdom into one another's arms—both

believing that it would give the Clericals a permanent hold on

power—and whenever these two parties are united they control

the majority of the Belgian people. That majority is a most

dangerous one. It controls all the cities, and it includes

hundreds of thousands of men who resent their economic

condition with justifiable bitterness, and who are penetrated

with a tradition of victories achieved by insurrection. At the

same time they have no pacific vent for their discontents, for

the suffrage gives double votes to the well-to-do, and secures

to both Liberals and laborers on all economic or religious

questions a certainty of defeat. With the inhabitants of the

cities all rioting and killing the officials, the government

would have been compelled to resort to force, and it is by no

means clear that force was decidedly on their side. The

Belgian army is not a caste widely separated in feeling from

the people; it has no instinctive devotion to the Clerical

party, and it has no great soldier whom it admires or to whom

it is attached. The king is distrusted and disliked both

personally and politically; and the dynasty, which has no

historic connection with Belgium, has never taken root in the

soil as the Bernadottes, for example, have done in Sweden. If

the revolutionists had been beaten, they would have appealed

to France, where Belgium is regarded as a reversionary estate;

while if they had been victorious, they might—in our judgment,

they certainly would—have proclaimed a republic. … The danger

has, we suppose, for the moment been smoothed away; but it has

not been removed, probably can not be removed, while the

conditions which produce it continue to exist. The Belgians,

who are commonly supposed to be so prosperous and pacific, are

divided by differences of race, creed, and social condition

more violent than exists in Ireland, where at all events, all

alike, with insignificant exceptions, speak one tongue.

{51}

The French-speaking Belgians despise the Flemish-speaking

Belgians, and the Flemish speaking Belgians detest the

French-speaking Belgians, with a rancor only concealed by the

long habit of living and acting together,—a habit which,

remember, has not prevented the same contempts and aversions

from continuing to exist in Ireland. The Clericals and the

Secularists hate each other as only religious parties can

hate; far more than Catholics and Protestants in any of the

countries where the two creeds stand side by side. The

Secularist seems to the Clerical a blasphemer, against whom

almost all devices are justifiable, while the Clerical is held

by the Secularist to be a kind of evil fool, from whom nothing is

to be expected except cunningly concealed malignity. The

possessors of property expect that the 'ugly rush' which used

to be talked of in England will occur tomorrow, while the wage

receivers declare that they are worked to death for the

benefit of others, who will not leave them so much as a living

wage. All display when excited to a noteworthy fierceness of

temper, a readiness to shed blood, and a disposition to push

every quarrel into a sort of war,—tendencies visible

throughout the history of the country."

At the parliamentary election in June, 1900, under the new law

providing for proportional representation, the Socialists

gained seventeen seats from the Clerical party.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900.

Relations with the Congo State.

See (in this volume)

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BELMONT, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

BENIN:

Massacre of British officials.

Capture of the town.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

BERGENDAL FARM, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

"Several vexatious questions were left undetermined by the

decision of the Bering Sea Arbitration Tribunal.

See, in volume 5,

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1886-1893.

The application of the principles laid down by that august

body has not been followed by the results they were intended

to accomplish, either because the principles themselves lacked

in breadth and definiteness or because their execution has

been more or less imperfect. Much correspondence has been

exchanged between the two Governments [of Great Britain and

the United States] on the subject of preventing the

exterminating slaughter of seals. The insufficiency of the

British patrol of Bering Sea under the regulations agreed on

by the two Governments has been pointed out, and yet only two

British ships have been on police duty during this season in

those waters. The need of a more effective enforcement of

existing regulations as well as the adoption of such

additional regulations as experience has shown to be

absolutely necessary to carry out the intent of the award have

been earnestly urged upon the British Government, but thus far

without effective results. In the meantime the depletion of

the seal herds by means of pelagic hunting [that is, in the

open sea] has so alarmingly progressed that unless their

slaughter is at once effectively checked their extinction

within a few years seems to be a matter of absolute certainty.

The understanding by which the United States was to pay and Great

Britain to receive a lump sum of $425,000 in full settlement

of all British claims for damages arising from our seizure of

British sealing vessels unauthorized under the award of the

Paris Tribunal of Arbitration was not confirmed by the last

Congress, which declined to make the necessary appropriation.

I am still of the opinion that this arrangement was a

judicious and advantageous one for the Government, and I

earnestly recommend that it be again considered and

sanctioned. If, however, this does not meet with the favor of

Congress, it certainly will hardly dissent from the

proposition that the Government is bound by every

consideration of honor and good faith to provide for the

speedy adjustment of these claims by arbitration as the only

other alternative. A treaty of arbitration has therefore been

agreed upon, and will be immediately laid before the Senate,

so that in one of the modes suggested a final settlement may

be reached."

Message of the President of the United States to Congress,

December, 1895.

The treaty thus referred to by the President was signed at

Washington, February 8, 1896, and ratifications were exchanged

at London on the 3d of June following. Its preamble set forth

that, whereas the two governments had submitted certain

questions to a tribunal of arbitration, and "whereas the High

Contracting Parties having found themselves unable to agree

upon a reference which should include the question of the

liability of each for the injuries alleged to have been

sustained by the other, or by its citizens, in connection with

the claims presented and urged by it, did, by Article VIII of

the said Treaty, agree that either party might submit to the

Arbitrators any questions of fact involved in said claims, and

ask for a finding thereon, the question of the liability of

either Government on the facts found to be the subject of

further negotiation: And whereas the Agent of Great Britain

did, in accordance with the provisions of said Article VIII,

submit to the Tribunal of Arbitration certain findings of fact

which were agreed to as proved by the Agent of the United

States, and the Arbitrators did unanimously find the facts so

set forth to be true, as appears by the Award of the Tribunal

rendered on the 15th day of August, 1893: And whereas, in view

of the said findings of fact and of the decision of the

Tribunal of Arbitration concerning the jurisdictional rights

of the United States in Behring Sea, and the right of

protection of property of the United States in the fur-seals

frequenting the islands of the United States in Behring Sea,

the Government of the United States is desirous that, in so

far as its liability is not already fixed and determined by

the findings of fact and the decision of said Tribunal of

Arbitration, the question of such liability should be

definitely and fully settled and determined, and compensation

made, for any injuries for which, in the contemplation of the

Treaty aforesaid, and the Award and findings of the Tribunal

of Arbitration, compensation may be due to Great Britain from

the United States: And whereas it is claimed by Great Britain,

though not admitted by the United States, that prior to the

said Award certain other claims against the United States

accrued in favour of Great Britain on account of seizures of

or interference with the following named British

sealing-vessels, to wit: the 'Wanderer,' the 'Winifred,' the

'Henrietta,' and the 'Oscar and Hattie,' and it is for the

mutual interest and convenience of both the High Contracting

Parties that the liability of the United States, if any, and

the amount of compensation to be paid, if any, in respect to

such claims, and each of them should also be determined under

the provisions of this Convention—all claims by Great Britain

under Article V of the modus vivendi of the 18th April, 1892,

for the abstention from fishing of British sealers during the

pendency of said arbitration having been definitely waived

before the Tribunal of Arbitration"—therefore the two nations

have concluded the Convention referred to, which provides that

"all claims on account of injuries sustained by persons in

whose behalf Great Britain is entitled to claim compensation

from the United States, and arising by virtue of the Treaty

aforesaid, the Award and the findings of the said Tribunal of

Arbitration, as also the additional claims specified in the

5th paragraph of the preamble hereto, shall be referred to two

Commissioners, one of whom shall be appointed by Her Britannic

Majesty, and the other by the President of the United States,

and each of whom shall be learned in the law."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 10, 1896).

{52}

Judges William L. Putnam, of the United States, and George E.

King, of Canada, were subsequently appointed to be the two

commissioners provided for in the treaty. Meantime each

government had appointed a number of men of science to

investigate the condition of the herds of fur-seals on

Pribilof Islands, President David S. Jordan, of Leland

Stanford Junior University being director of the American

investigation and Professor D'Arcy W. Thompson having charge

of the British. The two bodies of investigators reached quite

different conclusions. Professor Jordan, in a preliminary

statement, announced; "There is still a vast body of fur seals

on the islands, more than the commissioners were at first led

to expect, but the number is steadily declining. The only

cause of this decline is the killing of females through

pelagic sealing. The females are never molested on the

islands, but three-fourths of those killed in Bering sea are

nursing females. The death of the mother causes the death of

the young on shore, so that for every four fur seals killed at

sea three pups starve to death on shore. As each of those

females is also pregnant, a like number of unborn pups is

likewise destroyed." His formal report, made in January, 1897,

was to the same effect, and led to the following conclusion:

"The ultimate end in view should be an international

arrangement whereby all skins of female fur seals should be

seized and destroyed by the customs authorities of civilized

nations, whether taken on land or sea, from the Pribilof herd,

the Asiatic herds, or in the lawless raiding of the Antarctic

rookeries. In the destruction of the fur seal rookeries of the

Antarctic, as well as those of the Japanese islands and of

Bering sea, American enterprise has taken a leading part. It

would be well for America to lead the way in stopping pelagic

sealing by restraining her own citizens without waiting for

the other nations. We can ask for protection with better grace

when we have accorded, unasked, protection to others." The

report of Professor Thompson, made three months later, agreed

but partially with that of the American experts. He admitted

the extensive starving of the young seals, caused by the

killing of the mothers, but contended that the herd was

diminishing slightly, if at all, and he did not favor drastic

measures for the suppression of pelagic sealing.

The government of the United States adopted measures in

accordance with the views of Professor Jordan, looking to an

international regulation of the killing of seals. Hon. John W.

Foster was appointed a special ambassador to negotiate

arrangements to that effect. Through the efforts of Mr.

Foster, an international conference on the subject was agreed

to on the part of Russia and Japan, but Great Britain declined

to take part. While these arrangements were pending, the

American Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, addressed a letter

to the American Ambassador at London, Mr. Hay, criticising the

conduct of the British government and its agents in terms that

are not usual among diplomats, and which excited much feeling

when the letter was published in July. This called out a reply

from the British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, in which

he wrote: "When Her Majesty's government sent their agents to

inquire into the actual facts in 1896, it was found that, in

spite of the large catch of 1895, the herd actually numbered

more than twice as many cows as it had been officially

asserted to contain in 1895. The result of these

investigations, as pointed out in Lord Salisbury's dispatch of

May 7, has further been to show that pelagic sealing is much

less injurious than the practice pursued by the United States'

lessees of killing on land every male whose skin was worth

taking. If the seal herd to-day is, as Professor Jordan

estimates, but one-fifth of what it was in 1872-74, that

result must be, in great measure, due to the fact that, while

the islands were under the control of Russia, that power was

satisfied with an average catch of 33,000 seals; subsequently

under the United States' control more than three times that

number have been taken every year, until the catch was,

perforce, reduced because that number of males could no longer

be found.

"Last year, while the United States government were pressing

Her Majesty's government to place further restrictions on

pelagic sealing, they found it possible to kill 30,000 seals

on the islands, of which Professor Jordan says (in one place

in his report) 22,000 were, to the best of his information,

three-year-olds, though (in another place) he estimated the

total number of three-year-old males on the islands as 15,000

to 20,000. If such exhaustive slaughter is continued, it will,

in the light of the past history of the herd, very quickly bring

about that commercial extermination which has been declared in

the United States to be imminent every year for the last

twelve years. Enough has perhaps been said to justify the

refusal of Her Majesty's government to enter on a precipitate

revision of the regulations."

{53}

The two countries were thus being carried into serious

opposition, on a matter that looks contemptible when compared

with the great common interests which ought to bind them in

firm friendship together. But, while the government of Great

Britain declined to enter into conference with those of

Russia, Japan and the United States, on general questions

relating to the seals, it assented at length to a new

conference with the United States and Canada, relative to the

carrying out of the regulations prescribed by the Paris

tribunal of 1893. Both conferences were held at Washington in

October and November of 1897. The first resulted in a treaty

(November 6) between Russia, Japan, and the United States,

providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing during such time

as might be determined by experts. The other conference led,

after some interval, to the creation of a Joint High

Commission for the settlement of all questions in dispute

between the United States and Canada, the sealing question

included.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

So far as concerned its own citizens, the American government

adopted vigorous measures for the suppression of pelagic

sealing. An Act of Congress, approved by the President on the

29th December, 1897, forbade the killing of seals, by any

citizen of the United States, in any part of the Pacific Ocean

north of 35 degrees north latitude. The same act prohibited

the importation into the United States of sealskins taken

elsewhere than in the Pribilof Islands, and very strict

regulations for its enforcement were issued by the Treasury

Department. No sealskins, either in the raw or the

manufactured state, might be admitted to the country, even

among the personal effects of a traveller, unless accompanied

by an invoice, signed by an United States Consul, certifying

that they were not from seals killed at sea. Skins not thus

certified were seized and destroyed.

In his annual report for 1898, the United States Secretary of

the Treasury stated that no pelagic sealing whatever had been

carried on by citizens of the United States during the season

past; but that 30 British vessels had been engaged in the

work, against 32 in the previous year, and that their total

catch had been 10,581, against 6,100 taken by the same fleet

in 1897. The number of seals found on the Islands was reported

to be greatly reduced.

BERLIN: A. D. 1895.

Census.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1896.

Industrial exposition.

An exposition of German industries and products was opened at

Berlin on the 1st of May, 1896. which excited wide interest

and had an important stimulating effect in Germany.

BERLIN: A. D. 1900.

Growth shown by the latest census.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1901.

The Berlin and Stettin Ship Canal.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BETHLEHEM, Capture of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BIAC-NA-BATO, Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

BIBLE LANDS, Archæological exploration in.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BICOLS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

BIDA, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

BIG SWORD,

BIG KNIFE SOCIETY.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

BISMARCK, Prince Otto von: Death.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

BLACK FLAG REBELLION.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

BLANCO, General Ramon, Captain-General of Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BLANCOS.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BLOEMFONTEIN:

Taken by the British.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH—MAY).

BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

BLUEFIELDS INCIDENT, The.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

BOARD SCHOOLS, English.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

BOERS.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

BOHEMIA:

Recent situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

BOHEMIA: A. D. 1897.

The language decrees.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897; and 1898.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1894-1900.

The dispute with Chile concerning Atacama.

See (in this volume) CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1899.

Revolution.

The government of President Alonzo (elected in 1896) was

overthrown in April, 1899, by a revolutionary movement

conducted by General José Manuel Pando, who was elected

President by the legislative chambers in the following

October.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1896-1901.

The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1901.

Census returns.

Decrease of population.

A telegram from Bombay, March 6, 1901, reports that "the

census returns show the city of Bombay has 770,000

inhabitants, a decrease of over fifty thousand in ten years,

mainly due to the exodus of the last two months on account of

the plague. Partial returns from the rural districts show

terrible decreases in population through famine."

BORDA, President: Assassination.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BORIS, Prince: Conversion.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

{54}

BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.

The municipal experiments of Mayor Quincy.

First elected Mayor of Boston in 1895, and reelected in 1897,

the two terms of the administration of Mayor Josiah Quincy

were made remarkable by the number, the originality and the

boldness of the experiments which he introduced in extension

of the functions of municipal government. They consisted on

the one hand in the substitution, in certain branches of

public work, of direct labor for the contract system, and on

the other in the provision of new facilities for promoting

popular health, recreation, and instruction. He established a

municipal printing office, a municipal department of

electrical construction, and another municipal department

which conducts every kind of repairing work that the city

requires; all of these to supersede the old system of

contracts and jobs. He instituted a great number and variety

of public baths,—floating baths, beach baths, river baths and

swimming pools. He opened playgrounds and gymnasiums, both

outdoor and indoor. He carried the city into the work of the

fresh air missions for poor children. He reorganized the

administration of public charities. He placed the artistic

undertakings of the city under the supervision of a competent

board. He instituted cheap concerts of a high order, as well

as popular lectures. Boston at length took alarm at the extent

of the ventures of Mayor Quincy, complained of the cost, and

refused him reelection for a third term. But the Boston

correspondent of a New York journal opposed in politics to

Mayor Quincy, writing on the 15th of December, 1900, testifies

that "most of the experiments are working well, and a study of

them cannot fail to be beneficial to those who have the

government of other cities in their hands. … The madness of

Mayor Quincy had evidently a method. It seems to have made

permanent a good many excellent institutions. Some good

citizens say that things were done too quickly, that they cost

too much money, that the Mayor was always robbing Peter to pay

Paul, as it were. But, after all, it seems cause for

thankfulness that they were done at all."

BOSTON: A. D. 1899.

Completion of the Subway.

In this year the city of Boston completed a very important

public improvement, undertaken in 1895, and carried out under

the direction of a commission appointed that year. This was

the construction of a Subway under Boylston and Tremont

streets, and under various streets in the northern district,

for the transit of electric cars through the crowded central

parts of the city. The section of Subway from Park Square to

Park Street was finished in the fall of 1897; the remainder in

1899. The entire length of underground road is one and

two-thirds miles. The cost of work done was $4,686,000: cost

of real estate taken, $1,100,000. The legislative Act

authorizing the work provided further for the construction of

a tunnel to East Boston, and for the purchase of rights of way

for an elevated road to Franklin Park, with new bridges to

Charlestown and West Boston.

BOWER, Sir Graham:

Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on

the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume))

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

BOXERS, The Chinese:

The secret society and the meaning of its name.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), and after.

BRADFORD'S HISTORY:

Return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.

See (in this volume)

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

Conflict with the "Fanatics."

A religious enthusiast, called Conselheiro (Counsellor), who

had made his appearance in the State of Bahia and gathered a

great number of followers, began in 1897 to become dangerous

to the government, which he denounced as atheistic; his

following grew disorderly, and political malcontents were

taking advantage of the disturbance which he caused. Attempts

on the part of the government to stop the disorder were

fiercely resisted, and its conflict with "the Fanatics," as

Conselheiro and his followers were known, soon became a very

serious war, demanding many thousands of troops, and spreading

over wide regions of the country. Amazonian bands of women

fought with "the Fanatics," and were among the most dreaded

forces on their side. The headquarters and stronghold of the

movement were finally taken in July, after an obstinate

defense, and in October Conselheiro was killed; after which

the rebellion came to an end.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1898.

Election of Dr. Campos Salles to the Presidency.

The nomination and election of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, who

was inaugurated President of the United States of Brazil on

the 15th of November, 1898, "marks the decided distinction of

parties in Brazil. Previously, there had been various

divergencies among the Republicans, but no distinct party

differences. But at that time there arose a party advocating

the selection of a candidate who would favor the national

against the foreign (naturalized) element; one who would have

influence with the few remaining advocates of the monarchical

government; who would give preference to a military over a

civil government; finally, one who would introduce into the

government the system called 'Jacobinism,' a designation which

the new party did not refuse to accept. Dr. Campos Salles was

the candidate of the moderate Republicans or Conservatives,

who were organized under the name of the Republican party,

with a platform demanding respect for the constitution and

declaring for the institution of such reforms as only reason

and time should dictate. The sympathies of the conservative

element and of foreigners who had interests in the country

were with the candidate of this party and gave him their

support. The election of Dr. Campos Salles inspired renewed

confidence in the stability of Brazil, a confidence which was

at once manifested by the higher quotation of the national

bonds, by an advance in the rate of exchange, and by greater

activity in business throughout the country. Brazil, in spite

of all hindrances, has prospered since 1889."

Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,

December, 1898.

{55}

BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

Arbitration of the French Guiana boundary dispute.

Award of the Swiss Government.

A dispute with France concerning the boundary of the French

possessions in Guiana, which Brazil inherited from Portugal,

and which dates back to the 17th century, was submitted at

last to the Swiss Federal Council, as a tribunal of

arbitration, and settled by the award of the Council on

December 1, 1900. The decision fixes the River Oyapok and the

watershed of the Tumuc Humac Mountains as the boundary. It is

practically in favor of Brazil, for France had claimed, a year

before, a territory of not less than 400,000 square

kilomètres, ten times the area of Switzerland itself. Even

after a large abatement had been made, the claim was still for

260,000 square kilometres, or 100,000 square miles, much more

than the area of Great Britain. The actual territory allotted

to France by the Federal Government of Switzerland is about

3,000 square miles. The arbitrators had no excuse for saying

that the case was not brought before them in all its length

and breadth. The documents presented by France formed four

large volumes, supplemented by an atlas of 35 maps, while

Brazil, not to be outdone, put in 13 volumes of documents and

three atlases, with about 200 maps.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE:

Administrative separation from British

South Africa Company's territory.

Conflicts with natives.

Resources and prospects of the country.

Until 1894, the territory north of the Zambezi over which the

British South Africa Company claimed a "sphere of influence,"

and the region covered by the British Protectorate that was

declared in 1889-1890 over Nyassaland and the Shiré Highlands,

were administered together by Sir Harry Johnston. But in that

year the South Africa Company undertook the administration of

its own portion of British Central Africa, and Commissioner

Johnston became the Administrator of the remaining "British

Central Africa Protectorate." In his report for 1895-1896

(April to April) the Commissioner estimated the native

population of the Protectorate at 844,420; British subjects,

259; other Europeans, 30; Indians, 263; half-castes, 23. Of

hostilities with the natives, Commissioner Johnston gave the

following report:

"In the autumn of 1895, … a campaign lasting four months was

commenced and carried to a successful conclusion against all

the independent Yao Chiefs who dwelt on the south-eastern

border of the Protectorate, and who continued to raid our

territories for slaves. This campaign culminated in the

complete defeat and death or expulsion of those Arabs who had

created an independent power in the North Nyasa district.

Action was also taken against the Angoni Chief, Mwasi Kazungu,

in the interior of the Marimba district, who had made common

cause with the Arabs, and was attempting to form against us a

league of the Angoni-Zulus. … The only people likely now to

give trouble in any way are the Angoni-Zulus, who are to the

west of the Protectorate what the Yaos and Arabs have been to

the north. For the past 40 years the western portions of the

Protectorate have been the happy hunting-ground of the

descendants of the Zulu bands who quitted Matabeleland at

various periods during the last 70 years, and who penetrated

into Central Africa as far as the eastern part of Tanganyika

and the south shores of the Victoria Nyanza. They established

themselves strongly as a ruling caste on the high plateaux to

the west and to the north-east of Lake Nyasa. From these

plateaux they raided perseveringly for slaves, chiefly in the

regions of the Great Luangwa valley, but also to some extent

the coast lands of Lake Nyasa.

"Not a few of the Angoni Chiefs are friendly and well disposed

towards the British, and seem likely to settle down quietly as

they appreciate the futility of continued defiance of our

power; but we may have yet a little trouble from the Western

Angoni, and also from an ill-conditioned young Chief

ordinarily known by his father's name, Chikusi, but whose

private appellation is Gomanikwenda. Chikusi lives on the

wedge of Portuguese territory which penetrates the

southwestern part of the Protectorate. Secure in the knowledge

that our forces cannot infringe the Portuguese border, he

occasionally makes raids for slaves into the Upper Shire and

Central Angoniland districts."

Sir Harry Johnston,

Report

(Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:

Papers by Command, Africa, Number 5, 1896),

pages 12-13.

In the autumn of 1896, Chikusi raided one of the mission

stations at Ntonda, killing many native Christians. An

expedition was then sent against him, which pursued him to his

chief kraal, and took him prisoner. He was tried for murder,

condemned and shot.

"Nyasaland, or British Central Africa as it is officially

called, is now [1898] in a fair way of becoming one of the

richest coffee and tobacco growing districts of the world. It

enjoys the immense advantage of direct water communication

with the coast and, with the exception of a stretch of one

hundred miles, the River Shiré, which runs out of Lake Nyasa,

is navigable along its whole course. Before long the Upper and

Lower Shiré will be connected by a railway line, and goods

will then be landed at the northern extremity of Lake Nyasa—a

distance of 700 miles from the mouth of the Zambezi—at a

trifling cost. At present the journey can already be

accomplished in a week. Ten steamers navigate Lake Nyasa, and

double that number run on the Zambezi and the Shiré Rivers.

This mighty task—accomplished, we must not forget it, without

the cost of a single penny to the British tax-payer—did not

benefit Great Britain alone. The Portuguese, who, for the last

three centuries were slumbering in their East African

possessions, were aroused by the extraordinary activity which

was displayed at their door. At first they raised objections,

but they soon understood what advantages they would derive

from the situation, and gave their hearty co-operation to

Great Britain. It brought more wealth than they had ever

dreamt of to their Zambezi provinces, now a busy centre of

trade, in telegraphic communication with the Cape in the South

and Lake Nyasa in the North. The Portuguese port of Beira, a

sandbank some years ago, has become the most important harbour

between Zanzibar and Delagoa Bay, and owes its present

position to the railway line which runs to Mashonaland."

L. Decle,

The Fashoda Question

(Fortnightly Review, November, 1898).

BRITISH COLUMBIA.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.

Territory transferred to the British Government.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

{56}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895-1897.

Its creation and extent.

Existence of slavery.

War in the Province of Seyyidieh.

Report of the commissioner.

"The British East Africa Protectorate is bounded on the east

by the Indian Ocean, on the west by the Uganda Protectorate,

and on the south-west by the Anglo-German frontier, which,

starting from the mouth of the River Umba, runs in a generally

north-west direction till it strikes the eastern shore of Lake

Victoria Nyanza at the point at which it is intersected by the

1st parallel of south latitude. To the north and north-east it

is bounded by the Italian sphere of influence from which it is

divided by the River Juba up to parallel 6° of north latitude,

and thence by a line running along that parallel until it

reaches the Blue Nile. The frontier between the East Africa

and Uganda Protectorates is only partially defined: starting

from the German frontier, it follows the Guaso Masai River as

far as Sosian, thence strikes north-cast to the Kedong River,

which it follows to its source, and thence runs in a northerly

direction along the Likipia escarpment or eastern lip of the

great 'meridional rift.' It is, however, still undecided

whether or not it should be deflected, for greater convenience

in dealing with the Uganda Masai, so as to leave to Uganda the

region between the southern portion of the Likipia escarpment

and the so-called Aberdare range. In view of the uncertainty

existing as to the inland boundaries, it is impossible to give

the exact area of the territory, though it may be estimated

roughly at 280,000 square miles. It will be sufficient here to

state that its coast-line, including in the term the Islands

of Lamu, Manda, and Patta, which are separated from the

mainland by narrow channels, is 405 miles long, whilst its

greatest breadth, measured from the centre of the district of

Gosha on the Juba, to the Likipia escarpment, is 460 miles.

"The Protectorate in its present form was constituted on the

1st July, 1895. Previous to that date a Protectorate had been

declared on the 4th November, 1890, over those portions of the

territory which formed part of the Zanzibar Sultanate, and on

the 19th November of the same year over Witu and the whole of

the coast between the Tana and Juba Rivers. The administration

of this second Protectorate was confided in 1893, with the

exception of those portions of the coast between the Tana and

Juba which belonged to the Zanzibar Sultanate and were rented

by the Imperial British East Africa Company from him, to the

Sultan of Zanzibar, but without being fused in or united to

the Sultanate. In September, 1894, a Protectorate was

established under an independent Commissioner over Uganda, and

was subsequently defined as extending over the whole of the

intervening territory from which the Imperial British East

Africa Company had withdrawn its effective control, that is,

as far as the western limits of its district of Kikuyu, which

still constitutes the frontier between the East Africa and

Uganda Protectorates. The remainder of the British sphere

between the Zanzibar and Uganda boundaries and the Tana River

and German frontier was placed under Her Majesty's protection

on the 1st July, 1895, and the whole of the above-described

territories to the east of the Uganda Protectorate were at the

same time fused into one administrative whole under the title

of the' East Africa Protectorate.'

"British East Africa includes three district sovereignties, i.

e.: 1. The mainland territories of the Sultan of Zanzibar. 2.

The Sultanate of Witu. 3. The remainder of the Protectorate

consisting of the old 'chartered territory' of the Imperial

British East Africa Company and of the region between the Tana

and the Juba not included either in Zanzibar or Witu. This

division, which I propose for the sake of convenience to style

British East Africa proper, is not, of course, technically

under Her Majesty's sovereignty, and is divided among a number

of tribes and races under our Protectorate, but it differs from

Zanzibar and Witu in that the status of the Chiefs exercising

authority there is not recognized by international law or at

least by any international engagement.

"The mainland dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar included in

the Protectorate (for he possesses certain coast ports to the

north of it now leased to Italy) consist—(1.) Of a strip of

coast 10 miles deep from high-water mark, extending from the

mouth of the River Umba on the south to Kipini on the Ozi on

the north; and (2.) Of a series of islands off the coast

between the Ozi and the Juba and of the mainland town of

Kismayu with a radius of 10 miles around it. … The State of

Witu extends along the coast from Kipini to Kwyhoo, its

northern boundary being a straight line drawn in 1887 by

Commissioners representing the German and Zanzibar Governments

due west from Kwyhoo to a point a few miles east of the Ozi

River. It was founded, or rather gradually grew up, in the

years from 1860 to 1885, round a colony of outlaws. … When the

German Government first interested itself, about a decade ago,

in East African affairs, it recognized the little colony of

outlaws and refugees from the coast towns which had grown up

in Witu, as an independent State. … Accordingly, on

transferring this Protectorate by the Treaty of 1890 to Great

Britain, it stipulated by Article II of that Agreement, that

the sovereignty of the Sultan of Witu over the territory

formally defined as his in 1887 should be recognized by the

new Protecting Power. …

"Beyond the Zanzibar and Witu limits, the territories

comprised in the Protectorate are ruled directly under Her

Majesty by the British officers in charge of them. All the

various tribes, Mahommedan and heathen, retain, however, their

respective native Rulers and institutions. … For a period of ten

months from the transfer from the Imperial British East Africa

Company to Her Majesty's Government, the country now forming

the Province of Seyyidieh, was the theatre of disturbances,

which for a time retarded the development of the territory,

and diverted the attention of the Administration from useful

schemes of improvement that might otherwise have been

immediately set on foot. These disturbances began under the

Administration of the Imperial British East Africa Company,

their immediate cause being a dispute over the succession to

the Chieftainship of Takaungu between Rashid-bin-Salim, the

son, and Mubarak-bin-Rashid, the nephew of the former Chief. …

The Company supported Rashid, who, though younger in years

than Mubarak, was friendly to the English. … Though the

rebellion of the Mazrui Chiefs retarded to some extent the

development of the province, and entailed in its suppression

considerable expense, its occurrence, under the special

circumstances which attended it, has not been an unmixed evil.

We have broken once for all the power of several influential

Arab potentates, who were never thoroughly subjugated either

by the Sultans or the Company, and whose ambitions and

semi-independent position would sooner or later have involved

us in trouble with them had we attempted to make the authority

of our Administration effective, and to interfere with the

slavery, and even Slave Trade, which flourished under their

protection."

Sir A. Hardinge,

Report

(Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:

Papers by Command, Africa, Number 7, 1897),

page 1-3, and 65.

{57}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900-1901.

Rising of Ogaden Somalis.

In the later part of November, 1900, news reached Zanzibar of

a rising of the Somali tribe called Ogadens in the Jubaland

province of the British East Africa Protectorate, and that the

British Sub-Commissioner, Mr. Jenner, had probably been killed.

The Somalis are a very war-like race, supposed to be Gallas by

descent, with an admixture of Arab blood. In the following

February it was announced that Aff-Madu, the headquarters of

the Ogaden Somalis, had been occupied without opposition by

the British punitive expedition sent to exact reparation for

the murder of Mr. Jenner, and that the Ogaden Sultan was a

prisoner.

BRITISH EMPIRE, Penny postage in.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY: A. D. 1889.

The founding of the Company.

See (in volume 4)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1894-1895.

Extended charter and enlarged powers.

Its master spirit, Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.

Arrangements in Bechuanaland.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.

Revocation of the Company's charter called for

by President Kruger.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.

Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.

Parliamentary investigation of its administration.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.

Complicity of officials in the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896-1897.

Demands from President Kruger for proceedings

against the Directors.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1897.

Convicted of subjecting natives to forced labor.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1898.

Reorganization.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900.

Administration extended over Barotsiland.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BRONX, The Borough of the.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

BROOKE, General John R.: Military Governor of Cuba.

Report.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

Commanding in Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

BROOKLYN:

Absorption in Greater New York.

See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

Tunnel from New York.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

BRUGES: A. D. 1900.

The new canal from the city to the sea.

"On the 25th day of February, the inauguration of the new

canal was celebrated at Bruges. … The canal runs from

Zeebrugge, a port on the North Sea 14.29 miles north of

Ostend, to the city of Bruges, a total distance of 7.46 miles.

The work is now so far completed that vessels of a draft of 25

feet can enter and pass to the port of Bruges. The locks are

fully completed, as well as three-fifths of the wharf wall at

Bruges; when finished, the wharf wall will have a total length

of 1,575 feet. The canal has a width of 72 feet 6 inches at

the bottom and 229 feet 4 inches at the water level and will

have, when completed, a depth of 26 feet 3 inches; this will

also be the depth of the interior port and of the great basin

of Bruges. Bruges is an old, inland deep-water port, having

connection with the sea by canal from Ostend, but this only

for vessels of very light draft."

United States Consular Reports,

July, 1900, page 346.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1898.

Sugar Conference.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BRUSSELS:

The General Act of.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

BRYAN, William J.:

Candidacy for the American Presidency.

His speech of acceptance, 1900.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

BUBONIC PLAGUE, The.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

BUDA-PESTH: A. D. 1896.

Celebration of the Hungarian Millennium.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

BUDDHA, Gautama:

Discovery of his birthplace and his tomb, with personal relics.

"Mr. Vincent Smith, of the Bengal Civil Service, a learned

antiquary, has published in the Allahabad 'Pioneer' a

statement as to the nature and significance of recent

discoveries of Buddhist antiquities in India. The first of

these is the home of Gautama Buddha, who lived about 500 B.

C., and who is known to have been the son of the Raja of

Kapilavastu, a small state in the Nepal Terai, bordering on

the modern Oudh. The site of Kapilavastu has long been eagerly

sought for, and it is only within the past three years that

the accidental discovery of an inscribed pillar erected by the

Emperor Asoka, in the third century B. C., fixed with

certainty the site of the city. The ruins, which were lately

visited by Mr. Smith, are, so far as is yet known, all of

brick; they are for the most part buried in jungle, and are so

extensive that many years would be required for their

exploration. The city was destroyed during the lifetime of

Gautama, and when the first of the famous Chinese pilgrims

visited the place, in 410 A. D., it was a mass of desolate

ruins, and there is no indication that it has since been

occupied. This fact gives exceptional interest to the

excavations now in progress, for they are bringing to light

buildings more ancient than any previously known in India.

{58}

More interesting even than Kapilavastu is the discovery of the

Lumbini Garden, the traditional birthplace of Gautama. The

sacred spot has been found marked by another of Asoka's

pillars, on which the inscription is perfect. This is also in

Nepalese territory, five miles from the British frontier. The

pillar stands on the western edge of a mound of ruins, about a

hundred yards in diameter, and on the south side of the mound

is the tank in which the child's mother bathed after his

birth. Another discovery which was made in a stupa, or brick

tumulus, close to the British frontier, is that of relics of

Buddha himself. These consist only of fragments of bone, which

were deposited in a wooden vessel that stood on the bottom of

a massive coffer, more than four feet long and two feet deep,

cut out of a solid block of fine sandstone. This coffer was

buried under eighteen feet of masonry, composed of huge

bricks, each sixteen inches long. The wooden vessel was

decayed, and with it was an exquisitely finished bowl of rock

crystal, the largest yet discovered in India, and also five

small vases of soapstone. All these vessels were partially

filled, in honor of the relics, with a marvellous collection

of gold stars, pearls, topazes, beryls, and other jewels, and

of various objects delicately wrought in crystal, agate, and

other substances. An inscription on the lid of one of the

soapstone vases declares the relics to be those of Buddha

himself, and the characters in which the inscription is

written are substantially the same as those of the Asoka

inscriptions, and indicate that the tumulus was constructed

between 300 and 250 B. C."

London Times,

May, 1898.

The relies discovered, as described above, were presented by

the Indian government to the King of Siam, he being the only

existing Buddhist monarch, with the proviso that he offer a

portion of them to Buddhists of Ceylon and Burmah.

BUENOS AYRES: A. D. 1895.

Population.

See (in this volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1896.

First reception of electric power from Niagara Falls.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

The Pan-American Exposition.

As this volume goes to press, the preparations are about

completed for holding a great Exposition at Buffalo, which

promises to be second in importance only to the Columbian

Exposition at Chicago, in 1893, so far as concerns

undertakings of like character in America. The Columbian

Exposition was a "World's Fair"; this at Buffalo is

"Pan-American,"—an exhibition, that is, of the arts, the

industries, and all the achievements in civilization of the

peoples of the Western hemisphere, from Bering Strait to Cape

Horn. Very nearly every country in North, South and Central

America has taken a warmly interested part in the preparations

for the Exposition, and many have erected special buildings

for their exhibits. The States of the Union have likewise been

active, and few of them will be unrepresented in the numerous

buildings on the grounds. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the West

Indies generally, as well as Hawaii and the Philippine

Islands, in their new character as dependencies of the United

States, are brought importantly into the scheme.

The enterprise received official endorsement from the Federal

Government when Congress in July, 1898, by resolution declared

that "A Pan-American Exposition will undoubtedly be of vast

benefit to the commercial interests of the countries of North,

South and Central America, and it merits the approval of

Congress, and of the people of the United States." In March,

1899, Congress appropriated $500,000, and declared that "it is

desirable to encourage the holding of a Pan-American Exposition

on the Niagara Frontier in the City of Buffalo, in the year

1901, fittingly to illustrate the marvelous development of the

Western Hemisphere during the Nineteenth Century, by a display

of the arts, industries, manufactures and the products of the

soil, mine and sea," and also declared that "the proposed

Pan-American Exposition being confined to the Western

Hemisphere, and being held in the near vicinity of the great

Niagara Cataract, within a day's journey of which reside forty

million people, would unquestionably be of vast benefit to the

commercial interests, not only of this country, but of the

entire hemisphere, and should therefore have the sanction of

the Congress of the United States."

The grounds of the Exposition are in the northern part of the

city of Buffalo, taking in a portion of its most beautiful

public park. They extend about one mile in length, from north

to south, and about half a mile in width, containing 350

acres. A general plan of landscape and building architecture,

with which every detail of form and color should be made to

harmonize, was worked out at the beginning by a board of the

leading architects of the United States, and has been adhered

to with beautifully harmonious effects.

In one of the circular announcements of the Exposition it is

said: "In planning the Exposition the management early decided

upon giving to electricity special homage. The progress of the

electrical science has been so marked in recent years as to

excite the wonderment of the scientific world. Buffalo is,

perhaps, more than any other city on the globe, interested in

this science, owing to the nearness of Niagara Falls, where

the greatest electric power plants known to this class of

engineering have been installed. In fact the electrical

displays here contemplated would be impossible except where a

large volume of power is available, such as Buffalo receives

from the great Falls of Niagara. … The Pan-American Exposition

will far surpass former enterprises of this kind in six

important features:

First, the electrical effects:

second, the hydraulic and fountain effects;

third, the horticultural, floral and garden effects;

fourth, the original sculptural ornamentation;

fifth, the color decorations;

sixth, the court settings.

Particular attention has been given by the designers in the

arrangement of its court settings, to provide unusually large

vistas, both for the purpose of providing a memorable picture

and for the utility reason of accommodating large crowds of

people."

The Pan-American Exposition is under the management of a

strong company of professional and business men in Buffalo,

with Mr. John G. Milburn for its President. The

Director-General is Honorable William I. Buchanan, former

United States Minister to the Argentine Republic.

{59}

BULGARIA: A. D. 1895-1900.

Condition.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;

and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BULGARIA: A. D. 1899(May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLER, General Sir Redvers:

In the South African War.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER), and after.

BULLETS, Declaration against certain.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLETS, Dum-dum.

See (in this volume)

DUM-DUM BULLET.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See (in this volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF THE.

BURMAH: A. D. 1897.

Raised in status as a British dependency.

Burmah was raised in status as a British dependency, under the

government of India, by royal proclamation in 1897. The chief

commissioner became lieutenant-governor, and a local

legislative council was to be created.

C.

CAGAYAN,

KAGAYAN: The American acquisition.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAGAYANS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

CALCIUM CARBIDE, The production of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CALNEH, The ancient city of:

Its identity with Nippur.

Exploration of its ruins.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH:

BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

CAMBON, M. Jules:

Action for Spain in making overtures for peace

with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAMEROONS,

KAMERUNS, The:

Cost of maintenance.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.

The Manitoba School Question.

"When Manitoba in 1870 passed from the position of a Crown

territory, managed by the Hudson's Bay Company, into that of a

province of Canada, its area, which is considerably greater than

that of England and Wales, was peopled by about 12,000

persons, whites and half-breeds. In religion this population

was about equally divided into Catholics and Protestants.

Previous to the Union there was no State system of education.

A number of elementary schools existed, but they owed their

foundation entirely to voluntary effort, and were supported

exclusively by private contributions, either in the form of

fees paid by some of the parents or of funds supplied by the

Churches. In every case these schools were conducted and

managed on strictly denominational lines. When the Act of

Union was passed it was sought to secure the continuance of

this state of things, and to safeguard the rights of whichever

Church should in the hereafter be in the minority by the

following sub-sections in the 22nd section, which gave to the

legislature of the province the power to make laws in relation

to education: '(1) Nothing in any such law shall prejudicially

affect any right or privilege with respect to denominational

schools which any class of persons have by law or practice in

the province at the Union. (2) An appeal shall lie to the

Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of the

legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,

affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman

Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to

education.' Those two clauses of the Manitoba Act, 1870,

govern the whole situation.

"The attention of the new provincial legislature was at once

directed to the condition of the elementary schools. The

Government decided to supersede the old voluntary system by

one of State-aided schools, which, however, were still to be

scrupulously denominational in character. The legislature

simply took the educational system as it found it and improved

it by assistance from public funds. Thus it was arranged that

the annual public grant for common school education was to be

appropriated equally between the Protestant and the Catholic

schools. … The only important amendment to this Act was passed

in 1875, and provided that the legislative grant, instead of

being divided between the Protestant and Catholic schools as

heretofore, should in future be distributed in proportion to

the number of children of school age in the Catholic and

Protestant districts. Already immigration had begun to upset

the balance of numbers and power, and as the years went on it

became evident that the Catholics were destined to be in a

permanent minority in Manitoba. This trend of immigration,

which in 1875 made legislation necessary, has continued ever

since; and to-day the Catholics of the province number only

20,000 out of a total population of 204,000. No further change

was made in the educational system of Manitoba until the

memorable year of 1890. In that year the provincial

legislature boldly broke all moorings with the past, and,

abolishing the separate denominational schools, introduced a

system of free compulsory and unsectarian schools, for the

support of which the whole community was to be taxed. … To

test the legality of the change, what is known as Barrett's

case was begun in Winnipeg. It was carried to the Supreme

Court of Canada, and the Canadian judges by a unanimous

decision declared that the Act of 1890 was ultra vires and

void.

{60}

The city of Winnipeg appealed to the Privy Council, and that

tribunal in July 1892 reversed the decision of the Canadian

Court and affirmed that the Act was valid and binding. … The

second subsection of the 22nd section of the Manitoba Act

already quoted says: 'An appeal shall lie to the

Governor-General in Council from any Act or decision of the

legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,

affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman

Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to

education.' But if the legislation of 1890 was intra vires,

and expressly declared to be so on the ground that it had not

prejudicially affected the position which the minority held at

the time of the Union, how could there be an appeal from it? …

The Governor-General, however, consented to refer the question

as to his jurisdiction to the courts of justice. What is known

as Brophy's case was begun, and in due course was carried to

the Supreme Court of Canada. The decision of that tribunal,

though not unanimous, was in accord with public expectation.

The majority of the judges felt that the previous judgment of

the Privy Council had settled the matter beforehand. The Act

of 1890 had been declared intra vires on the ground that it

had not interfered with the rights which the minority

possessed before the Union, and therefore there could be no

appeal from it. …

"Still the undaunted Archbishop of St. Boniface went on, and

for a last time appealed to that Judicial Committee of the

Privy Council which two years and a half before had so spoiled

and disappointed the Catholic hopes. In January 1894 the final

decision in Brophy's case was read by the Lord Chancellor. For

a second time the Lords of the Council upset the ruling of the

Supreme Court of Canada, and treated their reasoning as

irrelevant. It will be remembered that both the appellant

prelates and the Canadian judges had assumed that the clause

in the Manitoba Act, which conferred the right of appeal to

the Governor-General, was limited to one contingency, and

could be invoked only if the minority were robbed at any time

of the poor and elementary rights which they had enjoyed

before the Act of Union. But was the clause necessarily so

limited? Could it not be used to justify an appeal from

legislation which affected rights acquired after the Union? …

In the words of the judgment: 'The question arose: Did the

sub-section extend to the rights and privileges acquired by

legislation subsequent to the Union? It extended in terms to

"any" right or privilege of the minority affected by any Act

passed by the legislature, and would therefore seem to embrace

all the rights and privileges existing at the time when such

Act was passed. Their lordships saw no justification for

putting a limitation on language thus unlimited. There was

nothing in the surrounding circumstances or in the apparent

intention of the legislature to warrant any such limitation.'

… In other words, the dispute was referred to a new tribunal,

and one which was free to consider and give effect to the true

equities of the case. The Governor-General and his responsible

advisers, after considering all the facts, found in favour of

the Catholic minority, and at once issued a remedial Order to

the Government of Manitoba, which went far beyond anything

suggested in the judgment in Brophy's case. The province was

called upon to repeal the legislation of 1890, so far as it

interfered with the right of the Catholic minority to build

and maintain their own schools, to share proportionately in

any public grant for the purposes of education, and with the

right of such Catholics as contributed to Catholic schools to

be held exempt from all payments towards the support of any

other schools. In a word, the Governor-General and Sir

Mackenzie Bowell's Administration, exercising, as it were,

appellate jurisdiction, decided that the minority were

entitled to all they claimed. The Government of Manitoba,

however, had hardened their hearts against the minority in the

province, and refused to obey the remedial Order. …

"The refusal of the provincial Government 'to accept the

responsibility of carrying into effect the terms of the

remedial Order' for the first time brought the Parliament of

Canada into the field, and empowered them to pass coercive

legislation. A remedial Bill was accordingly, after an

inexplicable delay, brought into the Federal Parliament to

enforce the remedial Order. … The Cabinet recognised that the

Federal Parliament had no power to spend the money of the

province, and so all they could do was to exempt the minority

from the obligation to contribute to the support of schools

other than their own. The Bill bristled with legal and

constitutional difficulties; it concerned the coercion of a

province; it contained no less than 116 clauses; it was

introduced on the 2nd of March 1896, when all Canada knew that

the life of the Federal Parliament must necessarily expire on

the 24th of April. Some fifteen clauses had been considered

when the Government admitted, what all men saw, the

impossibility of the task, and abandoned the Bill. … While the

fate of the remedial Bill was still undecided, Sir Donald

Smith and two others were commissioned by the Federal

Government to go to Winnipeg and see if by direct negotiations

some sort of tolerable terms could be arranged. … Sir Donald

Smith proposed that the principle of the separate school

should be admitted wherever there were a reasonable number of

Catholic children—thus, wherever in towns and villages there

are twenty-five Catholic children of school age, and in

cities where there are fifty such children, they should have

'a school-house or school-room for their own use,' with a

Catholic teacher. … In the event the negotiations failed; the

baffled Commissioners returned to Ottawa, and on the 24th of

April 1896 Parliament was dissolved. The Government went to

the country upon the policy of the abandoned Bill. On the

other hand, many of the followers of Mr. Laurier in the

province of Quebec pledged themselves to see justice done to

the Catholics of Manitoba, and let it be understood that they

objected to the remedial Bill only because it was not likely

to prove effective in the face of the combined hostility of

the legislature and the municipalities of the province. …

Catholic Quebec gave Mr. Laurier his majority at Ottawa. …

{61}

"When the Liberal party for the first time for eighteen years

found itself in power at Ottawa, Mr. Laurier at once opened

negotiations with Manitoba. The result was a settlement which,

although it might work well in particular districts, could not be

accepted as satisfactory by the Catholic authorities. It arranged

that where in towns and cities the average attendance of

Catholic children was forty or upwards, and in villages and

rural districts the average attendance of such children was

twenty-five or upwards, one Catholic teacher should be

employed. There were various other provisions, but that was

the central concession. … Leo the Thirteenth, recognising the

difficulties which beset Mr. Laurier's path, mindful, perhaps,

also that it is not always easy immediately to resume friendly

conference with those who have just done their best to defeat

you, has sent to Canada an Apostolic Commissioner."

J. G. Snead Cox,

Mr. Laurier and Manitoba

(Nineteenth Century, April, 1897).

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

Northern territories formed into provisional districts.

"The unorganized and unnamed portion of the Dominion this year

was set apart into provisional districts. The territory east of

Hudson's Bay, having the province of Quebec on the south and

the Atlantic on the east, was to be hereafter known as Ungava.

The territory embraced in the islands of the Arctic Sea was to

be known as Franklin, the Mackenzie River region as Mackenzie,

and the Pacific coast territory lying north of British

Columbia and west of Mackenzie as Yukon. The extent of Ungava

and Franklin was undefined. Mackenzie would cover 538,600

square miles, and Yukon 225,000 square miles, in addition to

143,500 square miles added to Athabasca and 470,000 to

Keewatin. The total area of the Dominion was estimated at

3,456,383 square miles."

The Annual Register, 1895,

page 391.

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

Negotiations with Newfoundland.

Negotiations for the entrance of Newfoundland into the

federation of the Dominion of Canada proved ineffectual and

were abandoned in May. The island province refused the terms

proposed.

CANADA: A. D. 1896 (June-July).

Liberal triumph in Parliamentary elections.

Formation of Ministry by Sir Wilfred Laurier.

General elections held in Canada on the 23d of June, 1896,

gave the Liberal Party 113 seats out of 213 in the Dominion

House of Commons; the Conservatives securing 88, and the

Patrons of Industry and other Independents 12. Much to the

general surprise, the scale was turned in favor of the

Liberals by the vote of the province of Quebec,

notwithstanding the Manitoba school question, on which

clerical influence in the Roman church was ranged against that

party. The effect of the election was to call the Liberal

leader, Sir Wilfred Laurier, of Quebec, to the head of the

government, the Conservative Ministry, under Sir Charles

Tupper, retiring on the 8th of July.

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.

Policy of the Liberal Government.

Revision of the tariff, with discriminating duties

in favor of Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

"The position of the Canadian Liberals, when they came into

power after the General Election of 1896, was not unlike that

of the English Liberals after the General Election of 1892.

Both Liberal parties had lists of reforms to which they were

committed. The English measures were in the Newcastle

Programme. Those of the Canadian Liberals were embodied in the

Ottawa Programme, which was formulated at a convention held at

the Dominion Capital in 1893. … A large part of the Ottawa

Programme was set out in the speech which the Governor-General

read in the Senate when the session of 1897 commenced. There was

then promised a measure for the revision of the tariff; a bill

providing for the extension of the Intercolonial railway from

Levis to Montreal; a bill repealing the Dominion Franchise Act

and abolishing the costly system of registration which goes

with it; and a measure providing for the plebiscite on the

Prohibition question. Neither of these last two measures was

carried through Parliament. Both had to be postponed to

another session; and the session of 1897 was devoted, so far

as legislation went, chiefly to the tariff, and to bills, none

of which were promised in the Speech from the Throne, in

retaliation for the United States Contract Labor Laws, and the

new United States tariff. …

"The new tariff was a departure from the tariffs of the

Conservative regime in only one important direction.

Protective duties heretofore had been levied on imports from

England, in the same way as on imports from the United States

or any other country. The 'National Policy' had allowed of no

preferences for England; and during the long period of

Conservative rule, when the Conservatives were supported by

the Canadian manufacturers in much the same way as the

Republican party in the United States is supported by the

manufacturing interests, the Canadian manufacturers had been

as insistent for adequate protection against English-made

goods, as against manufactured articles from the United States

or Germany. The Conservative party had continuously claimed a

monopoly of loyalty to England; but in its tariffs had never

dared to make any concession in favour of English goods. In

the new tariff, preferences for England were established; and

with these openings in favour of imports from Great Britain,

there came a specific warning from the Minister of Finance

that Canadian manufacturers must not regard themselves as

possessing a vested interest in the continuance of the

protective system. …

"When the Minister of Finance laid the tariff before the House

of Commons, he declared that the 'National Policy,' as it had

been tried for eighteen years, was a failure; and … claimed

that lowering the tariff wall against England was a step in

the direction of a tariff 'based not upon the protective

system but upon the requirements of the public service.'

During the first fifteen months of the new tariff, the

concession to England consists of a reduction by one-eighth of

the duties chargeable under the general list. At the end of

that time, that is on the last of July, 1898, the reduction

will be one-fourth. The reductions do not apply to wines, malt

liquors, spirits and tobacco, the taxes on which are

essentially for revenue. While England was admitted at once to

the advantages of the reduced tariff, this tariff is not to be

applicable to England alone. In July, it was extended to the

products of New South Wales, the free-trade colony of the

British Australasian group; and any country can come within

its provisions whose government can satisfy the Comptroller of

Customs at Ottawa, that it is offering favourable treatment to

Canadian exports, and is affording them as easy an entrance

through its customs houses as the Canadians give by means of

the reciprocal tariff. It is also possible, under a later

amendment to the Tariff Act, for the Governor in Council to

extend the benefits of the reciprocal tariff to any country

entitled thereto by virtue of a treaty with Great Britain.

{62}

Numerous alterations were made in the general list of import

duties. Some of these involved higher rates; others lowered

the duties. But if the changes in the fiscal system had been

confined to these variations, the new tariff would not have

been noteworthy, and it would have fulfilled few of the

pledges made by the Liberals when they were in Opposition. It

owes its chief importance to the establishment of an inner

tariff in the interests of countries which deal favourably

with Canada."

E. Porritt,

The New Administration in Canada

(Yale Review, August, 1897).

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (June-July).

Conference of colonial premiers with

the British Colonial Secretary.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (October).

Self-government for the Northwestern Territories.

By an Act passed in October, a system of self-government,

going far towards the full powers of a provincial government,

but having some limitations, was provided for the Northwest

Territories.

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (January).

Encyclical Letter of the Pope on the Manitoba School Question.

On the report made by his delegate, Monsignor Merry del Val,

Pope Leo XIII. addressed an encyclical letter to the Roman

Church in Canada, concerning the duty of Catholics in the

matter of the Manitoba schools (see above: A. D. 1890-1896),

which was made public at Quebec on the 9th of January, 1898.

The letter has great general importance, as defining with

precision the attitude of the Church towards all secular

school systems. With a few unessential passages it is given in

what follows:

"It was with extreme solicitude," wrote the Pope, "that we

turned our mind to the unhappy events which in these later

years have marked the history of Catholic education in

Manitoba. … And since many expected that we should make a

pronouncement on the question, and asked that we should trace

a line of conduct and a way to be followed, we did not wish to

decide anything on this subject before our Apostolic delegate

had been on the spot, charged to proceed to a serious

examination of the situation, and to give an account to us of

the state of affairs. He has faithfully and diligently

fulfilled the command which we had given him. The question

agitated is one of great and exceptional importance. We speak

of the decision taken seven years ago by the parliament of

Manitoba on the subject of education. The act of Confederation

had secured to Catholic children the right of education in public

schools in keeping with their conscientious convictions. The

parliament of Manitoba abolished this right by contrary law.

By this latter law a grave injury was inflicted, for it was

not lawful for our children to seek the benefits of education

in schools in which the Catholic religion is ignored or

actively combated, in schools where its doctrine is despised

and its fundamental principles repudiated. If the Church has

anywhere permitted this, it was only with great reluctance and

in self-defense, and after having taken many precautions,

which, however, have too often been found unequal to parrying

the danger. In like manner one must at all cost avoid, as most

pernicious, those schools wherein every form of belief is

indifferently admitted and placed on an equal footing—as if in

what regards God and Divine things, it was of no importance

whether one believed rightly or wrongly, whether one followed

truth or falsehood. You well know, venerable brothers, that

all schools of this kind have been condemned by the Church,

because there can be nothing more pernicious nor more fitted

to injure the integrity of faith and to turn away the tender

minds of youth from the truth. … For the Catholic there is but

one true religion, the Catholic religion; hence in all that

concerns doctrine, or morality, or religion, he cannot accept

or recognize anything which is not drawn from the very sources

of Catholic teaching. Justice and reason demand, then, that

our children have in their schools not only scientific

instruction but also moral teachings in harmony, as we have

already said, with the principles of their religion, teachings

without which all education will be not only fruitless but

absolutely pernicious. Hence the necessity of having Catholic

teachers, reading books, and textbooks approved of by the

bishops, and liberty to organize the schools, that the

teaching therein shall be in full accord with Catholic faith

as well as with all the duties that flow therefrom. For the

rest, to decide in what institutions their children shall be

instructed, who shall be their teachers of morality, is a

right inherent to parental authority. When, then, Catholics

demand, and it is their duty to demand, and to strive to

obtain, that the teaching of the masters shall be in

conformity with the religion of their children, they are only

making use of their right; and there can be nothing more

unjust than to force on them the alternative of allowing their

children to grow up in ignorance, or to expose them to

manifest danger in what concerns the supreme interests of

their souls. It is not right to call in doubt or to abandon in

any way these principles of judging and acting which are

founded on truth and justice, and which are the safe-guards

both of public and private interests. Therefore, when the new

law in Manitoba struck a blow at Catholic education, it was

your duty, venerable brothers, to freely protest against the

injury and disaster inflicted; and the way in which you all

fulfilled that duty is a proof of your common vigilance, and

of a spirit truly worthy of bishops; and, although each one of

you will find on this point a sufficient approbation in the

testimony of his own conscience, learn, nevertheless, that you

have also our conscience and our approbation, for the things

which you sought and still seek to protect and defend are most

sacred. The difficulties created by the law of which we speak by

their very nature showed that an alleviation was to be sought

for in a united effort. For so worthy was the Catholic cause

that all good and upright citizens, without distinction of

party, should have banded themselves together in a close union

to uphold it. Unfortunately for the success of this cause, the

contrary took place. What is more deplorable still, is that

Catholic Canadians themselves failed to unite as they should

in defending those interests which are of such importance to

all—the importance and gravity of which should have stilled

the voice of party politics, which are of much less

importance. We are not unaware that something has been done to

amend that law. The men who are at the head of the federal

government and of the Province of Manitoba have already taken

certain measures with a view to decreasing the difficulties of

which the Catholics of Manitoba complain, and against which

they rightly continue to protest.

{63}

We have no reason to doubt that these measures were taken from

love of justice and from a laudable motive. We cannot, however,

dissimulate the truth; the law which they have passed to

repair the injury is defective, unsuitable, insufficient. The

Catholics ask—and no one can deny that they justly ask—for

much more. Moreover, in the remedial measures that have been

proposed there is this defect, that in changes of local

circumstances they may easily become valueless. In a word, the

rights of Catholics and the education of their children have

not been sufficiently provided for in Manitoba. Everything in

this question demands, and is conformable to justice, that

they should be thoroughly provided for, that is, by placing in

security and surrounding with due safe-guards those

unchangeable and sacred principles of which we have spoken

above. This should be the aim, this the end to be zealously

and prudently sought for. Nothing can be more injurious to the

attainment of this end than discord; unity of spirit and

harmony of action are most necessary. Nevertheless since, as

frequently happens in things of this nature, there is not only

one fixed and determined but various ways of arriving at the

end which is proposed and which should be obtained, it follows

that there may be various opinions equally good and

advantageous. Wherefore let each and all be mindful of the

rules of moderation, and gentleness, and mutual charity; let

no one fail in the respect that is due to another; but let all

resolve in fraternal unanimity, and not without your advice,

to do that which the circumstances require and which appears

best to be done. As regards especially the Catholics of

Manitoba, we have every confidence that with God's help they

will succeed in obtaining full satisfaction. This hope is

founded, in the first place, in the righteousness of the

cause, next in the sense of justice and prudence of the men at

the head of the government, and finally in the good-will of all

upright men in Canada. In the meantime, until they are able to

obtain their full rights, let them not refuse partial

satisfaction. If, therefore, anything is granted by law to

custom, or the good-will of men, which will render the evil

more tolerable and the dangers more remote, it is expedient

and useful to make use of such concessions, and to derive

therefrom as much benefit and advantage as possible. Where,

however, no remedy can be found for the evil, we must exhort

and beseech that it be provided against by the liberality and

munificence of their contributions, for no one can do anything

more salutary for himself or more conducive to the prosperity

of his country, than to contribute, according to his means, to

the maintenance of these schools. There is another point which

appeals to your common solicitude, namely, that by your

authority, and with the assistance of those who direct

educational institutions, an accurate and suitable curriculum

of studies be established, and that it be especially provided

that no one shall be permitted to teach who is not amply

endowed with all the necessary qualities, natural and

acquired, for it is only right that Catholic schools should be

able to compete in bearing, culture, and scholarship with the

best in the country. As concerns intellectual culture and the

progress of civilization, one can only recognize as

praiseworthy and noble the desire of the provinces of Canada

to develop public instruction, and to raise its standard more

and more, in order that it may daily become higher and more

perfect. Now there is no kind of knowledge, no perfection of

learning, which cannot be fully harmonized with Catholic

doctrine."

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (September).

Popular vote on the question of Prohibition.

Pursuant to a law passed by the Dominion Parliament the

previous June, a vote of the people in all the Provinces of

the Dominion was taken, on the 29th of September, 1898, upon

the following question: "Are you in favor of the passing of an

act prohibiting the importation, manufacture or sale of

spirits, wine, ale, beer, cider, and all other alcoholic

liquors for use as beverages?" The submitting of this question

to a direct vote of the people was a proceeding not quite

analogous to the Swiss Referendum, since it decided the fate

of no pending law; nor did it imitate the popular Initiative

of Swiss legislation, since the result carried no mandate to

the government. It was more in the nature of a French

Plébiscite, and many called it by that name; but no Plebiscite

in France ever drew so real an expression of popular opinion

on a question so fully discussed. The result of the voting was

a majority for prohibition in every Province except Quebec,

Ontario pronouncing for it by more than 39,000, Nova Scotia by

more than 29,000, New Brunswick by more than 17,000, Manitoba

by more than 9,000, Prince Edward's Island by more than 8,000,

and the Northwest Territories by more than 3,000, while

British Columbia gave a small majority of less than 600 on the

same side. Quebec, on the other hand, shouted a loud "No" to

the question, by 93,000 majority. The net majority in favor of

Prohibition was 107,000. The total of votes polled on the

question was 540,000. This was less than 44 per cent of the

total registration of voters; hence the vote for Prohibition

represented only about 23 per cent of the electorate, which

the government considered to offer too small a support for the

measure asked for.

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

The Joint High Commission for settlement of all unsettled

questions between Canada and the United States.

As the outcome of negotiations opened at Washington in the

previous autumn by the Canadian Premier, relative to the

seal-killing controversy, an agreement between Great Britain,

Canada and the United States was concluded on the 30th of May,

1898, for the creation of a Joint High Commission to negotiate

a treaty, if possible, by which all existing subjects of

controversy between the United States and Canada should be

settled with finality. Appointments to the Commission by the

three governments were made soon afterwards, Great Britain

being represented by the Lord High Chancellor, Baron

Herschell; Canada by Sir Wilfred Laurier, Premier, Sir Richard

Cartwright, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Sir Louis

Henry Davies, Minister of Marine and Fisheries; the United

States by Honorable John W. Foster, ex-Secretary of State,

Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, Senator George Gray,

Representative Nelson Dingley, and the Honorable John A.

Kasson, Reciprocity Commissioner. Senator Gray having been

subsequently appointed on the Commission to negotiate peace

with Spain, his place on the Anglo-American Commission was

taken by Senator Faulkner.

{64}

The Joint Commission sat first in Quebec and later in

Washington. Among the questions referred to it were those

relating to the establishment of the boundary between Alaska

and British Columbia; the issues over Bering Sea and the catch

of fur seals; the unmarked boundary between Canada and the

United States near Passamaqnoddy Bay in Maine and at points

between Wisconsin and Minnesota and Canada; the northeast

fisheries question, involving the rights of fishing in the

North Atlantic off Newfoundland and other points; the

regulation of the fishing rights on the Great Lakes;

alien-labor immigration across the Canadian-American border;

commercial reciprocity between the two countries; the

regulation of the bonding system by which goods are carried in

bond across the frontier and also the regulation of traffic by

international railways and canals of the two countries;

reciprocal mining privileges in the Klondyke, British North

America and other points; wrecking and salvage on the ocean

and Great Lakes coasting waters; the modification of the

treaty arrangement under which only one war vessel can be

maintained on the Great Lakes, with a view to allowing

warships to be built on the lakes and then floated out to the

ocean. The sessions of the Joint Commission were continued at

intervals until February, 1899, when it adjourned to meet at

Quebec in the following August, unless further adjournment

should be agreed upon by the several chairmen. Such further

adjournment was made, and the labors of the Joint Commission

were indefinitely suspended, for reasons which the President

of the United States explained in his Message to Congress,

December, 1899, as follows: "Much progress had been made by

the Commission toward the adjustment of many of these

questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable

difference of views was entertained respecting the

delimitation of the Alaskan boundary. In the failure of an

agreement as to the meaning of articles 3 and 4 of the treaty

of 1825 between Russia and Great Britain, which defined the

boundary between Alaska and Canada, the American Commissioners

proposed that the subject of the boundary be laid aside and

that the remaining questions of difference be proceeded with,

some of which were so far advanced as to assure the

probability of a settlement. This being declined by the

British Commissioners, an adjournment was taken until the

boundary should be adjusted by the two Governments. The

subject has been receiving the careful attention which its

importance demands, with the result that a modus vivendi for

provisional demarcations in the region about the head of Lynn

Canal has been agreed upon [see (in this volume) ALASKA

BOUNDARY QUESTION] and it is hoped that the negotiations now

in progress between the two Governments will end in an

agreement for the establishment and delimitation of a

permanent boundary."

CANADA: A. D. 1899 (October).

Modus Vivendi, fixing provisional boundary line of Alaska.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

Troops to reinforce the British army in South Africa.

A proposal from the Canadian government to assist that of the

Empire in its South African War was gratefully accepted in the

early stages of the war, and a regiment of infantry called the

Royal Canadian, numbering a little more than 1,000 men, sailed

from Quebec, October 30. In the following January a second

contingent of more than 1,000 men was sent to the field. This

latter comprised squadrons of mounted rilles and rough-riders,

and three batteries of field artillery. In the same month the

Canadian government accepted an offer from Lord Strathcona to

raise, equip and transport at his own expense a body of 500

mounted men from the Northwest.

CANADA: A. D. 1900 (November).

General election.

The general election of members of the Dominion House of

Commons was held November 7, resulting as follows:

Provinces.           Liberal.  Conservative. Independent.  Total.

Nova Scotia.            15          5            0          20

New-Brunswick.           9          5            0          14

Prince Edward Island.    3          2            0           5

Quebec.                 57          8            0          65

Ontario.                33         54            5          92

Manitoba.                2          3            2           7

Northwest Territories.   2          0            2           4

British Columbia.        3          2            1           6

Totals.                124         79           10         213

As in the election of 1896, the Liberal Ministry of Sir

Wilfred Laurier found its strong support in the province of

Quebec. Its party suffered unexpected losses in Ontario. The

slight meaning of the election was summed up by Professor

Goldwin Smith as follows: "The net result of the elections

seems to be a Government resting on French Quebec and an

Opposition resting on British Ontario. The minor provinces

have been carried, as usual, by local interests rather than on

general questions. Apart from the distinction of race between

the two great provinces and the antagonism, before dormant but

somewhat awakened by the war, there was no question of importance

at issue between the parties. Both concurred in sending

contingents to South Africa. The Liberals, though they went in

at first on the platform of free trade—at least, of a tariff

for revenue only—have practically embraced protection under

the name of stability of the tariff, and are believed to have

received from the protected manufacturers contributions to

their large election fund. The other special principles, such

as the reduction of expenditure and discontinuance of the

bonus to railways, proclaimed by Liberals before the last

election, have been dropped. So has reform of the Senate. It

is not likely that the Liberal victory will be followed by any

change either in legislation or government, or by any special

reform. Mr. Bourassa and Monet, of the French-Canadian members

who protested against the contingent, have been re-elected.

Great as may be the extent and warmth of British feeling, the

statement that Canadians were unanimously in favour of

participation in the war must not be taken without

qualification. For myself, I felt that so little principle was

at stake that I voted for two Conservatives on their personal

merits."

{65}

CANAL, The new Bruges.

See (in this volume)

BRUGES: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, The Chicago Drainage.

See (in this volume)

CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, City of Mexico Drainage.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898.

CANAL, The Elbe and Trave.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1581-1892.

The early inception of the project.

Movements towards its realization.

"The thought of uniting the two great oceans by means of a

canal across the American isthmus sprang up, as is known, from

the moment the conviction was reached that the passage which,

from the days of Columbus, was thought to exist towards the

Southern Sea, was not a reality. … Nevertheless the first

survey of the land was not carried out until the year 1581,

when, in obedience to superior instructions, Captain Antonio

Pereira, Governor of Costa Rica, organized an expedition and

explored the route by way of the San Juan river, the lake, and

the rivers emptying into Gulf Nicoya, Costa Rica. Thirty-nine

years later Diego de Mercado submitted to King Philip III his

famous report of January 23, 1620, suggesting the route by the

river and lake, and thence through Costa Rican territory along

the Quebrada or Barranca Honda to Salinas Bay, then called

Puerto del Papagayo. Either because the magnitude of the

undertaking was at that time superior to the necessities of

trade, or, as was said, because Spain considered the canal

antagonistic to her interests, the era of independence arrived

without the execution of the project ever having been entered

upon. After independence the Congress of Central America, in

which Costa Rica and Nicaragua were represented as States of

the Federation which succeeded the Colonial Government,

enacted on June 16, 1825, a decree providing for the

construction of the canal, and in that same year Don Antonio

José Cañas, Diplomatic Representative of Central America in

Washington, addressed the Secretary of State, Mr. Henry Clay,

informing him of this resolution and stating that: 'A company

formed of American citizens of respectability was ready to

undertake the work as soon as a treaty with the United States

insuring the coöperation of the latter was signed; that he was

ready to enter into negotiations for the treaty, and that

nothing would be more pleasant for Central America than to see

the generous people of the United States joining her in the

opening of the canal, sharing the glory of the enterprise, and

enjoying the great advantages to be derived from it.' The

Government of Central America could not carry the undertaking

into effect, notwithstanding that among the means employed to

reach the desired result there figures the arrangement

concluded with the King of Holland in October, 1830. But,

though the hopes centered in the undertaking were frustrated,

to the honor of Central America the declarations of that

Congress, which constitute, like the concession for the canal

itself, one of the loftiest public documents ever issued by

any nation of the earth, have become a matter of record. The

Central American Federation dissolved, this important matter

attached to Nicaragua and Costa Rica directly, and the

boundary line between the two republics having been determined

by the treaty of April 15, 1858, as were also the points

relative to the canal, the two governments jointly granted a

concession on May 1 of that same year to Mr. Felix Belly, a

distinguished French writer, to whom the Emperor Napoleon gave

his support to carry forward the undertaking. This failing of

accomplishment, the two governments, in perfect accord,

concluded the contract known as the Ayon-Chevalier, signed by

Nicaragua on October 16, 1868, and by Costa Rica on June 18,

1869, which, it is unnecessary to say, also failed to produce

any results whatever. Some years after the expiration of this

last contract Nicaragua promoted a discussion as to the

validity of the treaty and the meaning of some of its

stipulations, which Costa Rica upheld in its original form,

and the question was submitted to the decision of the

President of the United States, Mr. Cleveland, who in his

award of March 22, 1888, accepted by both parties, declared

the treaty valid and binding upon each Republic and

interpreted the points which in the opinion of Nicaragua were

doubtful. According to the provisions of both of these

documents, the treaty and award, even in the remote event that

the natural rights of Costa Rica should not be injured, Nicaragua

is bound not to make any grants for canal purposes across her

territory without first asking the opinion of the Republic of

Costa Rica. Three years prior, and while this question was

still pending, Nicaragua concluded the treaty known as the

Zavala-Frelinghuysen, signed in Washington on December 1,

1884, whereby the title to the canal was conveyed to the

United States, and Costa Rica adhered to this treaty under

date of February 23, 1885; but the negotiations remained

without effect, because, ratification having been denied in

the Senate, although a reconsideration of the subject had been

agreed to, President Cleveland, on inaugurating his first

administration, withdrew the document from the Senate. Things

then returned to the status they formerly maintained, and

Nicaragua in April, 1887, and Costa Rica in July, 1888,

respectively granted the concessions pursuant to which the

construction of the American waterway has been pending of late

years. The Congress of the United States has been giving

special attention to this important matter since the year

1892, and commissions have been created charged with the

survey and location of the route, as well as the study of the

influence of the canal in its different aspects. Recently the

investigation is not limited to the route by Nicaragua and

Costa Rica alone, but extends to Panama."

Speech of Señor Calvo, Costa Rican Minister,

at the International Commercial Congress,

Philadelphia, October 24, 1899.

{66}

CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1889-1899.

The Maritime Canal Company.

Investigation of Nicaragua routes.

"The failure of the Frelinghuysen-Zavala treaty [see above]

was a severe disappointment to the friends of the canal

project, but it did not discourage them. A company of private

citizens, capitalists and promoters, was organized, which at

length took the name of the Maritime Canal Company. Fair and

full concessions were secured from the government of

Nicaragua, while similar articles were also signed with the

Republic of Costa Rica on account of imagined ownership of a

portion of the territory through which the canal was to pass,

though it has been shown subsequently, in the settlement of

the boundary dispute between those two governments, that Costa

Rica's rights in the matter were solely riparian. In due time

Congress was called upon to grant a charter to the Maritime

Company, which asked nothing more than this." The chartering

act was passed by Congress in 1889, with an important

amendment proposed by Judge Holman of Indiana, providing that

"nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to

commit the United States to any pecuniary liability whatever

for any account of said company, nor shall the United States

be held in any wise liable or responsible in any form or by

any implication for any debt or, liability in any form which

said company may incur, nor as guaranteeing any engagement or

contract of said company." But two years afterwards, the

company having failed to enlist the necessary capital for its

undertaking, an attempt was made to set aside the above

provision and to persuade Congress to guarantee $100,000,000

of bonds, taking $70,000,000 of stock and making the

government a partner in the enterprise. The proposal was

rejected. Congress "did not guarantee the company's bonds. The

company, without such guarantee, was unable to raise the

necessary capital, either in the United States or abroad, and

the financial crisis of 1893 so overwhelmed it that all active

operations on the isthmus were suspended, and they have never

been resumed. The same issue, the guaranteeing of bonds, has

come up from time to time in succeeding Congresses, but not

until the second session of the Fifty-fourth [1897] did it

appear to have much chance of being decided in favor of the

company. The opposition in the Senate, where it was first

considered, was strong, and the arguments advanced against the

bill were clear, sound and forceful. The advocates of the

measure were pressing for a vote, but almost at the supreme

moment a note was received from the State Department,

accompanied by a communication from Minister Rodriguez, the

representative of the Greater Republic of Central America,

setting forth several unassailable objections of his

government to the methods of procedure. This final thrust

determined the fate of the bill, and a vote on it was not

taken. … The material points of Minister Rodriguez's

criticism, which caused the Senate bill in 1897 to be

withdrawn, were that some of the vital provisions of the

cessions under which the Maritime Canal Company had the right

to construct the canal were violated."

C. M. Stadden,

Latest Aspects of the Nicaragua Canal Project

(North American Review, December, 1898).

Congress now (June 4, 1897) passed an Act which created a

commission to examine all practicable routes for a canal

through Nicaragua, and report its judgment as to the best,

with an estimate of the cost of the work on such route. The

commissioners appointed were Admiral Walker, Professor Haupt,

and Colonel Hains. Their report, submitted to the President in

May, 1899, unanimously recommended the route described as

follows: "This line, leaving Brito, follows the left bank of

the Rio Grande to near Bueno Retiro, and crosses the western

divide to the valley of the Lajas, which it follows to Lake

Nicaragua. Crossing the lake to the head of the San Juan

river, it follows the upper river to near Boca San Carlos;

thence, in excavation, by the left bank of the river to the

San Juanillo and across the low country to Greytown, passing

to the northward of Lake Silico." But while the commissioners

agreed in finding this route preferable to any others in the

Nicaragua region, they disagreed seriously in their estimates

of cost, Colonel Hains, putting it at nearly $135,000,000,

while Admiral Walker and Professor Haupt placed the cost at

little more than $118,000,000. Before the report of this

Nicaragua Canal Commission was made, however, Congress (March

3, 1899) had directed the appointment of another commission to

examine and report upon all possible routes for an

interoceanic canal, in the Panama region and elsewhere, as

well as through Nicaragua and to determine the cost of

constructing such a canal and "placing it under the control,

management and ownership of the United States." This later

commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was made

up as follows:

Rear-Admiral John G. Walker, U. S. N.;

Samuel Pasco, of Florida;

Alfred Noble, C. E. of Illinois;

George S. Morrison, C. E., of New York;

Colonel Peter C. Hains, U. S. A.;

Professor William H. Burr, of Connecticut;

Lieutenant-Colonel Oswald H. Ernst, U. S. A.;

Professor Lewis M. Haupt, C. E., of Pennsylvania;

Professor Emory R. Johnston, of Pennsylvania.

In his Message to Congress the next December, President

McKinley stated: "The contract of the Maritime Canal Company

of Nicaragua was declared forfeited by the Nicaraguan

Government on the 10th of October, on the ground of

nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the

contract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest

against this action, alleging rights in the premises which

appear worthy of consideration. This Government expects that

Nicaragua will afford the protestants a full and fair hearing

upon the merits of the case." But another company had been put

into the place of the Maritime Canal Company, by action of

President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, who, in 1898, granted to

Edward Eyre and E. F. Cragin, who represented an American

Syndicate, the right to construct the canal when the contract

with the Maritime should have lapsed. This transaction,

however, lacked confirmation by Costa Rica and the United

States.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1893-1900.

The Panama Canal Concession twice extended.

Formation of new company.

See (in this volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1899 (December).

Transfer of the Panama Canal to an American company.

The transfer of the Panama Canal from the later French company

to an American company, chartered in New Jersey, was

accomplished in December, 1899. The new company received all

the property, rights, and powers of its French predecessor,

the consideration to be paid to the latter being mainly in the

form of shares in the American company.

Map of Central America showing the Isthmian Canal Routes

{67}

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (November).

Preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission in

favor of the Nicaragua route.

The preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission,

appointed under the Act of March 3, 1899, was presented to the

President on the 30th November, 1900, and communicated to

Congress at the opening of the session. The Commission

reported in favor of the Nicaragua route, essentially on the

lines laid down by the previous Nicaragua Canal Commission, as

defined above. It found that the choice of routes lies between

this and the route of the partly constructed Panama Canal, and

its discussion of the question presented the following views:

"(a) Between New York and San Francisco, the Nicaragua Canal

route would be 377 nautical miles shorter than the Panama

route. Between New Orleans and San Francisco 579 miles would

be saved, and, in general, the distances between the Atlantic

and Pacific ports of the United States are less by way of

Nicaragua. Between our east coast and Yokohama and Shanghai

the Nicaragua route is somewhat shorter, but for the trade of

our eastern ports with the west coast of South America the

Panama route is not so long as the Nicaragua.

(b) A part of the saving in distance effected by using a

Nicaragua canal instead of one at Panama would be offset by

the longer time of transit at Nicaragua. An average steamer

would require twelve hours to make the passage through the

Panama Canal, and thirty-three through one across Nicaragua.

For a 10-knot steamer this difference of twenty-one hours

would be equivalent to 210 knots difference in distance, and

for a 13-knot steamer, the difference in time of transit would

be equivalent to 273 knots.

(c) The Nicaragua route would be the more favorable one for

sailing vessels because of the uncertain winds in the bay of

Panama. It would not be impossible for sailing vessels to use

the Panama Canal, but for average voyages between the two

seaboards of the United States, a sailing vessel would require

about nine days additional time to make the passage by way of

the Panama Canal. However, neither route would be much used by

sailing vessels, because of their inability to compete with

steamers. They would certainly not be able to compete with

steamers, both using the Panama Canal.

(d) For the promotion of the domestic trade of the United

States, the Nicaragua route would possess advantages over the

Panama route, because the distance between our two seaboards

is less. For our trade with Japan, China, the Philippines, and

Australia, the advantages of the two routes are nearly equal,

the distance by way of the Nicaragua route being slightly

less. For our trade with South America the Panama route is

shorter and more direct.

(e) The industrial changes which the Nicaragua Canal would

produce in the countries through which it will pass would be

great. Nicaragua and Costa Rica comprise a region capable of

producing a large amount of tropical products for which there

is a demand in Europe and the United States. A canal across

their territory would give a great impetus to their economic

development.

"A careful examination has been made of all the rights,

privileges, and franchises held and owned by corporations,

associations, and individuals at the different canal routes.

This necessarily included a study of the treaties relating to

the establishment of an interoceanic communication made by the

Republics, whose territory is to be occupied, and by the

United States, with one another, and also with foreign

governments. The treaties heretofore made exclude all idea of

a relinquishment of sovereignty over any of the proposed

routes. In most of them the right of transit and the innocent

use of the communication, whether by railway or canal, is

granted to the other contracting party, its citizens and

subjects, to be enjoyed upon equal terms with other

governments and people; and the leading commercial nations of

the world have committed themselves to the policy of

neutrality at the different routes, and some of them have

obligated themselves to use their influence to induce other

nations to agree to the same policy. No existing treaties

between the United States and the Republics of Nicaragua and

Costa Rica, or of Colombia, give our Government the right to

excavate and operate a maritime canal through any of these

countries. The concessions granted by the different Republics

through whose territory the lines of the projected canals

extend, in terms, exclude the right of the companies holding

them to transfer them to any foreign government, and further

treaty rights must be acquired to enable the United States to

undertake the excavation of a navigable waterway between the

two oceans in a governmental capacity. The only prior

obligations to corporations, associations, or individuals in

the way of a direct agreement between the United States and

Nicaragua authorizing our Government to construct a canal

across the territory of the latter, to be under its control,

management, and ownership, have been eliminated by the

forfeiture and termination of the contracts with the Maritime

Canal Company of Nicaragua and the Interoceanic Canal Company.

In view of this declaration the Commission has not made any

effort to ascertain the cost at which the concessions of these

companies can be purchased, for if these forfeitures are final

the rights formerly granted to these companies are not in the

way of diplomatic negotiations with the Government interested

to acquire the consent and authority necessary for the

construction of a canal by this route. The situation in Costa

Rica is practically the same.

"The situation at Panama is different. The Republic of

Colombia first granted a concession to the Panama Railroad

Company, giving it exclusive privileges on the Isthmus, which

will continue according to modifications afterwards made for

ninety-nine years from August 16, 1867. A later concession to

the Panama Canal Company required it to enter into some

amicable arrangement with the railroad company under which the

former might occupy the territory along or near its line. The

canal company acquired by purchase a majority of the railroad

stock, and the necessary arrangements were made. This stock is

now under the control of the New Panama Canal Company, which

gives it a directing influence in both organizations. The

canal concession is to continue according to its latest

extension for ninety-nine years from the day on which the

canal shall be wholly or partially opened to public service,

and the date fixed for this in the contract is October 31,

1910. Should it fail and the concession be forfeited the

company will still have exclusive control of the territory

through which its line extends till 1966 under the railroad

concession. The canal company is absolutely prohibited to cede

or mortgage its rights under any consideration whatever to any

nation or foreign government under penalty of forfeiture.

{68}

The contract with the railroad company contains a like

prohibition and declares further that the pain of forfeiture

will be incurred by the mere act of attempting to cede or

transfer its privilege to a foreign government and such an act

is declared absolutely null and of no value or effect. These

concessions, if acquired by the United States, would not give

to the Government the control and ownership evidently

contemplated by the law, that is, an absolute ownership in

perpetuity. The right under the contract with the railroad

company is designated as 'the use and possession' of the

property for ninety-nine years, and it is provided that 'at

the expiration of the term of the privilege' and by the sole

fact of the expiration, the Government of Colombia shall be

substituted in all the rights of the company and shall

immediately enter into the enjoyment of the line of

communication, its fixtures, dependencies and all its

products. The right of the canal company is substantially of

the same character. … An examination of the charter rights of

the New Panama Canal Company under the general incorporation

laws of France and the special legislation in its behalf

resulted in finding an enactment, included in a law passed

June 8, 1888, requiring that all the plant necessary for the

construction of the canal shall be manufactured in France and

that the material must be of French origin. This being the

situation, it was manifest that, even if the privileges of the

companies could be purchased by and transferred to the United

States, they were encumbered with charges and conditions that

would not permit this Government to exercise all the rights of

complete ownership over a canal constructed by it at the

Panama route. A new arrangement is necessary if the United

States is to undertake such a work. The relinquishment by the

canal company, with the consent of Colombia, of the privileges

it has under existing concessions, for a consideration to be

agreed upon with the United States, would leave the way open

for treaty negotiations between the two governments to

ascertain whether Colombia will consent to the occupation of

its territory by the United States for the construction of a

canal to be under Government control, management, and

ownership, and, if so, whether they can agree upon terms

mutually satisfactory. The situation is peculiar, as there are

three parties in interest. The United States can enter into no

agreement with Colombia that does not have the approval of the

company, and the concessions do not permit the company to

transfer or attempt to transfer its rights to a foreign

government.

"The Commission has, however, attempted to ascertain the views

of the New Panama Canal Company with reference to a

disposition and transfer of its rights. Interviews were had

with its president and other officers during the visit to

Paris and on several occasions from time to time since then,

and on the 10th day of April last a formal letter was

addressed to Mr. Maurice Hutin, the president and

director-general, asking whether he was in a position to name

terms upon which the company would dispose of its property and

interests to the United States. At different times since then

the subject has been discussed by the representatives of the

company with the Commission and its committee on rights,

privileges, and franchises, but no formal reply to the letter

was received until this report was being closed. These

conferences and correspondence have resulted in no offer to

dispose of the property and privileges of the company to the

United States upon any terms, even with the consent of the

Colombian Government, nor has the company expressed any desire

or wish to enter into any negotiations with the United States

with reference to such a disposition of its property and

rights. It was proposed by President Hutin that the United

States might obtain control of the canal scheme as a majority

stockholder of a new organization to which the present company

could contribute its concession, plant, unfinished work, and

other property, at a valuation to be determined by

arbitration, and he expressed the opinion that such an

arrangement could be made without violating the concessions.

But this must include some plan for the protection of the

minority stockholders in the financial management, for they

would favor a policy that would realize liberal dividends in

proportion to the commercial value of the canal, while the

policy of this Government might be to reduce tolls and charges

to the cost of maintenance or even below it, if the interests

of the people would be thereby advanced. The plan, however,

which the company prefers is that outlined in its letter of

February 28, 1899, addressed to the President of the United

States, which has been published in Senate Document No. 188,

Fifty-Sixth Congress, first session, pages 41 and 42. This was

to reincorporate under the laws of New York or some other

State, and accord to the United States such representation in

its board of directors and such opportunity to acquire an

interest in its securities as its concessions permitted. And

an assurance was added to the effect that if the United States

should desire to perpetuate or enlarge its existing rights and

privileges acquired under the treaty of 1846, the company

would conform to such supplemental treaty as might be entered

into between the United States and Colombia. The Commission

having no other authority than to make investigations and

obtain information submits this result of its efforts to

ascertain upon what terms the rights and privileges at the

Panama route can be obtained. It is proper to add that the

examination of the title of the present company to the canal

property under the laws of France and Colombia has satisfied

this Commission that the New Panama Canal Company has the

entire control and management of the canal property. …

"The estimated cost of building the Nicaragua Canal is about

$58,000,000 more than that of completing the Panama Canal,

leaving out the cost of acquiring the latter property. This

measures the difference in the magnitude of the obstacles to

be overcome in the actual construction of the two canals, and

covers all physical considerations such as the greater or less

height of dams, the greater or less depth of cuts, the

presence or absence of natural harbors, the presence or

absence of a railroad, the exemption from or liability to

disease, and the amount of work remaining to be done. The New

Panama Canal Company has shown no disposition to sell its

property to the United States. Should that company be able and

willing to sell, there is reason to believe that the price

would not be such as would make the total cost to the United

States less than that of the Nicaragua Canal. … In view of all

the facts, and particularly in view of all the difficulties of

obtaining the necessary rights, privileges, and franchises on

the Panama route, and assuming that Nicaragua and Costa Rica

recognize the value of the canal to themselves and are

prepared to grant concessions on terms which are reasonable

and acceptable to the United States, the Commission is of the

opinion that 'the most practicable and feasible route for' an

isthmian canal to be 'under the control, management, and

ownership of the United States' is that known as the Nicaragua

route."

United States, 56th Congress,

2d Session, Senate Doc. Number 5.

{69}

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (December).

The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States and

Great Britain, to facilitate the construction of the Canal,

as amended by the United States Senate.

In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President

McKinley had the following to say on the subject of the

Interoceanic Canal: "The all important matter of an

interoceanic canal has assumed a new phase. Adhering to its

refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture of the

contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated

for alleged non-execution in October, 1899, the Government of

Nicaragua has since supplemented that action by declaring the

so-styled Eyre-Cragin option void for non-payment of the

stipulated advance. Protests in relation to these acts have

been filed in the State Department, and are under

consideration. Deeming itself relieved from existing

engagements, the Nicaraguan Government shows a disposition to

deal freely with the canal question either in the way of

negotiations with the United States or by taking measures to

promote the waterway. Overtures for a convention to effect the

building of a canal under the auspices of the United States

are under consideration. In the mean time, the views of the

Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the report

of the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits

of the various trans-isthmian ship canal projects, may be

awaited. I commend to the early attention of the Senate the

convention with Great Britain to facilitate the construction

of such a canal, and to remove any objection which might arise

out of the convention commonly called the Clayton-Bulwer

Treaty."

On the terms of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty:

See, in volume 4,

NICARAGUA: A. D. 1850.

The Convention thus referred to was negotiated by the

Secretary of State of the United States. Mr. John Hay, with

the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Pauncefote.

It was signed at Washington on the 5th of February, 1900, and

communicated by the President to the Senate on the same day.

The action of the Senate on the Convention was not taken until

after the opening of the session of Congress in December. It was

then ratified (December 20), but with three amendments which

seriously changed its character. The following is the text of

the Convention as ratified, with the Senate amendments

indicated:

"ARTICLE I.

It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the

auspices of the Government of the United States, either

directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to

individuals or corporations or through subscription to or

purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the

provisions of the present Convention, the said Government

shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such

construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for

the regulation and management of the canal.

"ARTICLE II.

The High Contracting Parties, desiring to preserve and

maintain the 'general principle' of neutralization established

in Article VIII of the Clayton-Bulwer Convention, [Added by

the Senate] which convention is hereby superseded, adopt, as

the basis of such neutralization, the following rules,

substantially as embodied in the convention between Great

Britain and certain other Powers, signed at Constantinople,

October 29, 1888, for the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime

Canal, that is to say:

1. The canal shall be free and open, in time of war as in time

of peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war of all

nations, on terms of entire equality, so that there shall be

no discrimination against any nation or its citizens or

subjects in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,

or otherwise.

2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of

war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within

it.

3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor

take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly

necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal

shall be effected with the least possible delay, in accordance

with the regulations in force, and with only such intermission

as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes

shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels

of war of the belligerents.

4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions

of war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of

accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the

transit shall be resumed with all possible despatch.

5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters

adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either

end. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such

waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time except in

case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as

possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not

depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel

of war of the other belligerent. [Added by the Senate] It is

agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing

conditions and stipulations in sections numbered one, two,

three, four and five of this article shall apply to measures

which the United States may find it necessary to take for

securing by its own forces the defense of the United States

and the maintenance of public order.

6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works

necessary to the construction, maintenance and operation of

the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes

of this Convention, and in time of war as in time of peace

shall enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by

belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their

usefulness as part of the canal.

7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or

the waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at

liberty to maintain such military police along the canal as

may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and

disorder.

"ARTICLE III.

The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the

exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, bring it to

the notice of the other Powers [and invite them to adhere to

it].

[Stricken out by the Senate.]

"ARTICLE: IV.

The present Convention shall be ratified by the President of

the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty; and the

ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London

within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if

possible."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 160.

{70}

Anticipating the ratification of the above Treaty with Great

Britain, the President of the United States, in December,

1900, concluded agreements with the governments of Costa Rica

and Nicaragua, both of which were in the following terms:

"It is agreed between the two Governments that when the

President of the United States is authorized by law to acquire

control of such portion of the territory now belonging to [Costa

Rica and Nicaragua] as may be desirable and necessary on which

to construct and protect a canal of depth and capacity

sufficient for the passage of vessels of the greatest tonnage

and draft now in use from a point near San Juan del Norte, on

the Caribbean Sea, via Lake Nicaragua, to Brito, on the

Pacific Ocean, they mutually engage to enter into negotiations

with each other to settle the plan and the agreements, in detail,

found necessary to accomplish the construction and to provide

for the ownership and control of the proposed canal. As

preliminary to such future negotiations it is forthwith agreed

that the course of said canal and the terminals thereof shall

be the same that were stated in a treaty signed by the

plenipotentiaries of the United States and Great Britain on

February 5, 1900, and now pending in the Senate of the United

States for confirmation, and that the provisions of the same

shall be adhered to by the United States and [Costa Rica and

Nicaragua]." No action on these agreements was taken in the

Senate.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1901 (March).

Rejection by the British Government of the Hay-Pauncefote

Treaty as amended by the U. S. Senate.

Early in March, soon after the adjournment of Congress, a

communication from Lord Lansdowne, the British Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs, declining with courtesy and in

friendly terms to accept the Senate amendments to the

Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, was received by Lord Pauncefote, the

British Ambassador at Washington. The objections urged most

strongly are against those amendments which touch the

neutrality of the proposed canal and its unimpeded use in time

of war as well as in time of peace. "The first of them," said

Lord Lansdowne, "which reserves to the United States the right

of taking any measures which they may find necessary to secure by

their own forces the defence of the United States, appears to

His Majesty's government to involve a distinct departure from

the principle which has until now found acceptance with both

governments; the principle, namely, that in time of war, as

well as in time of peace, the passage of the canal is to

remain free and unimpeded, and is to be so maintained by the

power or powers responsible for its control. Were this

amendment added to the convention the United States would, it

is presumed, be within their rights, if, at any moment when it

seemed to them that their safety required it, in view of

warlike preparations not yet commenced, but contemplated or

supposed to be contemplated by another power, they resorted to

warlike acts in or near the canal—acts clearly inconsistent

with the neutral character which it has always been sought to

give it, and which would deny the free use of it to the

commerce and navies of the world. … If the new clause were to

be added, the obligation to respect the neutrality of the

canal in all circumstances would, so far as Great Britain is

concerned, remain in force; the obligation of the United

States, on the other hand, would be essentially modified. The

result would be a onesided arrangement, under which Great

Britain would be debarred from any warlike action in or around

the canal, while the United States would be liable to resort to

such action to whatever extent they might deem necessary to

secure their own safety."

To the contention that there is a specific prohibition in the

Hay-Pauncefote treaty against the erection of fortifications,

and that this would sufficiently insure the free use of the

canal, Lord Lansdowne replies that this "contention is one

which His Majesty's government are quite unable to admit." He

notes the vagueness of language in the amendment, and says:

"Even if it were more precisely worded it would be impossible

to determine what might be the effect if one clause permitting

defensive measures and another forbidding fortifications were

allowed to stand side by side in the convention. To His

Majesty's government it seems, as I have already said, that

the amendment might be construed as leaving it open to the

United States at any moment, not only if war existed, but even

if it were anticipated, to take any measures, however

stringent or far-reaching, which in their own judgment might

be represented as suitable for the purpose of protecting their

national interests. Such an enactment would strike at the very

root of that 'general principle' of neutralization upon which

the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was based, and which was reaffirmed

in the convention as drafted."

As to the third Senate amendment, which struck out the

provision inviting the adherence of other powers, Lord

Lansdowne says: "The amendment not only removes all prospect

of the wider guarantee of the neutrality of the canal, but

places this country in a position of marked disadvantage

compared with other powers which would not be subject to the

self-denying ordinance which Great Britain is desired to

accept. It would follow, were His Majesty's government to

agree to such an arrangement, that while the United States

would have a treaty right to interfere with the canal in time

of war, or apprehended war, and while other powers could with

a clear conscience disregard any of the restrictions imposed

by the convention, Great Britain alone, in spite of her

enormous possessions on the American Continent, in spite of

the extent of her Australasian colonies and her interests in

the East, would be absolutely precluded from resorting to any

such action or from taking measures to secure her interests in

and near the canal."

The British Minister closes his communication to Lord

Pauncefote as follows: "I request that your excellency will

explain to the Secretary of State the reasons, as set forth in

this dispatch, why His Majesty's government feel unable to

accept the convention in the shape presented to them by the

American Ambassador, and why they prefer, as matters stand at

present, to retain unmodified the provisions of the

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. His Majesty's government have

throughout these negotiations given evidence of their earnest

desire to meet the views of the United States.

{71}

They would on this occasion have been ready to consider in a

friendly spirit any amendments of the convention not

inconsistent with the principles accepted by both governments

which the government of the United States might have desired

to propose, and they would sincerely regret a failure to come

to an amicable understanding in regard to this important

subject."

CANAL, The Kaiser Wilhelm Ship.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

CANAL, Manchester Ship.

On the 1st of January, 1894, the ship canal from Liverpool to

Manchester, which had been ten years in course of construction

and cost £15,000,000, was formally opened, by a long

procession of steamers, which traversed it in four and a half

hours.

CANAL: The Rhine-Elbe, the Dortmund-Rhine,

and other Prussian projects.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1890 (AUGUST);

and 1901 (JANUARY).

CANDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).

Fresh outbreak.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CANEA: Christian and Moslem conflicts at.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:

Formation of Spanish Cabinet.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:

Assassination.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

CANTEEN, The Army.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), THE PROHIBITION PARTY;

and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CANTON: A. D. 1894.

The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

CANTON: A. D. 1899.

Increasing piracy in the river.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899.

CAPE COLONY.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY).

CAPE NOME, Gold discovery at.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.

CAPE SAN JUAN, Engagement at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

CARNEGIE, Andrew: Gifts and offers to public libraries.

See (in this volume)

LIBRARIES;

and LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

CARNEGIE COMPANY, Sale of the interests of the.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

CAROLINE and MARIANNE ISLANDS:

Their sale by Spain to Germany.

By a treaty concluded in February, 1899, the Caroline Islands,

the Western Carolines or Pelew Islands, and the Marianne or

Ladrone Islands (excepting Guam), were sold by Spain to

Germany for 25,000,000 pesetas—the peseta being equivalent to

a fraction less than twenty cents. Spain reserved the right to

establish and maintain naval and mercantile stations in the

islands, and to retain them in case of war. Spanish trade and

privileges for the Spanish religious orders are guaranteed

against interference.

CARROLL, Henry K.:

Report on Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

CASSATION, The Court of.

The French Court of Appeals.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

CASTILLO, Pedro Lopez de:

Letter to the soldiers of the American army.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

CATALOGUE, International, of Scientific Literature.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

CATALONIA: Independent aspirations in.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: A. D. 1894.

Late in December, the orange groves of Florida were mostly

destroyed or seriously injured by the severest frost known in

more than half a century.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On January 8, a severe earthquake shock was felt at Meshed,

Kelat and other Persian towns, causing over 1,100 deaths.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

In March, the Tigris overflowed its banks, causing

incalculable loss of life and property in Mesopotamia.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

A succession of earthquake shocks in March, 1896, did great

damage at Santiago, Valparaiso, and other parts of Chile.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On May 15, a cyclone destroyed part of the town of Sherman, in

Texas, killing more than 120 persons, mostly negroes. The same

day a waterspout burst over the town of Howe in the same state,

killing 8 people.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On May 27, a fierce cyclone swept the city of St. Louis,

Missouri, completely devastating a large part of the city, and

causing great loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

A destructive wave swept the Japanese coast in June.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On July 26, a tidal wave, 5 miles in width, inundated the

coast of Kiangsu, in China, destroying many villages and more

than 4,000 inhabitants.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896-1897.

A severe famine prevailed in India from the spring of 1896

until the autumn of 1897.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

A severe earthquake occurred at the island of Kishm in the

Persian Gulf, in January, causing great loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

In March and April of this year the floods along the

Mississippi river and its tributaries reached the highest

level ever recorded. In extent of area and loss of property

these floods were the most remarkable in the history of the

continent. The total area under water on April 10 was about

15,800 square miles, containing about 39,500 farms, whose

value was close upon $65,000,000. The loss of life was small.

Congress gave relief to the extent of $200,000, besides

appropriating $2,583,300 for the improvement of the

Mississippi.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

Extensive floods occurred in Galatz, Moldavia, in June,

rendering 20,000 people homeless.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

The islands of Leyte and Samar, in the Visayas group, were

swept by an immense wave caused by a cyclone, in October,

thousands of natives being killed, and much property

destroyed.

{72}

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

On October 6, the Philippine Islands were swept by a typhoon,

which destroyed several towns. The loss of life was estimated

at 6,000, of whom 400 were Europeans. This was followed on

October 12 by a cyclone which destroyed several villages and

caused further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

By an eruption of the Mayon volcano in the island of Luzon,

Philippine Islands, four hundred persons were buried in the

lava, and the large town of Libog completely destroyed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A series of earthquake shocks in Asia Minor during the month

of January occasioned considerable loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

In January, Amboyna, in the Molucca Islands, was almost

destroyed by an earthquake, in which about 50 persons were

killed and 200 injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

On January 11, a tornado wrecked many buildings in Fort Smith,

Ark. The loss of life was reported as 50, with hundreds

injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A disastrous blizzard occurred in New England, January 31 and

February 1. Fifty lives were reported as lost, and the damage

in Boston alone amounted to $2,000,000. Many vessels were

driven ashore or foundered, with further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

Floods on the Ohio river in March and April caused much loss

of life and property. Shawneetown, Illinois on the Ohio river,

was almost entirely destroyed by the flood, more than 60 lives

being lost.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

On the night of September 10, the island of Barbados was swept

by a tornado which destroyed 10,000 houses and damaged 5,000

more. Three-fourths of the inhabitants were left homeless, and

about 100 were killed. The islands of St. Vincent and St.

Lucia also suffered great losses of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A typhoon swept the central provinces of Japan in September,

causing heavy floods, and destroying 100 lives.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

Severe floods on the Brazos river, in Texas, occasioned the

death of about 100 people, and property losses to the extent

of $15,000,000.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

A destructive tornado in Northern Missouri, in April, did much

damage in the towns of Kirksville and Newtown. Over fifty

persons were killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

An almost unprecedented failure of crops in eastern Russia

caused famine, disease and awful destruction of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

A terrific hurricane visited the West Indies August 7 and 8.

Of the several islands affected, Porto Rico suffered most,

three-fourths of the population being left homeless. The total

loss of life in the West Indies was estimated at 5,000.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

About 1,500 people lost their lives in an earthquake around

Aidin, Asia Minor, September 2.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

The island of Ceram, in the Moluccas, was visited by an

earthquake and tidal wave, November 2. Many towns were

destroyed, and 5,000 people killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899-1900.

Recurrence of famine in India.

See (in this volume)

INDIA A. D. 1899-1900.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1900.

The city of Galveston, Texas, was overwhelmed and mostly

destroyed, on the 9th of September, by an unprecedented

hurricane, which drove the waters of the Gulf upon the

low-lying town.

See (in this volume)

GALVESTON.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1901.

Famine in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman:

Protest of British peers against the declaration required from

the sovereign.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman:

Victory in Belgium.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

See, also, PAPACY.

CEBU: The American occupation of the island.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

CENSUS: Of the United States, A. D. 1900.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1821-1898.

Unsuccessful attempts to unite the republics.

"In 1821, after numerous revolutions, Central America

succeeded in throwing off the yoke of Spain. A Congress

assembled at Guatemala in March, 1822, and founded the

Republic of Central America, composed of Guatemala, Salvador,

Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The new Republic had but

a short existence; after numerous civil wars the Union was

dissolved, October 26, 1838, and the five States of the

Republic became so many independent countries. Several

attempts toward a reorganization of the Constitution of the

Republic of Central America remained fruitless and had cost

the lives of certain of their authors, when, through the

influence of Dr. P. Bonilla, President of the Republic of

Honduras, a treaty was concluded between Nicaragua and

Salvador, according to which the three Republics constituted a

federation under the name of the Greater Republic of Central

America. The three Republics became States, and the

sovereignty of the federation was exercised by a Diet composed

of three members, one for each State, and which convened every

year in the capital of the Federal States.

"On the invitation of this Diet, the three States appointed a

delegation which met as a Constituent Assembly at Managua,

Nicaragua, and established a constitution, according to the

terms of which the three States took the name of the United

States of Central America, November 1, 1898. This

Constitution, grand and patriotic, which, in the minds of

those who had elaborated it, meant a complete consolidation of

the three Federal States and a speedy realization of a

reorganization of the Grand Republic of Central America,

dreamed of by Morazan, had a sad ending. The day after the

meeting of the Constituent Assembly a revolutionary movement

hostile to the new federation broke out in Salvador and gave a

new administration to this State. Its first act was to retire

from the Union, and this secession brought about the

dissolution of the United States of Central America; for,

following the example of Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua took

back their absolute sovereignty."

H. Jalhay,

quoted in Bulletin of American Republics, March, 1899.

{73}

The secession of Salvador was brought about by a revolutionary

movement, which overthrew the constitutional government of

President Gutierrez and placed General Tomas Regolado at the

head of a provisional government, which issued the following

manifesto on the 25th of November, 1898: "Considering—That the

compact of Amapala, celebrated in June, 1895, and all that

proceeds therefrom, has not obtained the legitimate sanction

of the Salvadorean people, and, moreover, has been a violation

of the political constitution of Salvador; That in the

assembled Constituent Assembly of Managua, reunited in June of

the present year, the deputies of Salvador were not directly

elected by the Salvadorean people, and for that reason had no

legal authority to concur to a constituent law that could bind

the Republic; That the union with the Republics of Honduras

and Nicaragua under the contracted terms will seriously injure

the interests of Salvador: Decrees. ART. 1. The Republic of

Salvador is not obliged by the contract of Amapala to

acknowledge any authority in the constitution of Managua of

the 27th August of the current year, and it is released from

the contract of union with the Republics of Honduras and

Nicaragua. ART. 2. The Republic of Salvador assumes in full

its self-government and independence, and will enter the union

with the sister Republics of Central America when same is

convenient to its positive interests and is the express and

free will of the Salvadorean people."

United States, 55th Congress, 3d Session,

Senate Document Number 50.

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1884-1900.

Interoceanic Canal measures of later years.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, with accompanying map.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1894-1895.

Insurrection in the Mosquito Indian Strip.

The Bluefields Incident.

In his Annual Message to Congress, December, 1894, President

Cleveland referred as follows to disturbances which had

occurred during the year at Bluefields, the principal town of

the Mosquito district of Nicaragua, and commonly known as "the

Bluefields Incident:" "By the treaty of 1860 between Great

Britain and Nicaragua, the former Government expressly

recognized the sovereignty of the latter over the strip, and a

limited form of self-government was guaranteed to the Mosquito

Indians, to be exercised according to their customs, for

themselves and other dwellers within its limits. The so-called

native government, which grew to be largely made up of aliens,

for many years disputed the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the

strip and claimed the right to maintain therein a practically

independent municipal government. Early in the past year

efforts of Nicaragua to maintain sovereignty over the Mosquito

territory led to serious disturbances, culminating in the

suppression of the native government and the attempted

substitution of an impracticable composite administration in

which Nicaragua and alien residents were to participate.

Failure was followed by an insurrection, which for a time

subverted Nicaraguan rule, expelling her officers and

restoring the old organization. This in turn gave place to the

existing local government established and upheld by Nicaragua.

Although the alien interests arrayed against Nicaragua in

these transactions have been largely American and the commerce

of that region for some time has been and still is chiefly

controlled by our citizens, we can not for that reason

challenge the rightful sovereignty of Nicaragua over this

important part of her domain."

United States, Message and Documents

(Abridgment, 1894-1895).

In his Message of 1895 the President summarized the later

history of the incident as follows: "In last year's message I

narrated at some length the jurisdictional questions then

freshly arisen in the Mosquito Indian Strip of Nicaragua.

Since that time, by the voluntary act of the Mosquito Nation,

the territory reserved to them has been incorporated with

Nicaragua, the Indians formally subjecting themselves to be

governed by the general laws and regulations of the Republic

instead of by their own customs and regulations, and thus

availing themselves of a privilege secured to them by the

treaty between Nicaragua and Great Britain of January 28,

1860. After this extension of uniform Nicaraguan

administration to the Mosquito Strip, the case of the British

vice-consul, Hatch, and of several of his countrymen who had

been summarily expelled from Nicaragua and treated with

considerable indignity, provoked a claim by Great Britain upon

Nicaragua for pecuniary indemnity, which, upon Nicaragua's

refusal to admit liability, was enforced by Great Britain.

While the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Nicaragua was in no

way questioned by Great Britain, the former's arbitrary

conduct in regard to British subjects furnished the ground for

this proceeding. A British naval force occupied without

resistance the Pacific seaport of Corinto, but was soon after

withdrawn upon the promise that the sum demanded would be

paid. Throughout this incident the kindly offices of the

United States were invoked and were employed in favor of as

peaceful a settlement and as much consideration and indulgence

toward Nicaragua as were consistent with the nature of the

case."

United States,

Message and Documents (Abridgment, 1895-1896).

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1895.

Mexican boundary dispute.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1896-1898.

Revolutionary conflicts.

Vice President Baca of Nicaragua joined a revolutionary

movement which was set on foot in February, 1896, by the

Clericals, for the overthrow of President Zelaya, and was

declared Provisional President. The rebellion had much support

from exiles and friends in Honduras; but the government of

that State sustained and assisted Zelaya. The insurgents were

defeated in a number of battles, and gave up the contest in

May. During the civil war American and British marines were

landed on occasions at Corinto to protect property there. In

1897, and again in 1898, there were renewed insurrections,

quickly suppressed.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Costa Rica: A. D. 1896-1900.

Boundary dispute with Colombia settled by arbitration.

See (in this volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

{74}

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1897.

A dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, as to the eastern

extremity of their boundary line, was decided by General

Alexander, a referee accepted by the two republics. The

boundary had not been well defined in a treaty negotiated for

its settlement in 1858. According to the terms of the treaty,

the line was to start from the Atlantic at the mouth of the

San Juan river; but changes of current and accumulation of

river drift, etc., gave ground for dispute as to where the

river actually made its exit. President Cleveland in 1888,

acting as arbitrator at the request of the two countries,

decided that the treaty of 1858 was valid, but was not clear

as to which outlet of the delta was the boundary. Finally, in

1896, an agreement was reached for a final survey and marking

of the boundary line, and President Cleveland, on request,

appointed General Alexander as arbitrator in any case of

disagreement between the surveying commissions. The decision

gives to Nicaragua the territory upon which Greytown is

situated, and practical control of the mouth of the canal.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1897-1898.

Dictatorship of President Barrios.

His assassination.

In June, 1897, President José M. Reyna Barrios, whose six

years term in the presidency would expire the next March,

fearing defeat in the approaching election, forcibly dissolved

the National Assembly and proclaimed a dictatorship. Three

months later a revolt was organized by General Prospero

Morales; but Barrios crushed it with merciless energy, and a

veritable reign of terror ensued. In February, 1898, the

career of the Dictator was cut short by an assassin, who shot

him to avenge the death of a wealthy citizen, Don Juan

Aparicio, whom Barrios had executed for expressing sympathy

with the objects of the rebellion of the previous year.

Control of the government was then taken by Dr. Cabrera, who

had been at the head of the party which supported Barrios. A

rising under Morales was again attempted, but failed. Morales,

in a dying condition at the time, was betrayed and captured.

Cabrera, with no more opposition, was elected President for

six years.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1900.

Agreements with the United States respecting the control of

territory for interoceanic canal.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

CENTURY, The Nineteenth:

Date of its ending.

Its character and trend.

Comparison with preceding ages.

Its failures.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY.

CERVERA, Rear-Admiral,

and the Spanish Squadron at Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE);

and (JULY 3).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:

At Santiago.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:

Commanding American forces in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);

(JULY); and (AUGUST).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:

Report of the allied movement to Peking

and the capture of the city.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

CHAKDARRA, Defense of.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

CHALDEA, New light on ancient.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Appointed British Secretary of State for the Colonies.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Conference with Colonial Premiers.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Controversies with the government of

the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL);

1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL), and after.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee

on the Jameson Raid.

Remarks in Parliament on Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

See (in this volume)

JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Reassertion of British suzerainty over

the South African Republic.

Refusal to arbitrate questions of disagreement.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER);

and 1898-1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Declaration of South African policy.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG, Viceroy:

Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

CHEMICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CHEROKEES, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1894.

Destruction of the Columbian Exposition buildings.

By a succession of fires, January 9, February 14, most of the

buildings of the Exposition, with valuable exhibits not yet

removed, were destroyed.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896.

Democratic National Convention.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.

Significance of the municipal election.

The municipal election of April 4, 1899, in Chicago, resulted

in the reelection of Mayor Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, by

149,000 votes, against 107,000 cast for Zina R. Carter,

Republican, and 46,000 for Ex-Governor Altgeld, radical

Democrat, running independently. In the opinion of a

correspondent of the "Review of Reviews," "The campaign

disclosed three interesting results—namely: (1) the growth of

independence and of attention to local issues; (2) the

dominance of the street-railroad issue; and (3) the growth of

sentiment in favor of municipal ownership. Nearly two-thirds

of all the votes cast were against the Republican candidate,

and our correspondent regards this as largely due to the

belief that he, more than any of the others, represented the

interests of the street-railroad corporations." This writer

holds that "in all probability any practical proposition for

municipal ownership and operation of the street-railroads

would to-day be approved by a popular vote in Chicago."

{75}

CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.

Opening of the Drainage Canal.

An extraordinary public work was brought into use early in the

year, by the opening of what is known as the Chicago Drainage

Canal. This was constructed for the purpose of turning the

natural flow of water in Chicago River backward, away from

Lake Michigan, its natural embouchure, into the small Des

Plaines River, which runs to the Illinois, and the Illinois to

the Mississippi,—the object being to carry the sewage of

Chicago away from the Lake, where it contaminates the water

supply of the city. Part of the city sewage was already being

sent in that direction by a pumping system which carried it

over the divide; the purpose of the canal is to take the

whole. The work was begun in September, 1892, and practically

finished, so far as concerns the canal, in little more than

seven years, at a cost of about $34,500,000. Changes in the

city sewage system, to fully utilize the object of the canal,

were still to be completed. When the full use is realized,

there is said to be provision in the canal for a maximum

discharge of 600,000 cubic feet of water per minute. Some have

anticipated that such an outflow would seriously lower the

level of the lakes; but there were no signs of that effect in

the season of 1900. Nor did it seem to appear that the sewage

then passing by river flow westward was doing harm to towns on

the Illinois and Mississippi, as they had apprehended; but the

discharge was, as yet, far short of what it is intended to be.

It is possible that ultimately the Chicago Drainage Canal may

become part of a navigable water-way from the lakes to the

Mississippi, realizing an old project of water transportation

in that direction to compete with the rails. The canal has

been constructed upon a scale to suffice for that use; but the

river-improvement called for is one of formidable cost.

About the time of the opening of the canal, the State of

Missouri, by its Attorney-General, moved in the Supreme Court

of the United States for leave to file a bill of complaint

against the State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of

Chicago, the purpose of which was to enjoin the defendants

from discharging the sewage and noxious filth of the Sanitary

District of Chicago into the Mississippi River by artificial

methods. The complaint alleged that unless the relief sought

is granted the water of the Mississippi, which is used for

drinking and other domestic purposes by many thousands of

inhabitants of the State, will be polluted, and that the

public health will be endangered. The Court granted leave to

file the bill. The defendants then interposed a demurrer,

claiming that the controversy, not being in reality between

two States, but between two cities, was one over which the

Supreme Court has no jurisdiction. On the 28th of January,

1901, the Court rendered its decision, overruling the demurrer

to its jurisdiction. The effect of the opinion is that the

Drainage Canal attorneys now must answer the complaint that

the sewage and noxious filth of the sanitary district are

contaminating the waters of the Mississippi River at St.

Louis. No evidence of the facts will be taken in court. On the

request of the parties to the suit, a commission will be

appointed to take testimony and make a report.

CHICAGO UNIVERSITY:

Dedication of the Yerkes Observatory.

See (in this volume)

YERKES OBSERVATORY.

CHICKASAWS, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHIH-LI, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

The questions with Bolivia and Peru concerning Atacama,

Tacna and Arica.

Of the treaties which closed the war of 1879-84 between Chile,

Bolivia and Peru (see, in volume 1, CHILE: A. D. 1833-1884),

that between Chile and Bolivia contained the following curious

provision, of "indefinite truce," as it has been called:

"Until the opportunity presents itself of celebrating a

definite treaty of peace between the Republics of Chile and

Bolivia, both countries duly represented by … have agreed to

adjust a treaty of truce in accordance with the following

bases: First, the Republics of Chile and Bolivia agree to

celebrate an indefinite truce; and, in consequence, declare at

an end the state of war, which will not be renewed unless one

of the contracting parties should inform the other, with at

least a year's notification, of its intention to recommence

hostilities. In this case the notification will be made

directly, or through the diplomatic representative of a

friendly nation. Second, the Republic of Chile, while this

truce is in force, shall continue to rule, in accordance with

the political and administrative system established by Chilian

law, the territories situated between parallel 238 and the

mouth of the Loa in the Pacific, such territories having for

their eastern boundary a straight line." Under this agreement

Chile has held ever since the territory in question (which is

the province of Atacama) and has claimed that her possession

of it should be made conclusive and permanent by such a

"definite treaty" as the "treaty of truce" in 1884

contemplated. In her view it was taken in lieu of a war

indemnity. Bolivia has disputed this view, maintaining that a

permanent cession of the province, which was her only

seaboard, and without which she has no port, was not intended.

The Bolivian government has continually urged claims to the

restoration of a seaport for Bolivian trade, which Chile has

refused.

At the same time when Atacama was taken from Bolivia, the

provinces of Tacna and Arica were taken by Chile from Peru,

with a stipulation in the peace treaty of Ancon (1884) that

she should hold them for ten years, pending the payment by

Peru of a war indemnity, and that the inhabitants should then

decide by vote to which country they would belong. But, down

to the close of the year 1900, the Chilian government had not

allowed the vote to be taken.

In September, 1900, the dispute, as between Chile and Bolivia,

was brought to what seemed to be an ultimate stage by an

incisive note from the Chilian to the Bolivian government,

proposing to grant to the latter "in exchange for a final

cancelling of all claims to the littoral, three compensations,

viz.: First, to pay all obligations contracted by the Bolivian

Government with the mining enterprises at Huaichaca, Corocoro

and Oruro, and the balance of the Bolivian loan contracted in

Chile in 1867: second, an amount of money, to be fixed by

mutual agreement, for the construction of a railroad

connecting any port on the Chilian coast with the interior of

Bolivia, or else to extend the present Oruro Railway; and,

third, to grant free transit for all products and merchandise

passing into and out of Bolivia through the port referred to."

Bolivia has not seemed to be disposed to accept this proposal,

and the situation is likely to become more strained than before.

{76}

CHILI: A. D. 1896.

Presidential election.

An excited but orderly presidential election held in June,

1896, without government interference, resulted in the choice

of Senor Errazuriz, to succeed Admiral Jorge Montt, who had

been at the head of the government since the overthrow and

death of Balmaceda in 1891.

CHILI: A. D. 1898.

Settlement of boundary dispute with Argentine Republic.

See (in this volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

CHILI: A. D. 1900.

Adoption of compulsory military service.

The "Diario Oficial" of Chile of September 5, 1900, published

a decree of the Chilian Government establishing compulsory

military service in Chile. By the decree all Chileans will be

liable to military service from their 20th to their 45th year.

Every man on completing his 20th year will be liable to be

chosen by lot to serve one year with the colors, after which,

if so chosen, he will pass into the first reserve, where he

will remain for nine years. Those not chosen by lot to serve

one year with the colors will pass directly into the first

reserve. The second reserve will consist of men of from 30 to 45

years of age. Among those who will be exempt from compulsory

military service are the members of the Government, members of

Congress, State and municipal councillors, Judges, the clergy,

including all those who wear the tonsure, or belong to any

religious order, the directors and teachers of public schools

and colleges, and the police. The last, however, will be

liable to military duty if called upon by the President.

Various civil servants and every only son, or every one of two

only sons of a family which he assists to maintain, may be

excused service under certain conditions.

CHILI: A. D. 1900.

Vote against compulsory arbitration at

Spanish-American Congress.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

The war with Japan.

The peace treaty of Shimonoseki.

Recognition of Korean independence.

Cession of part of Fêng-tien, of Formosa,

and of the Pescadores Islands to Japan.

Relinquishment of Fêng-tien by Japan.

In the original edition of this work, the causes of the war of

1894-1895 between China and Japan will be found stated in the

Supplement (volume 5, page 3736), under "COREA." In the new,

revised edition, the same appears in volume 3, under "Korea."

At the close of the year 1894 the Japanese were pressing their

campaign, with little heed to the cold of winter, for which they

seemed to be well prepared. They had won, almost with ease,

every serious engagement of the war. They had half destroyed

the Chinese navy, on the 18th of September, in a great battle

at the mouth of the Yalu River, and, on the 21st-22d of

November, they had captured Port Arthur, the strongest

fortress in China, with costly dockyards and great stores of

the munitions of war. In the first month of the new year the

successes of the Japanese were renewed. Kaiphing was taken on

the 10th; a vigorous Chinese attack was repulsed, near

Niuchuang, on the 16th; a landing of 25,000 troops on the

Shantung Peninsula was effected on the 20th, and a combined

attack by army and navy on the strong forts which protected

the important harbor of Wei-hai-wei, and the Chinese fleet

sheltered in it, was begun on the 30th of the month. The

attack was ended on the 13th of February, when the Chinese

admiral Ting-Ju-chang gave up the remnant of his fleet and

then killed himself. The Chinese general, Tai, had committed

suicide in despair on the third night of the fighting. There

was further fighting around Niuchuang and Yingkow during

February and part of March, while overtures for peace were

being made by the Chinese government. At length the famous

viceroy, Li Hung-chang, was sent to Japan with full powers to

conclude a treaty. Negotiations were interrupted at the outset

by a foul attack on the Chinese ambassador by a Japanese

ruffian, who shot and seriously wounded him in the cheek. But

the Mikado ordered an armistice, and the Treaty of Shimonoseki

was concluded and signed on the 17th of April. The essential

provisions of the treaty are as follows:

"Article I.

China recognizes definitely the full and complete independence

and autonomy of Corea, and, in consequence, the payment of

tribute and the performance of ceremonies and formalities by

Corea to China in derogation of such independence and autonomy

shall wholly cease for the future.

"Article II.

China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the

following territories, together with all fortifications,

arsenals, and public property thereon:

(a.) The southern portion of the Province of Fêng-tien, within

the following boundaries—The line of demarcation begins at the

mouth of the River Yalu, and ascends that stream to the mouth

of the River An-Ping: from thence the line runs to Fêng Huang;

from thence to Haicheng; from thence to Ying Kow, forming a

line which describes the southern portion of the territory.

The places above named are included in the ceded territory.

When the line reaches the River Liao at Ying Kow it follows

the course of that stream to its mouth, where it terminates.

The mid-channel of the River Liao shall be taken as the line

of demarcation. This cession also includes all islands

appertaining or belonging to the Province of Fêng-tien

situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liao Tung, and

in the northern part of the Yellow Sea.

(b.) The Island of Formosa, together with all islands

appertaining or belonging to the said Island of Formosa. (

(c.) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands lying

between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude east of

Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north latitude. …

[Image: China East Coast.]

{77}

"Article IV.

China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum of

200,000,000 Kuping taels. The said sum to be paid in eight

instalments. The first instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be

paid within six months, and the second instalment of

50,000,000 taels to be paid within twelve months after the

exchange of the ratifications of this Act. The remaining sum

to be paid in six equal annual instalments as follows: the

first of such equal annual instalments to be paid within two

years, the second within three years, the third within four

years, the fourth within five years, the fifth within six

years, and the sixth within seven years after the exchange of

the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate of 5 per

cent. per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of

the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls

due. China shall, however, have the right to pay by

anticipation at any time any or all of said instalments. In

case the whole amount of the said indemnity is paid within

three years after the exchange of the ratifications of the

present Act, all interest shall be waived, and the interest

for two years and a half, or for any less period if then

already paid, shall be included as a part of the principal

amount of the indemnity.

"Article V.

The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to

take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall be

at liberty to sell their real property and retire. For this

purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of

the ratifications of the present Act shall be granted. At the

expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall

not have left such territories shall, at the option of Japan,

be deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two Governments

shall immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of

the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to

effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space

of two months after the exchange of the ratifications of this

Act such transfer shall be completed.

"Article VI.

All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an end in

consequence of war, China engages, immediately upon the

exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to appoint

Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese

Plenipotentiaries a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, and a

Convention to regulate frontier intercourse and trade. The

Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now subsisting between

China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said

Treaty and Convention between Japan and China. From the date

of the exchange of the ratifications of this Act until the

said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation

the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation,

frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships and

subjects, shall in every respect be accorded by China

most-favoured-nation treatment. China makes, in addition, the

following concessions to take effect six months after the date

of the present Act:

1. The following cities, towns, and ports, in addition to

those already opened, shall be opened to the trade, residence,

industries, and manufactures of Japanese subjects under the same

conditions, and with the same privileges and facilities as

exist at the present open cities, towns, and ports of China.

(1.) Shashih, in the Province of Hupeh.

(2.) Chung King, in the Province of Szechuan.

(3.) Suchow, in the Province of Kiang Su.

(4.) Hangchow, in the Province of Chekiang.

The Japanese Government shall have the right to station

Consuls at any or all of the above-named places.

2. Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag for

the conveyance of passengers and cargo shall be extended to

the following places:

(1.) On the Upper Yangtsze River,

from Ichang to Chung King.

(2.) On the Woosung River and the Canal,

from Shanghae to Suchow and Hangchow. The

Rules and Regulations which now govern the

navigation of the inland waters of China by foreign

vessels, shall, so far as applicable, be enforced

in respect of the above-named routes, until

new Rules and Regulations are conjointly agreed to.

3. Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the

interior of China or transporting imported merchandize into

the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to

rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so

purchased or transported, without the payment of any taxes or

exactions whatever.

4. Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of

manufacturing industries in all the open cities, towns, and

ports of China, and shall be at liberty to import into China

all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import

duties thereon. All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects

in China, shall in respect of inland transit and internal taxes,

duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds and also in

respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the interior

of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same

privileges and exemptions as merchandize imported by Japanese

subjects into China. In the event additional Rules and

Regulations are necessary in connection with these

concessions, they shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce

and Navigation provided for by this Article.

"Article VII.

Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the

evacuation of China by the armies of Japan, shall be

completely effected within three months after the exchange of

the ratifications of the present Act.

"Article VIII.

As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the stipulations

of this Act, China consents to the temporary occupation by the

military forces of Japan, of Wei-hai-wei, in the Province of

Shantung. Upon the payment of the first two instalments of the

war indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the

ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, the

said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese forces, provided

the Chinese Government consents to pledge, under suitable and

sufficient arrangements, the Customs Revenue of China as

security for the payment of the principal and interest of the

remaining installments of said indemnity. In the event no such

arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only take place

upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity. It

is, however, expressly understood that no such evacuation

shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications

of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation.

"Article IX.

Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this

Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and

China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war

so restored to her by Japan. China also engages to at once

release all Japanese subjects accused of being military spies

or charged with any other military offences. China further

engages not to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be

punished, those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been

compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during

the war.

"Article X.

All offensive military operations shall cease upon the

exchange of the ratifications of this Act."

{78}

When the terms of the treaty were made known, Russia, Germany

and France entered such protests against the cession of a

portion of the Fêng-tien peninsula, on the main land, and

brought such pressure to bear on Japan, that the latter was

compelled to yield, and relinquished the districts in question

by the following imperial proclamation, dated May 10, 1895:

"We recently, at the request of the Emperor of China,

appointed Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of conferring with

the Ambassadors sent by China, and of concluding with them a

Treaty of Peace between the two Empires. Since then the

Governments of the two Empires of Russia and Germany and of

the French Republic, considering that the permanent possession

of the ceded districts of the Fêng-tien Peninsula by the

Empire of Japan would be detrimental to the lasting peace of

the Orient, have united in a simultaneous recommendation to

our Government to refrain from holding those districts

permanently.

"Earnestly desirous as we always are for the maintenance of

peace, nevertheless we were forced to commence hostilities

against China for no other reason than our sincere desire to

secure for the Orient an enduring peace. The Governments of

the three Powers are, in offering their friendly

recommendation, similarly actuated by the same desire, and we,

out of our regard for peace, do not hesitate to accept their

advice. Moreover, it is not our wish to cause suffering to our

people, or to impede the progress of the national destiny by

embroiling the Empire in new complications, and thereby

imperilling the situation and retarding the restoration of

peace. "China has already shown, by the conclusion of the

Treaty of Peace, the sincerity of her repentance for her

breach of faith with us, and has made manifest to the world

our reasons and the object we had in view in waging war with

that Empire. Under these circumstances we do not consider that

the honour and dignity of the Empire will be compromised by

resorting to magnanimous measures, and by taking into

consideration the general situation of affairs. We have

therefore accepted the advice of the friendly Powers, and have

commanded our Government to reply to the Governments of the

three Powers to that effect.

"We have specially commanded our Government to negotiate with

the Chinese Government respecting all arrangements for the

return of the peninsular districts. The exchange of the

ratifications of the Treaty of Peace has now been concluded,

the friendly relations between the two Empires have been

restored, and cordial relations with all other Powers have

been strengthened. We therefore command all our subjects to

respect our will, to take into careful consideration the

general situation, to be circumspect in all things, to avoid

erroneous tendencies, and not to impair or thwart the high

aspirations of our Empire."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:

Papers by Command, Japan, Number 1, 1895.

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (March-July).

Cession of Kiang-Hung to France protested against by

Great Britain.

In March, 1894, the government of China entered into a treaty

with that of Great Britain, for the settlement of boundaries

of Burmah, in which it agreed to make no cession of the

district of Kiang-Hung, or any part of it, to any other Power.

Notwithstanding this agreement, the eastern part of Kiang-Hung

was ceded to France in July, 1895; for which proceeding the

British Government promptly called China to account.

CHINA: A. D. 1895.

Treaty with Russia, giving railway privileges and

other rights in Manchuria.

On the 28th of October, 1896, the "North China Daily News,"

the leading English newspaper in China, published what

purports to be, and is believed to be, the text of a secret

treaty, concluded in the previous year, between Russia and

China, under which the former is extending her Trans-Siberian

railway system through Manchuria, and is practically in

possession of that province. The preamble of the treaty

declares that the Emperor of China has specially appointed the

princes and great officers of the Crown composing the Imperial

Chinese Ministry of War to confer with the Russian Minister

concerning the connecting of the railway system of the Three

Eastern Provinces with the Trans-Siberian Railway, "with the

object of facilitating the transport of goods between the two

empires and strengthening the frontier defences and sea

coasts. And, furthermore, to agree upon certain special

privileges to be conceded by China to Russia as a response to

the loyal aid given by Russia in the retrocession of Liaotung

and its dependencies." The articles of the convention relating

to the route of the railway are as follows:

"I. Owing to the fact that the Russian Great Siberian Railway

is on the point of completion, China consents to allow Russia

to prolong her railway into Chinese territories (a) from the

Russian port of Vladivostok into the Chinese city of Hunch'un,

in the province of Kirin, from thence north-westwards to the

provincial capital of Kirin, and (b) from a railway station of

some city in Siberia to the Chinese town of Aiyun, in

Heilungchiang province, from thence southwestwards to the

provincial capital of Tsitsihar, and from thence to the town

of Petunê, in Kirin province, and from thence south-eastwards

to the provincial capital of Kirin.

"II. All railways built by Russia into the Chinese provinces

of Heilungchiang and Kirin shall be built at the sole expense

of Russia, and the regulations and building thereof shall be

solely on the Russian system, with which China has nothing to

do, and the entire control shall be in the hands of Russia for

the space of thirty years. At the end of the said period China

shall be allowed to prepare the necessary funds wherewith,

after proper estimation of the value of the said railways, she

shall redeem them, the rolling stock, machine shops, and

buildings connected therewith. But as to how China will at

that date redeem these railways shall be left for future

consideration.

"III. China is now in the possession of a railway which she

intends to extend from Shanhai-kuan into the provincial

capital of Fêngtien—namely, Mukden (Shenking), and from

Mukden to the provincial capital of Kirin. If China should

hereafter find it inconvenient to build this road, she shall

allow Russia to provide the funds to build the railway from

the city of Kirin on behalf of China, the redemption of which

road shall be permissible to China at the end of ten years.

With reference to the route to be taken by this railway,

Russia shall follow the surveys already made by China in

connection therewith, from Kirin to Mukden, Newchwang, &c.

{79}

"IV. The railway to be built by China, beginning from

Shanhaikuan, in Fêngtien, to Newchwang, to Kaiping, to

Chinchou, to Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur), and to Talienwan and

their dependencies, shall follow the Russian railway

regulations, in order to facilitate the commercial intercourse

between the respective empires."

Article V authorizes Russia to place special battalions of

horse and foot soldiers at the various important stations for

the better protection of railway property. Article VII

"permits" Russians and Chinese to exploit and open any mines

in the Amur and Kirin provinces, and in the Long White

Mountain range in the north of Korea. Article VIII "permits"

Chinese to engage Russian military officers to reform the

whole army organization of the three Eastern provinces in

accordance with the Western system. The next three Articles

are as follows:

"IX. Russia has never possessed a seaport in Asia which is

free from ice and open all the year round. If, therefore,

there should suddenly arise military operations in this

continent, it will naturally be difficult for the Russian

Eastern seas and Pacific fleets to move about freely and at

pleasure. As China is well aware of this, she is willing to

lease temporarily to Russia the port of Kiaochou (Chiaochou),

in the province of Shantung, the period of such lease being

limited to fifteen years. At the end of this period China

shall buy all the barracks, godowns, machine shops, and docks

built there by Russia (during her occupation of the said

port). But should there be no danger of military operations,

Russia shall not enter immediately into possession of the said

port or hold the important points dominating the port in order

to obviate the chance of exciting the jealousy and suspicions

of other Powers. With reference to the amount of rent and the

way it is to be paid, this shall form the subject of

consideration in a protocol at some future date.

"X. As the Liaotung ports of Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur) and

Talienwan and their dependencies are important strategical

points, it shall be incumbent upon China to properly fortify

them with all haste and to repair all their fortifications,

&c., in order to provide against future dangers. Russia shall

therefore lend all necessary assistance in helping to protect

these two ports, and shall not permit any foreign Power to

encroach upon them. China, on her part, also binds herself

never to cede them to another country; but, if in future the

exigencies of the case require it, and Russia should find

herself suddenly involved in a war, China consents to allow

Russia temporarily to concentrate her land and naval forces

within the said ports in order the better to enable Russia to

attack the enemy or to guard her own position.

"XI. If, however, there be no dangers of military operations

in which Russia is engaged, China shall have entire control

over the administration of the said ports of Lushunk'ou and

Talienwan, nor shall Russia interfere in any way therein. But

as regards the building of the railways in the three Eastern

Provinces and the exploitation and opening of the mines

therein, they shall be permitted to be proceeded with

immediately after the ratification of this convention and at

the pleasure of the people concerned therein. With reference

to the civil and military officers of Russia and Russian

merchants and traders travelling (in any part of the

territories herein mentioned), wherever they shall go, they

shall be given all the privileges of protection and facilities

within the power of the local authorities, nor shall these

officials be allowed to put obstructions in the way or delay

the journeys of the Russian officers and subjects herein

mentioned."

Henry Norman,

Russia and England

(Contemporary Review, February, 1897).

CHINA: A. D. 1895 {August).

Massacre of missionaries at Hua Sang.

In the fall of 1894 the English and American missionaries at

Ku Cheng, in the Chinese province of Fu Kien, of which Foochow

is the capital, began to be threatened by a sect or party

called the "Vegetarians" (Siah Chai), who were violently

hostile to foreigners, and said to be revolutionary in their

aims. The hostile demonstrations were repeated in the

following April, and the missionary party started upon a

retreat to Foochow, but were stopped on the way by news that

the Mandarin at Ku Cheng had pacified the Vegetarians and that

they might safely return. They did so and were apparently

secure for some months. In July they retired from the city to

a mountain sanatorium, named Hua Sang, 12 miles from Ku Cheng,

and there, on the 1st day of August, without warning, they

were surrounded by a Vegetarian band of some eighty savage

men, armed with swords and spears, who performed a rapid work

of murder, killing eleven persons, including six women and two

children, and then disappeared. "These men did not belong

either to Hua Sang or Ku Cheng, but came from some villages at

a considerable distance. … The city authorities at Ku Cheng

had no hand in the outrage. It was evidently the work of a

band of marauders, and the district magistrate seems to have

done all that could be done under the circumstances."

D. M. Berry,

The Sister Martyrs of Ku Cheng.

The British and American governments joined in sending a

consular commission to investigate the crime, and with

difficulty compelled the Chinese government to execute twenty

of the ringleaders of the attack. At Fatshan, near Canton,

there had been mob attacks on the missionary station, with

destruction of buildings, but no murders, during the same

month in which the massacre at Hua Sang occurred.

CHINA: A. D. 1896.

Tour of Li Hung-chang in Europe and America.

"Li Hung Chang, the Chinese statesman, left Shanghai with a

numerous suite, March 28, on board a French mail steamer for

Europe, to represent the Emperor of China at the coronation of

the Czar of Russia, and afterwards to visit other countries.

He declared that his object was to see Europe for himself, in

order to report to the Emperor as to feasible reforms for

China. A great reception was offered to him at Hong-kong, but

he refused to land by the advice of the European physician of

the embassy, who feared lest any member of the suite, by

catching the plague, would render the party liable to

quarantine elsewhere. Proceeding to Singapore, via Saigon, he

visited the Governor of the Straits Settlements. At Colombo he

was received on landing by a guard of honour. After the

Russian Coronation he visited Germany, Holland, Belgium and

France, and arrived in London early in August.

{80}

Wherever he went he was lionised, and he lost no opportunity

of asking questions and informing himself concerning the

manufactures and armaments of the several countries he

visited. He returned to China via New York and the Canadian

Pacific Railway, sailing from Vancouver (September 14) for

Yokohama and Tien-tsin, where he arrived October 3. Thence he

proceeded to Peking (October 20), where he was received by the

Emperor, and appointed a member of the Tsung-li-Yamen. At the

same time for presuming to enter the precincts of the ruined

Summer Palace while visiting the Empress Dowager after his

return home, his enemies took occasion of the slight trespass

to insult him, and proposed that he should be stripped of all

his titles and honours, with the exception of the earldom,

which is confirmed to the Li family for twenty-nine

generations. The case was referred to the Board of Civil

Appointments, and the Controller-General, Chang-chih-wan,

decided that 'according to precedent' the ex-Viceroy should be

cashiered, but on account of his life-long and distinguished

services to the imperial dynasty he should be recommended to

the clemency of the Throne, which took the form of a loss of

one year's salary. He took over his seals of office in the

Tsung-li-Yamen on November 1, but none of his colleagues were

present to welcome him."

Annual Register, 1896,

pages 349-50.

CHINA: A. D. 1897.

The condition of Manchuria and Mongolia.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1897.

Foreigners resident in China.

Ports open to them.

"In the 'Bulletin de la Société de Géographie Commerciale,'

Paris, Volume XIX, a report is published from which the

following extracts are taken: There are over ten thousand

Europeans and Americans resident in China. The English head

the list with 4,000; the Americans number 1,325; Germans, 882;

French, 875; Portuguese, 805; Spaniards, 461; Norwegians, 375;

Russians, 116; Italians, 108, etc. There are 669 Japanese.

Twenty-two ports are open to foreign residence, that is to

say, that Europeans are allowed to acquire conditional title

to certain lands, on which they live, govern themselves, and

have special privileges in judicial matters. The ports are

Mengtz, Lung Chow, Pakhoi, King Chow, Lappa, Canton, Kowlon,

Swatow, Amoy, Fuchau, Winchow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Chinkiang,

Wuhu, Kiukiang, Hankow, Ichang, Chungking, Chefoo, Tientsin,

and Niuchwang. It is to be noted that Peking does not appear

on this list, although the embassies and legations are

established there. The Chinese who find themselves under

foreign jurisdiction appear more than contented with the

situation, because, although taxes are high, they are fixed.

Two hundred thousand natives live in the European settlements

of Shanghai. Besides the foreign residents of China, a large

number live in ports that have been ceded to other nations.

For instance, Hongkong comprises in its civil population 4,195

Europeans and Americans. With the troops and sailors, this

number is raised to 8,545. Hongkong is the actual capital of

foreign industry in the far East. More than 3,000 vessels,

with a tonnage of nearly 4,000,000 touch there annually. The

same spirit which caused the development of Singapore,

Colombo, and Hongkong is to be found in the foreign

settlements of the open ports of China."

United States Consular Reports,

October, 1897, page 315.

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (May-June).

Cessions and concessions to England and France.

In May, the Chinese government sanctioned an extension of the

British settlement at Tien-tsin from 65 acres to about 300. In

the next month, it satisfied the complaints of Great Britain

concerning the cession of Kiang-Hung to France (see above: A.

D. 1894-1895, MARCH-JULY), by ceding to that Power the Shan

district of Kokang, about 400 square miles in extent, and

leasing to Great Britain in perpetuity a considerable tract at

the south of the Namwan River. The same treaty opened new

routes to trade across the frontier between Burmah and China,

and admitted British consuls and merchants to two new ports.

At about the same time France secured mining privileges on the

Tonquin frontier and rights for the extension of a railway

into Chinese territory.

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (November).

Germany opens the attack of European Powers on the

integrity of the Chinese Empire.

Seizure of the port of Kiao-Chau.

Concessions obtained as reparation for the murder

of German missionaries.

"Among the recent events that have attracted especial

attention to China is the lease to foreign nations of

important strategic or commercial ports on the coast of the

Empire. While the Portuguese have controlled the island of

Macao, near Canton, since 1537, and the English became owners

of the island of Hongkong, in the same vicinity, by the treaty

of 1842, no other nation had possessions on or near the coast

of China until within a comparatively recent date. One result

of the war between China and Japan was that Japan obtained the

island of Formosa, lying 90 miles off the coast of central

China. By this treaty Japan was also to have certain territory

on the peninsula of Liaotung, which commands from the north

the entrance to the Gulf of Pechili, the gateway to the

capital of China; but on the urgent protest of Russia, France,

and Germany this was abandoned, and the mainland of China up

to that time thus remained intact. On November 4, 1897,

however, the German Government seized the port of Kiao-chau,

on the northeastern coast of China, asserting as the cause of

its action the desire to obtain satisfaction for the murder of

[two] German missionaries by Chinese on November 1 of that

year. This port was held by a German war ship until the

announcement of a treaty with China by which the port of

Kiaochau and adjacent territory were leased to Germany for a

term of ninety-nine years, the German Government being given

the right to land troops, construct fortifications, and

establish a coaling and naval station, while German subjects

were to have the right to construct railways, open mines, and

transact business in the rich mineral and agricultural

province of Shantung, in which Kiaochau is located, Chinese

vessels, however, to have the same privileges in the port of

Kiaochau that the German Government might decide to give to

other nations."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary of Commerce and Statistics,

March, 1899.

{81}

The terms of the German acquisition of Kiao-chau, as

officially communicated to the Reichstag by Herr von Bülow,

Foreign Secretary of the German Empire, on the 8th of

February, 1898, were as follows: "The Imperial Chinese

Government, in fulfilment of the legitimate wish of the German

Government to possess, in common with other Powers, a point in

the matters [waters?] of Eastern Asia, where German vessels

may be fitted out and repaired, where the necessary materials

can be deposited, and other arrangements made in connection

with that object, cedes to the German Government in the form

of a lease, to run, as at present fixed, for a period of

ninety-nine years, the territory situated on both sides of the

entrance to the Bay of Kiao-chau, in South Shantung, more

accurately described below, in such a manner that the German

Government will be at liberty to erect all necessary

buildings, &c., within the territory, and take all the

measures required for their defence. According to the English

chart of Kiao-chau Bay of 1863, the district leased to the

German Government consists of the following:

1. The promontory north of the entrance to the bay, bounded on

the north-east by a straight line drawn from the extreme

north-eastern point of Potato Island to the sea-coast in the

direction of Zoshan.

2. The promontory south of the entrance to the bay, bounded on

the south-west by a straight line drawn from the southernmost

point of the inlet situated to the south-west of Tschiposan,

in the direction of the Tolosan Islands (Weber chart), to the

sea-coast.

3. The Island of Tschiposan and Potato Island, as well as all

the islands lying at the entrance to the bay, inclusive of

Tolosan and Seslien. Further, the Chinese Government undertake

not to frame any Regulations within a zone of 50 kilometers

round the bay without the consent of the German Government,

and, in particular, to offer no resistance to any measures

necessary for regulating the course of the rivers. The Chinese

Government also grant to German troops the right of passage

across the zone above described. With the object of avoiding

every possibility of collision, the Chinese Government will

exercise no rights of sovereignty within the leased territory

during the period of the lease, but they cede these rights as

well as those over the entire water-surface of the Bay of

Kiao-chau to the German Government. The German Government will

erect sea-marks on the islands and shallows at the entrance to

the bay.

4. In the event of the territory leased not proving to be

adapted to the requirements of the German Government, the

Government of China will cede to Germany a more suitable

district, and will take back the Bay of Kiao-chau, paying

compensation for any improvements or constructions the Germans

may have made there.

5. A more accurate delimitation of the boundaries of the

district leased will take place in accordance with the local

conditions, and will be carried out by Commissioners from both

Governments."

The Foreign Secretary added the following particulars

respecting the area, &c., of the territory and the character

of the lease:

"The territory leased, the boundaries of which are not yet

accurately determined, will cover an area of 30 to 50 square

kilometers. Consequently, it is materially larger than the

British possession at and opposite Hong Kong. For military

reasons, the northern boundary had been pushed a little

further forward than is shown on the map presented to the

Budget Commission. The number of inhabitants is calculated at

a few thousand. As regards the size of the bay, accurate

details are as yet wanting. It runs about 20 geographical

miles into the mainland. At its narrowest point, the entrance

to the bay is about 3,000 metres broad. Two-thirds of the bay

afford harbour accommodation. The rent payable to China, the

exact amount of which has not yet been determined, is an

unimportant point, as it possesses a nominal character merely

representing the continuation in theory of the proprietorship

of China over the territory ceded. The following stipulations

have been secured respecting railway and mining

concessions:—The Chinese Government have consented to hand

over to a German-Chinese Railway Company, to be formed

hereafter, the construction of a railway from Kiao-chau, which

will run first in a northerly and then in a westerly

direction, to be subsequently connected with the projected

great railway system of China. The railway will serve the

coalfields of Weih-sien and Poshan, situated to the north of

Kiao-chau, which will be exploited by German capital. The

Chinese Government have further pledged themselves to accord

to the Railway Company to be thus formed, conditions at least

as favourable as those granted to any other European Chinese

Railway Company in China."

The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech with an exposition

of the motives which had induced the German Government to

occupy Kiao-chau in preference to other places. Its proximity

to the scene of the massacre had been the first consideration.

Secondly, it was favourably situated from a political point of

view, being removed from the French and British spheres in

Southern China and from the Russian base of operations in the

north. Lastly, the spacious, ice-free harbour, the climate,

which is probably the best to be met with in China, and the

existence of coalfields in the vicinity of the coast, offered

sufficient grounds for the choice of Kiao-chau. Herr von

Billow might have quoted in this connection a candid remark

which had been made not long before by the "Kolonial Zeitung:"

"The principal point is that the Power which possesses Kiao-chau

will control the coal supply in northern Chinese waters."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1898.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February).

British diplomacy in China.

The tone in which foreign demands were made

on the Tsung-li Yamên.

Agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region.

Early in 1898 the Chinese government was in need of money for

the final payment of indemnity to Japan, and opened

negotiations with the British government for the guarantee of

a loan: Her Majesty's Ministers were quite ready to give the

needed financial aid, for a consideration, requiring, in

return, that Ta-lien-wan should be opened to trade as a treaty

port. But Russia was then scheming to secure possession of

Ta-lien-wan, and interfered with the British negotiation so

vigorously that the Chinese were frightened into breaking it

off, even after they had practically accepted the offered

loan. Not daring, however, to take from Russia the financial

guarantee which they rejected at British hands, they thought

to balance themselves between these jealous rivals by

borrowing without help from either. Both the Powers were thus

offended, England especially showing stern resentment on

account of the slight with which she had been treated. The

following report by Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister

at Peking, of his interviews with the Tsung-li-Yamên on the

subject, is very interesting, as showing the tone in which the

European Powers were making demands on the government of China

at that time. The despatch of Sir Claude MacDonald is dated at

Peking, February 20, 1898.

{82}

"Since the 4th of February," he wrote. "I have had four

interviews with the Yamên for the purpose of extracting some

concessions in return for the rejection of the offer of a

guaranteed loan from Great Britain after it had in principle

been accepted. At the first of these, on the 5th February, the

Yamên refused to recognize that we had any claim to

compensation, declaring that the refusal of a Russian as well

as a British guarantee left no ground for complaint. I told

them that this argument might have had some plausibility if

the two offers had been equally advantageous, or if the

Chinese Government had not committed themselves to serious

negotiations with us. The British Government had at China's

own request reluctantly agreed to do her a very exceptional

favour, and the Yamên could not suppose that we should accept

with equanimity a brusque intimation that the Chinese

Government had changed its mind.

"The Yamên abounded in protestations of their readiness at

some future date to give proofs of their gratitude to Great

Britain in the shape of encouragement to commerce, but they

insisted that the loan negotiations must first be dismissed,

and all demands for compensation in connection with them

dropped. I refused to telegraph such a suggestion to your

Lordship, and as after long debate they still refused to bind

themselves by any promises, I reminded them that at an earlier

interview they had asked me whether the action threatened by

Great Britain in the event of their accepting a Russian

guarantee would equally be taken if they borrowed from neither

Power. I could not at the time answer the question, but I

could now tell them that Her Majesty's Government had a right

to feel deeply affronted by what had occurred, and I would not

be answerable for the consequences if they declined to make to

Great Britain even such concessions as they had frequently

admitted to be in China's own interests.

"The Yamên begged me to smooth matters for them, to which I

answered that their present attitude made it impossible for me

to do so. Let them permit me to report that China was ready to

open inland navigation to steamers; to establish Treaty ports

at Nanning and Hsiang T'an; and to give reasonable security to

trade by a pledge against alienation of the Yang-tsze region

to another Power, and the rejection of our loan might be

forgiven. All these were matters within the Yamên's power.

"The Ministers did not deny the feasibility of what I had

asked (except as regarded the opening of Nanning), but

objected to these measures being tacked on to the loan, for if

that were done, Russia would at once demand

counter-concessions for the rejection of her loan, and China

would be placed in a very difficult position. On this they

laid much stress. I said I did not insist on the concessions

being formally announced as made to England in connection with

the loan, and should be prepared to move Her Majesty's

Government to treat them as steps taken spontaneously by

China, but that I absolutely refused to treat the loan account

as settled until I had some definite assurance that these

measures would be carried out within a fixed time. The Yamên

again attempted to persuade me to leave the carrying out of

the measures indicated entirely to the Chinese Government, and

it was only after the usual prolonged argument that they

consented to open internal waters to steam navigation within

four months; to let me know at an early date when they would

open a port in Hunan, and to give me a written guarantee

against the alienation of the Yang-tsze region to a foreign

Power."

After reporting conversation on other matters, the Minister

recounted his action on the subject of the Yang-tsze region,

and on that of the opening of inland waterways to steam

navigation, at an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the

9th. "I then produced," he said, "a draft of the note I

intended addressing to them with regard to non-alienation of

the Yang-tsze region. This was accepted with little demur,

with the insertion of the words 'now entirely in China's

possession,' which, as recording an undeniable fact, I agreed

to put in. Copies of the notes subsequently exchanged are

inclosed. I have not thought it necessary to narrate the

arguments by which I supported the demand for this pledge at

both these interviews. My chief ground was that we could not

afford to find one morning that by reason of the murder of a

foreign subject, or the refusal of some demand by a foreign

Power, some place on the Yang-tsze had been seized and was to

be retained on a ninety-nine years' lease. I then handed to

the Ministers the despatch … recording their assurance with

regard to steam navigation of inland waterways. They read it

with attention, and accepted it as satisfactory."

Of the notes thus passed between the British Minister and the

Tsung-li Yamên, that of the former, dated February 9, was as

follows: "Your Highnesses and your Excellencies have more than

once intimated to me that the Chinese Government were aware of

the great importance that has always been attached by Great

Britain to the retention in Chinese possession of the

Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as providing security for

the free course and development of trade. I shall be glad to

be in a position to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a

definite assurance that China will never alienate any

territory in the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any

other Power, whether under lease, mortgage, or any other

designation. Such an assurance is in full harmony with the

observations made to me by your Highnesses and your

Excellencies."

On the 11th, the Yamên returned the following reply: "The

Yamên have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the

British Minister's despatch of the 9th February, stating that

the Yamên had more than once intimated to him that the Chinese

Government were aware of the great importance that has always

been attached by Great Britain to the retention in Chinese

possession of the Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as

providing security for the free course and development of

trade. The British Minister would be glad to be in a position

to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a definite

assurance that China would never alienate (any territory) in

the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any other Power,

whether under lease, mortgage, or any other designation.

{83}

The Yamên have to observe that the Yang-tsze region is of the

greatest importance as concerning the whole position (or

interests) of China, and it is out of the question that

territory (in it) should be mortgaged, leased, or ceded to

another Power. Since Her Britannic Majesty's Government has

expressed its interest (or anxiety), it is the duty of the

Yamên to address this note to the British Minister for

communication to his Government."

The despatch recording the Chinese concession of steam

navigation on inland waters was in the following terms: "It

was … with great pleasure that I learnt from your Highnesses

and your Excellencies at a recent interview that the Chinese

Government had determined that wherever the use of native

boats is now by Treaty permitted to foreigners, they shall

equally be permitted to employ steamers or steam-launches,

whether Chinese or foreign-owned, or their own boats, and,

further, that this arrangement would come into effect before

the end of the 4th Chinese moon. I shall have great pleasure

in communicating the Chinese Government's decision to my

Government, for it is an indication that China is prepared to

take every step open to her to increase the volume of trade,

and so add to her resources and the wealth of the people."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, page 13-18.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).

The "Battle of Concessions," for railway building and mining.

By summer-time in 1898 the scramble among the Powers for

footholds of territory on the Chinese coast seemed to be

giving way to what Lord Salisbury described as "the battle of

concessions," for the building of railways and the opening of

mines. This newer battle gave his lordship much anxiety. On

the 13th of July he cabled to Sir Claude MacDonald: "It does

not seem that the battle of Concessions is going well for us,

and that the mass of Chinese railways, if they are ever built,

will be in foreign hands is a possibility that we must face.

One evil of this is, that no orders for materials will come to

this country. That we cannot, help. The other evil is, that by

differential rates and privileges the Managers of the railways

may strangle our trade. This we ought to be able to prevent,

by pressing that proper provisions for equal treatment be

inserted in every Concession."

The British Minister at Peking, in reply, dissented warmly

from Lord Salisbury's opinion. "The battle of Concessions is

not, in my opinion," he cabled on the 23d of July, "going

against us. … Up to the present, any concessions granted to

other nationalities are far out-balanced in financial value by

the Shansi and Honan mining and railway concession, with its

possible extensions. I have consistently informed the Chinese

government that, as to differential rates and privileges, we

want none ourselves, and cannot admit that other nationalities

have a claim to them." In due time, as will appear, Sir Claude

was able to furnish very good evidence in support of his

contention that the "battle of concessions" was not going

against Great Britain, by forwarding a list of all the

concessions granted to clamoring capitalists and promoters of

the several nationalities. Meantime, he gave close attention

to the varying fortunes of the battle.

A concession for the Peking-Hankow Railway was the one which

interested the English most. Its line would traverse the rich

and populous provinces of Chi-li, Honan, and Hoa-Pé, and be

connected by another line, for which the Russo-Chinese Bank

held concessions, with the valuable coal-mining basin of

Ping-ting. Early in August, the British found reason to

believe that the pending agreement with a Belgian syndicate

for the building of this road was one that would give control

of it to the Russo-Chinese Bank,—which meant Russian, or

Russian and French control. He promptly remonstrated to the

Yamên, and was assured that the agreement had not yet been

submitted to the throne, and would not be ratified if the

effect were such as he had described. He cabled this assurance

to Lord Salisbury on the 6th of August. On the 13th he had a

very different report to make. "I learnt on the 9th," he says,

"that the Yamên had, under the influence of Li Hung-chang,

abandoned this position [that they would not ratify the

Belgian agreement if its effect was to give control of the

Peking-Hankow line of railway to the Russo-Chinese Bank], and

intended to ratify the agreement immediately. In view of the

urgency of the matter, I addressed a note on the same day to

the Yamên, in which I asked for an interview on the 10th or

11th instant, and informed them that the Chinese text of the

Contract had reached me, warning them at the same time that if

they did not give me another interview before they ratified

the Agreement Her Majesty's Government would look upon their

action as unfriendly, and would probably insist on the same

rights being given to Great Britain in all the provinces

adjoining the Yang-tsze.

"On the evening of the 10th the Yamên answered that they would

appoint a day for an interview when they had received the

Contract, which, they said, had not yet reached Peking for

ratification. On the 11th I replied that I understood from

this communication that they undertook not to ratify until

they had seen me. To this they returned an evasive answer to

the effect that they were all engaged by ceremonies at the

Palace connected with the Emperor's birthday, which would last

some days. I should add that I had already, on the 10th, sent

them a note in which I criticized the Contract in detail,

stating finally that I should have further objections to bring

forward at my interview with them. I now hear on good

authority that the Contract was ratified yesterday, the 12th.

That the ratification has thus been rushed through is

undoubtedly due to the influence of Li Hung-chang, combined

with strong pressure on the part of the Representatives of

Russia, France, and Belgium, and if heavy payment is not

exacted from the Chinese Government for their bad faith, Li

will persuade his colleagues that it is safer to slight

England than any other Power, and any pressure which we may

want to bring to bear in other matters will be without weight.

I therefore think that Her Majesty's Government should insist

either:—

"1. On a written assurance from the Yamên that if British

Syndicates apply for any railway concessions in the Yang-tsze

provinces, they shall be given on the same terms as those

which France, under cover of the Belgian Syndicate, has

received in the Peking-Hankow Contract, and that no mining or

railway concessions will be granted in those provinces unless

they have been previously declined by British Syndicates; or

{84}

"2. On a written assurance that all railways for which British

Syndicates are now in Treaty, that is to say—

(a.) The Shan-hai-Kuan-Niuchwang line;

(b.) The line from Tien-tsin to Chinkiang (the latter, as I

understand, in conjunction with Germans and Americans);

(c.) The line from Shanghae to Nanking with its

continuations and branches;

(d.) The lines in Honan and Shansi should be granted

without any further delay on terms identical with those

contained in the Contract for the Peking-Hankow line. The

latter consist, so far as I can learn, in complete control

over the construction, choice of material, working, and

personnel of the line, together with an Imperial guarantee

for the repayment of the loan.

The second demand seems to me to be preferable on the whole;

it will be impossible to obtain either demand without bringing

great pressure to bear, and I consider that the demand should

be made not as a compensatory concession, but as a punishment

for bad faith."

On the 17th the reply of the British Foreign Office was sent

by Mr. Balfour, as follows:

"With reference to your telegram of the 13th instant, inform

Yamên that they must assent to your proposal Number 2 without

delay, omitting from it the Shankaikuan-Newchwang Railway,

which we must deal with as a separate question. You are

authorized to inform them, if you have any reason to apprehend

that they will delay compliance, that, unless they agree at

once, we shall regard their breach of faith concerning the

Peking-Hankow Railway as an act of deliberate hostility

against this country, and shall act accordingly. After

consultation with the Admiral, you may give them the number of

days or hours you think proper within which to send their

reply. The delay should not be of too long duration. It should

be noted, on face of your demand, that Chingkiang Concession

is for Americans and Germans, if they desire a share, as well

as ourselves. Also make it clear that your ultimatum has

nothing to do with the line to Newchwang."

The tone of these demands made them effectual. On the 4th of

September, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce to his

superiors, in London: "At an interview which I had with them

yesterday, the Yamên entered into the following

undertaking:—Within the next few days they will address a

despatch to me, apologising for their action, and consenting

to the construction of the following lines by British

Syndicates:

1. A. line from Shanghae to Nanking with a continuation viâ

Chinkiang to Sui Yang. They said, however, that the latter

route was that followed by the line from Tien-tsin to

Chinkiang, for which they said that a Preliminary Agreement

had been signed between Yung Wing and the Anglo-American

Syndicate; and the continuation in question must be dependent

on the cancellation of that Agreement.

2. A line connecting Hangchow and Soochow with Shanghae, to be

continued if required to Ningpo.

3. A line from Canton to Kowloon.

4. The Peking Syndicate to be entitled to construct a railway

to convey minerals from their mines to the Yang-tsze. The

Yamên have also agreed to send me a Confidential note

embodying a declaration that the terms accorded for the

construction of these lines will not be inferior to those

granted for the construction of any railways in China proper.

The Manchurian lines are excluded from the scope of this

Agreement. I venture to think that this is a satisfactory

settlement. I did not give them an ultimatum, confining myself

to a warning of the grave consequences which would now attend

any failure on their part to keep their word. The fact that

the fleet is concentrating is, of course, known to them."

Before receiving this announcement, Mr. Balfour had cabled, on

the 24th of August:

"Negotiations with Yamên may be facilitated if you informed

them at once that, unless the very moderate terms already

demanded are immediately complied with, we shall, in addition,

require the Concession of another line, on same conditions as

those granted in case of Peking Hankow line of railway, and

that additional demands will be preferred as the result of

further delay. If you think it would conduce to the rapid and

satisfactory termination of the negotiations, you are

authorized to make a communication to them in this sense."

Whether this suggestion was acted upon or not does not appear.

This transaction, connected with the project of a railway from

Peking to Hankow, appears to illustrate, not unfairly, on the

whole, the mode in which speculative concessions were being

wrung from the Chinese government in the busiest year of

oriental speculation, 1898. The outcome of the grand "battle"

was communicated by Sir Claude MacDonald to Lord Charles

Beresford, on the 23d of November, in a full list of the

concessions then granted to British subjects, compared with

the grants to other nationalities. "We do not seem," wrote Sir

Claude, with pardonable complacency, "to have come out second

best. … Not a single bona fide or approximately practical

scheme which has been brought to this Legation has failed to

be put through." The summarized result in railway concessions

was

9 British (2,800 miles);

3 Russian (1,530 miles);

2 German (720 miles);

3 French (420 miles);

1 Belgian (650 miles);

1 American (300 miles).

In detail, the railway and mining concessions were described

in the list as follows:

CHINA:

"Railway and other Concessions obtained by British Companies:

I. Province of Shansi.

The Peking Syndicate have acquired the 'sole right to open and

work coal and iron mines throughout the districts of Yu Hsien

and Ping Ting-chou, and the Prefectures of Lusan Fu, Tsü-chou

Fu, and Ping Yang Fu, and also petroleum, wherever found.'

Under their contract, the Syndicate have also the right to

'construct branch railways to connect with main lines or  with

water navigation, to facilitate transport of Shansi coal.'

This has been interpreted officially to include the right of

connecting the mines with Siang-yang in Hupeh, the nearest

head of navigation giving access to the Yang-tsze. This means

a railway of 250 miles. As to the value of this Concession, it

is not amiss to quote the testimony of Baron von Richthofen,

the great authority on the geology of China. He says that, 'in

proportion to its area, Shansi has probably the largest and

most easily workable coalfield of any region on the globe, and

the manufacture of iron is capable of almost unlimited

extension.'

II. Province of Honan.

The Peking Syndicate have also acquired rights similar to

those obtained in Shansi in that part of Honan north of the

Yellow River.

{85}

III. Province of Chihli.

The Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank are financing and controlling

the North China railways from Peking to Tien-tsin, and thence

to Shanhaikuan and Newchwang. The total length of these lines

is about 500 miles, of which 300 miles are completely open to

traffic.

IV. This bank has also acquired a half-interest in the

coal-mines at Nan P'iao, in the Ch'ao-yang district. According

to experts, these mines possess the best and richest coal

seams in North China, and they have the immense advantage of

being close to a line of railway and the sea.

V. Provinces of Chihli and Kiangsu.

The Tsung-li Yamên have undertaken officially that the

construction of the Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line shall be

intrusted to an Anglo-German Syndicate. The British portion of

this Syndicate is represented in China by Messrs. Jardine,

Matheson, and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank. This

will be a trunk line of 600 miles, passing through more

populous country than the Lu-Han Railway (the Belgian line),

with which it is certain to be able to compete successfully.

VI. Province of Kiangsu.

A British Syndicate, represented by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson,

and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank, has obtained the

Concession to finance and construct the Shanghae-Nanking

Railway. There is no more paying district than this for a

railway in China. The length of line will be 170 or 180 miles.

VII. Provinces of Kiangsu, Anhui, and Honan.

The same Syndicate has the right to extend the

Shanghae-Nanking Railway from P'u-k'ou, opposite Nanking, to

Hsin Yang, in Honan, a distance of 270 miles.

VIII. Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang.

The same Syndicate has the right to construct a line from

Soochow to Hangchow, with a possible extension to Ningpo. This

line will run through very populous districts for over 200

miles. The last three Concessions all lie within the Yang-tsze

region.

IX. Province of Chêkiang.

The Peking Syndicate have also obtained mining Concessions

similar to the Shansi and Honan in this province.

X. Province of Kwangtung.

The Jardine Syndicate has the right to construct a railway

from Kowloon to Canton. The length of line will be nearly 100

miles.

XI. Provinces of Hupei, Kiangsi, and Kwangtung.

An American Syndicate signed a preliminary Agreement for the

construction of a railway from Hankow to Canton in May last.

Negotiations are now in progress for the amalgamation of this

Concession with Number 10, Kowloon to Canton, and the working

of the whole line from Hankow to Kowloon by an Anglo-American

Company. This will be a trunk line of, approximately, 600

miles long.

XII. Provinces of Yünnan, Kweichow, and Ssuchuan.

The right to extend the Burmah system into China as far as the

Yang-tsze is admitted, and surveys are now in progress. This

involves a possible railway of 700 miles.

See Remarks on French Concessions.

CHINA:

"Concessions other than British. Russian.

The Manchurian Railway Concession dates from 1896. As is well

known, it was obtained as recompense for help given in

securing the retrocession of Liaotung. From Stretensk on the

Shilka, where it leaves the main Siberian line, this railway

will cross the Argun and Hingan Mountains, and reach Kirin viâ

Petuna. The whole length from Stretensk to Vladivostock is

estimated at 1,400 miles, of which about 1,000 will pass

through Chinese territory. The Concession is purely

strategical. The country traversed, though potentially rich,

in great part is, and will be for long, sparsely populated,

and the line cannot, in the near future at any rate, hope to

pay its working expenses.

2. The Port Arthur Agreement of March 1898 arranges for the

conclusion by Russia of a branch from the above line to Port

Arthur or Talienwan. The length of the railway will be about

400 miles. Commercially, this branch is more promising than

the first Concession.

3. The Russo-Chinese Bank has signed a contract for the

construction of a branch line from T'ai-yüan Fu to connect

with the Lu-Han trunk lines near Chêng-tung. Length,

approximately 130 miles. They have, up to date, been unable to

raise money for this line. I think it very possible that it

will eventually be built by an Anglo-Russian Syndicate. I am

trying to arrange this.

"French.—The French possess the right to construct three

lines, but beyond acquiring this right they have done nothing.

1. From Tonquin up the Red River Valley to Yünnan Fu, say 200

miles. The impression in French railway circles is that a

railway through Yünnan will not pay expenses, and if any

serious attempt is made to carry out the extension of the

Tonquin system, it will be merely as a stepping-stone to

Ssü-ch'uan. Yet again, any pretensions that a railway from

Yünnan to the Yang-tsze may have to rank as a commercial

project have been pronounced against by every traveller in

Central China.

2. Langson-Lungchow-Nanning Railway; length, about 100 miles.

(There appears to be an alternative open to the French of

going to Pésé instead of Nanning.) The right to build this

line has been conceded, but the idea is growing amongst the

French of Tonquin that, instead of diverting traffic from the

West River, a line from Langson to Lungchow and Nanning would

prove an additional feeder of the West River route.

3. From Pakhoi inland, presumably to Nanning; length, say 120

miles. The Tonquin press have pointed out that this line will

benefit English commerce more than French. It will never, in

my opinion, be built-by the French.

" German.

1. Kiao-chau-Yichow-Tsinan line; length, 420 miles. Nothing

has been done towards the construction of this line, which

does not promise commercially.

2. Tien-tsin-Chin-kiang line to be built by an Anglo-German

Company.

See Number 5 of the British Concessions.

"Belgian.

The Lu-Han or Peking-Hankow Railway. A Franco-Belgian

Syndicate have secured the Concession for this, a trunk line

of some 650 or 700 miles, passing north and south through

Chihli, Honan, and Hupeh. This railway is an old project born

of Chang-Chih-Tung's objection to building lines near the

coast, 'lest they should facilitate the access of an enemy.'

Its prospects as a commercial enterprise are not considered so

good as those of the rival Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line.

"American.

The only railway in which America is at present interested is

the trunk line projected from Hankow to Canton."

See British Concessions, Number 11.

{86}

On the 18th of December the British Minister announced to Lord

Salisbury: "An Imperial Decree, stating that no more railway

proposals will be for the present entertained by the Chinese

government, has been officially communicated to me by the

Yamên." To which the response from London was: "You should

inform the Chinese Government that Her Majesty's Government

claim, in the event of their revoking their present resolve

not to entertain any more proposals for railways, priority of

consideration by the Chinese Government of all British

applications already made." This notice was given, as

directed, and the Yamên replied to it (December 31) with some

dignity: "We have the honour to observe that the development

of railways in China is the natural right and advantage of the

Chinese Government. If, hereafter, in addition to the lines

already sanctioned, which will be proceeded with in order,

China proposes to construct other railways, she will negotiate

with the nation which she finds suitable. When the time

arrives China must use her own discretion as to her course of

action. The applications of British merchants can, of course,

be kept on record as material for negotiation at that day, but

it is not expedient to treat them as having a prior claim over

all others to a settled agreement."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, pages 164-69, 190-92, 215-16,

327, 344-47; and Number 1, 1900, page 22.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March).

An intelligent Chinese view of the situation of the country.

How well the situation and the dangers of their country were

understood at this period by some, at least, of the Chinese

officials, and how intelligently they considered them, may be

gathered from some passages in a memorial addressed by Viceroy

Chang Chih-tung and another high official, Sheng Hsuan-huai,

Director-General of Railways, to the Emperor, on the subject

of the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. A

translation of the document was transmitted to London at the

end of March. The memorialists say: "The original idea was

that the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Southern trunk

line should be postponed for a time, but now, owing to the

exigencies of the present situation, this work must not be

delayed. The powerful foreign nations stand around watching

for their opportunity, and, making use of trivial pretexts in

the conduct of international affairs, swiftly dispatch their

war-ships from one end of the Empire to the other. It is

impossible to say when our communication by sea may be

blocked, and the establishment of internal communication by

railways has become a necessity. Kwungtung is a rich province,

and the defence of the southern territory and waterways must

not be neglected, so that the making of the Hankow-Kwangtung

line should be proceeded with at the same time as the northern

road. The original intention was to construct a road from

Kwangtung to Hupeh viâ Chiangsi, but this circuitous route is

longer than the direct route through Hunan Province, and for

many reasons it will be a source of greater prosperity and

strength to the Empire if the latter route is adopted. There

is, moreover, no doubt that the officials and merchants of the

three provinces are in favour of this scheme. The most direct

route will be to proceed viâ Ch'en-chou, Yung-chou, Feng-chou,

and Ch'ang-sha to Wuch'ang, and so to Hankow. … Now Hankow is

the central point to which all the waterways of the eighteen

provinces from north, south, east, and west converge. If

England is allowed to build the Hankow and Kwangtung road,

passing through this important point, afterwards when the

Russian line advances southward, and the English line is

continued to the north, although we shall be in possession of

the Hankow-Lü Kou-chiao line, we shall be stilled and our

profits curtailed, for, being between the other lines, we

shall not be able to defend our own. It is also greatly to be

feared that our own line would pass into either English or

Russian hands. In this case not only is our throat stopped by

the foreigners being in possession of our ports, but our vital

parts are injuriously affected. Should we wish to raise and

drill soldiers, make arms, or obtain funds for the necessities

of the Empire, it will be impossible, and China not only will

not make progress, but we fear she will barely be able to

maintain her independence.

"Your memorialists are distressed when they consider the

extreme danger of the situation, but they think that the best

method of meeting it is to proceed ourselves at once with the

construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. Should it be

made by degrees, starting from Kwangtung through Hunan to

Hankow, it will be seized forcibly before completion, and we

fear sufficient funds cannot be raised for hurrying forward

its construction. Your memorialist, Sheng, had the intention

of employing American capital for the construction of the Lü

Kou-chaio-Hankow line, but afterwards when the American,

Washburn, came to China, his conditions were found to be too

hard, and consequently negotiations were broken off. Your

servant was thus constrained to approach Belgium. By acting

thus our privileges would not be lost, nor would ill

consequences follow. But Belgium is a small country, and her

strength is inconsiderable, and often she has pointed out that

an unfinished railroad is hardly a sufficient guarantee for

the loan. Consequently she is very undecided, but we have

hopes that by the adoption of some compromise terms may be

arrived at, though the question is extremely difficult. Thus

another scheme must be adopted for raising the capital for the

southern line. There are grave objections to allowing either

England, France, or Germany to undertake the work, and your

memorialists suggest that Wu Ting-fang, the Minister at

Washington, should be communicated with. He is a Cantonese,

and will not fail to do his best to find a scheme."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899,pages 87-89.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March-July).

Russian acquisition of Port Arthur and Talienwan.

Ineffectual British opposition.

Consequent British demand for Wei-hai Wei.

Its lease by China.

While the British Minister at Peking was securing these

assurances from the Tsung-li Yamên, concerning the

non-alienation of the Yang-tsze region and the opening of

inland waters to steam navigation, the Russian Minister was

equally busy, extorting a cession or lease of Port Arthur and

Talienwan, with privileges of railway construction through

neighboring territory which gave immense value to those

acquisitions. The probability of his success was soon known to

the British authorities, who made no serious objection to the

leasing of Talienwan, but were strongly opposed to a Russian

occupation of Port Arthur.

{87}

On the 22d of March, 1898, Lord Salisbury wrote to the British

Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Her Majesty's Government on

their part would not regard with any dissatisfaction the lease

by Russia of an ice-free commercial harbour, connected by

rail with the trans-Siberian Railway which is now under

construction. Questions of an entirely different kind are

opened if Russia obtains control of a military port in the

neighbourhood of Peking. Port Arthur is useless for commercial

purposes, its whole importance being derived solely from its

military strength and strategic position, and its occupation

would inevitably be considered in the East as a standing

menace to Peking and the commencement of the partition of

China."

On the 28th of March he wrote again: "Port Arthur is not a

commercial harbour. It is doubtful whether it could be

converted into one. It is certain that, even if such a project

were possible, it could never be worth while for the owners or

lessees of Talienwan to embark upon it. But though not a

commercial harbour, Port Arthur supplies a naval base, limited

indeed in extent, but possessing great natural and artificial

strength. And this, taken in connection with its strategic

position, gives it an importance in the Gulf of Pechili and

therefore at Peking, upon which, in their representations to

Japan at the close of the war with China, the Russian

Government laid the greatest emphasis. It is from this last

point of view that the occupation of Port Arthur chiefly

concerns Her Majesty's Government. It is not because a

position which can easily be made a naval arsenal of great

strength has been acquired by Russia that they regret its

occupation by that Power. It is because the possession, even

if temporary, of this particular position, is likely to have

political consequences at Peking of great international

importance, and because the acquisition of a Chinese harbour

notoriously useless for commercial purposes by a foreign Power

will be universally interpreted in the Far East as indicating

that the partition of China has begun.

"As regards the second of these reasons nothing further need

be said, inasmuch as Her Majesty's Government understand from

Count Mouravieff's communication to you that this result is as

little desired by the Russian Government as it is by that of

Her Majesty. As regards the first, it may perhaps be proper to

observe that a great military Power which is coterminous for

over 4,000 miles with the land frontier of China, including

the portion lying nearest to its capital, is never likely to

be without its due share of influence on the councils of that

country. Her Majesty's Government regard it as Most

unfortunate that it has been thought necessary in addition to

obtain control of a port which, if the rest of the Gulf of

Pechili remains in hands so helpless as those of the Sovereign

Power, will command the maritime approaches to its capital,

and give to Russia the same strategic advantage by sea which

she already possesses in so ample a measure by land. Her

Majesty's Government have thought it their duty thus to put on

record their grave objections to the occupation of Port Arthur

by Russia."

Before this despatch was written, Lord Salisbury already knew

that his remonstrances had failed and that Russia was to

possess Port Arthur, and he had cabled, March 25, the

following instructions to Sir Claude MacDonald, the British

Minister to Peking: "Balance of power in Gulf of Pechili is

materially altered by surrender of Port Arthur by Yamên to

Russia. It is therefore necessary to obtain, in the manner you

think most efficacious and speedy, the refusal of Wei-hai Wei

on the departure of the Japanese. The terms should be similar

to those granted to Russia for Port Arthur. British fleet is

on its way from Hong Kong to Gulf of Pechili." The day

following, Lord Salisbury advised the British Ambassador at

Berlin by telegram: "Her Majesty's Government have demanded a

reversionary lease of Wei-hai Wei, and it is possible that the

German Government will address you with regard to our

occupying territory which forms part of the Province of

Shantung. Should this be the case, you are authorized to

explain that Wei-hai Wei is not at present, and cannot, we

believe, be made a commercial port by which access can be

obtained to any part of the province. We do not wish to

interfere with the interests of Germany in that region. The

action, in our opinion very regrettable, of Russia with

respect to Port Arthur, has compelled us to take the course we

are now pursuing."

On the 29th of March the completion of the transaction by

which China transferred Port Arthur and Talienwan to Russia

was officially announced at St. Petersburg by the following

publication in the "Official Messenger": "At Peking on the

15th (27th) March a special Agreement was signed by the

Plenipotentiaries of Russia and China, by virtue of which

Ports Arthur and Talienwan, with the corresponding territory

and waters, have been ceded to the Imperial Government for

twenty-five years—which period, by mutual agreement, may be

still further prolonged—and the construction allowed of

branches of railways in order to connect these ports with the

main Great Siberian line. This Agreement is a direct and

natural outcome of the friendly relations between great

neighbouring Empires, all of whose endeavours should be

directed towards the preservation of tranquillity along the

vast extent of their neighbouring possessions for the common

benefit of the people of both of them. The peaceful

occupation, by the diplomatic Agreement of the 15th March, of

the ports and territory of a friendly nation shows, in the

best possible way, that the Government of China truly

appreciates the meaning of the Agreement established between

us.

"Securing the inviolability of the sovereign rights of China,

and satisfying the daily requirements of Russia in her

capacity of a great and neighbouring naval Power, this

Agreement can in no way insure [injure?] the interests of any

other foreign Power; on the contrary, it gives to all nations

of the world the possibility in the near future of entering

into communication with this hitherto closed-up country on the

coast of the Yellow Sea. The opening to the commercial fleets

of all foreign nations of the port of Talienwan creates in the

Pacific Ocean a new and extended centre for the commercial and

trading undertakings of those nations, especially by means of

the Great Siberian line, henceforth to be taken into account,

and which, thanks to the friendly Treaty between Russia and

China, will unite the extreme ends of the Old World. Thus, the

Agreement signed at Peking has for Russia a deep historical

signification, and must be joyfully welcomed by all to whom

happy peace and successes, based on the mutual understandings

of nations, are dear."

{88}

On the 3d of April, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce

by cable to Lord Salisbury: "Yamên agreed yesterday to the

following arrangement: China will lease Wei-hai Wei to Great

Britain on the same terms as Port Arthur has been leased to

Russia, but Great Britain agrees not to take possession of the

place until it has been given up by Japan. The lease will

continue until Russia ceases to occupy Liaotung Peninsula.

Details are left for subsequent adjustment." Negotiations

relative to the terms of the lease of Wei-hai Wei were

protracted until the first of July, when the Convention

determining them was signed at Peking. Its provisions were as

follows: "The territory leased shall comprise the Island of

Liu-kung and all islands in the Bay of Wei-hai Wei, and a belt

of land 10 English miles wide along the entire coast line of the

Bay of Wei-hai Wei. Within the above-mentioned territory

leased Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Great

Britain shall have, in addition, the right to erect

fortifications, station troops, or take any other measures

necessary for defensive purposes, at any points on or near the

coast of the region east of the meridian 121° 40' east of

Greenwich, and to acquire on equitable compensation with that

territory such sites as may be necessary for water supply,

communications, and hospitals. Within that zone Chinese

administration will not be interfered with, but no troops

other than Chinese or British shall be allowed therein. It is

also agreed that within the walled city of Wei-hai Wei,

Chinese officials shall continue to exercise jurisdiction

except so far as may be inconsistent with naval and military

requirements for the defence of the territory leased. It is

further agreed that Chinese vessels of war, whether neutral or

otherwise, shall retain the right to use the waters herein

leased to Great Britain. It is further understood that there

will be no expropriation or expulsion of the inhabitants of

the territory herein specified, and that if land is required

for fortifications, public officers, or any official or public

purpose, it shall be bought at a fair price."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1898, and Number 1, 1899.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).

Charges of corruption against Li Hung-chang and

the Tsung-li Yamên.

"One of the censors of highest rank memorialised the Emperor

early in April, accusing the whole Tsung-li Yamên of being in

Russian pay, and alleging that the sum of 10,000,000 taels was

paid to them. He also stated that Li Hung-chang had secured

from Russia 1,500,000 taels, and he prayed for a full inquiry

and for the decapitation of Li Hung-chang if the accusation

were proved, or if he were found guiltless, he himself should

be decapitated. Li Hung-chang was dismissed on September 6,

but afterwards in November was appointed an imperial

commissioner to report on the inundations of the Yellow River,

an unwelcome post. … A Black Flag rebellion in the southern

province of Kwang-si, in which the secret society called The

Triads was said to be concerned, was giving the Pekin

Government great anxiety in July. The rebels, numbering about

40,000, were for a time victorious and seemed determined to

overthrow the dynasty."

Annual Register, 1898, pages 333-334.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-August).

France in the field with demands.

New demands from Great Britain.

France had now come forward to seize a place in the attacking

line, preparatory to what seemed to be the impending partition

of China. On the 12th of April, Sir Claude MacDonald cabled to

Lord Salisbury the following despatch: "I had an interview

with the Yamên yesterday, at which they informed me that

China, had acceded to the following demands on the part of

France:

1. Kwangchow Wan [in the Lei-chau peninsula, on the southern

coast, near Tonquin] to be leased as a coaling-station to

France.

2. The right to construct a railway to Yünnan-fu from the

Tonquin frontier.

3. The promise not to alienate any territory in the three

provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yünnan, which border on

the French frontier.

4. The Chinese Government agree that if ever they constitute a

Postal Department independent of the maritime customs, and if

a European is to be appointed as Director thereof, France

shall have an equal right with that of other Powers to

nominate a candidate for the post of Director.

The Chinese Government are willing—

1. To lease us as much additional territory on Kowloon

promontory [opposite Hong Kong], exclusive of Kowloon city, as

is required for military and naval purposes.

2. The Yamên state that China is quite willing to allow the

extension into Yünnan of the Burmah Railway."

On the 13th, Mr. Balfour, in the absence of Lord Salisbury,

cabled from London in reply: "Inform Yamên that, although they

have not followed our advice, we are anxious to maintain, as

far as possible, integrity of China, and will, therefore, not

make new territorial demands upon them. It is, however,

absolutely necessary, if we are to pursue this policy, that

they, on their side, should first immediately conclude

negotiations—

(a) for giving us an the land required for military defences

of Hong Kong;

(b) to fulfil their promise to make Nanning a Treaty port;

(c) to give some railway concession;

(d) an agreement as to the non-alienation of Kuang'tung and

Yünnan.

In connection with condition (d), it is in the interests of

the integrity of China, and is justified by the proximity of

Yünnan to Burmah, and by our commercial preponderance in

Kuang'tung."

On the same day (13th April) the British Minister at Paris

telegraphed to the Foreign Office, London: "It is stated in

to-night's papers that, at the Cabinet Council held this

morning, M. Hanotaux was able to announce to his colleagues

that the French demands on China had been satisfactorily met.

They are stated in the semi-official 'Temps' to be:—

1. Concession of a lease of a bay on the south coast of China.

2. Concession of a railway connecting Tonquin with Yünnan-fu

by the Red River.

3. Engagement on the part of China never to alienate the

territories of the provinces contiguous to Tonquin.

4. Engagement never to cede to any other Power the Island of

Hainan.

5. Arrangement in regard to the constitution of the postal

service."

Thus, for the time being, France was satisfied, and England

would be, before she gave rest to the Tsung-li Yamên. Her

present demands, as above specified by Mr. Balfour, were

pressed without ceasing by the pertinacious Sir Claude. On the

9th of June he obtained from the Yamên a lease for the British

government of about 200 square miles of territory on the

mainland opposite its island crown colony of Hong Kong, and

surrounding the Chinese city of Kowloon, the latter, however,

to remain under Chinese jurisdiction.

{89}

The term of the lease was 90 years. With regard to the opening

of Nanning as a Treaty Port, he received an assurance from the

Yamên in August that it should be done so soon as the Kwang-si

rebellion was crushed. On the other points he had equal

success.

Great Britain. Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, pages 12, 19, 98-99, 178.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (May).

How the murder of a missionary was made the ground of French

demands for a Railway Concession.

On the 17th of May, 1898, the British Minister at Peking

cabled to Lord Salisbury: "Murder of missionary in Kuang-si.

French demands for compensation. … The Yamên … said they were

not certain that the murdered missionary was not a Chinaman,

and that the demands made by the French for compensation

comprise a Concession for a railway to some point on the

sea-coast not specified, a chapel to be built, and a pecuniary

indemnity of 100,000 fr. to be paid. Up to the present they had

refused all these demands." Later, the following particulars

of the murder were received from the British Consul at Canton:

"The occurrence happened about a fortnight ago at

Yun-gan-chou, in the P'ing-lo Prefecture. While walking

through the streets the missionary noticed a placard directed

against the Christian religion. Having discovered the author

of the placard, the missionary, with two converts, proceeded

to his house and attempted to arrest him. Out of this a

disturbance arose in which the passers-by took part, and in

the end the missionary and the two converts lost their lives."

On the 21st of May Sir Claude MacDonald reported to Lord

Salisbury from Peking: "I am very reliably informed that the

demands made at an interview with the Yamên yesterday by M.

Pichon, the French Minister, in connection with this case

were:—

1. A Concession to construct a railway from Pakhoi to Nanning;

2. Construction of a chapel at Pakhoi;

3. A pecuniary indemnity of 100,000 fr.; and

4. The responsible officials to be punished.

In response to these demands, the Yamên suggested that the

Railway Concession should be granted in a document by itself,

apart from the granting of the other demands, and that the

chapel should be built at Yungan-chou, the scene of the

murder, instead of at Pakhoi, and the French Minister

undertook to refer these modifications to his Government for

their favourable consideration."

On the 27th, Sir Claude reported further that he had heard on

very good authority that all the French demands had been

granted, and added: "The Yamên have since denied to me that

they have committed themselves to granting them, but I have

little doubt that they have practically done so. The reason

for making the Railway Concession a separate matter is that

the Chinese are anxious to avoid establishing precedents for

compensation for attacks on missionaries taking the shape of

commercial Concessions, and they hope, rather foolishly, to do

so by nominally closing the missionary case before the other

matter is taken up. They did this in the case of the German

Agreement for the lease of Kiao-chau Bay, which begins by

declaring that the Shantung missionary case has already been

closed. The French demands are not at all excessive. I have

already expressed my belief that the proposed railway will not

injure us commercially, provided, of course, that no

differential rates are allowed, as to which I shall insist on

specific assurances from the Yamên."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, pages 91, 146, 150.

Alluding to this incident, and to that which the German

government made its pretext for seizing Kiao Chau (see, above,

A. D. 1897-November), a German writer has remarked:

"Never before, perhaps, has so much material value been

attached to ministers of the Gospel in foreign lands, and the

manner in which, after their death, they are used to spread

civilization is somewhat foreign to our older ideas of the

functions of the bearers of spiritual blessings."

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (June-September).

Momentary influence of a reform party in the palace.

Futile attempt of the young emperor to uphold it.

The decaying state of the Empire had now become so desperately

plain, and the predatory swarm of governments and speculators

which gathered to despoil it had grown so greedy and so bold,

that a party which could see that the only hope for its

salvation must be sought in some modernizing reforms, of

education and administration, was able to win a momentary

footing of influence in the palace at Peking. Its leading

spirit appears to have been one Kang Yeu Wei, an extremely

radical reformer who came from Canton. In an article which he

wrote some months later, and which was published in the

"Contemporary Review," Kang Yeu Wei gave this account of

himself, and of the mode in which he was brought into

relations with the young Emperor:

"I was always fond of studying Western learning. After the

French took Foochow in 1885 there was evident danger of

China's end drawing nigh. Consequently, in 1889, I

memorialised about the matter in great grief. I feared

Russia's advance southward, and pointed out the secret

intentions of Japan and the latent danger in Corea. I thought

that China had come to such a pass that if she should devote

these years for the purpose of speedy reform she might become

strong, but if there was delay nothing could save her. At that

time the high Ministers of State were all Conservatives, and

would not present my memorial to the throne. After the loss of

Formosa, Wêng Tung Ho [the Emperor's tutor] was sorry that he

had listened to their advice, and was very cordial to me. Then

I exhorted him to reform, and I wrote a long memorial, signed

by 1,300 provincial graduates, to urge reform again and again,

and a Reform Club was formed in Peking, and the newspaper,

'Chinese Progress,' was started in Shanghai. At this time

(1895) Wêng Tung Ho strongly urged reform on the Emperor, but

was checked by the Empress-Dowager, and almost put aside then,

and the Reform Club was shut up. I then returned to Canton,

and founded the Ethical Society in Canton province and the

Sacred Society in Kwang-Si province. My disciples, Liang Chi

Chao and Tan Tze Tung, formed the Southern Learning Society in

Hunan province; Liu Shio started the Fookien Learning Society

in the Fukien province; Yang Tui the Szechuen Learning

Society, in the province of Szechuen; Yang Shin Sheu and Sung

Peh Luh opened the Pass Learning Society in the provinces of

Shansi and Shensi; I and my brother K'ang Kwang In, with King

Yuen Shen, opened a Chinese girls' school and formed the

Anti-foot-binding Society in Shanghai; and many newspapers

were started. Thus newspapers and new schools flourished in

all the provinces, and all the empire knew of the reform.

{90}

"When Kiaochow was taken by the Germans I went to Peking again

and sent up another memorial strongly urging reform, with the

same motive as Peter the Great, and on the same political

lines as have been adopted by the present Emperor of Japan. I

also presented my books on the history of reform in Japan and

the history of Peter the Great's reforms, and suggested that

all the coast of the empire be open to international trade.

Wêng Tung Ho approved of it, and strongly supported the

measure at Court. But the crowd of Conservatives opposed, and

he could not carry it. Then it was proposed to make an

alliance with England, as was advised in the reform paper of

Macao. The Government was undecided and feared that a great

nation like England would not be willing. But when England

asked that Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan should be open ports I

hastened to Wêng Tung Ho and said, 'China is saved and will

not perish. You must grant the request. Since God gives us

this opportunity, it should on no account be let slip.' But

the Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang had made up their minds

to give them to Russia. Again, England promised to lend China

ten millions at 3 per cent. Russia was forcing China to borrow

from her at 4 per cent. The Foreign Office was in great fear

between these two great nations, and undecided. They then

discussed about borrowing from both, and finally decided not

to borrow from either. I said, 'You should decline Russia's

offer and borrow from England. Russia, though she might

threaten us, will never dare to declare war on this account.'

The Empress-Dowager favoured Russia and was afraid. In the end

they did not borrow from either.

"When Russia was seeking Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan, I

presented two memorials that they should be refused to Russia

and both made open ports. The Emperor blamed Prince Kung and

Li Hung Chang, and asked, 'What is the use of a secret treaty

with Russia? Not only does Russia not protect us, but she

herself takes away territory from us.' Both the Prince and Li

replied: 'It is by giving Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan to

Russia that the secret treaty is preserved.' At this the

Emperor was very angry. When the Empress-Dowager decided to

give them to Russia, and Wêng Tung Ho found that all my

prophecies came true, he strongly recommended me to the

Emperor.  Kao Hsueh Tseng, the Supervising Censor, Chen Pao

Chen, the Governor of Hunan, Su Chih Ching, of the Hanlin

College, and Li Twan Fên, President of the Board of Rites,

also had recommended me from time to time. When the Emperor

asked the members of the Cabinet, Wêng-Tung Ho recommended me,

saying, 'His abilities are a hundred times superior to my

own,' and prayed the Emperor to listen to me in all matters of

reform. I also presented to the Emperor a record of England,

France, and Germany, a comparative diagram of all nations, and

the Reverend Timothy Richard's 'History of the Nineteenth

Century' and his 'Essays for the Times,' and translations of

Western books. The Emperor then understood something of the

cause of the rise and fall of nations, and made up his mind to

introduce great reforms. Desiring men to help him, he invited

me, and acted on my former suggestions."

But the situation at Peking, as Kang Yeu Wei describes it,—the

weakness of the young Emperor and the strength of the

Empress-Dowager,—made the undertaking of reform hopeless from

the beginning. The Empress-Dowager had professed to resign the

government, but, says Kang Yeu Wei, "she really still held the

reins in her hands. She read the memorials about appointments.

All the Ministers of the first and second rank were her

nominees. The Emperor had no voice. In all matters he had to

inform her first before acting. The Emperor was only an

Emperor in name.

"The Emperor was of a studious disposition. Since the loss of

Formosa he has been greatly distressed about the decline of

the Empire. After this his faithful tutor, Wêng Tung Ho, who

was a learned man, sought foreign books for study, and

presented them, with atlases, to the Emperor. These the

Emperor daily studied, discovered the cause of foreign

prosperity, discovered the reason of China's weakness and

conservatism, and made up his mind to reform. But this was not

in accordance with the view of the Empress-Dowager. At the

beginning of the war with Japan the Emperor and his Ministers

wanted war. The Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang wanted

peace. The Empress-Dowager was ready to give up Manchuria and

Formosa. The Emperor could not think of it for a moment

without crying with distress; he wanted to make an alliance

with England and to reform, while the Empress-Dowager was

equally bent on alliance with Russia without reform. Thus

their views diverged more and more, so that when the Emperor

wanted to reform in 1895 the Empress hated him; two of his

favourite Imperial ladies were beaten: the Vice-Presidents,

Chang Lin, Wang Ming Luan, and Tsz Tui, a brother of one of

these Imperial ladies, were driven away: and the Imperial

ladies' tutor, Wên Ting Shih, was stripped of his honours,

never to be employed any more. This was because all these

advised the Emperor to keep the power in his own hands.

"The eunuch Kow Lang Tsai memorialised the Empress-Dowager to

resign the government into the hands of the Emperor. For this

he was put to death. The Emperor himself narrowly escaped

being put aside then. … Chang Lin was a straightforward man in

whom Prince Kung put great confidence. In a memorial to the

Emperor he said: 'The relation of the Empress-Dowager to the

late Emperor Tung Chih was that of his own mother, but her

relation to you is that of the widowed concubine of a former

Emperor.' When the Empress-Dowager came to know this she was

in a great rage. Prince Kung was also in great fear. When the

Emperor issued an edict, by command of the Empress-Dowager, to

degrade Chang Lin, Prince Kung was weeping on his knees. When

asked the reason of it, the Emperor waved his hand and said,

'Don't ask him.' The Emperor and the Prince wept together, and

the Prince wept so bitterly that he had no strength to rise

up. The Emperor commanded the eunuchs to help him up and lead

him away. Wên Ting Shih begged the Emperor to exercise his

rights. The Emperor waved his hand, saying, 'Don't speak,' for

the Emperor knew long ago that when he took the reins of

government into his own hands the Empress hated him."

{91}

Nevertheless, in 1898, the well-meaning but weak young Emperor

was moved to a spasmodic assertion of his authority, in bold

strokes of reform. "Rather than lose his empire like those of

the Chin and the Ming dynasties, and become a by-word of

disgrace for all future generations, he would risk the dangers

of reform. If he succeeded, then he would get power into his

own hands and save his country. If he failed, he would greatly

open the minds of the people and prepare them for the future,

and thus, perhaps, preserve a remnant of China. At this time

the Emperor considered the chief thing was to preserve the

country from being lost to foreign nations, and looked upon

his position on the throne as of little consequence in

comparison—considering the welfare of the people as of

supreme importance, while his own person was of little

importance. He had none to consult with, but decided to risk

all danger and try."

Kang Yen Wei,

The Reform of China and the Revolution of 1898

(Contemporary Review, August, 1899).

Read with a knowledge of what came of them, the futile decrees

which the helpless young Emperor issued in June, 1898, seem

pathetic in the extreme. The following is a translation of the

first of his reform edicts, which bears the date, "Kuang Hsu,

24th year, 4th moon, 23d day," corresponding to June 11, 1898:

"For a long time past the condition of Imperial affairs has

been a subject of discussion among the officials of the

Empire, both metropolitan and provincial, with a view to bring

about changes necessary for improvement. Decrees have been

frequently issued by the Emperor, for a special system of

examinations, for doing away with the surplus soldiery, for

the alteration of the military examinations and for the

institution of colleges. In spite of the fact that these

things have so often been carefully thought out, and so many

plans have been formed, there is no general consensus of

opinion, and discussion is still rife as to which plans are

best. There are some among the older officials who affirm that

the old ways are best and need no alteration, and that the new

plans are not required. Such babblings are vain and useless.

"The Emperor puts the question before you thus: In the present

condition of Imperial affairs, with an untrained army, with

limited funds, with ignorant 'literati,' and with artisans

untaught because they have no fit teachers, is there any

difficulty in deciding, when China is compared with foreign

nations, who is the strong and who is the weak? It is easy to

distinguish between the rich and the poor. How can a man armed

with a wooden stick smite his foe encased in a coat of mail?

The Emperor sees that the affairs of the Empire are in an

unsettled condition, and that his various Decrees have availed

nothing, Diversity of opinion, each unlike another as fire

differs from water, is responsible for the spread of the

existing evil. It is the same evil as that which existed in

the Sung and Ming dynasties (circa A. D. 1000 and 1500). Our

present system is not of the slightest use. We cannot in these

modern days adhere to the ways of the five Kings(circa B. C.

2500); even they did not continue exactly after the manner of

their respective predecessors. It is like wearing thick

clothes in summer and thin ones in winter. "Now, therefore,

the Emperor orders all officials, metropolitan and provincial,

from prince down to 'literati,' to give their whole minds to a

real endeavour to improvement. With perseverance, like that of

the saints of old, do your utmost to discover which foreign

country has the best system in any branch of learning and

learn that one. Your great fault is the falseness of your

present knowledge. Make a special effort and determine to

learn the best of everything. Do not merely learn the outside

covers of the books of knowledge, and do not make a loud boast

of your own attainments. The Emperor's wish is to change what

is now useless into something useful, so that proficiency may

be attained and handed on to posterity. The Metropolitan

College will be the chief one, and must be instituted at once.

The Emperor orders the Grand Councillors to consult with the

Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, and to come to a decision as

soon as possible, and then to memorialize the Throne. Any of

the compilers and graduates of the Hanlin College, the

secretaries of the Boards, the officers of the Palace Guards,

expectant Intendants, Prefects, district Magistrates, and

subordinate officials, sons and brothers of officials, the

hereditary officials of the Eight Banners, and the sons of the

military officials of the Empire, can enter the College who wish

to do so. By this means knowledge will be handed down from one

generation to another. It will be strictly forbidden to

members of the College to be careless or dilatory in their

studies, or to introduce as students any of their friends

without regard for the latter's capabilities; for such things

would frustrate the benefit of this excellent plan of His

Imperial Majesty."

A day later he issued the following: "The Tsung-li Yamên have

reported to the Throne that in obedience to instructions they

have considered the requests contained in the memorial of the

Vice-President Jung Hui, for the appointment of special

Ministers of Commerce, and the sending of members of the

Imperial family to visit foreign nations. Commercial matters

are of the highest importance, and the suggestion is one which

deserves to be acted upon. As the result of a former

consultation of the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, commercial

bureaus have been established at the capitals of the

provinces, and the officials of each province have ordered the

leading gentry and merchants to elect from their numbers managers

of the bureaus, who will then draw up commercial regulations.

It is to be hoped that strict conformity to these Regulations

will lead to a daily improvement in trade; and the Emperor

orders the Viceroys and Governors of the provinces to direct

the gentry and merchants to strictly obey the official

instructions, and to consult together for the most speedy and

satisfactory arrangement of commercial matters; it is to be

hoped that in this way the officials will be kept in touch

with the merchants. We must not adhere blindly to our old

customs. Let the officials of each province memorialize the

Throne, and inform the Emperor how commercial affairs are

managed in their respective provinces.

{92}

With regard to the suggestion that members of the Imperial

Family should go abroad, this is a new departure, but is quite

in accordance with modern custom. The Emperor, therefore,

orders the Court of the Imperial clan to select from the

Princes of the first three ranks any who are well versed in

modern affairs and ideas, and who are on the side of modern

improvement, and to inform the Emperor of their selection. The

selected Princes will then await the Emperor's orders with

regard to their journey."

On the 15th the following imperial mandate was published:

"Wêng T'ung-ho, Assistant Grand Secretary and President of the

Board of Revenue, has of late made many errors in the conduct

of business, and has forfeited all confidence; on several

occasions he has been impeached to the Throne. At his private

audiences of the Emperor he has replied to His Majesty's

questions with no regard for anything except his own personal

feeling and opinion, and he has made no attempt to conceal his

pleasure or displeasure either in his speech or in his

countenance. It has gradually become clear that his ambition

and rebellious feeling have led him to arrogate to himself an

attempt to dictate to the Emperor. It is impossible to permit

him to remain in the responsible position of a Grand

Councillor. In former days a strict inquiry would have been

held, and his crime punished with the utmost rigour of the

law. Taking into consideration, however, his long service as

tutor to the Emperor, His Majesty cannot bring himself to mete

out to him such a severe penalty. Let Wêng T'ung-ho vacate his

posts, and retire into private life, as a warning that he is

preserved (from a worse fate)."

In transmitting this mandate to the British Foreign Office,

Sir Claude MacDonald explained that Wêng T'ung-ho was a

"reactionary," whose "influence was invariably against

innovation and progress," but personally "prepossessing,

courteous, and scholarly—an excellent type of the Conservative

Chinese statesman." But that the dismissal of Wêng T'ung-ho

did not signify the triumph of the reform party was shown the

same day by a decree commanding special honors to the Empress

Dowager, who seemed to be losing no time in reasserting

herself. "In future," said the edict, "whenever officials

receive favours or gifts from the Empress Dowager, or receive

promotion to the highest civil or military rank or to the

Vice-Presidency of a Board, they must (after thanking the

Emperor) present themselves before the Empress Dowager and

thank her; and in similar cases all provincial

Tartar-Generals, Lieutenant-Generals, Viceroys, Governors, and

Commanders-in-chief must write their thanks to the Empress

Dowager (as well as to the Emperor)."

Other radically reforming decrees that were issued by the

Emperor during June and early in July were described by the

British Minister in a despatch dated July 9, as follows:

"To effect a change in the agricultural methods of an ancient

Eastern nation would seem a very hopeless task, but from a

Decree published on the 4th instant, it appears that a censor

has made proposals for the establishment of a school of

agriculture, on which the Tsung-Ii Yamên were asked to report.

The Decree founded on their Report states that agriculture is

the basis of the States' wealth, and that measures for its

revival are urgently needed. The provincial authorities are,

therefore, directed to examine all methods of cultivation,

whether Chinese or foreign, with a view to their adoption by

the people. … The Decree proceeds to promise rewards for

successful treatment of agricultural problems, and to direct

the translation and circulation in provincial Colleges of

foreign works on the subject.

"Two Decrees, published on the 27th June and 5th July, have

reference to reforms in the Chinese army, but they throw no

light on the nature of them, and merely refer certain

suggestions to various Departments for examination. The last

Decree I shall mention, which appeared on the 5th instant,

contains a very frank admission of the need of reforms. It

states that in foreign countries commerce and industry thrive

and progress, while in China, though there is no lack of

ability, it is fettered in the bonds of ancient custom, and

cannot free itself. As one means of assisting in its

liberation it is ordained that any persons producing 'new

books' (presumably books that show originality of thought), or

being the first to use new methods, or to produce new

instruments or appliances suitable for use, are to receive

rewards from the State in the shape either of official

employment, if they are fitted for it, or of some other

distinction. In the case of inventions a certificate will be

given, and the profits secured to the inventor for a fixed

term of years—in fact patent rights will be granted. Rewards

will also be given to those who, with their own resources,

establish colleges, open up mines, or set up arsenals for the

manufacture of rifles and cannon. In conclusion, the Tsung-li

Yamên are directed to draw up Regulations for effecting the

above objects."

The zeal of the reforming movement was kept alive and its

authors held their ground throughout the summer, and nearly to

the end of September. On the 17th of that month, Sir Claude

MacDonald wrote to Lord Salisbury: "Imperial Decrees intended

to launch China on the path of reform continue to appear,

though there are few signs of any of them taking practical

effect. The Emperor is evidently learning that it is one thing

to issue a reform Edict and another to get it obeyed. Not long

ago a Decree was issued, the object of which was to make the

Throne more accessible to the subordinate portion of the

official world. At the beginning of this month a case was

brought to His Majesty's notice, in which the Board of

Ceremonies disobeyed this Decree by refusing to transmit a

Memorial sent in by a Secretary. He was much enraged, and

forthwith cashiered the six head officials of the Board, that

is to say, the two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents.

"On the 12th instant he followed this up by a fresh Decree

dwelling on the circumstances and reiterating his previous

instructions. Memorials were to be presented as they came in,

it being of the highest importance, in the present critical

state of public affairs, that all such communications should

be examined as soon as possible. Obstruction and delay were to

be punished with the utmost rigour, and special commands were

given that the previous Edicts on reform, all of which were

enumerated, were to be hung up in a public place in each Yamên

throughout the Empire, so that no one should be ignorant of

their contents.

{93}

Not satisfied with all this, he issued, also on the 12th

instant, a long and remarkable Decree calling attention to the

advantages of Western methods, and inveighing against

degenerate officials and conservative Ministers, who not only

could not assist him in adopting their methods, but spread

reports instead calculated to disturb the minds of the people.

He wanted his subjects to know that they 'could depend on

their Prince,' and appealed to them to make China powerful by

working for reform with 'united minds.' The previous orders

were amplified, and the privilege of memorializing the Throne,

which formerly stopped at officers of a high rank, is now

extended to practically every soul in the Empire.

"Next day, the 13th September, another Decree repeated the

terms of the above in clearer detail, and laid down precisely

the procedure each class was to observe in making itself

heard. The severest penalties were threatened should there be

any interference with the free exercise of this privilege by

the high officers of Government, who were commanded to report

by telegram the steps they were taking to fulfil the Imperial

wishes. The series of Decrees above quoted are naturally

creating a great commotion in the Chinese official world, and

it will be interesting to note their effect."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, page 179-279.

The effect was soon known. It was one which brought the

reformers to grief and their reforms to an end.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (September).

Overthrow of the Reformers.

Subjugation of the Emperor by the Empress-Dowager.

His countermanding decrees.

The Imperial reformer announced the downfall of his own

authority on the 21st of September, in the following

significant decree:

"The affairs of the nation are at present in a difficult

position, and everything awaits reform. I, the Emperor, am

working day and night with all my powers, and every day

arrange a multitude of affairs. But, despite my careful toil,

I constantly fear to be overwhelmed by the press of work. I

reverently recall that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager has on

two occasions since the reign of Tung Chih (1861) assumed the

reins of Government with great success in critical periods. In

all she did Her Majesty showed perfection. Moved by a deep

regard for the welfare of the nation, I have repeatedly

implored Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to advise me in

government, and have received her assent. This is an assurance

of prosperity to the whole nation, officials and people. Her

Majesty will commence to transact business from to-day in the

side Hall. On the 23rd September, I, the Emperor, will lead my

princes and high officials to make obeisance in the Ch'in

Chêng Hall. Let the proper officials reverently and carefully

prepare the fitting programme of the ceremony."

On the 25th he announced: "Since the 4th moon, I, the Emperor,

have been frequently ailing in health, and in spite of

long-continued treatment there is still no great improvement.

Should there be any persons, either in the capital or the

provinces, who are highly skilled in the treatment of disease,

let the officials at once recommend them to the throne and

await our orders. Should such men be in the provinces let them

be sent to the capital without the least delay."

On the 26th the unfortunate Emperor was made to send forth

another decree, countermanding the greater part of the orders

he had been giving, on the pretext that they had been

misunderstood and badly carried out. The obstructive offices

which he had abolished were restored; the permission given to

scholars and people to present memorials was withdrawn. "The

original purpose," said the decree, "was that we should see

with the eyes and hear with the ears of everybody, but the

Court has now opened wide the path of access to the throne,

and if there are useful proposals for reform made in the

statements of any of the different classes of officials they

are bound to be observed at once and set into operation. At

present, careless documents all alike in character pour in.

All are full of frivolous statements, some even touch on the

extravagant, and all are much wanting in order. Hereafter all

officers whose duty it is to speak shall say what they have to

say in fitting language. In accordance with the prescribed

rules, persons or officers who are not competent to

memorialize the throne are not permitted to submit sealed

documents. The 'Times,' official newspaper, is of no benefit

to good government and will vainly disturb men's minds: let it

be abolished at once. The Imperial colleges will be ground for

the cultivation of talent. Apart from those which are already

being gradually established in Peking and the provincial

capitals, let the local officials in all prefectures and

districts where it is proposed to establish minor colleges

consider the local conditions and the convenience of the

people. Let the temples [which were to have been turned into

colleges] in the provinces remain as before; there is no need

to make colleges of them and disturb the feelings of the

people. Over and above the matters above mentioned, there are

others which have been duly considered and put into operation,

and others which are under consideration, such as trade,

agriculture, reorganization of the army, and the development

of resources, all of which are of undoubted consequence to the

State and the people, and must imperatively be introduced

gradually. Those measures which are of no benefit to the

present system of government, and are detrimental to the

Constitution, need not be discussed. Let the six Boards and

the Tsung-li Yamên make an investigation of these matters,

consider them with special care, and submit a report to the

throne so that they may be dealt with."

The events which attended and followed these decrees were

reported by Sir Claude MacDonald on September 28, as follows:

"The Decree [of the 21st] naturally created much excitement in

Peking, and rumours of impending disaster to the most prominent

of the advocates of reform were prevalent. Subsequent

proceedings justified the alarm and assumed the character of a

coup d'etat. The same day the house of Chang Yin-huan was

surrounded by the police in search of one K'ang Yu-wei. This

K'ang Yu-wei is a Chinese scholar of high repute who was,

until lately, editor of a Chinese newspaper in Shanghae known

as 'Progress.' He was a strong advocate of reform, and was

this year recommended to the Emperor, and on his arrival in

Peking was given a position of Secretary in the Board of

Works. He is said to have acquired great influence over the

Emperor, and to have been his adviser in his recent reform

measures. K'ang Yu-wei could not be found, and it has

subsequently transpired that he has escaped and left Shanghae

on the 27th in the English mail for Hong Kong.

{94}

So keen was the hunt for him that on the 22nd all traffic was

stopped on the Tien-tsin Railway line to prevent his passage.

On the 24th instant orders were issued for the arrest of

several officials who had been in relation with him, including

Chang Yin-huan and Hsü Chih-ch'ing. The latter had recommended

K'ang to the throne, and had been recently appointed President of

the Board of Rites. Chang Yin-huan went to the Board of

Punishments and has remained a prisoner since. The precise

charge against K'ang and his friends has not transpired, but

it is supposed to be one of conspiracy against the liberty and

even the life of the Empress Dowager.

"It was reported on the 25th that Chang was to be executed the

same evening or early next morning, and I thought it advisable

to make an appeal on his behalf for at least due consideration

of any charge brought against him. The report reached me late

in the afternoon, and it was therefore necessary to take

prompt measures. It was supposed that Li Hung-chang had been

consulted by the Empress Dowager in the matter. I accordingly

addressed a letter to his Excellency pointing out the horror

with which such sudden executions were regarded by all Western

nations, and the bad effect the secret and hasty condemnation

of an official of Chang's rank, who was so well known in

Europe, would produce, and begged his Excellency to use what

influence he possessed to prevent such hurried action. I

concluded my letter by saying that I appealed to him, Li,

because he was the only Statesman now in Peking who was

conversant with European methods, and would, therefore,

thoroughly realize the disastrous impression which such a

summary execution would produce throughout the Western world.

It is well known that Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan are

deadly enemies, and it was generally reported that Chang's

imprisonment was due to Li. The Grand Secretary replied saying

that he highly respected my generous and humane motives, and

he assured me that no summary action would be taken."

On the 30th Sir Claude reported: "Six of the reformers

referred to in my despatch of the 28th September were executed

on the 28th instant. They included a brother of K'ang Yu-wei,

the chief reformer, and, though subordinates, all were

graduates and men of standing. Chang Yin-huan has been

banished to Chinese Turkestan, where he is to be kept under

rigorous surveillance. No precise crime is charged against

him. The Edict announcing his punishment accuses him vaguely

of being treacherous, fickle, and a sycophant. Last night a

long Decree appeared dealing with the so-called conspiracy.

K'ang Yu-wei is declared to have taken advantage of the

Emperor's leaning towards beneficial reforms to plot a

revolution, which was to be opened by surrounding the Palace

at Wan Shoushan and seizing the Empress-Dowager and the

Emperor. The haste in executing K'ang's chief accomplices, for

it appears that the legal formalities had not been observed,

is admitted to have been caused by Memorials, whose dominant

note was fear of a revolution if punishment was delayed."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: China,

Number 1, 1899, pages 291-294.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (October).

The Empress-Dowager.

Her past career.

Her character.

The Empress-Dowager, so called, who now recovered her

ascendancy over the weak young Emperor, which the reformers

had momentarily overcome, and who became again the real

Sovereign of the Empire, as she had been for the past thirty

years, "was never Empress, not even as imperial consort,

having been but the secondary wife of Hsien-fêng, the Emperor

who fled from his capital on the approach of the Anglo-French

forces in 1860 [see, in volume 1, CHINA: A. D. 1856-1860]. But

she took the title as the mother of that ill-starred monarch's

heir, in which capacity she was allowed to share with the

widow proper the regency during the minority of the Emperor

Tung-Chih (or Che, for there is no agreement as to the

transliteration of Chinese sounds). … The female duumvirate

was not what was intended—was in fact an unforeseen result of

the last will and testament of the Emperor Hsien-fêng, who

died at his hunting lodge at Jêho, whither he himself had been

hunted by the victorious invaders. …

"The fundamental law of the Ta-tsing dynasty is the Salic law.

No woman and no eunuch can ever reign or rule. Conforming to

the laws of his house, the Emperor in his will nominated a

Council of Regency during the minority of his infant son,

afterwards known as the Emperor Tung-Chih. The Council was

composed of two imperial princes and the Minister Sun-che. To

his two wives, the true but childless one and the secondary

one who was mother of the Prince Imperial, he bequeathed the

guardianship of the infant. The Emperor placed his real

confidence in the first, the legal wife; but he was fond of

the other, the mother of his heir. A serious dilemma thus

confronted him, which he thought to evade by placing in the

hands of the Empress a private and personal testament, giving

her absolute authority over her colleague, only to be

exercised, however, in certain emergencies. As a matter of

fact, the power was never called into exercise.

"The Empress-mother was twenty-seven years old, clever,

ambitious, and apparently fearless. … She conceived a scheme

by which the position might be reversed, and confided it to

her brother-in-law, Prince Kung. … The ambition which the

Empress-mother confided to Prince Kung was nothing less than

to suppress the Council of Regency, and set up in its place

the authority of the two Empresses. Inasmuch, however, as they

were ignorant of affairs, and women to boot, the Prince

himself was to be the real executive and de facto ruler of the

empire. Prince Kung yielded to the seduction, and thus became

accessory to the violation of the dynastic law. … The Regents

were returning from the obsequies of the deceased Emperor when

Prince Kung launched trumped-up charges against them of

neglect of certain funeral rites, had them arrested on the

road, and executed. By this summary violence the two Empresses

were securely established as Regents, with Prince Kung as

Chancellor of the empire. For a few years things went

smoothly. … The two Regents seldom met. … From the relative

position of the buildings in which they had their respective

apartments, the ladies were known as the Eastern and Western

Empresses, the former being the title commonly applied to the

one whom we have termed the true Empress. …

{95}

"The 'Eastern Empress' was full of gentleness, meditation, and

widowhood. … She was, therefore, unequally yoked with her

sterner sister, and the pair could never have really worked

together to any practical end. The eclipse of the weaker

luminary was only a question of time. … The life and death of

the young Emperor Tung-Chih, the son of Hsien-fêng and the

present Empress-regnante, seems little more than an episode in

the career of his imperial—and imperious—mother. He died

within two years of his full accession, removed by his own

mother as some would have us believe, but by quite other

agencies as others no less boldly affirm. … With the

disappearance of her son, the last plank in the legal platform

of the Empress-mother disappeared. But her appetite had grown

by what it fed upon. She had now had fourteen years' schooling

in statecraft, and she resolved that, 'per fas et nefas,'

reign who might, she would govern. … The story of her second

coup d'etat of January, 1875, has been often related,—how the

Empress so-called caused her own sister's child to be snatched

out of its warm bed on a bitter night and conveyed into the

Palace, whence he was proclaimed Emperor at daybreak. By this

stroke the Regent at once aggrandised her own family, made a

friend of a younger brother-in-law, the father of the child,

to replace the elder who had become an enemy, and, to sum up

all, secured for herself a new lease of power. For she who

could thus make an emperor could also make a regent."

The Empress-Regent of China

(Blackwood's Magazine, November 1898).

CHINA: A. D. 1898. (October-November).

Outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners.

Guards for the Legations sent to Peking.

Chinese troops removed.

The palace revolution which overthrew the reforming party was

followed quickly by outbreaks of popular hostility to

foreigners. Two messages were cabled to Lord Salisbury from

Peking October 1st. One informed him: "A Chinese mob at a

point between Peking and the railway station yesterday

afternoon violently assaulted several foreigners who had to

pass that way from the train. Among those assaulted was Mr.

Mortimore of this Legation, and an English lady, who were

severely attacked with mud and stones; a member of the United

States' Legation had one of his ribs broken. There is a

decided spirit of disturbance among the Chinese, though the

fact that many bad characters were about yesterday in

consequence of the mid-autumn festival may go some way towards

accounting for these outrages. I have requested Admiral

Seymour by telegraph to despatch a vessel to Taku, in case a

guard should be required for the protection of this Legation,

and I am making strong representations to the Tsung-li Yamên."

In his second despatch the British Minister announced: "I do

not anticipate any danger, but a good and reassuring effect

will be produced, as after the Japanese war, by the presence

of a guard. The foreign Representatives decided this morning

to send for a small guard to protect the respective Legations.

I have asked Admiral Seymour to send me twenty-five marines

with a machine-gun. The German, Russian, Japanese, and Italian

Representatives had previously arranged for their guards."

On the 5th, Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "A meeting of

foreign Representatives yesterday decided to notify the

Chinese Government of the proposed departure from Tien-tsin

for Peking to-morrow of bodies of British, German, and Russian

marines, and to ask that all facilities, including a special

train, should be extended to them by the Chinese authorities;

the French, American, Japanese, and Italian marines to come

straight on to Peking on their arrival at Tien-tsin. The

meeting was held in consequence of the refusal of the Viceroy

of Chihli to permit any foreign soldiers to leave Tien-tsin

for Peking without special permission from the Tsung-li Yamên.

It is very likely that the Chinese Government will make a

protest similar to that of 1895, but it would be very

ill-advised at the present crisis to give way to their

protests, and it is absolutely necessary that the decision of

the foreign Representatives should be put into effect."

The Chinese government did protest, but without effect. The

legation guards were insisted upon, and, as speedily as

possible, they were provided from the war-ships of the several

powers, and quartered in Peking. Then the Chinese authorities

brought troops to the capital, and the sense of danger at the

legations grew. On the 25th of October Minister MacDonald

cabled to London: "A serious menace to the safety of Europeans

is the presence of some 10,000 soldiers, who have come from

the Province of Kansu, and are to be quartered in the hunting

park, two miles south of Peking. A party of these soldiers

made a savage assault on four Europeans (including Mr. C. W.

Campbell, of this Legation), who were last Sunday visiting the

railway line at Lukou Chiao. The foreign Ministers will meet

this morning to protest against these outrages. I shall see

the Yamên to-day, and propose to demand that the force of

soldiers shall be removed to another province, and that the

offenders shall be rigorously dealt with."

On the 29th he telegraphed again: "The Foreign Representatives

met yesterday, and drafted a note to the Yamên demanding that

the Kansu troops should be withdrawn at once. The troops in

question have not been paid for some months, and are in a

semi-mutinous state. They have declared their intention to

drive all Europeans out of the north of China, and have cut

the telegraph wires and destroyed portions of the railway line

between Lukouchiao and Pao-ting Fu. Some disturbances have

been caused by them on the railway to Tien-tsin, but the line

has not been touched, and traffic has not been interrupted. In

the city here all is quiet. The presence of these troops in

the immediate vicinity of Peking undoubtedly constitutes a

serious danger to all Europeans. The Yamên gave me a promise

that the force should be removed, but have not yet carried it

into effect."

On the 6th of November he reported that the Yamên had replied

to the note of the Diplomatic Body, acknowledging that the

troops lacked discipline and were a source of danger, and

again promising their removal, but that nothing had been done.

He added: "It was decided unanimously to address a note to the

Yamên, stating that if the troops in question were not

withdrawn by the 11th instant, our respective Governments

would adopt such measures as they considered necessary for the

protection during the winter months of foreigners in Peking and

Tien-tsin."

{96}

After several more exchanges of notes between the Diplomatic

Body and the Yamên, peremptory on one side, apologetic on the

other, the troops were removed to Chi-chow, about 80 miles

east of Peking, beginning their march November 15. A few days

previously Sir Claude MacDonald had been able to report "That

two of the ringleaders in the attack on Mr. Campbell and other

Europeans at Lu Kow-chiao [announced in despatch of October

25] were brought into Peking and flogged in Mr. Campbell's

presence at the Yamên of the Governor of the city on the 29th

October. The men were sentenced to 1,000 blows each, but Mr.

Campbell, after eighty blows had been inflicted, begged that

the flogging might cease. It turned out that two other

soldiers were struck by bullets from a small revolver, which

was used by one of the railway engineers in self-defence, and,

chiefly for this reason, I did not press for more floggings.

"I attached more importance to the punishment of the officer

in command, who, it appears, had been warned beforehand by the

railway authorities to keep his men away from the railway

bridge, but had refused to do so. I consider him the person

really responsible for what happened, and at an interview on

the 31st October I told the Yamên that I should not be

satisfied, and the incident would not be closed, until I saw

his degradation published in the official Gazette. On the 4th

November an Imperial Decree was issued ordering this officer,

a Colonel named Chu Wan-jung, to be handed over to the Board

of War for punishment. The Ministers inform me that this is

likely to mean his degradation. I have, however, again warned

their Excellencies that nothing short of this punishment will

be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899, pages 258-279, and 332.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (December).

Reorganization of Chinese armies.

Reception by the Empress-Dowager to

the ladies of the Legations.

On the 20th of December Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "The

reorganization of the land forces in the north appears to be

occupying the serious attention of the Central Government. In

the early half of this month Edicts were issued by the Empress

Dowager approving proposals made by Jung Lu, who was appointed

Generalissimo of northern armies immediately after the K'ang

Yü-wei conspiracy. The following are the principal features of

these proposals. The armies under the command of Sung Ch'ing

and others, that is to say all the brigaded troops in North

China, are to be organized in four corps—front, rear, right,

and left—to occupy different strategical points. In addition,

Jung Lu will raise a centre corps of 10,000 men, to be

stationed presumably in or about Peking. … The importance of

bringing the other four corps into an efficient state is dwelt

upon, and the Edicts are stern in demanding the production of

sufficient funds for the purpose. The Viceroy of Chihli is

also instructed to closely scrutinize the condition of the

Peiyang drilled troops—formerly Li Hung-chang's army—and bring

them into order. They are to be under the orders of Jung Lu,

instead of the Viceroy.

"The Viceroys responsible for the Arsenals of North and Mid

China are also commanded to see to the immediate construction

of quick-firing guns and Mauser rifles and other war material,

and to the preparation of maps of the coast-line for military

purposes. Jung Lu has done nothing yet towards raising the

centre corps beyond calling in the assistance of a

German-educated officer named Yin Ch'ang, who holds a post in

the Tien-tsin Military Academy. He is reputedly able, and

probably one of the best Chinese available for the work, but I

question whether he will be given sufficient powers of

control. He is now engaged in drawing up a scheme."

Bearing the same date as the above, we find a despatch from

Sir Claude MacDonald descriptive of a reception given by the

Empress-Dowager, on the 13th, to the wives of the foreign

representatives at Peking, "to accept their congratulations on

the occasion of Her Imperial Majesty's birthday." "The

ceremony," said the British Minister, "passed off extremely

well. The Empress Dowager made a most favourable impression by

her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace

under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person

of strong imperious manners were agreeably surprised to find

Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who

displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly

disposition." "Thus ended," writes Sir Claude, in closing his

despatch, "the incident which may be considered to mark

another step in the nearer relations of China and foreign

nations."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1900, pages 12-15.

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

Rioting in Shanghai consequent on

French desecration of a cemetery.

French demand for extension of settlement ground in Shanghai.

English and American protests.

The outcome.

On the 18th of July, 1898, the following was reported by the

British Consul-General at Shanghai:

"Serious rioting took place in the French Settlement on the

16th und the morning of 17th instant, in the course of which

some fifteen natives lost their lives. The disturbance was due

to an attempt of the French authorities to take possession of

certain temple land known as the Ningpo Joss-house Cemetery.

The ground is full of graves, and it is also used for

depositing coffins until a favourable opportunity presents

itself for removing them to the native districts of the

deceased. The cemetery is within the limits of the French

Settlement; originally it was far removed from the inhabited

portion of the Settlement, but by degrees new streets have

been laid out, and houses have been built, until the cemetery

is surrounded by dwellings.

"Twenty-four years ago the French Municipality attempted to

make a road through the cemetery, but such serious rioting

broke out that the French Consul thought it prudent to abandon

his claim to the ground, and gave the Ningpo Guild to

understand that they would be left in undisturbed possession.

As years have gone on, the nuisance of having a cemetery in

the midst of a crowded Settlement has made itself more and

more felt, and some months ago the French Municipal Council

decided to expropriate the owners and to pay them

compensation. The Ningpo Guild and the Chinese authorities

were duly apprised of the intention, and they were urged to

make their own arrangements for removing the coffins to some

other site.

{97}

They would not admit that the French had any right to

dispossess them, and they refused to vacate the land. The

French Consuls then gave the Chinese officials notice that the

Municipal Council would take possession on a certain day; and

as the day drew near the Taotai became very uneasy, and

appealed to the Foreign Consuls to interfere in the matter,

giving hints that serious rioting and loss of life, would

result if the French Consul persisted in his intentions.

"On the morning of the 16th, the day appointed for taking

possession of the cemetery, a detachment from the French

cruiser 'Éclaireur' and a strong body of police marched to the

cemetery, and afforded protection to the workmen who were told

off to make a breach in the cemetery wall by way of taking

possession. An angry mob watched these operations, and, as

time went on, the streets filled with crowds of men, who moved

about making hostile demonstrations, but the French showed great

self-restraint, and no serious collision took place on that

day. All night long the crowds filled the streets, and many

lamps were smashed and lamp-posts uprooted.

"Early on Sunday morning a determined attack was made by the

mob on one of the French police-stations, and when the small

body of men within saw that their lives were in danger, they

opened fire. About the same time the police and the

'Éclaireur's' men attacked bands of rioters in other quarters,

with the result that on Sunday morning, as far as can be

ascertained, fifteen men were shot dead or bayoneted, and

about forty were seriously wounded. After that the rioters

seemed to have become intimidated for a time, and the streets

were left to the police. Meanwhile many of the shops in both

Settlements were closed, and orders were sent to all Ningpo

men—and they form 50 per cent. of the population—to go out on

strike.

"Some of the principal Ningpo merchants came forward in the

afternoon, and through the good offices of a peacemaker came

to an understanding with the French Consul, under which it was

agreed that the French should postpone taking possession of the

cemetery for one month, during which time the Ningpo Guild

trust to come to some amicable arrangement. The French Consul

has given them to understand that he will not recede from his

position; the cemetery must be given up, but he is willing

that this should be done in any way that will be most pleasing

to the Ningpo residents."

On the 23d of August it was announced by telegram from

Shanghai that "the dispute arising out of the Ningpo Josshouse

is about to be settled by French withdrawing their claims to

remove the buildings in consideration for an extension of

their concession as far as Si-ca Wei, an addition of 20 square

miles." This raised protests from Great Britain and the United

States, many of whose citizens owned property within the area

thus proposed to be placed under French jurisdiction; and the

distracted Tsung-li Yamên was threatened and pulled about

between the contending parties for months. The final outcome

was an extension of the general Foreign Settlement at Shanghai

(principally British and American) and a limited extension of

that especially controlled by the French. The adjustment of

the question was not reached until near the end of 1899.

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1899. and Number 1, 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-January).

Anti-missionary insurrection at Shun-ch'ing,

in Central Szechuan.

The following is from a communication addressed by the British

Minister to the Tsung-li Yamên, August 2, 1898:

"At Shun-ch'ing Fu the local officials, with a few of the

gentry, have for years shown themselves determinedly hostile

to foreigners, and have refused to allow houses to be let to

missionaries. British missionaries have in consequence been

forced to quarter themselves in an inn for the last six years,

but even that was apparently objected to; in 1893 there was a

riot, and in 1895 another, in which two missionaries were

treated with brutal violence. In May of this year a house was

finally rented; the District Magistrate was notified, but

neither he nor the Pao-ning Taotai issued proclamations or

gave protection, though requested by the missionaries to do

so. The Shun-ch'ing Prefect, instead of giving protection,

connived at the local opposition, and with the usual results.

On the 15th June three missionaries were attacked and stoned,

and one severely wounded, while passing through the city, and

though protection was asked of the Prefect, he gave none, and

later he and the other officials repeatedly refused to issue a

Proclamation or to take any measures whatever to avert

disturbances. On the 20th the Prefect feigned sickness, and

could not be appealed to, and on the 27th the house leased by

the missionaries was destroyed, with all the property it

contained. The Roman Catholic establishment was also gutted.

"As usual the disturbance did not end at Shun-ch'ing. Later on

a Roman Catholic Chapel at Yung ch'ang Hsien was attacked and

looted, two native Christians killed, 10,000 taels of silver

stolen, and a French priest [Father Fleury] seized and held to

ransom by a band of rioters. I am also informed that other

acts of brigandage have occurred, and that the Protestant

missions at Pao-ning and Shê-Hung are in grave danger. The

Provincial Government appears to absolutely ignore the recent

Imperial Decrees for the prevention of missionary troubles.

All the conditions point to this, or to an utter incapacity on

the part of those officers to exercise satisfactory control. Her

Majesty's Consul, indeed, informs me that there is one band of

brigands, led by an outlaw known as Yü Mau Tzu, which is able

to terrorise two important districts in the centre of Szechuan

and even to overawe the Chêngtu authorities. In connection

with the Shun-ch'ing affair Her Majesty's Consul has made the

following demands:

1. Immediate restoration of their house to the missionaries,

the officers to pay the whole cost of repairs;

2. Punishment of the ring-leaders;

3. The local headmen to give security for future good conduct;

4. Compensation for all property destroyed;

5. Punishment of officials in fault.

I shall look to the Yamên and see that these demands are fully

satisfied and with the least possible delay."

{98}

But urgency from both England and France failed to stimulate

action on the part of the Chinese government, energetic enough

to stop this anti-missionary movement in Central Szechuan. What

seems to have been a riot at first became a formidable revolt.

"The action of the Provincial Government was paralysed by the

fact that Father Fleury was still in Yü's hands, and would be

killed if a move was made against the brigands. On the other

side the Viceroy was informed by M. Haas, the French Consul,

that if anything happened to the Father the consequences to

China would be disagreeable. The Taotai was in consequence

making efforts to secure the release of the prisoners by

paying blackmail." In September it was reported that "Yü's

power was increasing, his emissaries were scattered about in

places beyond his immediate sphere of influence, and were

attempting to stir up Secret Societies, and he had issued a

manifesto. A riot took place at Ho Chou, 60 miles north of

Chungking, on the 14th September, the American mission

hospital being partially looted and a Roman Catholic

establishment destroyed by fire. The Provincial Government was

acting weakly and unprofitably."

Towards the end of September, "Yü marched with about 2,000

uniformed men and took up a position on the Ch'êng-tu road;

thence he moved east to Tung-Liang, pillaging and burning the

houses of Christians, and levying contributions on the rich.

The Viceroy, at the request of the Consuls, was said to have

sent 4,000 troops from Ch'êng-tu, Lu-chou, and Ho-chiang to

converge on Chungking. Twelve of the rebels, who had been

seized at a place only 30 miles south of the port, were

publicly executed with torture in Chungking on the 30th

September." In October the report was that "fresh troops were

arriving, and were taking up positions along the Ch'êng-tu

road, and the passes north of Chungking. Further executions

had taken place. … The Procureur of the French Mission

estimated that up to date the total damage done by Yü Mau-tzu

was twenty persons killed, the houses of 6,000 Christians

burned and their property stolen, and twelve Missions

destroyed."

Great Britain, Papers by Command: China,

Number 1, 1899, page 249, and Number 1, 1900, page 152.

On the 12th of October the United States Minister, Mr. Conger,

sent to the State Department at Washington the following

translation of a decree issued by the Empress Dowager on the

6th:

"From the opening of ports to foreign trade to the present

time, foreigners and Chinese have been as one family, with

undivided interests, and since missionaries from foreign

countries are living in the interior, we have decreed, not

three or four times, but many times, that the local officials

must protect them; that the gentry and people of all the

provinces must sympathize with our desire for mutual

benevolence; that they must treat them truthfully and

honestly, without dislike or suspicion, with the hope of

lasting peaceful relations.

"Recently, there have been disturbances in the provinces which

it has been impossible to avoid. There have been several cases

of riot in Szechuan, which have not been settled. The stupid

and ignorant people who circulate rumors and stir up strife,

proceeding from light to grave differences, are most truly to

be detested. On the other hand, the officials, who have not

been able at convenient seasons to properly instruct the

people and prevent disturbances, can not be excused from

censure.

"We now especially decree again that all high provincial

officials, wherever there are churches, shall distinctly

instruct the local officials to most respectfully obey our

several decrees, to recognize and protect the foreign

missionaries as they go to and fro, and to treat them with all

courtesy. If lawsuits arise between Chinese and native

Christians, they must be conducted with justice and speedily

concluded. Moreover, they must command and instruct the gentry

and people to fulfill their duties, that there may be no

quarrels or disagreements. Wherever there are foreigners

traveling from place to place, they must surely be protected

and the extreme limit of our hospitality extended. After the

issue of this decree, if there is any lack of preparation and

disturbances should arise, the officials of that locality will

be severely dealt with; whether they be viceroys or governors

or others they shall be punished, and it will not avail to say

we have not informed you."

United States Consular Reports,

February, 1899, page 299.

On the 1st of November the British Consul at Chungking

announced "an alarming extension of the rebellion. Flourishing

communities of Christians in four districts were destroyed,

and heavy contributions were laid on non-Christians. The

continued inactivity of the Government troops was chiefly

attributable to orders from the Yamên to the effect that the

first and foremost consideration was the rescue of Père

Fleury. Negotiations were being carried on by the Chungking

Taotai and the Chinese Generals for the Father's release; a

ransom of 100,000 taels was offered, presents were sent to Yü

and his mother, and he and his lieutenants were given buttons

of the third rank." The next month, however, brought on the

scene a new Viceroy who really wished to suppress the

insurrection, though he "complained that his hands were tied

by the Yamên's instructions, which urged him to come to terms

with Yü." At last this singularly energetic Viceroy got

permission to fight the rebels. On arriving in front of the

terrible Yü he "found that the troops who had been stationed

there previously were quite untrustworthy, and that the

Generals and local officials were all more or less in league

with the rebels. However, as soon as it was learnt that the

Treasurer meant business, a number of the rebels dispersed.

The main band, under Yü Mau-tzu, about 6,000 in number, was

then surrounded in Ta Tsu Hsien, after a preliminary encounter

in which the rebels lost some 100 men. By the 19th January, a

Maxim was brought to bear on Yü's camp, and the rebels fled

like rabbits. Yü begged Père Fleury to save his life, and next

day released the Father, who found his way to the Treasurer,

after some narrow escapes. Yü then surrendered."

It was said at the time that the French government was

demanding an indemnity in this case to the amount of £150,000.

Later it was understood that the French Minister at Peking

"had taken advantage of the pending missionary ease to revive

an old request for a Mining Concession."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 1, 1900.

{99}

CHINA: A. D. 1899.

Anti-missionary outbreaks, increasing piracy, and other

signs of growing disorder in the country.

During 1899 there was a notable relaxation of the hard and

ceaseless pressure upon China which governments, capitalists

and speculators had been keeping up of late, in demands more

or less peremptory for harbor leases, settlement grounds,

railway franchises, mining privileges, and naval, military and

commercial advantages of every possible sort. But the irritation

of the country under the bullying and "nagging" of the

treatment it had received from the European nations revealed

itself in increasing outbreaks of popular hostility to

foreigners; and these called out threats and demands, for

indemnity and punishment, which were made, as a rule, in the

truculent tone that had become habitual to western diplomacy

in dealing with the people of the East. It was a tone which

the Chinese provoked, by the childish evasions and treacherous

deceptions with which their officials tried to baffle the

demands made on them; but it gave no less offense, and is no

less plainly to be counted among the causes of what afterwards

occurred.

Throughout most of the year, the British Legation at Peking

and the Consulate at Chungking were busied in obtaining

satisfaction for the murder of Mr. Fleming, a missionary in

the China Inland Mission, stationed at Pang Hai, near

Kwei-Yang. He had been killed and the mission looted in

November, 1898. The Chinese authorities claimed that he had

been killed by a band of rebels. The British Consul

investigated and became convinced that the missionary had been

the victim of a deliberate plot, directed by the headman of the

village of Chung An Chiang, where the murder occurred, and

connived at by the military official Liu. The Chinese

government, yielding to this conviction, caused two of the

murderers to be executed, degraded and exiled all of the local

officials who were involved in the crime, except the headman,

and paid an indemnity of $30,000. But the headman escaped, and

it was claimed by the governor of the province that he could

not be found. The British authorities found evidence that he

was being shielded by the governor, and demanded the dismissal

of the governor, which was persistently refused. Finally, in

October, 1899, the guilty headman was hunted down.

On the 18th of February, the British Minister complained

energetically to the Tsung-li Yamên of the rapid increase of

piracy on the Canton River. "Since November, 1898," he wrote,

"that is in three months, no less than forty-seven cases of

piracy in the Canton waters have been reported in the papers.

In several of these cases life was taken, and it may almost be

said that a reign of terror exists on the waterways of the Two

Kuang. Cargo boats are afraid to travel at night, or to move

about except in company, and trade is becoming to a certain

extent paralysed. The Viceroy is always ailing, and it is

difficult to obtain an interview with him. Her Majesty's

Consul has repeatedly addressed him on the subject of these

piracies in the strongest terms, but can only obtain the

stereotyped reply that stringent instructions have been sent

to the officials concerned. Admiral Ho, the

Commander-in-chief, who should properly be the officer to

inaugurate a vigorous campaign against the pirates, appears

absolutely supine and incapable of dealing with the evil. The

complaints of the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's

Consuls show a state of affairs in Canton waters which is

quite intolerable. There is no security for life or property,

and as British subjects are closely concerned, it is my duty

to inform your Highness and your Excellencies that unless

measures are immediately taken to prevent such outrages, I

shall have to report, for the consideration of Her Majesty's

Government, the advisability of taking steps to protect

British lives and property, either by patrolling the waterways

or by placing guards on the steamers, the expense of which

would be the subject of a claim on the Chinese Government."

On the 28th of February, Herr von Billow, the German Imperial

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, announced in the

Reichstag, at Berlin, the reception of a telegram from

Tien-tsin, reporting that several Germans had been attacked

and insulted in that town on the 24th, and had been compelled

to take refuge in the side streets and narrow alleys. The

Imperial Government, he said, had been already aware for some

weeks past that a considerable feeling of irritation had

manifested itself against foreigners in China, especially in

the southern portion of the Province of Shantung. The Chinese

Government were thereupon warned of the necessity of

maintaining order and securing public safety, and, upon the

receipt of the telegram above referred to, the German Minister

at Peking was instructed to impress upon the Chinese

Government that, if such incidents were permitted to recur, or

the perpetrators allowed to escape unpunished, the

consequences for China would be very serious. "We have," Herr

von Bülow declared, "neither the occasion nor the desire to

interfere in the internal affairs of China. But it is our duty

to watch lest the life and property of our fellow subjects,

whether missionaries or traders, should be made to suffer

through the internal complications in China."

In March, however, the state of things at and near Peking was

so far improved that the Legation guards were being withdrawn.

Sir Claude MacDonald obtained leave of absence and left Peking

on the 23d for a visit to England, and the business of the

Legation was conducted for a time by Mr. Bax-Ironside, the

Charge d'Affaires.

In June there was an anti-missionary riot at Kienning, in the

neighborhood of Foochow, excited by the murder of a boy,

popular rumor ascribing the murder to foreigners. "In all

directions," wrote one of the threatened missionaries, who

gave an account of the occurrence, "murders were said to be

taking place, though no bodies were ever found; that seemed of

no consequence to the people, and the story was current, and

was apparently generally believed, that these murders were

done by men in our employ, and that we used the eyes and legs

to make medicine. There were endless stories of people being

kidnapped, chloroformed in the road by a bottle being held out

to their nose, and the day I arrived it was said that eyes had

been found at Tai-lui, a suburb of Kienning, and as I passed a

crowd was actually on the spot seeking for the said eyes." The

missionaries succeeded in escaping from the mob; but one

native convert was killed, and the mission hospital and other

premises were looted.

The ideas and the state of feeling out of which this attack on

the missionaries and their converts grew are revealed in the

following translation of a placard that was posted in Kienning

in June:

"We of this region have hitherto led a worthy life. All the

four castes (scholars, agriculturists, artizans, traders) have

kept the laws and done their duty. Of late foreigners have

suddenly come among us in a disorderly march and preaching

heretical doctrines. They have had from us indulgent

treatment, but they have repaid us by endangering our lives.

This year, in town and country, people have been hewn in two,

men and women in numbers have fallen upon evil days.

{100}

Everywhere the perpetrators have been seized, and everyone of

them has confessed that it was by the missionary chapels they

were ordered to go forth and slay men and women; to cut out

their brains and marrow to make into medicine. The officials

deliberately refrained from interfering. They garbled the

evidence and screened the malefactors. The whole country side

is filled with wrath; the officials then posted Proclamations,

and arrested spreaders of false reports. The hewing down of

men is hateful; but they issued no Proclamations forbidding

that. Now fortunately the people is of one mind in its wrath.

They have destroyed two chapels. The Ou-ning ruffian has

issued another Proclamation, holding this to be the work of

local rowdies. He little knows that our indignation is

righteous, and that it is a unanimous expression of feeling.

If the officials authorize the police to effect unjust

arrests, the people will unite in a body, in every street

business will be stopped, and the Wu-li missionary chapel will

be destroyed, while the officials themselves will be turned

out of the city, and the converts will be slain and

overthrown. When cutting grass destroy the roots at the same

time. Do not let dead ashes spring again into flame."

A settlement of the Kienning case was arranged locally between

the British Consul at Foochow, Mr. Playfair, and the Viceroy

of the province. The views of the Consul were expressed in a

communication to Mr. Bax-Ironside as follows:

"Since the missionaries established themselves there it is the

sixth attempt made to drive them out of the region. The common

people (from what I can gather) have no animus against the

foreign preacher of the Gospel, and show none. On the

contrary, whether moved to accept Christianity or not, they

appear to recognize that missionaries are in any case there

for benevolent and beneficial objects. Schools and hospitals

are independent of proselytizing, and, even if the

missionaries were never to make another convert, they would be

doing good and useful work in spreading Western knowledge and

healing the sick. In addition to this, the presence of

missionaries in out-of-the-way places in China has one

unquestionable advantage. To use the phrase of Sir Thomas

Wade, they 'multiply the points of contact,' and familiarize

the Chinese with the sight of the European. To the missionary,

either as a preacher of the Gospel or as a dispenser of benefits,

the populace at Kienning does not seem to have shown any

aversion; yet six times this populace has risen and tried to

drive the missionaries from the place. The logical inference

is that the Kienning peasant, though tolerant by nature, is

subject to some outside influence. He is moved, not by what he

sees, but by what he is told exists beyond his range of

vision; and these things are pointed out to him by such as he

believes to be his intellectual superiors, and as have,

therefore, the faculty of perceiving what is hid from himself.

The history of almost every anti-missionary movement in China

points to the same process. Why the educated classes of this

land should be so inveterately hostile to the foreigner is a

difficult question to answer. It has been suggested that the

Chinese of this type have an ineradicable conviction that

every European is at heart a 'land-grabber'; that missionaries

are the advance agents of their Governments; that the Bible is

the certain forerunner of the gun-boat; and that where the

missionary comes as a sojourner he means to stay as a

proprietor; consequently, that the only hope of integrity for

China is that her loyal sons should on every occasion destroy

the baneful germ. Extravagant and (in the instance of

Kienning) far-fetched as these notions may seem, I am

convinced that the literati and gentry have been at the root

not only of the present outbreak, but of the others which have

preceded it. While, therefore, I have insisted throughout that

Kienning must be made a place of safe residence for the

British missionary, I have considered that the only way to

attain that result will be to shackle the hands of the gentry

by making any further breach of the peace a sure precursor of

punishment."

To this end, Mr. Playfair's exactions included, not only the

trial and punishment of those guilty of the riot and the

murder, but the signing of a bond by twenty-four leading

notables of Kienning, binding them, with penalties, to protect

the missionaries. His demand was complied with, and, on the

29th of September, he reported that the required bond had been

given. He added: "Before accepting it, however, I required the

authorities to inform me officially that the terms, which to me

seemed somewhat vague, were understood by the authorities to

extend the responsibility of the gentry to any outbreak of the

populace. I received this intimation and I consider that it

supplements the original wording effectually."

In November the German government made public the substance of

an official telegram received from Peking, reporting a serious

state of disturbance in the German missionary districts of

Shantung: "It appears from this communication that the

followers of the sects of the 'Red Fist' and the 'Great Knife'

are in a state of revolt against the Administration and the

people in that province, and are engaged in plunder and rapine

in many places. The native Christians suffer no less than the

rest of the population by this revolt. Money was usually

extorted from them, and their dwellings were pillaged or

destroyed. The Italian Mission, situated in the adjoining

district, were faring no better, and their chapel had just

been burned down. Owing, however, to the unremitting

representations of the German Minister, the Chinese Government

have caused several of the agitators to be arrested by the local

authorities, and they are taking further steps in this

direction, with the result that order is gradually being

restored. At several places the native Christians, with their

non-Christian fellow-countrymen, repulsed the rebels by force

of arms. The Provincial Governor has promised the authorities

of the Mission a full indemnity for the losses suffered by

them and by the other Christians, and several payments have

already been made."

On the 4th of December, the following despatch was sent to

London from the British Legation at Peking:

"During the delimitation of French leased territory at

Kwang-chou-wan on the 13th November, Chinese villagers seized

two French officers and decapitated them. The execution of a

dignitary—the Prefect concerned in the murder—has been

demanded by the French Minister, as well as the dismissal of

the Canton Viceroy, who is also implicated. The Chinese

Commissioner engaged in the delimitation and the gunboat in

which he travelled are held by the French as hostages."

{101}

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March).

The Tsung-li Yamên.

Its character and position.

The power of the Empress Dowager.

The Tsung-li Yamên is a small body of Councillors who form a

species of Cabinet, with a special obligation to advise the

Emperor on foreign affairs. "They have no constitutional

position whatever, they have no powers except those derived

from the Emperor, and they are very much afraid for

themselves. He may by mere fiat deprive them of their rank,

which is high; he may 'squeeze' them of their wealth, which is

often great; he may banish them from the delights of Pekin to

very unpleasant places; or he may order them to be quietly

decapitated or cut slowly into little pieces. At such times

their preoccupation is neither their country nor their

immediate business, nor even their own advancement, but to

avoid offending the irritable earthly deity who holds their

lives and fortunes in his hands. Such a time it is just now.

The Empress-Dowager is Emperor in all but name, she has ideas

and a will, and she is suspicious to the last degree. There is

no possibility of opposing her, for she has drawn together

eighty thousand troops round Pekin, who while she pays their

Generals will execute anybody she pleases; there is no

possibility of appeal from her, for she represents a

theocracy; and there is no possibility of overpowering her

mind, for she is that dreadful phenomenon four or five times

revealed in history, an Asiatic woman possessed of absolute

power, and determined to sweep away all who oppose, or whom

she suspects of opposition, from her path. Under her regime

the members of the Tsung-li Yamên are powerless nonentities,

trembling with fear lest, if they make a blunder, they may

awaken the anger of their all-powerful and implacable

Sovereign, whose motives they themselves often fail to

fathom."

The Spectator (London),

March 18, 1899.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).

Agreement between England and Russia concerning

their railway interests in China.

On the 28th of April, 1899, the governments of Great Britain

and Russia exchanged notes, embodying an agreement

(practically arrived at in the previous month) concerning

their respective railway interests in China, in the following

terms:

"Russia and Great Britain, animated by the sincere desire to

avoid in China all cause of conflict on questions where their

interests meet, and taking into consideration the economic and

geographical gravitation of certain parts of that Empire, have

agreed as follows:

1. Russia engages not to seek for her own account, or on

behalf of Russian subjects or of others, any railway

concessions in the basin of the Yang-tsze, and not to

obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway

concessions in that region supported by the British

Government.

2. Great Britain, on her part, engages not to seek for her own

account, or on behalf of British subjects or of others, any

railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall of China,

and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for

railway concessions in that region supported by the Russian

Government. The two contracting parties, having nowise in view

to infringe in any way the sovereign rights of China or of

existing treaties, will not fail to communicate to the Chinese

Government the present arrangement, which, by averting all

cause of complication between them, is of a nature to

consolidate peace in the far East, and to serve the primordial

interests of China herself."

Second Note. "In order to complete the notes exchanged this

day respecting the partition of spheres for concessions for

the construction and working of railways in China, it has been

agreed to record in the present additional note the

arrangement arrived at with regard to the line

Shanghaikuan-Newchwang, for the construction of which a loan

has been already contracted by the Chinese Government with the

Shanghai-Hongkong Bank, acting on behalf of the British and

Chinese corporation. The general arrangement established by

the above-mentioned notes is not to infringe in any way the

rights acquired under the said loan contract, and the Chinese

Government may appoint both an English engineer and a European

accountant to supervise the construction of the line in

question, and the expenditure of the money appropriated to it.

But it remains understood that this fact can not be taken as

constituting a right of property or foreign control, and that

the line in question is to remain a Chinese line under the

control of the Chinese Government, and can not be mortgaged or

alienated to a non-Chinese Company. As regards the branch line

from Siaoheichan to Sinminting, in addition to the aforesaid

restrictions, it has been agreed that it is to be constructed

by China herself, which may permit European—not necessarily

British—engineers to periodically inspect it, and to verify

and certify that the work is being properly executed. The

present special agreement is naturally not to interfere in any

way with the right of the Russian Government to support, if it

thinks fit, applications of Russian subjects or establishments

for concessions for railways, which, starting from the main

Manchurian line in a southwesterly direction, would traverse

the region in which the Chinese line terminating at Sinminting

and Newchwang is to be constructed."

Great Britain, Papers by Command,

Treaty Series, Number 11, 1899.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (April).

Increasing ascendancy of Manchus in the government.

On the 17th of April, Mr. Bax-Ironside reported to Lord

Salisbury: "There has been no change of importance to note in

the political situation. The tendency to replace Chinese by

Manchus in the important political posts of the Empire is

increasing. There are sixty-two Viceroys, Governors,

Treasurers, and Judges of the eighteen provinces and the New

Dominion. Twenty-four of these posts are now held by Manchus,

whereas before the coup d'etat only thirteen of them were so

occupied. So large a percentage of Manchus in the highest

positions tends to indicate a retrograde administration, as

the Manchus are, as a race, very inferior to the Chinese in

intelligence and capacity, and their appointment to important

positions is viewed with disfavour by the Chinese themselves.

The Dowager-Empress has sent special instructions both to

Moukden and Kirin to raise the present standard of the Manchu

schools in those towns to that existing in the ordinary

schools in Peking."-

Great Britain, Papers by Command,

China, Number 1, 1900, page 129.

{102}

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (August).

Talienwan declared a free port.

"The Emperor of Russia in a quaintly worded Imperial Order

issued on Sunday last [August 13] and addressed to the

Minister of Finance, has declared that after the completion of

the railway Talienwan shall be a free port during the whole

duration of the lease from China. In the course of the Order

the Emperor says: 'Thanks to the wise decision of the Chinese

Government, we shall through the railway lines in course of

construction be united with China,—a result which gives to all

nations the immeasurable gain of easy communication and

lightens the operations of the world's trade.' The Emperor

also speaks of 'a rapprochement between the peoples of the

West and East' (brought about apparently by obtaining an

outlet for the great Siberian rail way) as 'our historic

aim.'"

Spectator (London),

August 19, 1899.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (December).

Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

On the 20th of December it was announced that the Viceroy at

Canton had been ordered to Peking and that Li Hung-chang had

been appointed Acting Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi—the

provinces of which Canton is the Viceroyal seat.

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).

Pledges of an "open-door" commercial policy in China obtained

by the government of the United States from the governments of

Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

On the 6th of September, 1899, the American Secretary of

State, Mr. John Hay, despatched to the United States

Ambassador at Berlin the following instructions, copies of

which were forwarded at the same time to the Ambassadors at

London and St. Petersburg, to be communicated to the British

and Russian governments:

"At the time when the Government of the United States was

informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His

Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the

adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances

were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by

the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the

rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to

citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be

in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had

thus obtained control. More recently, however, the British

Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the

exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased

area and the contiguous 'sphere of influence or interest'

certain privileges, more especially those relating to

railroads and mining enterprises: but, as the exact nature and

extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly

defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may

at any time arise, not only between British and German

subjects within said area, but that the interests of our

citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous

to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same

time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted

benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the

various powers claiming 'spheres of interest,' that they shall

enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and

navigation within such 'spheres,' the Government of the United

States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government

give formal assurances and lend its cooperation in securing

like assurances from the other interested powers that each

within its respective sphere of whatever influence—

"First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any

vested interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' or

leased territory it may have in China.

"Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being

shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such

ports as are within said 'sphere of interest' (unless they be

'free ports'), no matter to what nationality it may belong,

and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese

Government.

"Third. That it will levy no higher harbor duties on vessels

of another nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere'

than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality' and no

higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or

operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise belonging to

citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported

through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar

merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over

equal distances.

"The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in

declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese

Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so

clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is

anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest

hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support.

The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring

the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease

under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships of

all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to

this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at

this capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the

present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the

Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court

of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to

submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early

consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to

Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential

information. The commercial interests of Great Britain and

Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of

intentions, and the views of the Governments of these

countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures

insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign

trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by

the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions

herein outlined and their coöperation in advocating their

adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I

inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to

Mr. Choate on the subject. In view of the present favorable

conditions, you are instructed to submit the above

considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's minister for

foreign affairs, and to request his early consideration of the

subject. Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors

at London and at St. Petersburg for their information."

Subsequently the same proposal was addressed to the

governments of France, Italy and Japan.

{103}

On the 30th of November, Lord Salisbury addressed to

Ambassador Choate the reply of his government, as follows: "I

have the honor to state that I have carefully considered, in

communication with my colleagues, the proposal contained in

your excellency's note of September 22 that a declaration

should be made by foreign powers claiming 'spheres of

interest' in China as to their intentions in regard to the

treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. I have much

pleasure in informing your excellency that Her Majesty's

Government will be prepared to make a declaration in the sense

desired by your Government in regard to the leased territory

of Wei-hai Wei and all territory in China which may hereafter

be acquired by Great Britain by lease or otherwise, and all

spheres of interest now held or that may hereafter be held by

her in China, provided that a similar declaration is made by

other powers concerned."

Ambassador Porter, at Paris, received a prompt reply, December

16, from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé,

in the following note:

"The declarations which I made in the Chamber on the 24th of

November last, and which I have had occasion to recall to you

since then, show clearly the sentiments of the Government of

the Republic. It desires throughout the whole of China and,

with the quite natural reservation that all the powers

interested give an assurance of their willingness to act

likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are

leased to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of

all nations, especially in the matter of customs duties and

navigation dues, as well as transportation tariffs on rail

ways."

Viscount Aoki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied for the

government of Japan, December 26, in the following note to

Minister Buck: "I have the happy duty of assuring your

excellency that the Imperial Government will have no

hesitation to give their assent to so just and fair a proposal

of the United States, provided that all the other powers

concerned shall accept the same."

The reply of the Russian government was addressed to

Ambassador Tower by Count Mouravieff, on the 30th of December,

in the following terms:

"In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is

concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated

its firm intention to follow the policy of 'the open door' by

creating Dalny (Ta-lien-wan) a free port; and if at some

future time that port, although remaining free itself, should

be separated by a customs limit from other portions of the

territory in question, the customs duties would be levied, in

the zone subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchandise

without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now

opened or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the

Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased

to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties

belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no

intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own

subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be

understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial

Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration

shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With

the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the

inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial

Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the

American Government, especially as it attaches the highest

value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the

traditional relations of friendship existing between the two

countries."

On the 7th of January the reply of the Italian government was

addressed to Minister Draper, at Rome, by the Marquis Visconti

Venosta, as follows: "Supplementary to what you had already

done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of

December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of the

telegraphic note received from your Government that all the

powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning the

suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure to

the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China

have given a favorable reply. Referring to your communications

and to the statements in my note of December 23 last, I take

pleasure in saying that the Government of the King adheres

willingly to the proposals set forth in said note of December

9."

Finally, on the 19th of February, Count von Bülow wrote to

Ambassador White, at Berlin:

"As recognized by the Government of the United States of

America, according to your excellency's note, … the Imperial

Government has from the beginning not only asserted but also

practically carried out to the fullest extent in its Chinese

possessions absolute equality of treatment of all nations with

regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. The Imperial

Government entertains no thought of departing in the future

from this principle, which at once excludes any prejudicial or

disadvantageous commercial treatment of the citizens of the

United States of America, so long as it is not forced to do

so, on account of considerations of reciprocity, by a

divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the

other powers interested in the industrial development of the

Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles,

this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which in

this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to

participate with the United States of America and the other

powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the

same rights are reciprocally secured."

Having, now, the assent of all the Powers which hold leased

territory or claim "spheres of interest" in China, Secretary

Hay sent instructions to the Ambassadors and Ministers

representing the government of the United States at the

capital of each, in the following form:

"The —— Government having accepted the declaration suggested

by the United States concerning foreign trade in China, the

terms of which I transmitted to you in my instruction Number

—— of ——, and like action having been taken by all the various

powers having leased territory or so-called 'spheres of

interest' in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the notes which I

herewith transmit to you, you will please inform the

government to which you are accredited that the condition

originally attached to its acceptance—that all other powers

concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United

States—having been complied with, this Government will

therefore consider the assent given to it by —— as final and

definitive."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 547.

{104}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January).

Imperial Decree relative to the succession to the Throne.

The following is a translation of an Imperial Decree, "by the

Emperor's own pen," which appeared in the "Peking Gazette,"

January 24, 1900:

"When at a tender age we entered into the succession to the

throne, Her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook

the rule of the country as Regent, taught and guided us with

diligence, and managed all things, great and small, with

unremitting care, until we ourself assumed the government.

Thereafter the times again became critical. We bent all our

thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly, striving

to requite Her Majesty's loving kindness, that so we might

fulfil the weighty duties intrusted to us by the late Emperor

Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). But since last year we have suffered

from ill-health, affairs of State have increased in magnitude

and perplexity, and we have lived in constant dread of going

wrong. Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of

our ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore

implored the Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government.

This was more than a year ago, but we have never been restored

to health, and we have not the strength to perform in person

the great sacrifices at the altar of Heaven and in the temples

of the spirits of the land. And now the times are full of

difficulties. We see Her Gracious Majesty's anxious toil by

day and by night, never laid aside for rest or leisure, and

with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no comfort in

sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours of

our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest

our strength be not equal to our task.

"Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the

throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager's Decree

that as soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become

the heir by adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung

Chih). This is known to all the officials and people

throughout the Empire. But we suffer from an incurable

disease, and it is impossible for us to beget a son, so that

the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity, and the consequences

to the lines of succession are of the utmost gravity.

Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no

place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to

recovery from all our ailments? We have therefore humbly

implored Her Sacred Majesty carefully to select from among the

near branches of our family a good and worthy member, who

should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi

(T'ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter.

After repeated entreaties, Her Majesty has now deigned to

grant her consent that P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan,

should be adopted as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi

(T'ung Chih). We have received Her Majesty's Decree with

unspeakable joy, and in reverent obedience to her gracious

instruction we appoint P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, as Prince

Imperial, to carry on the dynastic succession. Let this Decree

be made known to all men."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 15-16).

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

First accounts of the secret society of "the Boxers"

and their bloody work.

The murder of Mr. Brooks, the missionary.

Prolonged effort of foreign Ministers to procure an Imperial

Edict for the suppression of the hostile secret societies.

A naval demonstration recommended.

Testimony of Sir Robert Hart as to the causes and the

patriotic inspiration of the Boxer movement.

The year 1900 opened with news of the murder of Mr. Brooks, of

the Church of England Mission in northern Shantung, who was

wounded and captured December 30 and beheaded the day

following, by a band of marauders belonging to a secret

organization which soon became notorious under the name of the

society of "the Boxers." The British Minister at Peking

reported it to London on the 4th of January, and on the 5th he

gave the following account of the state of affairs in northern

Shantung, where the outrage occurred:

"For several months past the northern part of the Province of

Shantung has been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with

various Secret Societies, who have been defying the

authorities and pillaging the people. An organization known as

the 'Boxers' has attained special notoriety, and their ravages

recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chihli, where

the native Christians appear to have suffered even more than

the rest of the inhabitants from the lawlessness of these

marauders. The danger to which, in both provinces, foreign

missionary establishments have been thus exposed, has been the

subject of repeated representations to the Chinese Government

by others of the foreign Representatives—especially the German

and United States' Ministers—and myself. Early last month the

Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, was ordered to vacate his post

and come to Peking for audience, and the General Yüan

Shih-K'ai was appointed Acting Governor in his place. In

Southern Chihli the task of dealing with the disturbances was

entrusted to the Viceroy at Tien-tsin. Her Majesty's Consul at

Tien-tsin has had repeatedly to complain to the latter of the

inadequacy of the protection afforded to British life and

property in the districts affected by the rebellion; and in

consequence of these representations and of my own

communications to the Tsung-li Yamên, guards of soldiers have

been stationed for the special protection of the missionary

premises which were endangered. On the 29th ultimo I took

occasion to warn the Yamên by letter that if the disorder were

not vigorously quelled, international complications were

likely to ensue."

After narrating an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the

subject of the murder of Mr. Brooks, and repeating the

assurances he had received of vigorous measures to punish the

murderers, Minister MacDonald concluded his despatch by

saying: "In a note which I addressed to the Yamên this morning

I took occasion to remind the Ministers that there were other

British missionaries living in the district where Mr. Brooks

was killed, and to impress upon their Excellencies the

necessity of securing efficient protection to these. I do not,

however, entertain serious apprehensions as to their safety,

because guards of soldiers have been for some time past

stationed to protect the various missionary residences. The

unfortunate man who was murdered was seized when he was

travelling by wheel-barrow, without escort, through the

country infested by the rebels."

{105}

A few days later, Bishop Scott, of the Church of England

Mission, at Peking, received from Mr. Brown, another

missionary in Shantung province, the following telegram:

"Outlook very black; daily marauding; constant danger; Edict

suppressing published; troops present, but useless; officials

complete inaction: T'ai An Prefect blocks; secret orders from

Throne to encourage." On this Sir Claude again called upon the

Yamên, and "spoke to them," he says, "in terms of the gravest

warning. While I could not believe it possible, I said, that

the rumours of secret orders from the Throne were true, the

mere fact of the currency of such rumours showed the

impression which the conduct of the Prefect conveyed to the

public. So much was I impressed by this, that I had come

to-day especially to protest against the behaviour of the

Shantung officials. The whole of the present difficulty could

be traced to the attitude of the late Governor of Shantung, Yü

Hsien, who secretly encouraged the seditious Society known as

'the Boxers.' I had again and again pointed out to the

Ministers that until China dealt with the high authorities in

such cases these outrages would not cease. I asked the

Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor Yüan that I had

called at the Yamên that day to complain of the conduct of the

Prefect of T'ai An. The Ministers attempted to excuse the

inertia of the local officials on the plea that their

difficulties were very great. The primary cause of the trouble

was the bad feeling existing between the converts and the

ordinary natives. This had developed until bands of marauders

had formed, who harassed Christians and other natives alike.

The local officials had hitherto not had sufficient force to

cope with so widespread a rising, but now that Yüan and his

troops had been sent to the province they hoped for the speedy

restoration of order. I impressed upon the Ministers in the

most emphatic manner my view of the gravity of the situation.

The Imperial Edict expressing sorrow for what had occurred and

enjoining strong measures was satisfactory so far as it went; but

Her Majesty's Government required something more than mere

words, and would now await action on the part of the Chinese

Government in conformity with their promises."

On the day of this interview (January 11), an Imperial Decree

was issued by the Chinese government, opening in ambiguous

terms and decreeing nothing. "Of late," it said, "in all the

provinces brigandage has become daily more prevalent, and

missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most critics

point to seditious Societies as the cause, and ask for

rigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection

shows that Societies are of different kinds. When worthless

vagabonds form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies,

and relying on their numbers create disturbances, the law can

show absolutely no leniency to them on the other hand, when

peaceful and law-abiding people practise their skill in

mechanical arts for the self-preservation of themselves and

their families, or when they combine in village communities

for the mutual protection of the rural population, this is in

accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by

Mencius) of 'keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help.'

Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this

distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard

all alike as seditious Societies, and involve all in one

indiscriminate slaughter. The result is that no distinction

being made between the good and the evil, men's minds are

thrown into fear and doubt. This is, indeed, 'adding fuel to

stop a fire,' 'driving fish to the deep part of the pool to

catch them.' It means, not that the people are disorderly, but

that the administration is bad."

The foreign ministers at Peking soon learned that this

ambiguous decree had given encouragement to the "Boxers," and

the British, American, German, French and Italian

representatives, by agreement, addressed an "identic note" to

the Yamên, dated January 27, in which, referring to the state

of affairs in north Shantung and in the centre and south of

Chihli, each one said: "This state of affairs, which is a

disgrace to any civilized country, has been brought about by

the riotous and lawless behaviour of certain ruffians who have

banded themselves together into two Societies, termed

respectively the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big

Sword Society,' and by the apathy, and in some instances

actual connivance and encouragement of these Societies by the

local officials. The members of these Societies go about

pillaging the homes of Christian converts, breaking down their

chapels, robbing and ill-treating inoffensive women and

children, and it is a fact, to which I would draw the special

attention of your Highness and your Excellencies, that on the

banners which are carried by these riotous and lawless people

are inscribed the words, 'Exterminate the Foreigners.'

"On the 11th January an Imperial Decree was issued drawing a

distinction between good and bad Societies. The wording of

this Decree has unfortunately given rise to a widespread

impression that such Associations as the 'Fist of Righteous

Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society' are regarded with favour

by the Chinese Government, and their members have openly

expressed their gratification and have been encouraged by the

Decree to continue to carry on their outrages against the

Christian converts. I cannot for a moment suppose that such

was the intention of this Decree. These Societies are, as I

have shown, of a most pernicious and rebellious character.

"I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne

to the circumstances above described: the disorders have not

reached such a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt

and energetic action: but if such action be not immediately

taken, the rioters will be encouraged to think that they have

the support of the Government and proceed to graver crimes,

thereby seriously endangering international relations. As a

preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest

importance, I have to beg that an Imperial Decree be published

and promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and

abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big

Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly

stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these

Societies, or to harbour any of its members, is a criminal

offence against the laws of China."

{106}

In communicating the above note to Lord Salisbury, Sir Claude

MacDonald explained: "The name of the Society given in the

note as 'The Fist of Righteous Harmony' is the same as the

'Boxers.' The latter name was given in the first instance,

either by missionaries or newspapers, but does not convey the

meaning of the Chinese words. The idea underlying the name is

that the members of the Society will unite to uphold the cause

of righteousness, if necessary by force."

On the 21st of February no reply to the identic note had been

given, and the five foreign Ministers then wrote again. This

brought an answer so evasive that they asked for an interview

with the Yamên, and it was appointed for March 2d. On the

evening of the 1st they received copies of a proclamation

which the Governor-General of Chihli had been commanded to

issue. The proclamation embodied an Imperial Decree,

transmitted to the Governor-General on the 21st of February,

which said: "Last year the Governor of Shantung telegraphed

that the Society known as 'the Fist of Righteous Harmony' in

many of his districts, under the plea of enmity to foreign

religions, were raising disturbances in all directions, and

had extended their operations into the southern part of

Chihli. We have repeatedly ordered the Governor-General of

Chihli and the Governor of Shantung to send soldiers to keep

the peace. But it is to be feared that if stern measures of

suppression of such proceedings as secretly establishing

societies with names and collecting in numbers to raise

disturbances be not taken, the ignorant populace will be

deluded and excited, and as time goes on things will grow

worse, and when some serious case ensues we shall be compelled

to employ troops to extirpate the evil. The sufferers would be

truly many, and the throne cannot bear to slay without

warning. Let the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor

of Shantung issue the most stringent Proclamations admonishing

the people and strictly prohibiting (the societies) so that

our people may all know that to secretly establish societies

is contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law."

To this the Governor-General of Chihli added, in his own name:

"I (the Governor-General) find it settled by decided cases

that those people of no occupation, busybodies who style

themselves Professors, and practise boxing, and play with

clubs, and teach people their arts; those also who learn from

these men, and those who march about and parade the villages

and marts flourishing tridents, and playing with sticks,

hood-winking the populace to make a profit for themselves, are

strictly forbidden to carry on such practices. Should any

disobey, on arrest the principals will receive 100 blows with

the heavy bamboo, and be banished to a distance of 1,000

miles. The pupils will receive the same beating, and be

banished to another province for three years, and on

expiration of that period and return to their native place be

subjected to strict surveillance. Should any inn, temple or

house harbour these people without report to the officials, or

should the police and others not search them out and arrest

them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with

the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.

"From this it appears that teaching or practising boxing and

club play, and deluding the people for private gain are

fundamentally contrary to law. But of late some of the

ignorant populace have been deluded by ruffians from other

parts of the Empire who talk of charms and incantations and

spiritual incarnations which protect from guns and cannon.

They have dared to secretly establish the Society of the Fist

of Righteous Harmony and have practised drill with fists and

clubs. The movement has spread in all directions, and under

the plea of hatred of foreign religions these people have

harried the country. When soldiers and runners came to make

arrests, turbulent ruffians had the audacity to defy them,

relying on their numbers, thereby exhibiting a still greater

contempt for the law. …

"In addition to instructing all the local officials to adopt

strict measures of prohibition and to punish without fail all

offenders, I hereby issue this most stringent admonition and

notify all people in my jurisdiction, gentry and every class

of the population, that you should clearly understand that the

establishment and formation of secret societies for the

practice of boxing and club exercises are contrary to

prohibition and a breach of the law. The assembly of mobs to

create disturbances and all violent outrages are acts which

the law will still less brook. … The converts and the ordinary

people are all the subjects of the throne, and are regarded by

the Government with impartial benevolence. No distinction is

made between them. Should they have lawsuits they must bow to

the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must not

give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and

trouble. The converts on the other hand must not stir up

strife and oppress the people or incite the missionaries to

screen them and help them to obtain the upper hand."

According to appointment, the interview with the Yamên took

place on the 2d of March: "Mr. Conger, United States'

Minister, Baron von Ketteler, German Minister, Marquis

Salvago, Italian Minister, Baron d'Anthoüard, French Charge d'

Affaires, and myself," writes Sir Claude MacDonald, "were

received at the Yamên by Prince Ch'ing and nearly all the

Ministers. On behalf of myself and my colleagues I

recapitulated the circumstances, as detailed above, which had

led to the demand which we now made. My colleagues all

expressed to the Prince and Ministers their entire concurrence

with the language I used, Mr. Conger reminded the Yamên of the

incredulity with which they had listened to his

representations regarding these disturbances over three months

ago, and the promises they had been making ever since, from

which nothing had resulted. Baron von Ketteler laid special

stress on the fact that in the Decree just communicated no

mention was made of the 'Ta Tao Hui,' or 'Big Knife Society,'

the denunciation of which, equally with that of the

'I-Ho-Ch'uan,' or 'Fist of Righteous Harmony,' had been

demanded. The Prince and Ministers protested emphatically that

the Throne was earnest in its determination to put a stop to

the outrages committed by these Societies. They maintained

that the method adopted for promulgating the Imperial Decree,

that of sending it to the Governors of the provinces

concerned, to be embodied in a Proclamation and acted upon,

was much speedier and more effective than that of publishing a

Decree in the 'Peking Gazette,' as suggested by us. With regard

to the omission of the term 'Ta Tao Hui' from the Decree, they

declared that this Society was now the same as the

'I-Ho-Ch'uan.'"

{107}

At the close of the interview the five Ministers presented

identic notes to the Yamên, in which each said: "I request

that an Imperial Decree may be issued and published in the

'Peking Gazette' ordering by name the complete suppression and

abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and 'Big Sword

Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in

the Decree that to belong to either of these societies or to

harbour any of its members is a criminal offence against the

law of China. Nothing less than this will, I am convinced, put

an end to the outrages against Christians which have lately

been so prevalent in Chihli and Shantung. Should the Chinese

Government refuse this reasonable request I shall be compelled

to report to my Government their failure to take what may be

called only an ordinary precaution against a most pernicious

and anti-foreign organization. The consequences of further

disorder in the districts concerned cannot fail to be

extremely serious to the Chinese Government."

The reply of the Yamên to this "identic note" was a lengthy

argument to show that publication in the "Peking Gazette" of

the Imperial Edict against "Boxers" would be contrary to "an

established rule of public business in China which it is

impossible to alter"; and that, furthermore, it would be

useless, because the common people of the provinces would not

see it. Not satisfied with this reply, the Ministers, on the

10th of March, addressed another identic note to the Yamên, in

the following words: "Acknowledging receipt of your Highness'

and your Excellencies' note of the 7th March, I regret to say

that it is in no way either an adequate or satisfactory reply

to my notes or my verbal requests concerning the suppression

of the two Societies known as the 'Big Sword' and 'Fist of

Righteous Harmony.' I therefore am obliged to repeat the

requests, and because of the rapid spread of these Societies,

proof of which is accumulating every day, and which the

Imperial Decree of the 11th January greatly encouraged, I

insist that an absolute prohibitive Decree for all China,

mentioning these two Societies by name, be forthwith issued

and published in the 'Peking Gazette,' as was done with the

Decree of the 11th January. Should I not receive a favourable

answer without delay, I shall report the matter to my

Government, and urge strongly the advisability of the adoption

of other measures for the protection of the lives and property

of British subjects in China."

On the same day, each of the Ministers cabled the following

recommendation to his government:

"If the Chinese Government should refuse to publish the Decree

we have required, and should the state of affairs not

materially improve, I would respectfully recommend that a few

ships of war of each nationality concerned should make a naval

demonstration in North Chinese waters. Identic recommendations

are being telegraphed home by my four colleagues

above-mentioned."

On the 16th, Sir Claude wrote: "No reply has yet been received

from the Tsung-li Yamên to the note of the 10th March, and it

was with serious misgivings as to the attitude of the Chinese

Government on this question that I read yesterday the official

announcement of the appointment of Yü Hsien, lately Governor

of Shantung, to the post of Governor of Shansi. The growth and

impunity of the anti-Christian Societies in Shantung has been

universally ascribed to the sympathy and encouragement

accorded to them by this high officer, and his conduct has for

some time past formed the subject of strong representations on

the part of several of the foreign Representatives."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 3, 1900, pages 3-26.

"The foundation of the 'Boxers' can be traced to one man, Yü

Hsien, who, when Prefect of Tsao-chau, in the south-west

corner of Shan-tung, organized a band of men as local militia

or trainbands. For them he revived the ancient appellation of

'I-Ho-Ch'üan,' the Patriotic Harmony Fists. Armed with long

swords, they were known popularly as the Ta-tao-huei, or Big

Knife Society. After the occupation of Kiao-chau Bay the

society grew in force, the professed objects of its members

being to oppose the exactions of native Catholics and to

resist further German aggression. They became anti-Christian

and anti-foreign. They became a religious sect, and underwent

a fantastic kind of spiritual training of weird incantations

and grotesque gymnastics, which they professed to believe

rendered them impervious to the sword and to the bullet of the

white man. Three deities they specially selected as their

own—namely, Kwanti, the God of War and patron deity of the

present dynasty, Kwang Chéng-tze, an incarnation of Laotze,

and the Joyful Buddha of the Falstaffian Belly. They made

Taoist and Buddhist temples their headquarters. Everywhere

they declared that they would drive the foreigner and his

devilish religion from China. To encourage this society its

founder, Yü Hsien, was in March, 1899, appointed by the Throne

Governor of Shan-tung. In four years he had risen from the

comparatively humble post of Prefect to that of the highest

official in the province."

Peking Correspondence London Times,

October 13, 1900.

Sir Robert Hart, an English gentleman who had been in the

service of the Chinese government at Peking for many years,

administering its maritime customs, is the author of an

account of the causes and the character of the Boxer movement,

written since its violent outbreak, from which the following

passages are taken:

"For ages China had discountenanced the military spirit and

was laughed at by us accordingly, and thus, ever since

intercourse under treaties has gone on, we have been lecturing

the Government from our superior standpoint, telling it that

it must grow strong—must create army and navy—must adopt

foreign drill and foreign weapons—must prepare to hold its own

against all comers—must remember 'Codlin' is its friend, not

'Short': our words did not fall on closed ears—effect was

given to selected bits of advice—and various firms did a very

remarkable and very remunerative trade in arms. But while the

Chinese Government made a note of all the advice its generous

friends placed at its disposal, and adopted some suggestions

because they either suited it or it seemed polite and harmless

to do so, it did not forget its own thirty centuries of

historic teaching, and it looked at affairs abroad through its

own eyes and the eyes of its representatives at foreign

Courts, studied their reports and the printed utterances of

books, magazines, and newspapers, and the teaching thus

received began gradually to crystallise in the belief that a

huge standing army on European lines would be wasteful and

dangerous and that a volunteer association—as suggested by the

way all China ranged itself on the Government side in the

Franco-Chinese affair—covering the whole Empire, offering an

outlet for restless spirits and fostering a united and

patriotic feeling, would be more reliable and effective, an

idea which seemed to receive immediate confirmation from

without in the stand a handful of burghers were making in the

Transvaal: hence the Boxer Association, patriotic in origin,

justifiable in its fundamental idea, and in point of fact the

outcome of either foreign advice or the study of foreign

methods.

{108}

"In the meanwhile the seeds of other growths were being sown

in the soil of the Chinese mind, private and official, and

were producing fruit each after its kind: various commercial

stipulations sanctioned by treaties had not taken into full

account Chinese conditions, difficulties, methods, and

requirements, and their enforcement did not make foreign

commerce more agreeable to the eye of either provincial or

metropolitan officials,—missionary propagandism was at work

all over the country, and its fruits, Chinese Christians, did

not win the esteem or goodwill of their fellows, for, first of

all, they offended public feeling by deserting Chinese for

foreign cults, next they irritated their fellow villagers by

refusing, as Christians, to take part in or share the expenses

of village festivals, and lastly, as Christians again, they

shocked the official mind, and popular opinion also, by

getting their religious teachers, more especially the Roman

Catholics, to interfere on their behalf in litigation, &c., a

state of affairs which became specially talked about in

Shantung, the native province of the Confucius of over 2,000

years ago and now the sphere of influence of one of the

Church's most energetic bishops,—the arrangement by which

missionaries were to ride in green chairs and be recognised as

the equals of Governors and Viceroys had its special

signification and underlined missionary aspiration telling

people and officials in every province what they had to expect

from it: on the top of this came the Kiao Chow affair and the

degradation and cashiering of a really able, popular, and

clean-handed official, the Governor Li Ping Hêng, succeeded by

the cessions of territory at Port Arthur, Wei-Hai-Wei, Kwang

Chow Wan, &c., &c., &c., and these doings, followed by the

successful stand made against the Italian demand for a port on

the Coast of Chekiang, helped to force the Chinese Government

to see that concession had gone far enough and that opposition

to foreign encroachment might now and henceforth be the key-note

of its policy.

"Li Ping Hêng had taken up his private residence in the

southeastern corner of Pecheli, close to the Shantung

frontier, and the Boxer movement, already started in a

tentative way in the latter province, now received an immense

impetus from the occurrences alluded to and was carefully

nurtured and fostered by that cashiered official—more

respected than ever by his countrymen. Other high officials

were known to be in sympathy with the new departure and to

give it their strongest approval and support, such as Hsü

Tung, Kang I, and men of the same stamp and standing, and

their advice to the throne was to try conclusions with

foreigners and yield no more to their demands. However

mistaken may have been their reading of foreigners, and

however wrong their manner of action, these men—eminent in

their own country for their learning and services—were

animated by patriotism, were enraged at foreign dictation, and

had the courage of their convictions: we must do them the

justice of allowing they were actuated by high motives and

love of country—but that does not always or necessarily mean

political ability or highest wisdom. …

"The Chinese, an intelligent, cultivated race, sober,

industrious, and on their own lines civilised, homogeneous in

language, thought, and feeling, which numbers some four

hundred millions, lives in its own ring fence, and covers a

country which—made up of fertile land and teeming waters, with

infinite variety of mountain and plain, hill and dale, and

every kind of climate and condition—on its surface produces

all that a people requires and in its bosom hides untold

virgin wealth that has never yet been disturbed—this race,

after thousands of years of haughty seclusion and

exclusiveness, has been pushed by the force of circumstances

and by the superior strength of assailants into treaty

relations with the rest of the world, but regards that as a

humiliation, sees no benefit accruing from it, and is looking

forward to the day when it in turn will be strong enough to

revert to its old life again and do away with foreign

intercourse, interference, and intrusion: it has slept long,

as we count sleep, but it is awake at last and its every

member is tingling with Chinese feeling—'China for the

Chinese and out with the foreigners!'

"The Boxer movement is doubtless the product of official

inspiration, but it has taken hold of the popular imagination

and will spread like wildfire all over the length and breadth

of the country: it is, in short, a purely patriotic volunteer

movement, and its object is to strengthen China—and for a

Chinese programme. Its first experience has not been

altogether a success as regards the attainment through

strength of proposed ends,—the rooting up of foreign cults and

the ejection of foreigners, but it is not a failure in respect of

the feeler it put out—will volunteering work?—or as an

experiment that would test ways and means and guide future

choice: it has proved how to a man the people will respond to

the call, and it has further demonstrated that the swords and

spears to which the prudent official mind confined the

initiated will not suffice, but must be supplemented or

replaced by Mauser rifles and Krupp guns: the Boxer patriot of

the future will possess the best weapons money can buy, and

then the 'Yellow Peril' will be beyond ignoring."

Robert Hart,

The Peking Legations

(Fortnightly Review, November, 1900).

{109}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (March-April).

Proposed joint naval demonstration of the Powers

in Chinese waters.

On receipt of the telegram from Peking (March 10) recommending

a joint naval demonstration in North Chinese waters, the

British Ambassador at Paris was directed to consult the

Government of France on the subject, and did so. On the 13th,

he reported M. Delcassé, the French Minister for Foreign

Affairs, as saying that "he could not, of course, without

reflection and without consulting his colleagues, say what the

decision of the French Government would be as to taking part

in a naval demonstration, but at first sight it seemed to him

that it would be difficult to avoid acting upon a suggestion

which the Representatives of Five Powers, who ought to be good

judges, considered advisable." On the 16th, he wrote to Lord

Salisbury: "M. Delcassé informed me the day before yesterday

that he had telegraphed to Peking for more precise

information. I told him that I was glad to hear that no

precipitate action was going to be taken by France, and that I

believed that he would find that the United States' Government

would be disinclined to associate themselves with any joint

naval demonstration. I added that, although I had no

instructions to say so, I expected that Her Majesty's

Government would also adhere to their usual policy of

proceeding with great caution, and would be in no hurry to

take a step which only urgent necessity would render

advisable."

On the 23d of March, Sir Claude MacDonald telegraphed to Lord

Salisbury: "I learn that the Government of the United States

have ordered one ship-of-war to go to Taku for the purpose of

protecting American interests, that the Italian Minister has

been given the disposal of two ships, and the German Minister

has the use of the squadron at Kiao-chau for the same purpose.

With a view to protect British missionary as well as other

interests, which are far in excess of those of other Powers, I

would respectfully request that two of Her Majesty's ships be

sent to Taku."

On the 3d of April, the Tsung-li Yamên communicated to the

British Ambassador the following information, as to the

punishment of the murderers of Mr. Brooks, and of the

officials responsible for neglect to protect him: "Of several

arrests that had been made of persons accused of having been

the perpetrators of the crime or otherwise concerned in its

committal, two have been brought to justice and, at a trial at

which a British Consul was present, found guilty and sentenced

to be decapitated—a sentence which has already been carried

into effect. Besides this, the Magistrate of Feichen, and some

of the police authorities of the district, accounted to have

been guilty of culpable negligence in the protection of Mr.

Brooks, have been cashiered, or had other punishments awarded

them of different degrees of severity."

For some weeks after this the Boxer movement appears to have

been under constraint. Further outrages were not reported and

no expressions of anxiety appear in the despatches from

Peking. The proposal of a joint naval demonstration in the

waters of Northern China was not pressed.

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 3, 1900, pages 6-17.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (May-June).

Renewed activity of the "Boxers" and increasing gravity of

the situation at Peking.

Return of Legation guards.

Call upon the fleets at Taku for reinforcement and rescue.

About the middle of May the activity of the "Boxers" was

renewed, and a state of disorder far more threatening than

before was speedily made known. The rapid succession of

startling events during the next few weeks may be traced in

the following series of telegrams from the British Minister at

Peking to his chief:

"May 17.

The French Minister called to-day to inform me that the Boxers

have destroyed three villages and killed 61 Roman Catholic

Christian converts at a place 90 miles from Peking, near

Paoting-fu. The French Bishop informs me that in that

district, and around Tien-tsin and Peking generally, much

disorder prevails."

"May 18.

There was a report yesterday, which has been confirmed to-day,

that the Boxers have destroyed the London Mission chapel at

Kung-tsun, and killed the Chinese preacher. Kung-tsun is about

40 miles south-west of Peking."

"May 19.

At the Yamên, yesterday, I reminded the Ministers how I had

unceasingly warned them during the last six months how

dangerous it was not to take adequate measures in suppression

of the Boxer Societies. I said that the result of the apathy

of the Chinese Government was that now a Mission chapel, a few

miles distant from the capital, had been destroyed. The

Ministers admitted that the danger of the Boxer movement had

not previously appeared to them so urgent, but that now they

fully saw how serious it was. On the previous day an Imperial

Decree had been issued, whereby specified metropolitan and

provincial authorities were directed to adopt stringent

measures to suppress the Boxers. This, they believed, would

not fail to have the desired effect."

"May 21.

All eleven foreign Representatives attended a meeting of the

Diplomatic Body held yesterday afternoon, at the instance of

the French Minister. The doyen was empowered to write, in the

name of all the foreign Representatives, a note to the Yamên

to the effect that the Diplomatic Body, basing their demands

on the Decrees already issued by the Palace denunciatory of

the Boxers, requested that all persons who should print,

publish, or disseminate placards which menaced foreigners, all

individuals aiding and abetting, all owners of houses or

temples now used as meeting places for Boxers, should be

arrested. They also demanded that those guilty of arson,

murder, outrages, &c., together with those affording support

or direction to Boxers while committing such outrages, should

be executed. Finally, the publication of a Decree in Peking

and the Northern Provinces setting forth the above. The

foreign Representatives decided at their meeting to take

further measures if the disturbances still continued, or if a

favorable answer was not received to their note within five

days. The meeting did not decide what measures should be

taken, but the Representatives were generally averse to

bringing guards to Peking, and, what found most favour, was as

follows:—

With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese

waters, it was proposed that all the Maritime Powers

represented should make a naval demonstration either at

Shanhaikuan, or at the new port, Ching-wangtao, while, in case

of necessity, guards were to be held ready on board ship. My

colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand

to their governments. As the Chinese Government themselves

seem to be sufficiently alarmed, I do not think that the above

measure will be necessary, but, should the occasion arise, I

trust that Her Majesty's Government will see fit to support

it. … I had a private interview with my Russian colleague, who

came to see me before the matter reached its acute stages. M. de

Giers said that there were only two countries with serious

interests in China: England and Russia. He thought that both

landing guards and naval demonstrations were to be

discouraged, as they give rise to unknown eventualities.

However, since the 18th instant, he admits that matters are

grave, and agreed at once to the joint note."

{110}

"May 24.

Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin reported by telegraph

yesterday that a Colonel in charge of a party of the Viceroy's

cavalry was caught, on the 22nd instant, in an ambuscade near

Lai-shui, which is about 50 miles south-west of Peking. The

party were destroyed."

"May 25.

Tsung-li Yamên have replied to the note sent by the doyen of

the Corps Diplomatique, reported in my telegram of the 21st

May. They state that the main lines of the measures already in

force agree with those required by the foreign

Representatives, and add that a further Decree, which will

direct efficacious action, is being asked for. The above does

not even promise efficacious action, and, in my personal

opinion, is unsatisfactory."

"May 27.

At the meeting of the Corps Diplomatique, which took place

yesterday evening, we were informed by the French Minister

that all his information led him to believe that a serious

outbreak, which would endanger the lives of all European

residents in Peking, was on the point of breaking out. The

Italian Minister confirmed the information received by M.

Pichon. The Russian Minister agreed with his Italian and

French colleagues in considering the latest reply of the Yamên

to be unsatisfactory, adding that, in his opinion, the Chinese

Government was now about to adopt effective measures. That the

danger was imminent he doubted, but said that it was not

possible to disregard the evidence adduced by the French

Minister. We all agreed with this last remark. M. Pichon then

urged that if the Chinese Government did not at once take

action guards should at once be brought up by the foreign

Representatives. Some discussion then ensued, after which it

was determined that a precise statement should be demanded

from the Yamên as to the measures they had taken, also that

the terms of the Edict mentioned by them should be

communicated to the foreign Representatives. Failing a reply

from the Yamên of a satisfactory nature by this afternoon, it

was resolved that guards should be sent for. Baron von

Ketteler, the German Minister, declared that he considered the

Chinese Government was crumbling to pieces, and that he did

not believe that any action based on the assumption of their

stability could be efficacious. The French Minister is, I am

certain, genuinely convinced that the danger is real, and

owing to his means of information he is well qualified to

judge. … I had an interview with Prince Ch'ing and the Yamên

Ministers this afternoon. Energetic measures are now being

taken against the Boxers by the Government, whom the progress

of the Boxer movement has, at last, thoroughly alarmed. The

Corps Diplomatique, who met in the course of the day, have

decided to wait another twenty-four hours for further

developments."

"May 29.

Some stations on the line, among others Yengtai, 6 miles from

Peking, together with machine sheds and European houses, were

burnt yesterday by the Boxers. The line has also been torn up

in places. Trains between this and Tien-tsin have stopped

running, and traffic has not been resumed yet. The situation

here is serious, and so far the Imperial troops have done

nothing. It was unanimously decided, at a meeting of foreign

Representatives yesterday, to send for guards for the

Legations, in view of the apathy of the Chinese Government and

the gravity of the situation. Before the meeting assembled,

the French Minister had already sent for his."

"May 30.

Permission for the guards to come to Peking has been refused

by the Yamên. I think, however, that they may not persist in

their refusal. The situation in the meantime is one of extreme

gravity. The people are very excited, and the soldiers

mutinous. Without doubt it is now a question of European life

and property being in danger here. The French and Russians are

landing 100 men each. French, Russian, and United States'

Ministers, and myself, were deputed to-day at a meeting of the

foreign Representatives to declare to the Tsung-li Yamên that

the foreign Representatives must immediately bring up guards

for the protection of the lives of Europeans in Peking in view

of the serious situation and untrustworthiness of the Chinese

troops. That the number would be small if facilities were

granted, but it must be augmented should they be refused, and

serious consequences might result for the Chinese Government

in the latter event. In reply, the Yamên stated that no

definite reply could be given until to-morrow afternoon, as

the Prince was at the Summer Palace. As the Summer Palace is

within an hour's ride we refused to admit the impossibility of

prompt communication and decision, and repeated the warning

already given of the serious consequences which would result

if the Viceroy at Tien-tsin did not receive instructions this

evening in order that the guards might be enabled to arrive

here to-morrow. The danger will be greatest on Friday, which

is a Chinese festival."

"May 31.

Provided that the number does not exceed that of thirty for

each Legation, as on the last occasion, the Yamên have given

their consent to the guards coming to Peking. … It was decided

this morning, at a meeting of the foreign Representatives, to

at once bring up the guards that are ready. These probably

include the British, American, Italian, and Japanese."

"June 1.

British, American, Italian, Russian, French and Japanese

guards arrived yesterday. Facilities were given, and there

were no disturbances. Our detachment consists of three

officers and seventy-five men, and a machine gun."

"June 2.

The city is comparatively quiet, but murders of Christian

converts and the destruction of missionary property in

outlying districts occur every day, and the situation still

remains serious. The situation at the Palace is, I learn from

a reliable authority, very strained. The Empress-Dowager does

not dare to put down the Boxers, although wishing to do so, on

account of the support given them by Prince Tuan, father of

the hereditary Prince, and other conservative Manchus, and

also because of their numbers. Thirty Europeans, most of whom

were Belgians, fled from Paoting-fu via the river to

Tien-tsin. About 20 miles from Tien-tsin they were attacked by

Boxers.

{111}

A party of Europeans having gone to their rescue from

Tien-tsin severe fighting ensued, in which a large number of

Boxers were killed. Nine of the party are still missing,

including one lady. The rest have been brought into Tien-tsin.

The Russian Minister, who came to see me to-day, said he

thought it most imperative that the foreign Representatives

should be prepared for all eventualities, though he had no

news confirming the above report. He said he had been

authorized by his Government to support any Chinese authority

at Peking which was able and willing to maintain order in case

the Government collapsed."

"June 4.

I am informed by a Chinese courier who arrived to-day from

Yung-Ching, 40 miles south of Peking, that on the 1st June the

Church of England Mission at that place was attacked by the

Boxers. He states that one missionary, Mr. Robinson, was

murdered, and that he saw his body, and that another, Mr.

Norman, was carried off by the Boxers. I am insisting on the

Chinese authorities taking immediate measures to effect his

rescue. Present situation at Peking is such that we may at any

time be besieged here with the railway and telegraph lines

cut. In the event of this occurring, I beg your Lordship will

cause urgent instructions to be sent to Admiral Seymour to

consult with the officers commanding the other foreign

squadrons now at Taku to take concerted measures for our

relief. The above was agreed to at a meeting held to-day by

the foreign Representatives, and a similar telegram was sent

to their respective Governments by the Ministers of Austria,

Italy, Germany, France, Japan, Russia, and the United States,

all of whom have ships at Taku and guards here. The telegram

was proposed by the French Minister and carried unanimously.

It is difficult to say whether the situation is as grave as

the latter supposes, but the apathy of the Chinese Government

makes it very serious."

"June 5.

I went this afternoon to the Yamên to inquire of the Ministers

personally what steps the Chinese Government proposed to take

to effect the punishment of Mr. Robinson's murderers and the

release of Mr. Norman. I was informed by the Ministers that

the Viceroy was the responsible person, that they had

telegraphed to him to send troops to the spot, and that that

was all they were able to do in the matter. They did not

express regret or show the least anxiety to effect the relief

of the imprisoned man, and they displayed the greatest

indifference during the interview. I informed them that the

Chinese Government would be held responsible by Her Majesty's

Government for the criminal apathy which had brought about

this disgraceful state of affairs. I then demanded an

interview with Prince Ching, which is fixed for to-morrow, as

I found it useless to discuss the matter with the Yamên. This

afternoon I had an interview with the Prince and Ministers of

the Yamên. They expressed much regret at the murder of Messrs.

Robinson and Norman, and their tone was fully satisfactory in

this respect. … No attempt was made by the Prince to defend

the Chinese Government, nor to deny what I had said. He could

say nothing to reassure me as to the safety of the city, and

admitted that the Government was reluctant to deal harshly

with the movement, which, owing to its anti-foreign character,

was popular. He stated that they were bringing 6,000 soldiers

from near Tien-tsin for the protection of the railway, but it

was evident that he doubted whether they would be allowed to

fire on the Boxers except in the defence of Government

property, or if authorized whether they would obey. He gave me

to understand, without saying so directly, that he has

entirely failed to induce the Court to accept his own views as

to the danger of inaction. It was clear, in fact, that the Yamên

wished me to understand that the situation was most serious,

and that, owing to the influence of ignorant advisers with the

Empress-Dowager, they were powerless to remedy it."

"June 6.

Since the interview with the Yamên reported in my preceding

telegram I have seen several of my colleagues. I find they all

agree that, owing to the now evident sympathy of the

Empress-Dowager and the more conservative of her advisers with

the anti-foreign movement, the situation is rapidly growing

more serious. Should there be no change in the attitude of the

Empress, a rising in the city, ending in anarchy, which may

produce rebellion in the provinces, will be the result,

'failing an armed occupation of Peking by one or more of the

Powers.' Our ordinary means of pressure on the Chinese

Government fail, as the Yamên is, by general consent, and

their own admission, powerless to persuade the Court to take

serious measures of repression. Direct representations to the

Emperor and Dowager-Empress from the Corps Diplomatique at a

special audience seems to be the only remaining chance of

impressing the Court."

"June 7.

There is a long Decree in the 'Gazette' which ascribes the

recent trouble to the favour shown to converts in law suits

and the admission to their ranks of bad characters. It states

that the Boxers, who are the objects of the Throne's sympathy

equally with the converts, have made use of the anti-Christian

feeling aroused by these causes, and that bad characters among

them have destroyed chapels and railways which are the

property of the State. Unless the ringleaders among such bad

characters are now surrendered by the Boxers they will be

dealt with as disloyal subjects, and will be exterminated.

Authorization will be given to the Generals to effect arrests,

exercising discrimination between leaders and their followers.

It is probable that the above Decree represents a compromise

between the conflicting opinions which exist at Court. The

general tone is most unsatisfactory, though the effect may be

good if severe measures are actually taken. The general

lenient tone, the absence of reference to the murder of

missionaries, and the justification of the proceedings of the

Boxers by the misconduct of Christian converts are all

dangerous factors in the case."

"June 8.

A very bad effect has been produced by the Decree reported in

my immediately preceding telegram. There is no prohibition of

the Boxers drilling, which they now openly do in the houses of

the Manchu nobility and in the temples. This Legation is full

of British refugees, mostly women and children, and the London

and Church of England Missions have been abandoned. I trust

that the instructions requested in my telegrams of the 4th and

5th instant have been sent to the Admiral. I have received the

following telegram, dated noon to-day, from Her Majesty's Consul

at Tien-tsin:

{112}

'By now the Boxers must be near Yang-tsun. Last night the

bridge, which is outside that station, was seen to be on fire.

General Nieh's forces are being withdrawn to Lutai, and 1,500

of them have already passed through by railway. There are now

at Yang-tsun an engine and trucks ready to take 2,000 more

men.' Lutai lies on the other side of Tien-tsin, and at some

distance. Should this information be correct, it means that an

attempt to protect Peking has been abandoned by the only force

on which the Yamên profess to place any reliance. The 6,000

men mentioned in my telegram

of the 5th instant were commanded by General Nieh."

"Tong-ku, June 10.

Vice-Admiral Sir E. Seymour to Admiralty.

Following telegram received from Minister at Peking:

'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for

immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.'

"In consequence of above, I am landing at once with all

available men, and have asked foreign officers' co-operation."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

China, Number 3, 1900, pages 26-45.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 10-26).

Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.

Failure of first relief expedition started for Peking.

The following is from an official report by Rear-Admiral

Bruce of the British Navy, dated at Taku June 17, 1900:

"On my arrival here on the 11th inst. I found a large fleet,

consisting of Russian, German, French, Austrian, Italian,

Japanese, and British ships. In consequence of an urgent

telegram from Her Majesty's Minister at Peking, Vice-Admiral

Sir Edward H. Seymour, K. C. B., Commander-in-Chief, had

started at 3 o'clock the previous morning (10th June), taking

with him a force of 1,375 of all ranks, being reinforced by

men from the allied ships as they arrived, until he commanded

not less than 2,000 men. At a distance of some 20 to 30 miles

from Tientsin—but it is very difficult to locate the place, as

no authentic record has come in—he found the railway destroyed

and sleepers burned, &c., and every impediment made by

supposed Boxers to his advance. Then his difficulties began,

and it is supposed that the Boxers, probably assisted by

Chinese troops, closed in on his rear, destroyed

railway-lines, bridges, &c., and nothing since the 13th inst.

has passed from Commander-in-Chief and his relief force and

Tientsin, nor vice versa up to this date. …

"During the night of the 14th inst. news was received that all

railway-carriages and other rolling stock had been ordered to

be sent up the line for the purpose of bringing down a Chinese

army to Tong-ku. On receipt of this serious information a

council of Admirals was summoned by Vice-Admiral Hiltebrandt,

Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Squadron, and the German,

French, United States Admirals, myself, and the Senior

Officers of Italy, Austria, and Japan attended; and it was

decided to send immediate orders to the captains of the allied

vessels in the Peiho River (three Russian, two German, one

United States, one Japanese, one British—'Algerine') to

prevent any railway plant being taken away from Tong-ku, or

the Chinese army reaching that place, which would cut off our

communication with Tientsin; and in the event of either being

attempted they were to use force to prevent it, and to destroy

the Taku Forts. By the evening, and during the night of 15th

inst., information arrived that the mouth of the Peiho River

was being protected by electric mines. On receipt of this,

another council composed of the same naval officers was held

in the forenoon of 16th June on board the 'Rossia,' and in

consequence of the gravity of the situation, and information

having also arrived that the forts were being provisioned and

reinforced, immediate notice was sent to the Viceroy of Chili

at Tientsin and the commandant of the forts that, in

consequence of the danger to our forces up the river, at

Tientsin, and on the march to Peking by the action of the

Chinese authorities, we proposed to temporarily occupy the

Taku Forts, with or without their good will, at 2 a.m. on the

17th inst." Early on Sunday, 17th June, "the Taku Forts opened

fire on the allied ships in the Peiho River, which continued

almost without intermission until 6.30 a.m., when all firing

had practically ceased and the Taku Forts were stormed and in

the hands of the Allied Powers, allowing of free communication

with Tientsin by water, and rail when the latter is repaired."

The American Admiral took no part in this attack on the forts

at Taku, "on the ground that we were not at war with China and

that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the

anti-foreign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the

relieving column."

From the point to which the allied expedition led by Admiral

Seymour fought its way, and at which it was stopped by the

increasing numbers that opposed it, it fell back to a position

near Hsiku, on the right bank of the Peiho. There the allies

drove the Chinese forces from an imperial armory and took

possession of the buildings, which gave them a strong

defensive position, with a large store of rice for food, and

enabled them to hold their ground until help came to them from

Tientsin, on the 25th. They were encumbered with no less than 230

wounded men, which made it impossible for them, in the

circumstances, to fight their way back without aid; though the

distance was so short that the return march was accomplished, on

the 26th, between 3 o'clock and 9 of the same morning. In his

report made the following day Admiral Seymour says: "The

number of enemy engaged against us in the march from Yungtsin

to the Armoury near Hsiku cannot be even estimated; the

country alongside the river banks is quite flat, and consisted

of a succession of villages of mud huts, those on the

out-skirts having enclosures made of dried reeds; outside,

high reeds were generally growing in patches near the village,

and although trees are very scarce away from the River,

alongside it they are very numerous; these with the graves,

embankments for irrigation and against flood, afforded cover

to the enemy from which they seldom exposed themselves,

withdrawing on our near approach. Had their fire not been

generally high it would have been much more destructive than

it was. The number of the enemy certainly increased gradually

until the Armoury near Hsiku was reached, when General Nieh's

troops and the Boxers both joined in the attack. In the early

part of the expedition the Boxers were mostly armed with

swords and spears, and not with many firearms; at the

engagement at Langfang on 18th, and afterwards, they were

armed with rifles of late pattern; this together with banners

captured and uniform worn, shows that they had either the

active or covert support of the Chinese Government, or some of

its high officials."

{113}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 11-29).

Chinese Imperial Edicts.

"On June 11 Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese

Legation, was brutally murdered [in Peking] by the soldiers of

General Tung-fuh-siang. Two days later the following Imperial

edict was published in the 'Peking Gazette': 'On June 11 the

Japanese Chancellor was murdered by brigands outside the

Yung-ting Mên. On hearing this intelligence we were

exceedingly grieved. Officials of neighbouring nations

stationed in Peking ought to be protected in every possible

way, and now, especially, extra diligence ought to be

displayed to prevent such occurrences when banditti are as

numerous as bees. We have repeatedly commanded the local

officials to ensure the most efficient protection in their

districts, yet, in spite of our frequent orders, we have this

case of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor occurring in the

very capital of the Empire. The civil and military officials

have assuredly been remiss in not clearing their districts of

bad characters, or immediately arresting such persons, and we

hereby order every Yamên concerned to set a limit of time for

the arrest of the criminals, that they may suffer the extreme

penalty. Should the time expire without any arrest being

effected, the severest punishment will assuredly be inflicted

upon the responsible persons.' It is needless to add that the

'criminals' were never arrested and the 'responsible persons'

were never punished. In the same 'Gazette' another decree

condemns the 'Boxer brigands' who have recently been causing

trouble in the neighbourhood of the capital, who have been

committing arson and murder and revenging themselves upon the

native converts. Soldiers and 'Boxers,' it says, have leagued

together to commit acts of murder and arson, and have vied

with one another in disgraceful acts of looting and robbery.

The 'Boxers' are to disband, desperadoes are to be arrested,

ringleaders are to be seized, but the followers may be allowed

to disband.

"Similar decrees on the 14th and 15th show alarm at the result

of the 'Boxer' agitation and lawlessness within the city.

Nothing so strong against the 'Boxers' had previously been

published. Fires were approaching too Closely to the Imperial

Palace. No steps had been taken by the Court to prevent the

massacre and burning of Christians and their property in the

country, but on the 16th the great Chien Mên gate fronting the

Palace had been burned and the smoke had swept over the

Imperial Courts. Yet even in these decrees leniency is shown

to the 'Boxers,' for they are not to be fired upon, but are,

if guilty, to be arrested and executed. On June 17th the edict

expresses the belief of the Throne that:—'All foreign

Ministers ought to be really protected. If the Ministers and

their families wish to go for a time to Tien-tsin, they must

be protected on the way. But the railroad is not now in

working order. If they go by the cart road it will be

difficult, and there is fear that perfect protection cannot be

offered. They would do better, therefore, to abide here in

peace as heretofore and wait till the railroad is repaired,

and then act as circumstances render expedient.'

"Two days later an ultimatum was sent to the Ministers

ordering them to leave Peking within 24 hours. On the 20th

Baron von Ketteler was murdered and on June 21 China

published, having entered upon war against the whole world,

her Apologia:—

'Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty, foreigners coming

to China have been kindly treated. In the reigns Tao Kuang,

and Hsien Feng, they were allowed to trade and they also asked

leave to propagate their religion, a request that the Throne

reluctantly granted. At first they were amenable to Chinese

control, but for the past 30 years they have taken advantage

of China's forbearance to encroach on China's territory and

trample on Chinese people and to demand China's wealth. Every

concession made by China increased their reliance on violence.

They oppressed peaceful citizens and insulted the gods and

holy men, exciting the most burning indignation among the

people. Hence the burning of chapels and slaughter of converts

by the patriotic braves. The Throne was anxious to avoid war, and

issued edicts enjoining the protection of Legations and pity

to the converts. The decrees declaring 'Boxers' and converts

to be equally the children of the State were issued in the

hope of removing the old feud between people and converts.

Extreme kindness was shown to the strangers from afar. But

these people knew no gratitude and increased their pressure. A

despatch was yesterday sent by Du Chaylard, calling us to

deliver up the Ta-ku Forts into their keeping, otherwise they

would be taken by force. These threats showed their aggressive

intention. In all matters relating to international

intercourse, we have never been wanting in courtesies to them,

but they, while styling themselves civilized States, have acted

without regard for right, relying solely on their military

force. We have now reigned nearly 30 years, and have treated

the people as our children, the people honouring us as their

deity, and in the midst of our reign we have been the

recipients of the gracious favour of the Empress-Dowager.

Furthermore, our ancestors have come to our aid, and the gods

have answered our call, and never has there been so universal

a manifestation of loyalty and patriotism. With tears have we

announced war in the ancestral shrines. Better to enter on the

struggle and do our utmost than seek some measures of

self-preservation involving eternal disgrace. All our

officials, high and low, are of one mind, and there have

assembled without official summons several hundred thousand

patriotic soldiers (I Ping "Boxers"). Even children carrying

spears in the service of the State. Those others relying on

crafty schemes, our trust is in Heaven's justice. They depend

on violence, we on humanity. Not to speak of the righteousness

of our cause, our provinces number more than 20, our people over

400,000,000, and it will not be difficult to vindicate the

dignity of our country.' The decree concludes by promising

heavy rewards to those who distinguish themselves in battle or

subscribe funds, and threatening punishment to those who show

cowardice or act treacherously.

"In the same 'Gazette' Yü Lu reports acts of war on the part

of the foreigners, when, after some days' fighting, he was

victorious. 'Perusal of his memorial has given us great

comfort,' says the Throne. Warm praise is given to the

'Boxers,' 'who have done great service without any assistance

either of men or money from the State. Marked favour will be

shown them later on, and they must continue to show their

devotion.' On the 24th presents of rice are sent to the

'Boxers.' Leaders of the 'Boxers' are appointed by the

Throne—namely, Prince Chuang, and the Assistant Grand

Secretary Kang-Yi to be in chief command, and Ying Nien and

Duke Lan (the brother of Prince Tuan, the father of the Crown

Prince) to act in cooperation with them, while another high

post is given to Wen Jui."

London Times, October 16, 1900

(Peking Correspondence).

{114}

Very different in tone to the imperial decree of June 21,

quoted above, was one issued a week later (June 29), and sent

to the diplomatic representatives of the Chinese government in

Europe and America. As published by Minister Wu Ting-fang, at

Washington, on the 11th of July, it was in the following

words:

"The circumstances which led to the commencement of fighting

between Chinese and foreigners were of such a complex,

confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely

unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to

their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of

knowing the true state of things, and accordingly cannot lay

the views of the government before the ministers for foreign

affairs of the respective Powers to which they are accredited.

Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter

for the information of our representatives aforesaid.

"In the first place there arose in the provinces of Chih Li

and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in the

habit of practicing boxing and fencing in their respective

villages, and at the same time clothing their doings with

spiritualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed

to take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the

infection spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space

of a month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere, and

finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked upon

the movement as supernatural and strange, and many joined it.

Then there were lawless and treacherous persons who sounded

the cry of 'Down with Christianity!' About the middle of the

fifth moon these persons began to create disturbances without

warning. Churches were burned and converts were killed. The

whole city was in a ferment. A situation was created which

could not be brought under control. At first the foreign

Powers requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the

capital for the protection of the legations. The imperial

government, having in view the comparative urgency of the

occasion, granted the request as an extraordinary mark of

courtesy beyond the requirements of international intercourse.

Over five hundred foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This

shows clearly how much care China exercised in the maintenance

of friendly relations with other countries.

"The legations at the capital never had much to do with the

people. But from the time foreign troops entered the city the

guards did not devote themselves exclusively to the protection

of their respective legations. They sometimes fired their guns

on top of the city walls and sometimes patrolled the streets

everywhere. There were repeated reports of persons being hit

by stray bullets. Moreover they strolled about the city

without restraint, and even attempted to enter the Tung Hua

gate (the eastern gate of the palace grounds). They only

desisted when admittance was positively forbidden. On this

account, both the soldiers and the people were provoked to

resentment, and voiced their indignation with one accord.

Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation to do

mischief, and became bolder than ever in burning and killing

Christian converts. The Powers thereupon attempted to

reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements

encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the

insurgents on the way and have not yet been able to proceed.

The insurgents of the two provinces of Chih Li and Shantung

had by this time effected a complete union and could not be

separated. The imperial government was by no means reluctant

to issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent

element. But as the trouble was so near at hand there was a

great fear that due protection might not be assured to the

legations if the anarchists should be driven to extremities,

thus bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear

that uprisings might occur in the provinces of Chih Li and

Shantung at the same time, with the result that both foreign

missionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might

fall victims to popular fury. It was therefore absolutely

necessary to consider the matter from every point of view.

"As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request

the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tien-Tsin for

safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in

progress that the German minister, Baron Von Ketteler, was

assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to

the Tsung-Li-Yamen. On the previous day the German minister

had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the

Tsung-Li-Yamen. But the Yamen, fearing he might be molested on

the way, did not consent to the appointment as suggested by

the minister. Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a

more bold and threatening attitude, and consequently 'it was

not deemed wise to carry out the project of sending the

diplomatic corps to Tien-Tsin under an escort. However, orders

were issued to the troops detailed for the protection of the

legations to keep stricter watch and take greater precaution

against any emergency.

"To our surprise, on the 20th of the fifth moon (June 16th),

foreign (naval?) officers at Taku called upon Lo Jung Kwang,

the general commanding, and demanded his surrender of the

forts, notifying him that failing to receive compliance they

would at two o'clock the next day take steps to seize the

forts by force. Lo Jung Kwang, being bound by the duties of

his office to hold the forts, how could he yield to the

demand? On the day named they actually first fired upon the

forts, which responded, and kept up fighting all day and then

surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly

the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing that

China were not conscious of her true condition, how could she

take such a step as to engage in war with all the Powers

simultaneously? and how could she, relying upon the support of

anarchistic populace, go into war with the Powers?

{115}

"Our position in this matter ought to be clearly understood by

all the Powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we have

suffered, and how China was driven to the unfortunate position

from which she could not escape. Our several ministers will make

known accurately and in detail the contents of this decree and

the policy of China to the ministers of foreign affairs in

their respective countries, and assure them that military

authorities are still strictly enjoined to afford protection

to the legations as hitherto to the utmost of their power. As

for the anarchists they will be as severely dealt with as

circumstances permit. The several ministers will continue in

the discharge of the duties of their office as hitherto

without hesitation or doubt. This telegraphic decree to be

transmitted for their information. Respect this."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-July).

Failure of attempt to entrust Japan with the rescuing of

the Legations at Peking.

A British Blue Book, issued on the 18th of February, 1901,

contains correspondence that took place between the Powers

late in June and early in July, looking to an arrangement for

the immediate sending of a large force from Japan to the

rescue of the beleaguered Legations in Peking. As summarized

in the "London Times," this correspondence showed that "the

necessity of asking the help of the only Power that was near

enough to intervene promptly was strongly pressed by Lord

Salisbury on the other Powers in the beginning of July. M.

Delcassé fell in entirely with the scheme and insisted on the

need of putting aside all jealousies or afterthoughts which

might hinder unity of action on the spot. The Russian

Government, however, seems to have misunderstood Lord

Salisbury's meaning and to have conceived him to wish Japan to

settle the Chinese crisis by herself and with a view to her

own interests, a misunderstanding which it required a whole

series of despatches to clear up completely. The Japanese

Government itself showed the most commendable readiness to

act, and on July 11 Mr. Whitehead telegraphed from Tokio, in

reply to an appeal from Lord Salisbury to the Japanese

Government, that 'in consequence of the friendly assurances'

given by Lord Salisbury the Japanese Government had decided to

send one or two more divisions to China. To this Lord

Salisbury replied on July 13 that her Majesty's Government

were willing to assist the Japanese Government up to

£1,000,000 if they at once mobilized and despatched an

additional 20,000 men to Peking. But the latter, in the

absence of any definite scheme of operations on the part of

the Powers, showed an unwillingness to accede to this

proposal, which thus fell through."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-August).

The siege of the Foreign Legations at Peking.

The story of two dreadful months as told by one of the besieged.

The most detailed and altogether best account of the dreadful

experience which the foreigners besieged in the quarter of the

Legations at Peking underwent, from the first week in June

until the 14th day of August, when a rescuing army forced its

way into the city, is that furnished to the "London Times" by

its Peking correspondent, who was one of the besieged. His

narrative, forwarded immediately upon the opening of

communication with the outer world, was published in "The

Times" of October 13 and 15. With some abridgment it is given

here under permission from the Manager of "The Times."

"Missionaries in Peking began collecting together into the

larger mission compounds for common protection. Many ladies

went for safety into the British Legation. Railway

communication was now severed and the telegraph communication

threatened. Our isolation was being completed. In the country

disaffection spread to the districts to the east of Peking,

and the position of the American missionaries at Tung-chau

became one of great danger. It was decided to abandon their

great missionary establishments, and with the native

Christians that could follow them to come into Peking. They

asked for an escort, but Mr. Conger felt himself compelled to

decline one, on the ground that he did not venture to send the

small body of men that he could spare from the Legation

through so dangerous a district. Protection must be looked for

from the Chinese Government. What soldiers could not be sent

to do one fearless American missionary succeeded in doing.

Late in the evening of June 7 the Rev. W. S. Ament, of the

Board Mission, left Peking in a cart, and with 20 other carts

journeyed 14 miles to Tung-chau through a country palpitating

with excitement. It was an act of courage and devotion that

seemed to us who knew the country a deed of heroism. His

arrival was most opportune. He brought safely back with him to

Peking the whole missionary body then in Tung-chau—five men,

including the author of 'Chinese Characteristics,' 11 ladies,

and seven children, together with their Christian servants. …

"More troops were sent for to reinforce the Legation guards in

Peking, but they were sent for too late. Already many miles of

the railway had been torn up, and it was hopeless to expect an

early restoration of communication. … The Empress-Dowager and

the Emperor, who had been for some time past at the Summer

Palace, returned to Peking, entering the city at the same hour

by different gates. Large escorts of cavalry and infantry

accompanied them; Manchu bannermen in large numbers were

posted on the walls. It was noticeable that the body-guard of

the Empress was provided by the renegade Mahomedan rabble of

Tung-fuh-siang, who had long been a menace to foreigners in

the province. The return of the Court was expected to have a

tranquillizing effect upon the populace. But this was not the

case. Students were attacked when riding in the country; our

race-course, grand stand, and stables were burnt by 'Boxers'

armed with knives; Europeans could not venture along the

streets outside the foreign quarter without being insulted.

People were saying everywhere, 'The foreigners are to be

ended.' Streets were being patrolled by cavalry, but there was

every fear that the patrols were in league with the 'Boxers,'

who were marching through the streets bearing banners

inscribed 'Fu Ching Mieh Yang.' 'Protect Pure (the Dynasty),

exterminate the foreigner.'

"The London Mission and the Society for the Propagation of the

Gospel handed over their buildings to the Chinese authorities,

holding them responsible for their safe keeping, and all

missionaries and their families went to the British Legation.

The American Board Mission likewise delivered over their

valuable property to the Government and fell back upon the

great Methodist Episcopalian Mission near the Hata Mên Gate,

beyond the foreign quarter. Tung-chau missionaries and their

families and several hundred Christian converts were already

gathered there. Steps were at once taken to fortify the

compound. Under the direction of Mr. F. D. Gamewell deep

trenches were cut, earthworks thrown up, and barbed-wire

entanglements laid down.

{116}

Watch was kept and sentries posted, provisions laid in, and

all preparations made to withstand a siege. Twenty marines and

a captain from the American Legation were sent as a guard, and

some spare rifles were obtained from the British Legation.

Converts were armed with pikes and knives, and a determined

effort was to be made in case of attack. The mission was,

however, absolutely at the mercy of any force holding the high

city wall and Hata Mên Gate. Without the power of reply the

small garrison could have been shot down from the wall, which

is little more than a stone's throw from the nearest point of

the compound. Shell-fire such as was subsequently used against

the Legations would have smashed the buildings into fragments.

All the Maritime Customs staff and their families living in

the East City, a mile or more beyond the foreign quarter, the

professors and teachers of the Tung-wen-Kuan, Dr. Dudgeon, Mr.

Pethick, the secretary of Li Hung Chang, and others, were

forced to abandon their homes and come in for protection.

Preparations for defence went on at all the Legations, for it

was now inevitable that we should have to fight. A 'conseil de

guerre' was held, attended by all the military officers, and a

plan of defence determined. The palace and grounds of Prince

Su, opposite the British Legation, were to be held for the

Christian refugees, and an area was to be defended some half a

mile long by half a mile broad, bounded by the Austrian and

Italian Legations to the east, the street running over the

north bridge of the canal to the north, the British, Russian,

and American Legations to the west, while the southern

boundary was to be the street running at the foot of the great

City Wall from the American Legation on the west, past the

German Legation on the east, to the lane running from the Wall

north past the French Legation, the buildings of the

Inspectorate General of Customs, and the Austrian Legation.

All women and children and non-combatants were to come into

the British Legation. Each position was to be held as long as

possible, and the final stand was to be made at the British

Legation. No question of surrender could ever be entertained,

for surrender meant massacre.

"On the 10th it was announced that reinforcements were on the

way and that they were coming with the approval of the Viceroy

and of the Chinese Government, an approval more readily

accorded since it was known to the Viceroy that the troops

could not come by train. More than one of the Ministers was so

confident that they were coming that carts were sent to await

their arrival at Machia-pu, the terminal railway station at

Peking. … Then Government gave its first public official

recognition of the 'Boxers' by announcing that the notorious

chief of the 'Boxers,' Prince Tuan, had been appointed

President of the Tsung-li-Yamên. Prince Ching was superseded

but was not removed from the Yamên. One harmless old Chinese,

Liao Shou-hêng was sent into retirement while four rabidly

anti-foreign Manchus entirely ignorant of all foreign affairs

were appointed members. The last hope of any wisdom springing

from the Yamên disappeared with the supersession of Prince

Ching by the anti-foreign barbarian who, more than any other

man in China, was responsible for the outbreak. The following

morning most of the Europeans rode to Machia-pu to await the

arrival of the foreign troops. They waited, but no troops

came, and then rode back past the jeering faces of hordes of

Chinese soldiers. Our security was not increased by this

fiasco.

"Soldiers sent to guard the summer residences of the British

Legation in the Western Hills left their posts during the

night. The buildings had been officially placed under the

protection of the Imperial Government. In the pre-arranged

absence of the soldiers the buildings were attacked by

'Boxers' and entirely burnt to the ground; the soldiers

witnessed if they did not assist in the burning. But worse

events were to happen that day. In the afternoon news passed

through Peking that Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the

Japanese Legation, had been murdered by soldiers. He had been

sent by his Minister a second time to Machia-pu to await the

arrival of the troops. Passing unarmed and alone in his cart

beyond the Yung-ting Mên, the outer gate on the way to the

station, he was seized by the soldiers of Tung-fuh-siang,

dragged from his cart, and done to death in the presence of a

crowd of Chinese who witnessed his struggles with unpitying

interest and unconcealed satisfaction. …

"On the 12th a deputation, consisting of Chi Hsiu, a member of

the Grand Council and newly appointed to the Yamên, Hsu

Ching-chêng, the ex-Minister, the 'Boxer' leader Chao

Shu-chiao, and another Manchu, called upon the British

Minister. Chi Hsiu made a long address, his theme being the

enduring nature of the friendship between China and England

and the duty which China has always recognized as a sacred

obligation to protect the members of the Legations who were

her guests and the strangers within her walls. Chi Hsiu

assured the Minister that the movement was at an end, that all

was now tranquil, and that there was no more reason to fear.

Yet the very next day Baron von Ketteler himself captured a

'Boxer' from amid the crowd in Legation-street. He carried the

consecrated headpiece, and was armed with a sword. Round his

waist he had a belt containing a talisman of yellow paper

smeared with mystic red symbols by which he was rendered

'impermeable to foreign bullets.' And in the afternoon the

'Boxers' came down in force from the north of the city and the

burning of foreign buildings began. The cry arose that the

'Boxers' were coming. Every man ran to his post, a cordon was

established round the foreign quarter and no one was allowed

to pass. Guards were on watch at all the Legations, but their

numbers, spread over so many posts, were very inadequate, and

they were still further reduced by the guards detached for

duty at the Pei-tang Cathedral, where, three miles distant

within the Imperial City, were gathered in the one great

compound Mgr. Favier, the Bishop, his coadjutor, Mgr. Jarlin,

the missionaries and lay brothers, the sisters of charity, and

a vast concourse of Christian refugees, estimated at 2,000,

who had fled from the massacre in the country. A guard of five

Austrians was sent to the Belgian Legation. The Austrians with

their machine gun commanded the Customs-street leading to the

north: the Italians with a one pounder commanded the

Legation-street to the east. The British with their

Nordenfeldt swept the Canal-street to the north and the

North-bridge, the Russians were on the South-bridge, while the

Americans with their Colt machine gun had command of

Legation-street to the west as far as the court facing the

Imperial Palace. The Russians, having no gun, dropped their

heavy ammunition down the well.

{117}

"As darkness came on the most awful cries were heard in the

city, most demoniacal and unforgettable, the cries of the

'Boxers,' 'Sha kweitze'—'Kill the devils'—mingled with the

shrieks of the victims and the groans of the dying. For

'Boxers' were sweeping through the city massacring the native

Christians and burning them alive in their homes. The first

building to be burned was the chapel of the Methodist Mission

in the Hata Mên-street. Then flames sprang up in many quarters

of the city. Amid the most deafening uproar the Tung-tang, or

East Cathedral, shot flames into the sky. The old Greek Church

in the north-east of the city, the London Mission buildings,

the handsome pile of the American Board Mission, and the

entire foreign buildings belonging to the Imperial Maritime

Customs in the East City burned throughout the night. It was

an appalling sight. Late in the night a large party of

'Boxers' bearing torches were seen moving down Customs-street

towards the Austrian Legation. The machine gun mounted was in

waiting for them. They were allowed to come within 150 yards

in the open street near the great cross road, and then the

order was given and the gun rained forth death. It was a

grateful sound. The torches disappeared. They had come within

a restricted space, and none, we thought, could have escaped.

Eagerly we went forth to count the dead, expecting to find

them in heaps. But there was not one dead. The gun had been

aimed very wide of the mark. Two hundred yards north of the

'Boxers' there is a place where 30 ft. above the level road

the telegraph wires crossed to the station. Next morning they

were found to have been cut by the Austrian fire. The only

persons who suffered injury were possible wayfarers two miles

up the street. There can be little doubt that this fiasco

helped to confirm the Boxers in a belief in their

invulnerability.

"The Tung-tang, or East Cathedral, having been burned, it, was

clear that the Nan-tang, the South Cathedral, was in danger.

Père Garrigues, the aged priest of the Tung-tang, had refused

to leave his post and had perished in the flames. But the

fathers and sisters at the Nan-tang might yet be saved. Their

lives were in great peril; it was necessary to act quickly. A

party of French gentlemen, led by M. Fliche of the French

Legation and accompanied by M. and Mme. Chamot, rode out at

night, and early the following morning safely escorted to the

hotel every member of the mission—Père d' Addosio and his two

colleagues, a French brother, five sisters of charity, and

some twenty native nuns of the Order of Josephine. They were

rescued just in time. Scarcely had they reached a place of

safety when the splendid edifice they had forsaken was in

flames. … It continued burning all day, the region round it,

the chief Catholic centre of Peking, being also burnt. Acres

of houses were destroyed and the Christians in thousands put

to the sword. …

"On the 15th rescue parties were sent out by the American and

Russian Legations in the morning, and by the British and

German Legations in the afternoon, to save if possible native

Christians from the burning ruins around the Nan-tang. Awful

sights were witnessed. Women and children hacked to pieces,

men trussed like fowls, with noses and ears cut off and eyes

gouged out. Chinese Christians accompanied the reliefs and ran

about in the labyrinth of network of streets that formed the

quarter, calling upon the Christians to come out from their

hiding-places. All through the night the massacre had

continued, and 'Boxers' were even now shot redhanded at their

bloody work. But their work was still incomplete, and many

hundreds of women and children had escaped. They came out of

their hiding-places crossing themselves and pleading for

mercy. It was a most pitiful sight. Thousands of soldiers on

the wall witnessed the rescue; they had with callous hearts

witnessed the massacre without ever raising a hand to save.

During the awful nights of the 13th and 14th Duke Lan, the

brother of Prince Tuan, and Chao Shu-Chiao, of the

Tsung-li-Yamên, had followed round in their carts to gloat

over the spectacle. Yet the Chinese Government were afterwards

to describe this massacre done under official supervision

under the very walls of the Imperial Palace as the handiwork

of local banditti. More than 1,200 of the poor refugees were

escorted by the 'foreign devils' to a place of safety. Many

were wounded, many were burnt beyond recognition. All had

suffered the loss of every thing they possessed in the world.

They were given quarters in the palace grounds of Prince Su,

opposite the British Legation. Among them was the aged mother

and the nephew of Ching Chang, recently Minister to France,

and now Chinese Commissioner to the Paris Exhibition. The

nephew was cruelly burnt; nearly every other member of the

family was murdered. A Catholic family of much distinction—a

family Catholic for seven generations—was thus almost

exterminated and its property laid in ashes. It was announced

this day that only 'Boxers' might enter the Imperial City. The

Government was rushing headlong to its ruin.

"On June 16 a party of twenty British, ten Americans, and five

Japanese, with some Volunteers, and accompanied by

Lieutenant-Colonel Shiba, the Japanese military attache,

patrolled the East City, visiting the ruins in the hopes that

some Christians might yet be in hiding. But to our calls

everywhere no reply was given. Refugees, however, from the

East City had managed to escape miraculously and find their

way, many of them wounded, to the foreign Legations, seeking

that protection and humanity that was denied them by their own

people. As the patrol was passing a Taoist temple on the way,

a noted 'Boxer' meeting place, cries were heard within. The

temple was forcibly entered. Native Christians were found

there, their hands tied behind their backs, awaiting execution

and torture. Some had already been put to death, and their

bodies were still warm and bleeding. All were shockingly

mutilated. Their fiendish murderers were at their incantations

burning incense before their gods, offering Christians in

sacrifice to their angered deities. They shut themselves

within the temple, but their defence availed them nothing.

Everyone of them, 46 in all, was in 'Boxer' uniform armed with

sword and lance. Retribution was swift; every man was shot to

death without mercy. In the afternoon a fire broke out in the

foreign drug store in the native city outside the great gate

of the Chien Mên.

{118}

It was the work of 'Boxers,' done while the soldiers were

looking on. In order to burn the foreign drug store and do the

foreigners a few pounds worth of damage, they did not hesitate

to jeopardize by fire property worth millions of pounds, and that

is what happened. Adjoining buildings took fire, the flames

spread to the booksellers' street, and the most interesting

street in China, filled with priceless scrolls, manuscripts,

and printed books, was gutted from end to end. Fire licked up

house after house, and soon the conflagration was the most

disastrous ever known in China, reducing to ashes the richest

part of Peking, the pearl and jewel shops, the silk and fur,

the satin and embroidery stores, the great curio shops, the

gold and silver shops, the melting houses, and nearly all that

was of the highest value in the metropolis. Irreparable was

the damage done. …

"During the night the Americans, fearing an attack from the

street at the back of their Legation, kept the street clear

till daybreak. During one of the volleys four of the

Tsung-li-Yamên Ministers called upon the American Minister.

They were blandly assuring him that all was now quiet, that

there was no need for further alarm, that great was the

tenderness of the Throne for men from afar, when a rattle of

musketry was heard which rendered them speechless with fear.

They hurriedly went away. Assurances of the Throne's

tenderness did not deceive us. Our barricades were everywhere

strengthened and defences systematically planned, for rumour

was quick to reach us that the relief forces had been driven

back to Tien-tsin, and this did not add to the security of our

position. Inside the Imperial City wall, within one hundred

yards of the British picket on the north bridge a large

Chinese camp was formed. Peking was in a state of panic, all

the streets near the foreign quarters were empty, and people

were fleeing from the city. There was a run on the banks, and

the Ssu-ta-hêng, the four great banks, the leading banks of

Peking, closed their doors, and paper money was not in

circulation. The Palace of Prince Su was occupied by the

refugees, and its defence, the most important of all and a

vital one to the British Legation, was entrusted to Colonel

Shiba and Japanese marines and volunteers.

"The crisis was approaching. On the morning of June 19 Mr.

Cordes, the Chinese Secretary of the German Legation, was at

the Yamên, when the secretaries told him that the allied

fleets had taken the Ta-ku forts on June 17. This was

remembered when at 4.30 in the afternoon an ultimatum was sent

to the foreign Ministers. It was a bolt from the blue. They

were to leave Peking within 24 hours. 'A despatch,' they

wrote, 'has arrived from the Viceroy Yu Lu, forwarding a note

which he has received from the doyen of the Consular body in

Tien-tsin, the French Comte du Chaylard, to say that, unless

foreign troops are at once permitted to land at Tien-tsin, the

allied fleets will bombard the Ta-ku forts. As this is

equivalent to a declaration of war, the Tsung-li-Yamên

herewith notify the foreign Ministers that they must leave

Peking within 24 hours, otherwise protection cannot be

guaranteed to them. They will be given safe conduct and

transport.' It was quite in accordance with Chinese custom

that a despatch saying that the seizure of the Ta-ku forts had

been threatened should be sent after the seizure had been

effected. What is distasteful to them to say they avoid

saying. A meeting of the diplomatic body was at once held. It

was decided to accept the ultimatum. They had been given their

passports by the Chinese Government; what other course was

open to them? … Word was passed round that preparation had to

be made to leave Peking the following day. Mr. Conger, the

American Minister, asked for 100 carts; and his Legation spent

most of the night making preparations. No packing was done at

the British Legation, for it was there considered

inconceivable that China should insist upon sending the

Ministers their passports. Only two days before, in the

'Peking Gazette' of June 17, it had been officially announced

that the road to Tien-tsin was unsafe. … When the decision of

the Diplomatic Body became known in Peking the most profound

indignation was everywhere expressed at so unworthy a decision

and the most profound astonishment that such a course of

action should have received the support of M. Pichon, the

French Minister 'Protecteur des Missions Catholiques en

Chine,' and of so humane a man as Mr. Conger, the American

Minister; for to leave Peking meant the immediate abandonment

to massacre of the thousands of native Christians who had

trusted the foreigner and believed in his good faith.

"Early on the morning of the 20th a meeting of the Diplomatic

Body was held at the French Legation. No reply had been

received from the Tsung-li-Yamên to the request for an

audience, and the proposition that all the Ministers should go

to the Yamên found no seconder. Had it been carried out, there

would have occurred one of the most appalling massacres on

record. Two chairs later left for the Yamên. In the first was

the German Minister, Baron van Ketteler, who had this

advantage over the other Ministers, that he spoke Chinese

fluently. In the second was the Chinese Secretary of the

German Legation, Mr. Cordes. News travels quickly in Peking.

Not many minutes later my boy burst into my office—'Any man

speakee have makee kill German Minister!' It was true. The

German Minister had been assassinated by an Imperial officer.

The Secretary had been grievously wounded, but, running for

his life, shot at by a hundred rifles, had escaped as if by a

miracle. A patrol of 15 men under Count Soden, the commander,

went out to recover the body. Fired on by Chinese soldiers

from every side, they were forced to retire. … There was no

more question about leaving for Tien-tsin. Later in the day

the Yamên, evidently indifferent to the gravity of the

position created by the Government, sent an impudent despatch

to the German Legation to the effect that two Germans had been

proceeding in chairs along the Hata Mên-street, and at the

mouth of the street leading to the Tsung-li-Yamên one of them

had fired upon the crowd. The Chinese had retaliated and he

had been killed. They wished to know his name. No reply was

sent, for it was felt to be a mockery. Only too well the Yamên

knew whom they had murdered. Weeks passed before the body was

recovered, and it was not until July 18 that any official

reference was made to the murder. In the course of the morning

a despatch was sent to the Diplomatic Body in reply to the

answer they had sent to the ultimatum of yesterday.

{119}

The country, it said, between Peking and Tien-tsin was overrun

with brigands, and it would not be safe for the Ministers to go

there. They should therefore remain in Peking. It is difficult

to write with calmness of the treachery with which the Chinese

were now acting. Four p. m. was the hour given in the ultimatum

for the Ministers to vacate their Legations, but the ultimatum

had been rescinded, and the Ministers invited to remain in

Peking. Thus it was hoped that they would be lulled into a

false security. Chinese soldiers were secretly stationed under

cover at every vantage point commanding the outposts. At 4 p.

m. precisely to the minute, by preconcerted signal, they

opened fire upon the Austrian and French outposts. A French

marine fell shot dead through the forehead. An Austrian was

wounded. The siege had begun.

"At this time (June 20), at the opening of the siege, the

total strength of the combined Legation guards consisted of 18

officers and 389 men, distributed as follows:

"American.

Three officers, Captain Myers in command, Captain Hall,

Surgeon Lippett, and 53 marines from the Newark.

"Austrian.

Five officers, Captain Thomann, the Commander of the Zenta,

Flag-Lieutenant von Winterhalder, Lieutenant Kollar,

two mid-shipmen, and 30 marines from the Zenta.

"British.

Three officers, Captain B. M. Strouts in command,

Captain Halliday, Captain Wray, and 79 men R. M. L. I.

-30 from H. M. S. Orlando and 49 from Wei-hai-wei.

"French.

Two officers, Captain Darcy and Midshipman Herbert, and

45 marines from the D'Entrecasteaux and Descartes.

"German.

Lieutenant Graf Soden and 51 marines of the

3rd Battalion Kiao-chau.

"Italian.

Lieutenant Paolini and 28 blue-jackets from the Elba.

"Japanese.

Lieutenant Hara and 24 marines from the Atago.

"Russian.

Two officers, Lieutenant Baron von Rahden and Lieutenant

von Dehn, and 79 men—72 marines from the Sissoi Veliki and

Navarin and seven Legation Cossacks.

"Total,

18 officers and 389 men.

"In addition the French sent Lieutenant Henry and 30 men to

guard the Pei-tang Cathedral, and the Italians detached one

officer, Lieutenant Cavalieri, and 11 men for the same humane

mission. To this insignificant force of 18 officers and 389

men of eight nationalities the entire foreign quarter had to

trust for its defence. Fortunately several visitors or

residents had received military training, and they at once

went on the active list and rendered invaluable service. … A

volunteer force numbering altogether 75 men, of whom 31 were

Japanese, was enrolled and armed with all available rifles.

They added greatly to the strength of the garrison, taking

watch and watch like the Regulars, fighting behind the

barricades, and never shrinking from any duty imposed upon

them. There was also an irregular force of 50 gentlemen of

many nationalities, who did garrison guard duty in the British

Legation and were most useful. They were known, from the

gentleman who enrolled them, as 'Thornhill's Roughs,' and they

bore themselves as the legitimate successors on foot of

Roosevelt's Roughriders. Armed with a variety of weapons, from

an elephant rifle to the 'fusil de chasse' with a picture of

the Grand Prix, to all of which carving knives had been lashed

as bayonets, they were known as the 'Carving Knife Brigade.' …

Such were the effective forces. They were provided with four

guns, an Italian one-pounder with 120 rounds, an American Colt

with 25,000 rounds, an Austrian machine gun, and a British

five-barrel Nordenfelt, pattern 1887. Rifle ammunition was

very scanty. The Japanese had only 100 rounds apiece, the

Russians 145, and the Italians 120, while the best provided of

the other guards had only 300 rounds per man, none too many

for a siege the duration of which could not be foreseen.

"Punctually, then, at 4 o'clock Chinese soldiers began firing

upon us whom they had requested to remain in peace at Peking.

And immediately after the Austrian Legation was abandoned. No

sufficient reason has been given for its abandonment, which

was done so precipitately that not an article was saved. It

was left to the mercy of the Chinese, and the guard retired to

the corner of Customs-lane, leading west to the Prince's

Palace. This involved the sacrifice of Sir Robert Hart's and

all the Customs buildings, and hastened the advance of the

Chinese westward. As previously arranged, the American mission

buildings had been abandoned in the morning, for they were

quite untenable. All the missionaries, their wives, and

families crossed over to the British Legation. Converts to the

number of several hundreds joined the other refugees. The

captain and 20 American marines returned to the American

Legation. By an error of judgment on the part of the captain

the mission was finally left in a panic. Almost nothing was

saved, and nearly all the stores accumulated for a siege were

lost. The British Legation was now thronged. Rarely has a more

cosmopolitan gathering been gathered together within the limits

of one compound. All the women and children were there, all

the missionaries, American, British, French, and Russian, all

the Customs staff, the French, Belgian, Russian, American,

Spanish, Japanese, and Italian Ministers, and their families,

the entire unofficial foreign community of Peking, with the

exception of M. Chamot, who remained in his hotel throughout,

though it was in the hottest corner of the besieged area. …

French volunteers bravely stood by their own Legation, and the

Austrian Charge d'Affaires and Mme. von Rosthorn remained there

as long as there was a room habitable. Mr. Squiers, the first

Secretary of the American Legation, with Mr. Cheshire, the

Chinese Secretary, and Mr. Pethiek, the well-known private

secretary of Li Hung Chang, stayed by the United States

Legation, and the staff of the German Legation also kept

stanchly to their posts. … At the British Legation

fortification began in real earnest, the refugees working like

coolies. Sand-bags were made by the thousand, and posts

mounted round the Legation. A way was knocked through the

houses to the Russian Legation, so that the Americans, if they

had to fall back, could pass through to the British Legation.

During the day every Legation was exposed to a continuous fire

from surrounding house-tops, and in the case of the British

Legation from the cover in the Imperial Carriage Park. Chinese

put flames to the abandoned buildings, and the Belgian

Legation, the Austrian Legation, the Methodist Mission, and

some private houses were burned.

{120}

"June 22 opened disastrously. The evening before, Captain

Thomann, the Austrian commander, announced that as the senior

officer he had taken command in Peking. This morning, hearing

from an irresponsible American that the American Legation was

abandoned, he, without taking steps to verify the information,

ordered the abandonment of all the Legations cast of

Canal-street, the detachments to fall back upon the British

Legation. There had been no casualties to speak of, none of

the Legations had been attacked, and every commander who

received the order to retreat regarded the action as madness.

Peremptory orders were sent to the Japanese to abandon the

Prince's Palace or Fu (as I shall henceforth call it), and

they retired to their Legation. In the British Legation

nothing was known of the order when, to the amazement of all,

the Italians, Austrians, and French came running down

Legation-street, followed a little later by the Japanese, and

subsequently by the Germans, who recalled their post on the

wall and marched without a shot being fired at them down under

the wall to Canal-street. Americans and Russians, learning

that all east of Canal-street had been abandoned, saw

themselves cut off, though their communications had not even

been menaced, and retreated precipitately into the British

Legation. It was a veritable stampede—a panic that might have

been fraught with the gravest disaster. Prompt action was

taken. Captain Thomann was relieved of his command, and Sir

Claude MacDonald, at the urgent instance of the French and

Russian Ministers, subsequently confirmed by all their

colleagues, assumed the chief command. The French and

Austrians reoccupied the French Legation, but the barricade in

Customs-street was lost. One German only was killed and the

position was saved, but the blunder might have been

disastrous.

"It was obvious from the first that the great danger at the

British Legation was not so much from rifle-fire as from

incendiarism, for on three sides the compound was surrounded

by Chinese buildings of a highly inflammable nature. Before

time could be given to clear an open space round the Legation,

the buildings to the rear of Mr. Cockburn's house were set on

fire, and as the wind was blowing strongly towards us it

seemed as if nothing could prevent the fire from bursting into

the Legation. Water had to be used sparingly, for the wells

were lower than they had been for years, yet the flames had to

be fought. Bullets were whistling through the trees. Private

Scadding, the first Englishman to fall, was killed while on

watch on the stables near by. Men and women lined up, and

water passed along in buckets to a small fire engine that was

played upon the fire. Walls were broken through, trees hastily

cut down, and desperate work saved the building. It was the

first experience of intense excitement. Then the men set to

with a will, and till late at night were demolishing the

temple and buildings outside the wall of the Legation. Work

was continued in the morning, but when it was proposed to pull

down an unimportant building in 'the Hanlin Academy that abuts

upon the Legation to the North, the proposition was vetoed.

Such desecration, it was said, would wound the

susceptibilities of the Chinese Government. It was 'the most

sacred building in China.' To lay hands upon it, even to

safeguard the lives of beleaguered women and children, could

not be thought of, for fear of wounding the susceptibilities

of the Chinese Government! So little do the oldest of us

understand the Chinese.

"A strong wind was blowing from the Hanlin into the Legation,

the distance separating the nearest building from the

Minister's residence being only a few feet. Fire the one and

the Minister's residence would have been in danger. Suddenly

there was the alarm of fire. Smoke was rising from the Hanlin.

The most venerated pile in Peking, the great Imperial Academy,

centre of all Chinese learning, with its priceless collection of

books and manuscripts, was in flames. Everyone who was off

duty rushed to the back of the Legation. The Hanlin had been

occupied during the night by Imperial soldiers, who did not

hesitate, in their rage to destroy the foreigners, to set fire

to the buildings. It was first necessary to clear the temple.

A breach was made in the wall, Captain Poole headed a force of

Marines and volunteers who rushed in, divided, searched the

courts, and returned to the main pavilion with its superb

pillars and memorial tablets. Chinese were rushing from other

burning pavilions to the main entrance. They were taken by

surprise and many were killed, but they had done their evil

deed. … To save the Legation it was necessary to continue the

destruction and dismantle the library buildings. With great

difficulty, with inadequate tools, the buildings were pulled

down. Trees endangering our position were felled. An attempt

was made to rescue specimens of the more valuable manuscripts,

but few were saved for the danger was pressing. Sir Claude

MacDonald, as soon as the fire was discovered, despatched a

messenger to the Tsung-li-Yamên, telling them of the fire and

urging them to send some responsible officials to carry away

what volumes could be rescued, but no attention was given to

his courteous communication. The Dutch Legation was burned on

the 22nd, and next day Chinese soldiers set fire to the

Russo-Chinese Bank, and a greater part of the buildings were

destroyed, involving in danger the American Legation. Chinese

volunteers were called for. They responded readily, worked

with much courage exposed to fire from the wall, and the

Legation was saved. All the buildings back from the bank to

the Chien Mên (the main gate between the Chinese and Tartar

cities facing the entrance to the Forbidden City) seemed to be

on fire. Then all the Customs buildings were fired, so that

flames were on every side, and the smoke was tremendous, while

the fusillade was incessant. An Italian and a German died of

their wounds. The first American was killed, shot from the

wall, then a Russian fell. They were dropping off one by one,

and already we were well accustomed to the sight of the

stretcher and the funeral. Wounded were being brought in from

every Legation to the hospital in the British Legation. …

{121}

"Then a new terror was added to the fears of the besieged, for

the Imperial troops mounted a 3 in. Krupp gun on the Chien Mên,

the gate opposite to the Forbidden City, and began throwing

segment shells from a distance of 1,000 yards into the crowded

Legation. The first shell struck the American Legation, others

burst over the British compound, while others crashed into the

upper rooms of the German Legation. It was known that the

Chinese had ten similar guns in Peking, while we had nothing

with which to answer their fire, and no one ever knew where

the next gun might be mounted. Immediately all hands dug

bomb-proof shelters for the women and children. Rifle fire

also played on the Americans from the wall quite close to them

at a distance of a few hundred feet only, whence, safely

sheltered by the parapet of the wall, men could enfilade the

barricade which was held by the Americans on the street

running east and west under the wall. The barricade became

untenable, and to occupy the wall was a paramount necessity

which could no longer be delayed. … Down in the besieged area

the enemy pressed upon every side. Again they attempted to

fire the British Legation from the Mongol market on the west;

but a sortie was made by British Marines and Volunteers, and

the Chinese were driven from house to house out of the market.

The work was dangerous, and Captain Halliday was dangerously

wounded, while Captain Strouts had an extraordinary escape,

the bullet grazing the skin above the carotid artery. The

sortie was entirely successful; some rifles were captured, and

ammunition, which was more precious than silver. The buildings

were then fired by us, the fire being kept under control,

which cleared a long distance round the west of the Legation.

Fortification proceeded without intermission and all the

defences of the besieged area quickly gathered strength. For

the first time in war, art was a feature in the fortification.

Sandbags were of every colour under the sun and of every texture.

Silks and satins, curtains and carpets and embroideries were

ruthlessly cut up into sandbags. In the Prince's Fu the

sandbags were made of the richest silks and satins, the

Imperial gifts and accumulated treasures of one of the eight

princely families of China. In the Prince's Fu the Chinese

made a determined attempt to force their way into the Palace

in their frenzy to slaughter the native Christians. In the

angle of the wall in the northeastern court of the Palace they

made a breach in the wall and rushed wildly in. But the

Japanese were waiting for them and from loopholes they had

made opposite rolled them over like rabbits, driving them

helter-skelter back again. Some 20 were killed, and but for

the unsteadiness of the Italians who were assisting the

Japanese the execution would have been greater. The Chinese

were driven back, but the same evening they threw fireballs of

petroleum over the wall and set fire to the building. Flames

spread to the splendid main pavilion of the Palace. The

Japanese in their turn were driven back, and the Christians

escaping from the burning building overflowed from the Fu into

all that quarter lying between the Palace grounds and

Legation-street.

"On June 25 a truly Oriental method of weakening our defence

was attempted by the Chinese. Up to 4 o'clock in the afternoon

the shooting of rifles and field guns had been continuous,

when suddenly bugles were sounded north, east, south, and

west, and, as if by magic, the firing ceased. It was under

perfect control—Imperial control commanded by responsible

central authority. The silence abruptly following the

fusillade was striking. Then an official of low rank was seen

to affix to the parapet of the north bridge near the British

Legation a board inscribed with 18 Chinese

characters:—'Imperial command to protect Ministers and stop

firing. A despatch will be handed at the Imperial Canal

Bridge.' A placard whereon was written 'Despatch will be

received' was sent by one of the Chinese clerks employed in

the Legation, but when he approached the bridge a hundred

rifles from the Imperial Palace gate were levelled at him. The

despatch was never received. The artifice deceived no one.

Treachery was feared, vigilance was redoubled. Sandbags were

thrown on positions which during fire were untenable. So that

when at midnight the general attack was made upon us we were

prepared, and every man was at his post. The surprise had

failed. As firing had ceased so it began. Horns were sounded,

and then from every quarter a hail of bullets poured over us,

sweeping through the trees and striking with sharp impact the

roofs of the pavilions. No harm was done though the noise was

terrific. Great steadiness was shown by the men. They lay

quietly behind the sandbags and not a shot was fired in reply.

It was suggested as an explanation of this wild firing that

the shots were to kill the guardian spirits which were known

to hover over us. Similar fusillades took place at the

American Legation and at the French Legation, and with the

same result. During the armistice the Chinese had availed

themselves of the quiet to throw up earthworks in the Carriage

Park alongside the British Legation, in the Mongol market

between the British and Russian Legations, and at both ends of

Legation-street facing the Americans on the west and facing

the French Legation corner on the east.

"Our isolation was now complete, and the enemy's cordon was

constantly drawing closer. Every wall beyond the lines was

loopholed. Not only was the besieged area cut off from all

communication with the world outside Peking, but it was cut

off from all communication with the Pei-tang. No messenger

could be induced for love or money to carry a message there.

Bishop Favier and his guards must have been already hard

pressed, for they were exposed to the danger not only of rifle

and cannon, but of fire and starvation. The small garrison

detached from the guards was known to be inadequately supplied

with ammunition. It was known, however, that the danger of the

situation had long been foreseen by Monseigneur Favier, who,

speaking with unequalled authority, had weeks before the siege

vainly urged his Minister to bring troops to Peking. When the

crisis became inevitable and Christian refugees poured into

the city the Bishop endeavoured to buy arms and ammunition, so

that there was a hope, though a faint one, that the Chinese

themselves had assisted in the defence. So with stores. Large

quantities of grain were stored in the Pei-tang, but whether

sufficient for a siege for a garrison of 3,000 souls was not

known. Their condition was a constant source of anxiety to the

Europeans within the Legations, who were powerless to help

them. Watch was kept unceasingly for any sign of the disaster

that seemed inevitable—the massacre and the conflagration.

{122}

"Towards evening of the 28th a Krupp gun was mounted in the

Mongol market, not 300 yards from the British Legation, and

fire was opened upon a storeyed building occupied by marines

in the south court of the Legation. Fired at short range, the

shells crashed through the roof and walls. For an hour the

bombardment continued, but no one was injured, though a crack

racing pony in the stables below was killed, and next day

eaten. It was determined to capture this gun, so in the early

morning a force consisting of 26 British, ten Germans, ten

Russians, five French, and five Italians, and about 20

volunteers made a sortie from the Legation to try and capture

the gun and burn the houses covering it; but the attempt was a

fiasco. The men got tangled up in the lanes so that the reserve

line with the kerosene marched ahead of the firing line; there

was a Babel of voices, no one knew where to go, the captain

lost his head and set fire to the houses in the rear and the

men retreated pell-mell. … The Chinese, however, were alarmed

and removed the gun. Meanwhile both French and German

Legations had suffered heavily. …

"On the 29th the French Legation was hard pressed. One of

their officers, the midshipman Herbert, was shot.

Reinforcements were hastily sent from the Fu, and the attack

was repulsed; but some of the outer buildings of the Legation

were burned, and the French had to retire further into the

Legation. In this siege it was striking what a powerful part

petroleum was made to play. Already the French Legation had

suffered more severely than any other Legation; of their 45

men 16 had been killed or wounded. Krupp guns had been mounted

not 50 yards to the eastward, and the eastern walls of the

pavilions were being gradually and systematically battered

into ruins. All day now and until the cessation of hostilities

shells were pounding into the French Legation, into Chamot's

hotel, and from the Chien Mên on the wall, promiscuously,

everywhere. Much property was destroyed, but, though the

shells burst everywhere and escapes were marvellous, few

people were hit. Bullets whistled in the Legation compounds.

Surgeon Lippett was talking to Mr. Conger in the American

Legation when he was hit by a bullet that smashed the thigh

bone. Had the bullet not struck the surgeon it would have hit

the Minister. Mr. Pethick was sitting at a window of the

American Legation fanning himself when a bullet pierced the

fan. A civilian was wounded in the British Legation, and a

marine, Phillips, was killed while walking in the compound.

A fragment of shell fell on a patient inside the hospital.

"The cordon was drawing closer. In the Fu nearly one-third of

the buildings had been abandoned and the Japanese retired to a

second line of defence. Shells were fired by the hundred. On

the 29th 70 shells were thrown into the British Legation. The

difficulty of holding the American and German barricades on

the city wall was increasing. The positions were very much

exposed. A Krupp gun was brought close to the American

barricade. The Russo-Chinese Bank and all the buildings near

were occupied by Chinese troops, the walls being loopholed and

lanes barricaded. And all were so close that you could not

look through a loop-hole without being shot at. Yet the

American barricade, with its mixed guard of Americans,

Russians, and British, had to be held at all hazards;

otherwise the Krupp gun could be brought down the wall and

play havoc upon the Legations, the furthest of which—the

British—was at its nearest point not 400 yards distant. Still

more exposed than the American barricade was the outpost on

the wall held by the Germans. At first they had been

reinforced by the French and Austrians, but the needs of the

French Legation were equally pressing and the guards were

withdrawn and a small picket of British sent to aid the

Germans. … In the morning of July 1 the Chinese climbed up the

ramp and surprised the guard. The order was hastily given to

retire, and the picket, shaken by its losses of yesterday,

left the wall. The German non-commissioned officer who gave

the order was severely blamed for thus abandoning a position

that he had been ordered to hold. Withdrawal left the

Americans exposed in the rear. They saw the Germans retire,

and in a panic fell back to the Legation, rushing pell-mell

down the ramp. Nothing had occurred at the barricade itself to

justify the retreat, although two men had fallen within a few

hours before. Yet the wall was the key of the position and had

to be maintained. A conference was held at the British

Legation, and as a result orders were given to return to the

post. Captain Myers at once took back a strong detachment of

14 Americans, ten British, and ten Russians, and reoccupied

the barricade as if nothing had happened. The Chinese,

ignorant that the post had been evacuated, lost their

opportunity. Then the guard in the French Legation was driven

a stage further back and M. Wagner, a volunteer, was killed by

the bursting of a shell. …

"It was a day of misfortunes. In the afternoon the most

disastrous sortie of the siege was attempted. A Krupp gun,

firing at short range into the Fu (i. e., the Prince's

Palace), was a serious menace to our communications. Captain

Paolini, the Italian officer, conceived the idea that he could

capture the gun if volunteers could be given him and if the

Japanese could assist. … By this ineffective sortie our small

garrison was reduced by three men killed, one officer and four

men and one volunteer wounded. Fortunately it was no worse.

The gun that was not captured was brought up again next day

into play and continued battering down the Fu walls. The enemy

were working their way ever nearer to the refugee Christians.

Their rage to reach the Christians was appalling. They cursed

them from over the wall, hurled stones at them, and threw

shells to explode overhead. Only after the armistice, when we

received the 'Peking Gazette,' did we find that word to burn

out and slaughter the converts had come from the highest in

the land. The Japanese were driven still further back. Already

they had lost heavily, for upon them had fallen the brunt of a

defence the gallantry of which surpassed all praise. When the

siege was raised it was found that of the entire force of

marines only five men had escaped without wounds; one was

wounded five times. Colonel Shiba early raised a force of

'Christian volunteers,' drilled them, instructed them, and

armed them with rifles captured from the enemy. They made an

effective addition to the Japanese strength. …

{123}

"At daybreak on July 3, the Chinese barricade on the top of

the wall near the American outpost was successfully stormed by

a party of British, Americans, and Russians, under the leadership

of Captain Myers, Captain Vroublevsky, and Mr. Nigel Oliphant.

… The position was intolerable. It was imperative to rush the

barricade and drive out the Chinese; nothing else could be

done. An attack was planned for 3 in the morning, and before

that hour a strong force of British was sent over from the

legation. The combined force assembled for the attack

consisted of 26 British marines under Sergeant Murphy and

Corporal Gregory, with Mr. Nigel Oliphant as volunteer, 15

Russians under Captain Vroublevsky, and 15 Americans, all

being under the command of Captain Myers. When asked if they

came willingly one American begged to be relieved and was sent

below. This left the total force at 56, of whom 14 were

Americans. So close were the Chinese that it was only a couple

of jumps from our barricade to their fort. There was a rush to

be first over, the fort was stormed, and dashing round the

covering wall the 'foreign devils' charged behind the

barricade. Taken by surprise the Chinese fired in the air,

fled incontinently, and were shot down as they ran along the

open surface of the wall. Captain Vroublevsky and his

detachment acted with especial gallantry, for their duty it

was to attack the Chinese barricade in the front, while the

British and Americans took it in the rear. Two banners marked

'General Ma' were captured. Fifteen Chinese soldiers of

Tung-fuh-siang were killed outright and many more must have

been wounded. Some rifles and ammunition were captured. Then

the allied forces, exposed to a heavy fire, retired within

what had been the Chinese barricade and employed it against

the enemy who had built it. Captain Myers was wounded in the

knee by tripping over a fallen spear, two Americans, Turner

and Thomas—one having accidentally jumped on the wrong side of

the barricade—were killed, and Corporal Gregory was wounded in

the foot. News of the successful sortie gave much pleasure to

the community. Chinese coolies were sent on the wall, and a

strongly intrenched redoubt was built there; the camp was made

safe by traverses. Unfortunately, the wound of Captain Myers

proved more serious than was at first suspected, and he was

not again able to return to duty. The services of a brave and

capable officer were lost to the garrison; his post on the

wall was taken most ably by Captain Percy Smith and other

officers in turn.

"Most of the shelling was now directed against the French and

German Legations and Chamot's Hotel. The hotel was struck 91

times and was several times set on fire, but the flame was

extinguished. Work continued there, however hot the shelling,

for food had to be prepared there for half the community in

Peking, Russians, French, Germans, and Austrians. The energy

of Chamot was marvellous. He fed the troops and a crowd of

Christian refugees, killed his own mules and horses, ground

his own wheat, and baked 300 loaves a day. Shelled out of the

kitchen he baked in the parlour. His courage inspired the

Chinese, and they followed him under fire with an amazing

confidence.

"Then suddenly a new attempt was made to reduce the British

Legation. Guns firing round shot, eight-pounders and

four-pounders, were mounted on the Imperial City wall

overlooking from the north the Hanlin and the British

Legation. With glasses—the distance was only 350 yards—one

could clearly see the officers and distinguish their Imperial

Peacock feathers and Mandarin hats. … Three batteries in all,

carrying five guns, were mounted on the Imperial City wall

where the bombardment could be witnessed by the Empress

Dowager and her counsellors, and day after day round shot were

thrown from them into the British Legation, into a compound

crowded with women and children. … On July 5 Mr. David

Oliphant, of the British Legation, was killed. He was felling

a tree by the well in the Hanlin when he was shot by a sniper

concealed in a roof in the Imperial Carriage Park, and died

within an hour. Only 24 years of age, he was a student of

exceptional promise and ability. …

"Day by day the Chinese were pressing us more closely. In the

Fu they were gradually wedging their way in from the

north-east so as to cut the communications between the British

and the Legations to the east. They burned their way from house

to house. Keeping under cover, they set alight the gables

within reach by torches of cloth soaked in kerosene held at

the end of long poles. If the roof were beyond reach they

threw over fireballs of kerosene, or, if still further, shot

into them with arrows freighted with burning cloth. In this

way and with the use of the heavy gun they battered a way

through the houses and courtyards of the Prince's Palace. A

daring attempt made by the Japanese to capture the gun

resulted in failure. Coolies failed them when they were within

four yards of success, and they were forced to retire. Their

gallant leader Captain Ando was shot in the throat while

waving on his men, one marine was seriously wounded, and one

Christian volunteer killed. … By the 8th the position in the

Fu was alarming, for the Japanese force had been reduced to 13

marines and 14 volunteers; yet with decreasing numbers they

were constantly called upon to defend a longer line.

Reinforcements were sent them of half-a-dozen Customs and

student volunteers and of six British marines. Nothing can

give a better indication of the smallness of our garrison than

the fact that throughout the siege reinforcements meant five men

or ten men. Strong reinforcements meant 15 men. Our

reinforcements were counted by ones, not by companies. With

this force a line of intrenchments stretching from the outer

court of the Fu on the east across the grounds to near the

extreme northwest corner was held till the end. … The position

was one of constant solicitude, for the loss of the Fu would

have imperilled the British Legation. A Krupp gun, mounted 50

yards away, had the range and raked the post with shell and

shrapnel. To strengthen the breastwork exposure to rifle fire

was incurred from 20 yards' distance, while to reach the post

required crossing a zone of fire which was perhaps the hottest

in the whole of the defences. Many men were wounded there, and

one Italian had his head blown off. Shell fire finally made it

impossible to live there. The advanced posts were abandoned,

and the sentries fell back to the main picket. No sooner was

the advanced post abandoned than it was occupied by the

Chinese, and the defences we had made were turned against us.

{124}

"Meanwhile, the French and German Legations were being roughly

handled, and men were falling daily. At the German Legation

shells burst through the Minister's drawing-room. Most of the

other buildings conspicuous by their height were

uninhabitable, but every member of the Legation remained at

his post. So, too, in the French Legation, where the Austrians

were, Dr. and Madame von Rosthorn remained by the side of

their men. The French volunteers and Dr. Matignon stood

stanchly by their Legation, although it was fast tumbling into

ruins, their coolness and resolution being in curious contrast

to the despair of their Minister, who, crying, 'Tout est perdu,'

melodramatically burned the French archives in a ditch at the

British Legation. Chinese and French were so close that the

voices of the Chinese officers could be heard encouraging

their men. Chinese were within the Legation itself. Their guns

literally bombarded the Minister's residence 'à bout portant,'

and the noise of the exploding shells was terrific. Yet the men

never flinched. … July 11 was a day of many casualties. One

German was mortally wounded; one Englishman, one Italian, and

one Japanese were seriously wounded. Mr. Nigel Oliphant, a

volunteer, received a bullet wound in the leg, while Mr.

Narahara, the well-known secretary of the Japanese Legation,

wounded by the bursting of a shell, suffered a compound

fracture of the leg, which from the first gave cause for

anxiety. He gradually sank and died on July 24. …

On the 11th 18 prisoners were captured by the French in a

temple near the Legation. They were soldiers, and a Chinese

Christian gave information as to their whereabouts. Everyone

of them was put to death without mercy in the French Legation,

bayoneted by a French corporal to save cartridges. Questioned

before death they gave much information that was obviously

false. One man, however, declared that a mine was being driven

under the French Legation. His story had quick corroboration.

As the afternoon of the 13th was closing a feint attack was

made on the Japanese intrenchments in the Fu. Then the sound

of many bugles was heard from the camps round the French

Legation, to be followed in a few minutes by a terrific

explosion, and in a moment or two by another; and bricks and

debris were hurled into the air. It was a dull roar in the

midst of the devilish cries of hordes of Chinese, shrieking

like spirits in hell, the rattle of musketry, and the boom of

heavy guns. The mine of which the prisoner had warned us had

exploded and burst an entrance into the French Legation. When

the first mine exploded the French Captain Darcy, the Austrian

Charge d'Affaires, two French marines, and Mr. Destelan of the

Customs were standing over the death-trap. Mr. Destelan was

buried up to the neck, but was rescued unhurt, the two marines

were engulfed and their bodies were never recovered, Captain

Darcy and Dr. von Rosthorn escaped miraculously. The latter

was buried by the first explosion and released unhurt a moment

or two later by the second. Driven out of the main buildings,

the small garrison (it consisted only of 17 Austrians with

three officers, 27 French with two officers, and nine

volunteers) fell back a few paces to a line of defence, part

of which had only been completed in the afternoon, and

securely held the position.

"Simultaneously with this attack upon the French Legation the

Chinese made a determined assault upon the German Legation,

the effective strength of whose garrison numbered only one

officer and 31 men. They broke into the Club alongside the

Legation and were on the tennis ground when Count Soden and a

handful of German soldiers gallantly charged them at the point

of the bayonet and drove them out headlong. … Uniforms on the

dead Chinese showed that the attack had been carried out by

the troops of Yung Lu, reinforced by the savages of

Tung-fuh-siang. Some of the dead were armed with the latest

pattern Mauser and the newest German army revolver. Some

ammunition, of which the guards were in much need, was

recovered and distributed among the Japanese and Italians.

Firing continued round the other Legations; every battery

opened fire; the air hissed with bullets. There was momentary

darkness, then flames broke out from the large foreign houses

between the German Legation and Canal-street. It seemed at one

time as if the whole of the quarter would be burned, but the

fire did not spread. Heavy rain came on, and the rest of the

night passed in quiet.

"On July 14, a messenger, sent out on the 10th, with a letter

for the troops, returned to the British Legation. He had been

arrested by the Chinese, cruelly beaten, and taken, he said,

to the yamên of Yung Lu, and there given the following letter,

purporting to be written by Prince Ching 'and others,'

addressed to the British Minister. It was the first

communication of any kind whatsoever that had reached us from

outside for nearly one month. 'For the last ten days the

soldiers and Militia have been fighting, and there has been no

communication between us, to our great anxiety. Some time ago

we hung up a board, expressing our intentions, but no answer

has been received, and contrary to expectation the foreign

soldiers made renewed attacks, causing alarm and suspicion

among soldiers and people. Yesterday the troops captured a

convert named Chin Ssu-hei and learnt from him that all the

foreign Ministers 'were well, which caused us very great

satisfaction. But it is the unexpected which happens. The

reinforcements of foreign troops were long ago stopped and

turned back by the "Boxers," and if, in accordance with

previous agreement, we were to guard your Excellencies out of

the city, there are so many "Boxers" on the road to Tien-tsin

and Ta-ku that we should be apprehensive of misadventure. We

now request your Excellencies to first take your families and

the various members of your staffs, and leave your Legations

in detachments. We should select trustworthy officers to give

close and strict protection, and you should temporarily reside

in the Tsung-li-Yamên, pending future arrangements for your

return home, in order to preserve friendly relations intact

from beginning to end. But at the time of leaving the

Legations there must on no account whatever be taken any

single armed soldier, in order to prevent doubt and fear on

the part of the troops and people, leading to untoward

incidents. If your Excellencies are willing to show this

confidence, we beg you to communicate with all the foreign

Ministers in Peking, to-morrow at noon being the limit of

time, and to let the original messenger deliver the reply in

order that we may settle the day for leaving the Legations.

This is the single way of preserving relations which we have

been able to devise in the face of innumerable difficulties.

If no reply is received by the time fixed, even our affection

will not enable us to help you.

Compliments.

(Signed) Prince Ching and others.

July 14, 1900.'

{125}

"Following as it did immediately after the attack on the

French Legation, which reduced it to ruins, the letter did not

lack for impudence. 'Boxers' had driven back our troops,

'Militia,' not 'Boxers,' had been attacking us in Peking. The

letter was read with derision. It was interpreted as a

guileless attempt to seduce the Ministers away from their

Legations and massacre them at ease. News we heard

subsequently had just reached the Chinese of the taking of

Tien-tsin city. … On the 15th a reply was sent declining on

the part of the foreign representatives the invitation to

proceed to the Tsung-li-Yamên, and pointing out that no

attacks had been made by our troops, who were only defending

the lives and property of foreigners against the attacks of

Chinese Government troops. The reply concluded with a

statement that if the Chinese Government wished to negotiate

they should send a responsible official with a white flag. …

"The morning of the 16th opened with a disaster. Captain

Strouts, the senior British officer, was shot while returning

from the outposts in the Fu. He was struck in the upper part

of the left thigh by an expanding bullet, and died an hour

after being brought into the hospital, to the grief of the

entire community. … While shells were bursting in the trees,

and amid the crack of rifle bullets, the brave young fellow to

whose gallant defence we all owed so much was laid to rest. …

While the service was proceeding a messenger bearing a flag of

truce was approaching the gate. … The letter was from 'Prince

Ching and others.' It explained that the reason for suggesting

the removal of the Legations to the Tsung-li-Yamên was that

the Chinese Government could afford more efficient protection

to the members of the Legations if concentrated than if

scattered as at present. As the foreign Ministers did not

agree, however, the Chinese would as in duty bound do their

utmost to protect the Legations where they were. (While the

latter sentence was being read the translator had to raise his

voice in order that it should be heard above the crack of the

Imperial rifle bullets.) They would bring reinforcements and

continue their endeavours to prevent the 'Boxers' from firing,

and they trusted that the foreign Ministers on their part

would restrain their troops also from firing.

"By the same messenger a cipher message was brought to Mr.

Conger, the American Minister. It said:—'Communicate tidings

bearer.' It was in the State Department cipher and had no date

or indication by whom it had been sent. Mr. Conger replied in the

same cipher:—'For one month we have been besieged in British

Legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.

Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' When

forwarding his reply he asked that it should be sent to the

address from which the other had come, which address had not

been communicated to him. Next day the Yamên sent him an

answer saying that his message had been forwarded and

explaining that the telegram sent to him had been contained in

a telegram from Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese Minister at

Washington, dated July 11. This telegram read:—'The United

States cheerfully aid China, but it is thinking of Mr.

Minister Conger. The Hon. Secretary of State inquires after

him by telegram, which I beg to be transmitted to him and get

his reply.' From this we could well imagine what specious

assurances had been given to Mr. Hay by Wu Ting Fang's bland

assurances that there had been a most regrettable outbreak on

the part of lawless bands in the north of China which the

Government was vainly struggling to cope with. … From July 17

there was a cessation of hostilities; not that men were not

wounded afterwards and Christian coolies fired upon whenever

they showed themselves, but the organized attacks ceased and

the Krupp guns were muzzled. Fearing treachery, however, we

relaxed none of our vigilance. Trenches were cut where mines

might have been driven. All walls and shelters were so

strengthened as to be practically shell-proof. Our

preparations were purely defensive. On their part the Chinese

also continued work at their barricades. From their barricade

on the top of the wall near the German Legation they advanced

westward so that they could fire directly down into the German

Legation and pick off men going up the steps of the Minister's

house. They built a wall with loop-holes across

Legation-street not 20 yards from the Russian barricade. In

nearly every position the enemy were so close that you could

shoot into the muzzles of their rifles thrust through the

loop-holes. The cordon was still drawn tightly round us, and

we were penned in to prevent our acting in co-operation with

the troops who were coming to our relief. No provisions were

permitted to reach us, but a few eggs for the women and

children were surreptitiously sold us by Chinese soldiers. All

were on reduced rations, the allowance for the 2,750 native

Christians whom we had to provide for being barely sufficient

to save them from starvation. Their sufferings were very

great, the mortality among the children and the aged pitiful.

No one could have foreseen that within the restricted limits

of the besieged area, with the food supply therein obtainable,

473 civilians (of these 414—namely, 191 men, 147 women, 76

children—were inside the British Legation), a garrison of 400

men, 2,750 refugees, and some 400 native servants could have

sustained a siege of two entire months. Providentially in the

very centre of Legation-street there was a mill with a large

quantity of grain which turned out 900 lb. of flour a day

divided between the hotel and the Legation. One day the

Tsung-li-Yamên insultingly sent us a present of 1,000 lb. of

flour and some ice and vegetables, but no one would venture to

eat the flour, fearing that it might be poisoned.

Communications now passed almost daily with the Tsung-li-Yamên

or with the officials whose despatches were signed 'Prince

Ching and others.' On July 17, Sir Claude MacDonald replied to

the suggestion that the Ministers would restrain their troops

from firing upon the Chinese. He said that from the first the

foreign troops had acted entirely in self-defence, and would

continue to do so. But the Chinese must understand that

previous events had led to a want of confidence and that if

barricades were erected or troops moved in the vicinity of the

Legations the foreign guards would be obliged to fire. In the

afternoon the Chinese replied, reviewing the situation and

ascribing the hostilities to the attacks previously made by

the Legation guards. They noted with satisfaction that a

cessation of firing was agreed to on both sides, but suggested

that as foreign soldiers had been firing from the city wall

east of the Chien Mên, they should be removed from that

position.

{126}

Next day, Sir Claude MacDonald replied with a review of the

situation from the foreign point of view. … He hoped that

mutual confidence would gradually be restored, but meanwhile

he again pointed out that cessation of hostile preparations as

well as firing was necessary on the part of the Chinese troops

to secure that the foreign troops should cease firing. As for

the suggestion that the foreign troops should leave the city

wall, it was impossible to accede to it, because a great part

of the attacks on the Legations had been made from the wall.

He concluded by suggesting that sellers of fruit and ice

should be allowed to come in. They were never permitted to

come in. It was clear, however, that events were happening

elsewhere to cause alarm in the Imperial Court. On the

afternoon of the first day of what might be called the

armistice M Pelliot, a French gentleman from Tongking, entered

the Chinese lines and to the great anxiety of all was absent five

hours. He was taken by soldiers to a yamên of one of the big

generals—he knew not which—was plied with questions which,

speaking some Chinese, he could answer, and was sent back

unmolested with an escort of 15 soldiers 'to protect him

against the Boxers.' This unusual clemency was interpreted

favourably. It was clear that the Chinese had sustained a

severe defeat and that relief was coming. Next day direct

communication was for the first time held with an official of

the Tsung-li-Yamên. A secretary named Wen Jui came to the

Legation to see Sir Claude MacDonald and was received by the

Minister outside the gate, not being permitted to enter. He

said that the regrettable occurrences were due to 'local

banditti,' that the Government had great concern to protect

the foreigners, that Baron von Ketteler's body had been

recovered from the hands of the 'local banditti' who had

murdered him and been enclosed in a valuable coffin. He urged

that the maintenance of foreign troops on the city was

unnecessary and that they should be withdrawn. It was pointed

out to him that, as we had been very continuously shelled from

the city wall both from the Ha-ta Mên and the Chien Mên, it

would be inadvisable to retire. Asked to send copies of the

'Peking Gazette,' he hesitated a moment and then stammered

that he really had not himself seen the 'Peking Gazette' for a

long time, but he would inquire and see if they could be

bought. He never came back and never sent a 'Gazette.' His

name was Wen Jui. When we did obtain copies of the 'Gazette'

it was interesting to find two items that must have been

especially unpleasant for him to have us know. On June 24, by

Imperial decree, leaders were appointed to the 'Boxers,' or

'patriotic militia.' Among the chiefs was Wen Jui.

"The visit of Wen Jui was on the 18th. Up to the time of his

visit, though more than four weeks had passed since the

assassination, no allusion of any kind whatever had been made

in any 'Peking Gazette' to the murder of Baron van Ketteler.

Then the Empress-Dowager, yielding to her fears, published an

allusion to the murder. Will the German Emperor rest satisfied

with the tardy official reference to the brutal assassination

of his Minister by an Imperial officer? 'Last month the

Chancellor of the Japanese Legation was killed. This was,

indeed, most unexpected. Before this matter had been settled

the German Minister was killed. Suddenly meeting this affair

caused us deep grief. We ought vigorously to seek the murderer

and punish him.' No more. The date July 18; the murder June

20!

"Yet even in this decree there was a complete 'volte-face.'

Missionaries who were by the decree of July 2 'to be at once

driven away to their own countries' were by the decree of July

18 'to be protected in every province,' 'to be protected

without the least carelessness.' The truculence and

belligerence of the decrees issued when our troops had been

driven back had disappeared; the tone now was one of

justification and conciliation. Only one interpretation was

possible—that the Chinese had been defeated. Confirmation came

the same day. A messenger sent out by the Japanese

successfully passed the enemy's lines and brought us the news

that we had so long awaited. … By the same messenger a letter

was received by the French Minister. … The same messenger also

brought to the Belgian Minister a despatch from his Consul at

Tien-tsin. … Days followed quietly now, though 'sniping' did

not cease. Several casualties occurred among the garrison. A

Russian was killed and an Austrian wounded; an Italian wounded

and also a Japanese. In the Fu it was still dangerous for the

Christian refugees to move about, and several were hit and two

killed. But the Yamên became more and more conciliatory, until

we could gauge the advance of the reliefs by the degree of

apology in their despatches. But all supplies were rigorously

cut off, and the sufferings of the Christians were acute. …

"On the 22nd Sir Robert Hart received a despatch from the

Tsung-li-Yamên. They naïvely remarked that it was now one

month since they had heard from him, and his silence gave them

concern for his welfare. Moreover, a report had just reached them

that his house had been burned, but they expressed the hope

that he and al his staff were well. Another despatch requested

his advice upon a Customs question that had arisen in

Shanghai. Sir Robert Hart wrote a dignified reply. For more

than a month, he said, he had been a refugee in the British

Legation with all his staff, having had to flee from his house

without warning; that all Customs records and papers, and

every paper and letter of value that he had accumulated during

a lifetime, had been destroyed; that not only his house, but

some 19 other buildings in the occupation of his staff had

been burned with all their contents; that the acting postal

secretary had been killed by a shell, and two other members of

his staff—Mr. Richardson and Mr. Macoun—had been wounded by

bullets. …

"Meanwhile, the armistice continued, if armistice it can be

called where true armistice there was none. Desultory firing

continued, and sniping was still the chief pastime at the

Chinese outposts. Friendly relations were, however, opened

with some Chinese soldiers in the Fu. A Japanese Volunteer

established a bureau of intelligence to which the enemy's

soldiers had access. One soldier was especially communicative,

and earned high reward for the valuable information that he

conveyed to us. For a week from July 26 to August 2 daily

bulletins based upon this information of the advance of the

relief column were posted on the bell tower of the British

Legation.

{127}

An unbroken series of victories was attending our relief

forces. … Letters were given to the soldier to take to the

General of the relief column, and a reward offered if an

answer should be brought next day, but no answer was ever

brought. Our informant had brought the armies along too

quickly. He was compelled to send them back. Accordingly on

the 31st he made the Chinese recapture Chang-chia-wan, killing

60 of the foreigners; advancing upon Matou he killed 70

foreigners more, and drove them back to An-ping. Next day he

drove the foreigners disastrously back to Tien-tsin with a

loss of 1,000. The day was equally disastrous to himself. Our

informant had killed the goose that lay the golden egg. For a

messenger arrived on that day with letters from Tien-tsin,

dated July 30, informing us that a large force was on the

point of leaving for our relief. … Meanwhile, while our

informant was marching our relief backwards and forwards to

Tien-tsin, Prince Ching and others were vainly urging the

Ministers to leave Peking, but whether they left Peking or not

they were to hand over the Christian refugees now under the

protection of the Legations to the mercies of the Government,

which had issued a decree commanding that they be exterminated

unless they recanted their errors. In other communications

Prince Ching 'and others' urged that the foreign Ministers

should telegraph to their Government 'en clair' lying reports

of the condition of affairs in Peking.

Two days after the cessation of hostilities Prince Ching 'and

others' sent a despatch to Sir Claude MacDonald to the effect

that it was impossible to protect the Ministers in Peking

because 'Boxers' were gathering from all points of the

compass, and that nothing would satisfy them (the 'Boxers')

but the destruction of the Legations, and that the Ministers

would be given safe conduct to Tien-tsin. Sir Claude, in

reply, asked why it was that protection could be given to the

Ministers on the way to Tien-tsin and yet could not be given

to them while in the Legations in Peking. Prince Ching 'and

others' replied: 'July 25, 1900. … As to the inquiry what

difference there is between giving protection in the city or

on the road, and why it is possible to give it in the latter,

there is only an apparent discrepancy. For the being in the

city is permanent, the being on the road is temporary. If all

the foreign Ministers are willing to temporarily retire we

should propose the route to Tung-chau and thence by boat down

stream to Tien-tsin, which could be reached in only two days.

No matter what difficulties there might be a numerous body of

troops would be sent, half by water to form a close escort,

half by road to keep all safe for a long way on both banks.

Since the time would be short we can guarantee that there

would be no mishap. It is otherwise with a permanent residence

in Peking, where it is impossible to foretell when a disaster

may occur.' … In the envelope which brought this letter were

two other communications of the same guileless nature. 'On

July 24,' said the first, 'we received a telegram from Mr.

Warren, British Consul-General in Shanghai, to the effect that

while China was protecting the Legations no telegram had been

received from the British Minister, and asking the Yamên to

transmit Sir C. M. MacDonald's telegram to Shanghai. As in

duty bound we communicate the above, and beg you to send a

telegram "en clair" to the Yamên for transmission.' Tender

consideration was shown for us in the second letter:—'For the

past month and more military affairs have been very pressing.

Your Excellency and other Ministers ought to telegraph home

that your families are well in order to soothe anxiety, but at

the present moment peace is not yet restored, and your

Legation telegrams must be wholly "en clair," stating that all

is well, without touching on military affairs. Under those

conditions the Yamên can transmit them. The writers beg that

your Excellency will communicate this to the other foreign

Ministers.'

"Evasive replies were given to these communications. … Our

position at this time compelled us to temporize. We knew from

the alteration in tone of the Chinese despatches that they had

suffered defeats and were growing alarmed, but we did not know

how much longer international jealousies or difficulties of

obtaining transport were to delay the departure of the troops

for Tien-tsin. … Though now nominally under the protection of

an armistice sniping still continued, especially in the Fu,

into any exposed portion of the besieged area. … The Chinese

worked on continuously at their fortifications. … Finding that

the Ministers declined to telegraph to their Governments 'en

clair' that all was well with the Legations, the

Tsung-li-Yamên wrote to Sir Robert Hart asking him to send

home a telegram in the sense they suggested. Sir Robert

replied diplomatically, 'If I were to wire the truth about the

Legations I should not be believed.'

"A malevolent attempt was next made by the Chinese to obtain

possession of the refugees who were in our safe keeping. On

July 27 they wrote to Sir Claude MacDonald saying that 'they

hear that there are lodged at the Legations a considerable

number of converts, and that, as 'the space is limited and

weather hot, they suggest that they must be causing the

Legations considerable inconvenience. And now that people's

minds are quieted, these converts can all be sent out and go

about their ordinary avocations. They need not have doubts or

fears. If you concur, an estimate should be made of the

numbers and a date fixed for letting them out. Then all will

be in harmony.' The reply of the diplomatic body was to the

effect that while they were considering the two last

letters—one offering safe conduct to Tien-tsin and the other

declaring that the converts might leave the Legations in

perfect security—heavy firing was heard in the direction of

the Pei-tang, which was evidently being attacked in force;

that yesterday and last night a barricade was built across the

North Bridge, from behind which shots are being continuously

fired into the British Legation. The French and Russian

Legations are also being fired upon. As all this seems

inconsistent with the above letters, an explanation is asked

for before further consideration is given to the offer.

Promptly the Yamên sent its explanation. The Pei-tang

refugees, it seemed, who were starving, had made a sortie to

obtain food. And they had fired upon the people. 'A decree,'

it went on to say, 'has now been requested to the effect that

if the converts do not come out to plunder they are to be

protected and not to be continually attacked, for they also

are the children of the State. This practice (of continually

firing upon the converts) will thus be gradually stopped.'

{128}

Such a callous reply was read with indignation, and there was

not the slightest intention on the part of any Minister to

leave Peking. Yet on the 4th of August a decree was issued

appointing Yung Lu to conduct the foreign Ministers safely to

Tien-tsin 'in order once more to show the tenderness of the

Throne for the men from afar.' …

"On August 10, Friday, a messenger succeeded in passing the

enemy's lines, and brought us letters from General Gaselee and

General Fukushima. A strong relief force was marching to

Peking, and would arrive here if nothing untoward happened on

the 13th or 14th. Our danger then was that the enemy would

make a final effort to rush the Legations before the arrival

of reinforcements. And the expected happened. …

"Yesterday [August 13] passed under a continuous fusillade

which increased during the night. Then at 3 on this morning we

were all awakened by the booming of guns in the east and by

the welcome sound of volley firing. Word flew round that 'the

foreign troops are at the city wall and are shelling the East

Gate.' At daylight most of us went on to the wall, and

witnessed the shelling of the Great East Gate. We knew that

the allies would advance in separate columns, and were on the

qui vive of excitement, knowing that at any moment now the

troops might arrive. Luncheon, the hard luncheon of horse

flesh, came on, and we had just finished when the cry rang

through the Legation, 'The British are coming,' and there was

a rush to the entrance and up Canal-street towards the Water

Gate. The stalwart form of the general and his staff were

entering by the Water Gate, followed by the 1st Regiment of

Sikhs and the 7th Rajputs. They passed down Canal-street, and

amid a scene of indescribable emotion marched to the British

Legation. The siege has been raised.

"Peking, August 15. On reading over my narrative of the siege

I find that in the hurry and confusion of concluding my report

I have omitted one or two things that I had wished to say. In

the first place, I find that I have not in any adequate way

expressed the obligation of all those confined in the British

Legation to the splendid services done by the Reverend F. D.

Gamewell, of the American Episcopal Mission [who was educated

as a civil engineer at Troy and Cornell], to whom was due the

designing and construction of all our defences, and who

carried out in the most admirable manner the ideas and

suggestions of our Minister, Sir Claude MacDonald. To the

Reverend Frank Norris, of the Society for the Propagation of

the Gospel, our thanks are also specially due. He

superintended, often under heavy fire, the construction of

defences in the Prince's Fu and in other exposed places,

working always with a courage and energy worthy of admiration.

He was struck in the neck once by a segment of a shell, but

escaped marvellously from serious injury. He speaks Chinese

well, and Chinese worked under him with a fearlessness that

few men can inspire. In the second place, I noticed that I

have not sufficiently recorded the valuable services rendered

by Mr. H. G. Squiers, the First Secretary of the American

Legation, who on the death of Captain Strouts became Chief of

the Staff to Sir Claude MacDonald. He had been for 15 years in

the United States cavalry, and his knowledge and skill and the

resolution with which he inspired his small body of men will

not readily be forgotten. …

"To-day the Pei-tang Cathedral was relieved. Bishops, priests,

and sisters had survived the siege and, thanks to the

wonderful foresight of Bishop Favier, the Christians had been

spared from starvation. Japanese coming down from the north of

the city relieved the cathedral; French, British, and Russians

from the south arrived as the siege was raised. Mines had been

employed with deadly effect. The guards had lost five French

killed and five Italians. Some 200 of the Christians had

perished."

London Times,

October 13 and 15, 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Upright conduct of the Chinese Viceroys in

the Yang-tsze provinces.

In his annual message of December 3, 1900, to Congress,

referring to the occurrences in China, the President of the

United States remarked with much justice: "It is a relief to

recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the

viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern

provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the

pacific control of the vast populations under their rule and

to the scrupulous observance of foreign treaty rights. At

critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the

Throne, urging the protection of the legations, the

restoration of communication, and the assertion of the

Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They

maintained excellent relations with the official

representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition

is largely due the success of the consuls in removing many of

the missionaries from the interior to places of safety." The

viceroys especially referred to in this are Chang Chih-tung

and Liu Kun-yi, often referred to as "the Yang-tsze viceroys."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).

Speech of German Emperor to troops departing to China,

commanding no quarter.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).

American troops sent to co-operate with those of other Powers.

Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.

Death of Colonel Liscum.

Reported massacre of foreign Ministers and others in Peking.

The long month of dread suspense.

Overtures from Earl Li Hung-chang for negotiation.

"On the 26th of June Major Gen. Adna R Chaffee, U. S. V., was

appointed to the command of the American forces in China. He

embarked from San Francisco on the 1st of July, reached

Nagasaki on the 24th, and Taku, China, on the 28th. … On

reaching Nagasaki he received the following instructions,

dated, … July 19: 'Secretary War directs that you proceed at

once with transport Grant, Sixth Cavalry, and Marines to Taku,

China, and take command of American land forces, which will be

an independent command known as the China relief expedition.

You will find there the Ninth and Fourteenth Infantry, one

battery of the Fifth Artillery, and one battalion of Marines.

Sumner sailed from San Francisco July 17 with Second Battalion

of Fifteenth Infantry and recruits to capacity of vessel.

{129}

Reinforcements will follow to make your force in the immediate

future up to 5,000, and very soon to 10,000. … Reports now

indicate that American Minister with all the legation have

been destroyed in Pekin. Chinese representative here, however,

insists to the contrary, and there is, therefore, a hope which

you will not lose sight of until certainty is absolute. It is

the desire of this Government to maintain its relations of

friendship with the part of Chinese people and Chinese

officials not concerned in outrages on Americans. Among these

we consider Li Hung Chang, just appointed viceroy of Chili.

You will to the extent of your power aid the Government of

China, or any part thereof, in repressing such outrages and in

rescuing Americans, and in protecting American citizens and

interests, and wherever Chinese Government fails to render

such protection you will do all in your power to supply it.

Confer freely with commanders of other national forces, act

concurrently with them, and seek entire harmony of action

along the lines of similar purpose and interest. There

should be full and free conference as to operations before

they are entered upon. You are at liberty to agree with them

from time to time as to a common official direction of the

various forces in their combined operations, preserving,

however, the integrity of your own American division, ready to

be used as a separate and complete organization. Much must be

left to your wise discretion and that of the admiral. At all

times report fully and freely to this Department your wants

and views. The President has to-day appointed you

major-general of volunteers.' …

"In the meantime the Ninth Infantry, from Manila, reached Taku

on the 6th of July. Two battalions of that regiment, under

Colonel Liscum, pressed forward to Tientsin, reaching that

point on the 11th, and on the 13th took part with the British,

French, and Japanese forces in an attack upon the southwest

part of the walled city of Tientsin, which had been rendered

necessary by the persistent shelling of the foreign quarters,

outside of the walls, on the part of the Chinese troops

occupying the city. Colonel Liscum's command formed part of a

brigade under General Dorward, of the British army, and was

assigned to the duty of protecting the flank of the allied

forces. In the performance of that duty it maintained a

position under heavy fire for fifteen hours, with a loss of 18

killed and 77 wounded. Among the killed was the gallant

Colonel Liscum, who thus ended an honorable service of nearly

forty years, commencing in the ranks of the First Vermont

Infantry at the outbreak of the civil war, and distinguished

by unvarying courage, fidelity, and high character. The

regiment was withdrawn from its position on the night of the

13th, and on the morning of the 14th the native city was

captured, and the southeast quarter was assigned to the

American forces for police and protection. …

"At the time of the capture of Tientsin the most positive and

circumstantial accounts of the massacre of all the ministers

and members of the legations in Pekin, coming apparently from

Chinese sources, had been published, and were almost

universally believed. The general view taken by the civilized

world of the duty to be performed in China was not that the

living representatives of the Western powers in Pekin were to

be rescued, but that their murder was to be avenged and their

murderers punished. In the performance of that duty time and

rapidity of movement were not especially important. The

resolution of the commanders of the allied forces,

communicated by Admiral Kempff on the 8th of July, to the

effect that 80,000 men would be required—20,000 to hold the

position from Taku to Tientsin and 60,000 to march to Pekin,

while not more than 40,800 troops were expected to have

arrived by the middle of August, practically abandoned all

expectation of rescuing the ministers and members of the

legations alive, for it proposed that after the middle of

August any forward movement should be still deferred until

40,000 more troops had arrived. On the 11th of July, however,

the American Secretary of State secured, through the Chinese

minister at Washington, the forwarding of a dispatch in the

State Department cipher to the American minister at Pekin, and

on the 20th of July, pursuant to the same arrangement, an

answer in cipher was received from Minister Conger, as

follows: 'For one month we have been besieged in British

legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.

Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' This dispatch

from Mr. Conger was the first communication received by any

Western power from any representative in Pekin for about a

month, and although it was at first received in Europe with

some incredulity, it presented a situation which plainly

called for the urgency of a relief expedition rather than for

perfection of preparation. It was made the basis of urgent

pressure for an immediate movement upon Pekin, without waiting

for the accumulation of the large force previously proposed."

United States, Secretary of War,

Annual Report, November 30, 1900,

pages 14-16, 19-20.

As mentioned above, in the instructions of the American

government to General Chaffee, the veteran Chinese statesman

and diplomat, Earl Li Hung-chang, well known in Europe and

America, had now been recalled by the Peking government to the

viceroyalty of Chili, from which he was removed six years

before, and had been given the authority of a plenipotentiary

to negotiate with the allied Powers. He addressed a proposal

to the latter, to the effect that the Ministers in Peking

would be delivered, under safe escort, at Tientsin, if the

allies would refrain from advancing their forces to Peking.

The reply from all the governments concerned was substantially

the same as that made by the United States, in the following

terms: "The government will not enter into any arrangement

regarding disposition or treatment of legations without first

having free communication with Minister Conger. Responsibility

for their protection rests upon Chinese government. Power to

deliver at Tientsin presupposes power to protect and to open

communication. This is insisted on." Earl Li then asked

whether, "if free communication were established, it could be

arranged that the Powers should not advance pending

negotiations," and was told in reply: "Free communication with

our representatives in Peking is demanded as a matter of

absolute right, and not as a favor. Since the Chinese

government admits that it possesses the power to give

communication, it puts itself in an unfriendly attitude by

denying it. No negotiations seem advisable until the Chinese

government shall have put the diplomatic representatives of

the Powers in full and free communication with their

respective governments, and removed all danger to their lives

and liberty."

{130}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July-August).

Boxer attack on the Russians in Manchuria,

and Russian retaliation.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August).

Appointment of Count Waldersee to command the allied forces.

Field-Marshal Count von Waldersee, appointed to command the

German forces sent to China, being of higher military rank

than any other of the commanding officers in that country, was

proposed for the general command of the allied armies, and

accepted as such. Before his arrival in China, however, many

of the American, Russian, and some other troops, had been

withdrawn.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 4-16).

The advance of the allied forces on Peking and the capture

of the city.

The following is from the report of General Chaffee,

commanding the American forces in the allied movement from

Tientsin, to rescue the beleaguered Legations at Peking: "On

my arrival at Tientsin I called on the various generals

commanding troops, and on August 1 a conference of generals

was held at the headquarters of Lieutenant-General Linivitch,

of the Russian army. Present at the conference were the

commanding general of the Russian army and his chief of staff;

Lieutenant-General Yamagutchi and his chief of staff;

Major-General Fukushima, of the Japanese army;

Lieutenant-General Gaselee, of the British army, and his chief

of staff, General Barrow; General Frey, of the French army; the

Germans were also represented by an officer of the German

navy; myself and Major Jesse M. Lee, Ninth Infantry, and

Lieutenant Louis M. Little, of the marines, who speaks French.

The purpose of this conference was to decide whether the

armies were ready to make a movement for the relief of Pekin.

It was disclosed in the conference that the Japanese, whose

forces occupied the right bank of the river in and about

Tientsin, where also were located the British and American

forces, had by various patrols determined that the Chinese

were in considerable force in the vicinity of Pei-tsang, about

7 miles distance up the river from Tientsin, and that they

were strengthening their position by earthworks extending from

the right bank of the river westward something like 3 miles,

and from the left bank east to the railroad embankment was

also being strengthened. The forces were variously estimated,

from reports of Chinese, at from 10,000 to 12,000 men in the

vicinity of Pei-tsang, with large bodies to the rearward as

far as Yangtsun, where it was reported their main line of

defenses would be encountered.

"The first question submitted for decision was 'whether a

movement should be made at once,' which was decided in the

affirmative, two Powers only dissenting, and these not

seriously, as their doubt seemed to be that the force we could

put in movement was not sufficiently strong to meet the

opposition that might be expected. The decision was that the

attack should be made on Sunday, August 5, and as the

Japanese, British, and American forces occupied the right bank

of the river, the Russians the left, the attack should be made

without change of situation of the troops, the British to send

four heavy guns to aid the Russian column. The strategy on the

right bank of the river was left to the determination of the

British, American, and Japanese generals. The force reported

to the conference as available for the movement was: Japanese,

about 8,000; Russian, 4,800; British, about 3,000; American,

2,100; French, 800. With special effort on the part of

Captains Byron and Wood, Reilly's battery was gotten to

Tientsin August 3 and assembled. We were also able to make one

pack train available on the 4th, just in time to march with

the column. The marines and Sixth Cavalry were gotten off the

'Grant' and to Tientsin August 3. The presence of the Sixth

Cavalry at Tientsin, dismounted, enabled me to take all

available men of the Ninth and Fourteenth, also all the

marines except one company 100 strong, left to assist the

civil government of the city. By arrangement prior to my

arrival the officers selected to establish a civil government

for Tientsin were to be allowed a military force, of which the

United States should furnish 100. I was compelled, of course,

to leave the Sixth Cavalry, because the horses had not

arrived. … The troops moved out from the city of Tientsin

during the afternoon and night of August 4 and bivouacked in

the vicinity of Si-ku arsenal, the same that was taken by

Admiral Seymour in his retrograde movement."

The Chinese were driven from the Arsenal by the Japanese,

before whom they also fell back from Pei-tsang, and the first

serious battle was fought at Yang-tsun, on the 6th. Having

rested at Yang-tsun and cared for its sick and wounded, on the

7th, the army moved forward on the 8th, encountered slight

resistance at Shang-shia-wan on the 11th, found Tong-chow

abandoned, on the 12th, and reached Pekin on the 14th, having

suffered more from heat, fatigue, and the want of potable

water on the march, than from "Boxers" or imperial troops.

Returning now to the report of General Chaffee, we take from

it his account of the final movement to the walls of Pekin, of

the forcing of the gates and of the clearing of Chinese troops

from the city: "The Japanese when taking possession of

Tong-Chow in the morning [of the 12th] advanced troops toward

Pekin for a distance of 6½ miles. It was finally agreed that

the next day, the 13th, should be devoted to reconnaissance;

the Japanese should reconnoiter on the two roads to the right

or north of the paved road which is just north of the canal;

the Russians on the paved road, if at all; the Americans to

reconnoiter on the road just south of the canal; the British a

parallel road 1½ miles to the left of the road occupied by the

Americans. On the 14th the armies should be concentrated on

the advance line held by the Japanese, and that that evening a

conference should be held to determine what the method of

attack on Pekin should be. On the morning of the 13th I

reconnoitered the road to be occupied by the Americans with

Troop M, Sixth Cavalry, Reilly's battery, and the Fourteenth

Infantry up to the point specified in our agreement, or about

7 miles from Tong-Chow. Finding no opposition, I directed the

remainder of my force to march out and close in on the advance

guard. This force arrived at midnight. The British

reconnoitered their road with some cavalry. The Japanese

reconnoitered their front and also the front which properly

belonged to the Russians.

{131}

"For reasons unknown to me the Russians left their camp at

Tong-Chow about the time that my troops were marching to close

on my advance guard. They followed the road which had been

assigned to them, and about nine o'clock heavy firing was

heard in the vicinity of Pekin. It was the next day

ascertained that they had moved forward during the previous

evening and had attacked the 'Tong-pien-men Gate,' an east

gate of the city near where the Chinese wall joins the Tartar

wall. Very heavy artillery and considerable small-arm firing

was continued throughout the night. At the time of the

occurrence I supposed the firing to be the last efforts of the

Chinese troops to destroy the legations. …

"The 14th being the day decided upon for the concentration on

the line 7 miles from Tong-Chow, I made no preparations for

carrying on any operations beyond a small reconnaissance by a

troop of cavalry to my front, which duty I assigned to Captain

Cabell. … My cavalry had been absent not more than an hour,

when Mr. Lowry, the interpreter who had accompanied it, raced

back and informed me that Captain Cabell was surrounded by

Chinese cavalry. I immediately ordered a battalion of the

Fourteenth Infantry to fall in, and we went forward about a

mile and a half and found Captain Cabell occupying some

houses, firing from the roofs on a village in his front. I

insisted on the French troops giving me the road, which they

reluctantly did. Having joined Cabell, I continued the

reconnaissance to my front, wishing to get as near the wall of

the city as I could, but not expecting to move my whole force,

which was contrary to the agreement at Tong-Chow on the

evening of August 12. Without serious opposition we arrived at

the northeast corner of the Chinese city, having brushed away

some Chinese troops or 'Boxers' that fired from villages to

our left and front. About 10 o'clock I saw the advantage of

holding the ground that I had obtained, and directed all my

force to move forward, as I had then become aware of Russian

troops being in action on my right, and could also hear the

Japanese artillery farther to the right. My left flank at this

time was uncovered, except by a small force of British

cavalry. The British troops did not advance from Tong-Chow

until the 14th, owing to the agreement previously referred to.

On that day they marched for the line of concentration and

found my force advancing on Pekin. At noon a British battery

was at work a mile to my left and rear.

"At 11 a. m. two companies of the Fourteenth Infantry, under

the immediate command of Colonel Daggett, had scaled the wall

of the Chinese city at the northeast corner, and the flag of

that regiment was the first foreign colors unfurled upon the

walls surrounding Pekin. The two companies on the wall, with

the assistance of the troops facing the wall, drove away the

Chinese defenders from the corner to the east gate of the

Chinese city, where the British entered without opposition

later in the day. About noon it was reported to me that the

Russians had battered open 'Tung-pien-men gate' during the

night and had effected an entrance there. I arrived at the

gate soon afterwards and found in the gate some of the

Fourteenth Infantry, followed by Reilly's battery. The Russian

artillery and troops were in great confusion in the passage,

their artillery facing in both directions, and I could see no

effort being made to extricate themselves and give passage

into the city. One company of the Fourteenth Infantry deployed

itself in the buildings to the right of the gate and poured

effective fire onto the Tartar wall. Captain Reilly got two

guns through a very narrow passage to his left, tearing down a

wall to do so, and found a position a few yards to the left of

the road where he could enfilade the Tartar wall, section by

section, with shrapnel. The Fourteenth Infantry crossed the

moat and, taking position paralleling the moat, deployed along

a street facing the Tartar wall, and with the aid of the

artillery swept it of Chinese troops. In this way, gradually

working to the westward, the Tartar wall was cleared of

opposition to the 'Bait-men gate' and beyond.

"Orders were sent to the Ninth to follow up the movement of

the Fourteenth Infantry and Reilly's battery as soon as the

wall was cleared of Chinese; also to follow the movement to

the 'Chien-men' gate of the Tartar city. The marines were to

follow the general movement, but later were ordered to protect

the train. At about 3 o'clock p. m. our advance had arrived

opposite the legations, the fire of the Chinese having

practically ended, and we drew over to the Tartar wall and

entered the legation grounds with the Fourteenth Infantry by

the 'water gate or moat,' Reilly's battery passing through the

'Chien-men' gate, which was opened by the American and Russian

marines of the besieged force. The Fourteenth Infantry was

selected on this occasion in recognition of gallantry at

Yang-tsun and during this day. The British troops entered at

the 'Shahuo' gate of the Chinese city, and following a road

through the center of the city to opposite the legations,

arrived there through the 'water gate or moat' in advance of

the United States troops. Having communicated with Minister

Conger, I withdrew the troops from the legation and camped

just outside near the Tartar wall for the night. My casualties

during the day were 8 enlisted men wounded in the Fourteenth

Infantry, 1 enlisted man wounded of Battery F, Fifth

Artillery, and 1 officer and 2 enlisted men wounded of the

marines. …

"I was informed by Mr. Conger that a portion of the imperial

city directly in front of the Chien-men gate had been used by

Chinese to fire on the legations, and I determined to force

the Chinese troops from this position. On the morning of the

15th I placed four guns of Reilly's battery on the Tartar wall

at Chien-men gate and swept the walls to the westward to the

next gate, there being some slight opposition in that

direction, supported by poor artillery. About 8 o'clock a. m.

the Chinese opened fire on us at Chien-men gate, from the

second gate of the imperial city north of Chien-men gate,

whereupon I directed an attack on the first gate to be made,

and in a short while Lieutenant Charles P. Summerall, of

Reilly's battery, had opened the door of this gate. Our troops

entered, and were met with a severe fire from the next gate,

about 600 yards distant. Fire was directed upon the second

gate with the battery and such of the infantry as could be

elevated on the Tartar wall and side walls of the imperial

city and act effectively. In the course of half an hour the

Chinese fire was silenced, and Colonel Daggett led forward his

regiment to the base of the second gate. Lieutenant Summerall

was directed to open this gate with artillery, which he did.

The course just indicated was pursued for four gates, the

Chinese troops being driven from each gate in succession, the

fourth gate being near what is known as the 'palace grounds,'

which is surrounded by the 'imperial guards.'

{132}

"At a conference that afternoon it was decided not to occupy

the imperial city, and I withdrew my troops into the camp

occupied the night before, maintaining my position on the

Tartar wall at Chien-men gate. The idea of not occupying the

imperial city was not concurred in by the ministers in a

conference held by them the next day. In their opinion the

imperial city should be occupied. It was later decided by the

generals to occupy the imperial grounds, and in consequence of

this decision I reoccupied the grounds we had won on the 15th,

placing the Ninth Infantry within as guard at the gate where

our attack ceased.

"During the 15th and the attack upon the gates referred to our

losses were 2 enlisted men killed and 4 wounded, Ninth

Infantry; 3 enlisted men killed and 14 wounded, Fourteenth

Infantry; 1 enlisted man, Battery F, Fifth Artillery, wounded.

At 8.50 o'clock a. m. of this date Captain Henry J. Reilly,

Fifth Artillery, was struck in the mouth and almost instantly

killed when standing at my left elbow observing the effect of

a shot from one of his guns by his side.

"At a conference of the generals on the afternoon of the 16th

the Chinese and Tartar cities were divided to the various

forces for police and protection of the inhabitants. The

United States troops were assigned to the west half of the

Chinese city and to that section of the Tartar city lying

between the Chien-men gate and Shun-chin gate of the south

wall of the Tartar city and north to the east and west street

through the Tartar city, being bounded upon the east by the

wall of the imperial city."

United States, Secretary of War,

Annual Report, November 30, 1900,

pages 61-71.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 5-16).

The horrors of the allied invasion.

Barbarity of some divisions of the army in the march

from Tien-tsin to Peking.

Murder, rape, pillage and destruction.

Of the conduct of some divisions of the allied army which

advanced from Tien-tsin, and which represented to "the heathen

Chinee" the civilized and Christian nations of Europe and the

Western world, a writer in "Scribner's Magazine," who

evidently shared the experience and witnessed the scenes of

the march, gives the following account: "The dreary stretches

through which the Pei-ho flows, never attractive to the

Western eye, presented, as the allied armies slowly traversed

them, a scene of indescribable desolation. … In a region which

usually contained a population of many millions, scarcely a

human being, besides those attached to the allied armies, was

to be seen. Towns and villages were completely deserted. In

China an ordinary town will have from one to three hundred

thousand inhabitants, while villages not of sufficient

importance to be designated on the maps, have populations

varying from ten to thirty thousand. These villages line the

banks of the Pei-ho and the main road to Peking by hundreds.

The troops were never entirely clear of them. … So hurried had

been the flight of the inhabitants that hundreds of houses

were left open, such household possessions that could not be

carried away being tousled about in great disorder. Of all

that dense population, only a few scattered hundreds of aged,

decrepit men and women, and some unfortunate cripples and

abandoned children, remained. A great majority of these were

ruthlessly slain. The Russians and Japanese shot or bayoneted

them without compunction. Their prayers for mercy availed not.

If these miserable unfortunates chanced to fall into the hands

of American or British troops they had a chance for their

lives, but even our armies are not free from these wanton

sacrifices. Every town, every village, every peasant's hut in

the path of the troops was first looted and then burned. A

stretch of country fully ten miles in width was thus swept.

Mounted 'flanks in the air' scoured far and wide, keen on the

scent of plunder, dark columns of smoke on the horizon

attesting their labors. In this merry task of chastising the

heathen Chinese, the Cossacks easily excelled. … Like an

avenging Juggernaut the Army of Civilization moved. Terror

strode before it; Death and Desolation sat and brooded in its

path. Through such scenes as these, day after day, the army

glided. A spirit of utter callousness took root, and enveloped

officers and men alike. Pathetic scenes passed without comment or

even notice. Pathos, involved in a riot of more violent

emotions, had lost its power to move."

T. F. Millard,

A Comparison of the Armies in China

(Scribner's Magazine, January, 1901).

Another eye witness, writing in the "Contemporary Review,"

tells the same sickening and shameful story, with more

vividness of description and detail: "As a rule," he remarks,

"the heathen Chinee suffers silently, and dies calmly. He has,

it is true, a deep-rooted hatred of war, and sometimes a

paralysing fear of being shot down in battle. But he takes

beheading, hanging, or death by torture with as much

resignation as did Seneca, and a great deal less fuss. And he

bears the loss of those near and dear to him with the same

serenity, heroism, or heartlessness. But he does not often

move to pity, and very seldom yearns for sympathy. The dire

sights which anyone might have witnessed during the months of

August and September in Northern China afforded admirable

illustrations of this aspect of the national character. The

doings of some of the apostles of culture were so heinous that

even the plea of their having been perpetrated upon wild savages

would not free them from the nature of crimes. I myself

remember how profoundly I was impressed when sailing on one

calm summer's day up to the bar of Taku towards the mouth of

the river Pei-ho. Dead bodies of Chinamen were floating

seawards, some with eyes agape and aghast, others with

brainless skulls and eyeless sockets, and nearly all of them

wearing their blue blouses, baggy trousers, and black glossy

pigtails. Many of them looked as if they were merely swimming

on their backs. …

{133}

"The next picture that engraved itself upon my memory had for

its frame the town of Tong-kew. … On the right bank [of the

Pei-ho] naked children were amusing themselves in the infected

water which covered them to the arm-pits, dancing, shouting,

splashing each other, turning somersaults, and intoxicating

themselves with the pure joy of living. A few yards behind

them lay their fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, dead,

unburied, mouldering away. On the left bank, which was also

but a few yards off, was the site of Tongkew: a vast expanse

of smoking rubbish heaps. Not a roof was left standing; hardly

a wall was without a wide breach; formless mounds of baked

mud, charred woodwork, and half-buried clothes were burning or

smouldering still. Here and there a few rootless dwellings

were left, as if to give an idea of what the town had been

before the torch of civilisation set it aflame. Everyone of

these houses, one could see, had been robbed, wrecked, and

wantonly ruined. All the inhabitants who were in the place

when the troops swept through had been swiftly sent to their

last account, but not yet to their final resting-place. Beside

the demolished huts, under the lengthening shadows of the

crumbling walls, on the thresholds of houseless doorways, were

spread out scores, hundreds of mats, pieces of canvas,

fragments of tarpaulin, and wisps of straw, which bulged

suspiciously upwards. At first one wondered what they could

have been put there for. But the clue was soon revealed. In

places where the soldiers had scamped their work, or prey

birds had been busy, a pair of fleshless feet or a plaited

pigtail protruding from the scanty covering satisfied any

curiosity which the passer-by could have felt after having

breathed the nauseating air. Near the motionless plumage of

the tall grass happy children were playing. Hard by an

uncovered corpse a group of Chinamen were carrying out the

orders they had received from the invaders. None of the living

seemed to heed the dead. …

"Feeling that I never know a man until I have been permitted

to see somewhat of his hidden springs of action and gauge the

depth or shallowness of his emotion, I set myself to get a

glance at what lay behind the mask of propriety which a

Chinaman habitually wears in Tongkew as in every other town

and village in the Empire. As soon as the ice seemed broken I

asked one smiling individual: 'Why do you stay here with the

slayers of your relatives and friends?' 'To escape their fate,

if we can,' was the reply. 'We may be killed at any time, but

while we live we must eat, and for food we have to work.'

'Were many of your people killed?' I inquired. 'Look there,'

he answered, pointing to the corpses in the vast over-ground

churchyard, 'and in the river there are many more. The

Russians killed every Chinaman they met. Of them we are in

great fear. They never look whether we have crosses or medals;

they shoot everyone.' 'You are a Christian, then?' I queried.

'Yea, a Christian,' he eagerly answered. 'And I,' 'And I,'

chimed in two others. Ten minutes' further conversation,

however, brought out the fact that they were Christians not

for conscience' sake but for safety, and they were sorely

afraid that they were leaning on a broken reed. The upshot of

what they had to tell me was that the Europeans, mainly the

Russians, looked upon them all as legitimate quarry, and

hounded them down accordingly. They and theirs, they declared,

had been shot in skirmishes, killed in sport, and bayoneted in

play.

"But the ever-recurring refrain of their narrative was the

massacre in cold blood of the three hundred coolies of Taku. …

The story has been often told since then, not merely in the

north but throughout the length and breadth of China. The

leading facts, as narrated on the spot, are these: Some three

hundred hard-working coolies eked out a very cheerless

existence by loading and unloading the steamers of all nations

which touched at Taku. For the convenience of both sides they

all cooped themselves up in one boat, which served them as a

permanent dwelling. When times were slack they were huddled

together there like herrings in a barrel, and when work was

brisk they toiled and moiled like galley slaves. Thus they

managed to get along, doing harm to no man and good to many.

The attack of the foreign troops upon Taku was the beginning

of their end. Hearing one day the sharp reports of rifle

shots, this peaceable and useful community was panic-stricken.

In order to save their dreary lives they determined to go ashore.

Strong in their weakness, and trusting in their character of

working men who abhorred war, they steered their boat

landwards. In an evil hour they were espied by the Russian

troops, who at that time had orders, it is said, to slay every

human being who wore a pigtail. Each of the three hundred

defenceless coolies at once became a target for Muscovite

bullets. It must have been a sickening sight when it was all

done. …

"The river Pei-ho, could it bear witness in words to the

dramas of blood enacted on its banks by Europeans, would have

many a tale to tell as grewsome as that of the slaughter of

the three hundred coolies. … I lived for twelve or thirteen

days on that foul river, and never was I more profoundly

impressed than by what I saw in its waters and on its banks.

The first day after I had left Tientsin I was towed by

untiring coolies through a land thickly studded over with what

had once been human dwellings, but were now high heaps of

smouldering rubbish. … A wave of death and desolation had

swept over the land, washing away the vestiges of Chinese

culture. Men, women, boys, girls, and babes in arms had been

shot, stabbed, and hewn to bits in this labyrinth of streets,

and now, on both banks of the river, reigned the peace

described by Tacitus. …

"Fire and sword had put their marks upon this entire country.

The untrampled corn was rotting in the fields, the pastures

were herdless, rootless the ruins of houses, the hamlets

devoid of inhabitants. In all the villages we passed the

desolation was the same. … The streets and houses of

war-blasted cities were also the scenes of harrowing

tragedies, calculated to sear and scar the memory even of the

average man who is not given to 'sickly sentimentality.' In

war they would have passed unnoticed; in times of peace

(hostilities were definitely over) they ought to have been

stopped by drastic measures, if mild means had proved

ineffectual. I speak as an eye-witness when I say, for

example, that over and over again the gutters of the city of

Tungtschau ran red with blood, and I sometimes found it

impossible to go my way without getting my boots bespattered

with human gore. There were few shops, private houses and

courtyards without dead bodies and pools of dark blood. … The

thirst of blood had made men mad. The pettiest and most

despicable whipper-snapper who happened to have seen the light

of day in Europe or Japan had uncontrolled power over the life

and limbs, the body and soul, of the most highly-cultivated

Chinaman in the city. From his decision there was no appeal. A

Chinaman never knew what might betide him an hour hence, if the

European lost his temper. He might lie down to rest after

having worked like a beast of burden for twelve or fourteen

hours only to be suddenly awakened out of his sleep, marched a

few paces from his hard couch, and shot dead.

{134}

He was never told, and probably seldom guessed, the reason

why. I saw an old man and woman who were thus hurriedly

hustled out of existence. Their day's work done they were

walking home, when a fire broke out on a little barge on the

river. They were the only living beings found out of bed at

the time, and in the pockets of the woman a candle and some

matches were stowed away. Nobody, not even the boat-watchman,

had seen them on or near the boat. They were pounced upon,

taken to the river's edge, shot and buried. It was the work of

fifteen minutes or less. …

"The circumstantial tales told of the dishonouring of wives,

girls, children, in Tientsin, Tungtschau, Pekin, are such as

should in normal beings kindle some sparks of indignation

without the aid of 'sickly sentimentality.' … I knew well a

man whose wife had been dealt with in this manner, and then

killed along with her child. He was one of the 'good and loyal

people' who were on excellent terms with the Christians; but, if

ever he gets a chance of wreaking vengeance upon the

foreigners, he will not lightly let it slip. I knew of others

whose wives and daughters hanged themselves on trees or

drowned themselves in garden-wells in order to escape a much

worse lot. Chinese women honestly believed that no more

terrible fate could overtake them than to fall alive into the

hands of Europeans and Christians. And it is to be feared that

they were right. Buddhism and Confucianism have their martyrs

to chastity, whose heroic feats no martyrology will ever

record. Some of these obscure, but rightminded, girls and

women hurled themselves into the river, and, finding only

three feet of water there, kept their heads under the surface

until death had set his seal on the sacrifice of their life.

This suicidal frenzy was catching. … So far as I have been

able to make out, and I have been at some pains to investigate

the subject, no officers or soldiers of English or

German-speaking nationalities have been guilty of these

abominations against defenceless women."

E. J. Dillon,

The Chinese Wolf and the European Lamb

(Contemporary Review, January, 1901).

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 15-28).

Occupation of Peking by the allied forces.

International jealousies.

License to some of the soldiery.

Shameful stories of looting and outrage.

Formal march through the "Forbidden City."

"Early on the morning of the 15th [of August]—the day after

the siege of the Legations was raised—General Chaffee [the

American commander] advanced his men from the Chien Mên, which

he had held overnight, and drove the Chinese from gateway to

gateway back along the wide-paved approach to the far-famed

'Forbidden City.' From the wall at the Chien Mên the American

field battery shelled each of the great gateways before the

infantry advanced, and Captain Reilly, who commanded the

battery, was killed while directing the operations—a bullet

striking him full in the face and passing out through the back

of his head. In him was lost a popular and efficient officer. The

movements of the Americans were watched with no little anxiety

by certain of the allies, who evidently feared that General

Chaffee was about to enter and seize the Forbidden City

itself. The French, who had only that morning arrived, were

apparently very keen to establish a claim by joining in the

attack, for they took their mountain guns to the top of the

wall opposite the Legations, and began blazing away in the

direction of the approaches to the Palace. It so happened that

by this time the Americans had penetrated nearly to the

gateway of the Palace itself, and this French fire, so

suddenly opened, was directed upon them, instead of, as the

French General thought, upon the enemy. General Chaffee rode

down himself from the Chien Mên to where the guns were placed

on the wall, and from below conducted a spirited conversation

with the French General and M. Pichon. 'Stop firing those

guns,' the General shouted up from 60 ft. below, 'you are

killing my men.' Not understanding, the French General replied

to the effect that he was firing for the honour of France, and

M. Pichon joined in with similar protestations. General

Chaffee's protests increased in vigour, and the force,

perhaps, rather than the lucidity of them eventually induced

the French General to desist from firing upon the Americans

for the honour and glory of 'la patrie.' The Russians also

displayed a marked desire to participate in the operations in

front of the Palace, coming up after the fighting was

practically finished and attempting to occupy a part of the

position won by the Americans. Again General Chaffee had to

speak forcibly to persuade the Russians to retire. General

Chaffee cleared and occupied the whole length of the

approaches—a series of noble paved courtyards—from the Chien

Mên to the south gate of the Palace, before which he set a

strong guard. His doings were quite evidently being watched

with suspicion, and in the afternoon a conference was held, at

which it was solemnly agreed by the representatives of the

allies that in the meantime, pending the arrangement of some

concerted plan, the Forbidden City should not be entered. In

other parts of the city the work of clearing out the enemy was

meanwhile progressing, the Japanese and Russians operating on the

east and to the north, and the British to the south in the

Chinese city.

"It was thought that an expedition would have been undertaken

by the French to relieve the besieged in the Pei-tang. Help

could have been obtained for the asking, and it is difficult

to understand why no effort was made to reach the unfortunate

people, who, be it noted, were still being attacked, and whose

position, for all that was known, might have been desperate to

the last degree. The story of the long and weary weeks of

fighting round the stately cathedral pile—alas, now, now

battered and rent!—must be written by no outsider from

hearsay, but first hand by a survivor. As heard from the lips

of Père Favier, it is, indeed, a thrilling narrative in many

respects, surpassing in wonder even its sister story of the

defence of the Legations. … The relief was effected the

following morning by a combined force of French and Russians,

with whom also were the British Marines under Major Luke, R.

M. L. I., the whole under the command of the French general.

When this force arrived it was found that the Japanese had

already practically raised the siege, having started earlier

and worked along on the north-west of the Imperial City,

driving the Chinese before them. However, the Japanese had not

actually penetrated into the Pei-tang defences, and the French

had the satisfaction, after all, of being first in to receive a

joyful welcome from their long-suffering fellow-countrymen.

{135}

The raising of the siege was signalized by the slaughter of a

large number of Chinese who had been rounded up into a cul de

sac and who were killed to a man, the Chinese Christian

converts joining in with the French soldiers of the relieving

force, who lent them bayonets, and abandoning themselves to

the spirit of revenge. Witnesses describe the scene as a

sickening sight, but in judging such acts it is necessary to

remember the provocation, and these people had been sorely

tried. …

"The French general had given orders to Major Luke to remain

with his men to guard a bridge in the rear while the relief of

the Pei-tang was being effected. Afterwards the main body of

the relieving force was pushed on through the Imperial City,

leaving the British contingent behind. After waiting some time

Major Luke came to the conclusion that he must have been

forgotten, and, leaving a guard on the bridge, followed on in

the track of the French troops, to find that they had

penetrated into the Imperial City along the wall of the Palace

as far as the Meishan (Coal Hill), from the pagodas on which

the tri-colour was flying. The Russians had taken up a

position near the North Gate of the Palace, and he was only

just in time to secure the temple building at the foot of the

Meishan, and the camping-ground alongside of it. There was

great enthusiasm between the Russians and French, who cheered

each other as their forces appeared, in marked contrast to the

coolness with which the arrival of Major Luke and his men was

received. … The Russians are camped round the old place and

will permit no one in to see over it; in fact, in this part of

the city French or Russian sentries make it difficult to see most

of the many objects of art or interest. …

"Now that the common bond of interest in the success of the

relief expedition was removed, the points of difference at

once began to appear, and the underlying jealousy and

suspicion with which it seems each nation regards almost every

other manifested itself in various ways, particularly in the

unseemly race for loot and the game of general grab that now

started up, the methods of which were indicated above with

regard to the seizure of the Meishan. The Japanese seized the

Board of Revenue and must have found a huge amount of money

there, to judge by the length of the line of pack mules that

it took to carry it away. Through a mistake, it is said, on

the part of the Americans, the French got possession of the

Palace of Prince Li, said to contain treasure to the extent of

many millions of dollars. The Russians also got some treasure,

seizing on a large bank.

"Inside the Forbidden City, the Chinese say, there is fabulous

wealth in treasure stowed away or buried, and it is

principally lest this should prove true that so much jealousy

exists about the privilege of entering. Of course, the

question is also of great importance politically, and after

several diplomatic conferences it was eventually decided that,

on a date still to be arranged, the Ministers and Generals of

all the Powers should enter at the same time and proceed

together through the Palace, ascertaining the nature and value

of its contents and then sealing the whole place up and

withdrawing to await instructions from the home Governments. …

As regards the larger game of grab, the Russians succeeded in

winning the last large prize, the Wan Shen Shan, or new Summer

Palace, seven miles out near the western hills, racing for it

against a body of Japanese and coming in a quarter of an hour

ahead, having had a long start. So the story goes, but it is

not easy to check such stories, both Japanese and Russians

being very reticent about their relations with each other. One

thing only is certain, that the Russians are in jealous

possession of the Wan Shen Shan. Two British officers who rode

out there a couple of days ago in uniform were refused

admission to the grounds.

"Alongside of this official looting, private looting on the

part of the foreign soldiers was freely permitted during the

first few days; in fact, the city was abandoned for the most

part to the soldiery, and horrible stories of the kind common

in war, but nevertheless and everlastingly revolting, were

current—stories of the ravishing of women in circumstances of

great savagery, particularly by the rough Russian soldiers and

their following of French. The number of Chinese women who

committed suicide rather than submit to dishonour was

considerable. A British officer of standing told me he had

seen seven hanging from the same beam in the house of

apparently a well-to-do Chinaman. These stories, and I heard

of many more, reflect credit upon Chinese womanhood and

something very different upon the armies of Europe, which are

supposed to be the forerunners and upholders of civilization

in this particular campaign. However, this period of licence

was not of long duration. The soldiers having had their fling,

the city was divided, by arrangement, into districts, each

under the control of one of the Powers, proclamations were

issued reassuring the remaining peaceable citizens and

encouraging others to return, and gradually the work of

restoring law and order and confidence is progressing. …

"Where is the Chinese Government? Fled to Je-hol? No one seems

to know for certain. It is only certain that on the morning of

the 14th the Empress-Dowager and her following, and the

Imperial Court, fled by the west gate of the city and

disappeared. This flight took place while the Japanese were

actually engaged in shelling the Tse-kwa Mên and the city

wall. If they had succeeded in their first attempt on the gate

in the morning, the flight of the Court might have been

prevented. The Empress and her advisers had a narrow escape. …

"August 28. After deliberations occupying a full fortnight the

question of what was to be done with the Forbidden City has

been settled, at any rate, for the time being. The main

problem presented was not new; Lord Elgin had to face it forty

years ago. Considerations of immediate political expediency

guided his action then, as they have dictated the course

adopted now. He spared the Imperial Palace, and burnt instead

the Yuen Ming Yuen, or Summer Palace, seven miles from Peking.

As a result the fact that British troops ever entered Peking

does not appear in Chinese history, indeed the idea is

ridiculed by Mandarindom. Remembering this, many people here

thought it would be desirable in the present instance to burn

the Imperial Palace, after carefully removing the art

treasures, and thus, if possible, impress upon the whole

Chinese nation some idea of the enormity of the crime which

their Government has committed against civilization at large.

{136}

On the other hand, it was held that if this were done the

Imperial Court, through loss of 'face,' could never return to

Peking, and this contingency appealed strongly to the

representatives of both Russia and Japan, who conceived that

the interests of their respective countries demanded the

retention of Peking as the capital. What the representatives

of the other Powers thought has not transpired, nor does it

matter much at present, the overwhelming position of Russia

and Japan combined making all opposition to their proposals

futile. Germany may insist upon burning the Palace when he

forces have all arrived, and those who think it ought to be

done hope that she will; but in the meantime the conference of

commanding officers, in consultation with the Ministers,

decided not to do more than march a small force of foreign

troops through the 'sacred precincts' from the South Gate to

the North, after which these were to be again closed, leaving

the Palace intact. There was to be no looting. Everything was

to be done to provide against the idea arising that the place

had been desecrated. The ceremony was merely to be a display

of military power. …

"Arrangements were made for certain Chinese officials to be

present during the ceremony and also for a number of

attendants to open up the various halls through which the

troops would require to pass, and to close the doors behind

the 'barbarians' when they finally withdrew. Yesterday there

were reports of further friction and possible further

postponement of the ceremony, but by evening these had died

away and the programme had assumed at last a definite shape.

According to it the various troops were to parade this morning

between 7 and 8 outside the Tien-an Mên, the Inner Gate of the

Imperial City. There at the time appointed they were drawn up,

and the interest of a great historic event began. The Imperial

Palace, or Forbidden City, is an enclosure about two-thirds of

a mile long from north to south and about half a mile broad

from east to west. It is surrounded by a high wall. Outside

this wall on the west, north, and east lies a broad moat. From

the south it is approached by a series of immense paved

courtyards divided one from the other by high and massive

gateways, above which rise imposing pavilions with

yellow-tiled overhanging roofs, flanked by great towers built

in the same style and similarly roofed with Imperial yellow.

This Forbidden City or Imperial Palace enclosure is situated

within the Imperial City, a larger enclosure, also surrounded

by a high tile-topped wall. It was outside the Inner Gateway

to this Imperial City that the troops were drawn up. The

Russians took up their position on the centre, close to the

stone bridge in front of the Tien-an Mên; the Japanese were

opposite the gateway on the left; the British to the right of

the Russians in a wide paved avenue running east and west

outside the inner wall of the Imperial City. The remainder of

the allies were drawn up to the rear of the Russians and

Japanese in the wide avenue running north and south from the

Outer Gateway (Ta-ching Mên). As a pageant it was not a

success. Soldiers on service do not make a fine show. … Inside

the Tien-an Mên the central stone road continues for about

half a mile down a broad, flagged avenue running between

handsome temple buildings on either hand, until the Wu Mên, or

south gate, of the Forbidden City is reached. It is an

imposing entrance. The gateway itself is high and massive, and

the towers on top are particularly fine. Thus far, on the

morning of the 15th, the American troops fought, driving the

Chinese before them into the city. The self-denial displayed

by General Chaffee on that occasion has not, perhaps, received

proper recognition. There was at that time no agreement to

hold him back, and he might have pressed on and taken the

palace and hoisted the Stars and Stripes over it. It would

have been a fine prize, and the temptation must have been

great, but General Chaffee, acting, possibly, under the advice

of Mr. Conger, the United States Minister, refrained—a

noteworthy act. This gateway has been held by an American

guard ever since, and American troops have been quartered in

the approach to it. …

"After it was over the generals and staff officers and the

Ministers and other privileged persons returned by the way we

had come through the Forbidden City. Tea was provided by the

Chinese officials in the summer-house of the palace garden,

the quaint beauties of which there was now time to appreciate.

Beautiful stone carvings and magnificent bronzes claimed

attention. The march through had occupied about an hour, and

another was spent sauntering back through the various halls

and courtyards. As the halls were cleared the Chinese

attendants hastily closed the doors behind us with evident

relief at our departure. A few jade ornaments were pocketed by

quick-fingered persons desirous of possessing souvenirs, but

on the whole the understanding that there was to be no looting

was carried out. Arrived at the courtyard where their horses had

been left, the generals and staff officers mounted and rode

out of the palace, and the rest of us followed on foot. The

gates were once more closed and guards were stationed outside

to prevent anyone from entering. The Forbidden City resumed

its normal state, inviolate, undesecrated. The honour of the

civilized world, we were told, had been thus vindicated. But

had it?"

London Times,

Peking Correspondence.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-September).

The flight of the Imperial Court.

The following account of the flight of the Court from Peking

to Tai-yuen-fu was given to a newspaper correspondent, in

October, by Prince Su, who accompanied the fugitive Emperor

and Dowager-Empress, and afterwards returned to Peking:

"The day the Court left Peking they travelled in carts to

Kuan-shi, 20 miles to the north, escorted by 3,000 soldiers of

various commands. This composite army pillaged, murdered, and

outraged along the whole route. At Kuan-shi the Imperial

cortege was supplied with mule litters. The flight then

continued at the rate of 20 miles daily to Hsuan-hua-fu, where

a halt was made for three days. This place is 120 miles from

Peking. Up to this time the flight had been of a most

panic-stricken nature. So little authority was exerted that

the soldiers even stole the meals which had been prepared for

the Emperor and the Dowager-Empress. Some improvement was

effected by the execution of several for murder and pillaging,

and gradually the various constituents of the force were

brought under control.

{137}

Many of the Dowager-Empress's advisers were in favour of

remaining at Hsuan-hua-fu, on account of the comparatively

easy means of communication with the capital. The majority,

however, were in such fear of pursuit by the foreign troops

that the proposition was overruled. The flight was then

resumed towards Tai-yuen-fu. Before leaving Hsuan-hua-fu,

10,000 additional troops under Tung-fuh-siang joined the

escort. The newcomers, however, only added to the discord

already prevailing. The Dowager-Empress did little else but

weep and upbraid those whose advice had brought them into such

a position. The Emperor reviled everyone irrespective of his

opinions. The journey to Tai-yuen-fu took 26 days, the longest

route being taken for fear of pursuit. On arriving there the

formation of some kind of Government was attempted, but owing

to the many elements of discord this was found to be next to

impossible. Though many edicts were issued they could not be

enforced. Neither party cared for an open rupture, and affairs

rapidly assumed a state of chaos. Prince Su further said that

the Emperor did not desire to leave Peking, preferring to

trust himself to the allies, but his objections were not

listened to and he was compelled to accompany the flight."

The final resting-place of the fugitive Imperial Court for

some months was Si-ngan-fu, or Sin-gan Fu, or Segan Fu, or

Sian Fu (as it is variously written), a large city, the

capital of the western province of Shensi.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-December).

Discussions among "the Powers" as to the terms to be made

with the Chinese Government.

Opening of negotiations with Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang.

Immediately upon the capture of Peking, Li Hung-chang

addressed appeals to the Powers for a cessation of

hostilities, for the withdrawal of troops from Peking, and for

the appointment of envoys to negotiate a permanent peace.

Discussion among the governments followed, the first definite

outcome of which appeared in the announcement of an intention

on the part of Russia to withdraw her troops from Peking as

soon as order had been re-established there, and of a

disposition on the part of the United States to act with

Russia in that procedure. This substantial agreement between

the two governments was made public by the printing of the

following dispatch, dated August 29, from Mr. Adee, the

American Acting Secretary of State, to the representatives of

the United States in London, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, and

Tokio:

"The Russian Charge d'Affaires yesterday afternoon made me an

oral statement regarding Russia's purposes in China to the

following effect:—'That, as she has already repeatedly

declared, Russia has no designs of territorial acquisition in

China; that, equally with the other Powers now operating

there, Russia sought the safety of her Legation in Peking and

to help the Chinese Government to repress the troubles that

arose; that incidentally to the necessary defensive measures

on the Russian border, Russia has occupied Niu-chwang for

military purposes, and as soon as order is re-established she

will withdraw her troops from the town if the action of the

other Powers be no obstacle; that the purpose for which the

various Governments have co-operated for the relief of the

Legations in Peking has been accomplished; that taking the

position that as the Chinese Government has left Peking there

is no need for the Russian representative to remain, Russia

has directed her Minister to retire with his official

personnel from China; that the Russian troops will likewise be

withdrawn, and that when the Government of China shall regain the

reins of government and can afford an authority with which the

other Powers can deal, and will express a desire to enter into

negotiations, the Russian Government will also name its

representative.' Holding these views and purposes, Russia has

expressed the hope that the United States will share the same

opinion.

"To this declaration our reply has been made by the following

memorandum:—'The Government of the United States has received

with much satisfaction the reiterated statement that Russia

has no designs of territorial acquisition in China and that,

equally with the other Powers now operating in China, Russia

has sought the safety of her Legation and to help the Chinese

Government to repress the existing troubles. The same purposes

have moved, and will continue to control, the Government of

the United States, and the frank declarations of Russia in

this regard are in accord with those made to the United States

by the other Powers. All the Powers, therefore, having

disclaimed any purpose to acquire any part of China, and now

that the adherence thereto has been renewed since relief

reached Peking, it ought not to be difficult by concurrent

action through negotiations to reach an amicable settlement

with China whereby the treaty rights of all the Powers shall

be secured for the future, the open door assured, the

interests and property of foreign citizens conserved, and full

reparation made for the wrongs and injuries suffered by them.

"So far as we are advised, the greater part of China is at

peace and earnestly desires to protect the life and property

of all foreigners, and in several of the provinces active and

successful efforts to suppress the 'Boxers' have been taken by

the Viceroys, to whom we have extended encouragement through

our Consuls and naval officers. This present good relation

should be promoted for the peace of China. While we agree that

the immediate object for which the military forces of the

Powers have been co-operating—the relief of the Ministers in

Peking—has been accomplished, there still remain other

purposes which all the Powers have in common, which have been

referred to in the communication of the Russian Charge d'

Affaires, and which were specifically enumerated in our Note

to the Powers.

"These are:—To afford all possible protection everywhere in

China to foreign life and property; to guard and protect all

legitimate foreign interests; to aid in preventing the spread

of disorders in the other provinces of the Empire and the

recurrence of such disorders; to seek a solution which may

bring about permanent safety and peace in China; to preserve

the Chinese territorial and administrative entity; to protect

all rights guaranteed by treaty and international law to

friendly Powers; and to safeguard for the world the principle

of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese

Empire. In our opinion, these purposes could best be attained

by the joint occupation of Peking under a definite

understanding between the Powers until the Chinese Government

shall have been re-established and shall be in a position to

enter into new treaties containing adequate provisions for

reparation and guarantees for future protection.

{138}

"With the establishment and recognition of such authority the

United States would wish to withdraw its military forces from

Peking and remit to the processes of peaceful negotiation our

just demands. We consider, however, that the continued

occupation of Peking would be ineffective to produce the

desired result unless all the Powers unite therein with entire

harmony of purpose. Any Power which determines to withdraw its

troops from Peking will necessarily proceed thereafter to

protect its interests in China by its own method, and we think

this would make a general withdrawal expedient. As to the time

and manner of withdrawal, we think that, in view of the

imperfect knowledge of the military situation resulting from

the interruptions of telegraphic communication, the several

military commanders in Peking should be instructed to confer

and to agree together upon the withdrawal as a concerted

movement, as they agreed upon in advance.

"The result of these considerations is that, unless there is

such a general expression by the Powers in favour of the

continued occupation as to modify the views expressed by the

Russian Government and lead to a general agreement for

continued occupation, we shall give instructions to the

commander of the American forces in China to withdraw our

troops from Peking after due conference with the other

commanders as to the time and manner of withdrawal.

"The Government of the United States is much gratified by the

assurance given by Russia that the occupation of Niu-chwang is

for military purposes incidental to the military steps for the

security of the Russian border provinces menaced by the

Chinese, and that as soon as order is established Russia will

withdraw her troops from those places if the action of the

other Powers is not an obstacle thereto. No obstacle in this

regard can arise through any action of the United States,

whose policy is fixed and has been repeatedly proclaimed."

Even before the communication received from Russia, the

government of the United States had taken steps to withdraw

the greater part of its troops. "On the 25th of August," says

the American Secretary of War, in his annual report, November

30, 1900, "General Chaffee was directed to hold his forces in

readiness for instructions to withdraw, and on the 25th of

September he was instructed to send to Manila all the American

troops in China with the exception of a legation guard, to

consist of a regiment of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and

one light battery."

The expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of

an early withdrawal of foreign troops from Peking, and the

opening of pacific negotiations with the Chinese government,

were unsatisfactory to several of the concerted Powers, and

were sharply criticised in the British and German press. The

German government, especially, was disposed to insist upon

stern and strenuous measures in dealing with that of China,

and it addressed the following circular note, on the 18th of

September, to all the Powers:

"The Government of the Emperor holds as preliminary to

entering upon diplomatic relations with the Chinese Government

that those persons must be delivered up who have been proved

to be the original and real instigators of the outrages

against international law which have occurred at Peking. The

number of those who were merely instruments in carrying out

the outrages is too great. Wholesale executions would be

contrary to the civilized conscience, and the circumstances of

such a group of leaders cannot be completely ascertained. But

a few whose guilt is notorious should be delivered up and

punished. The representatives of the powers at Peking are in a

position to give or bring forward convincing evidence. Less

importance attaches to the number punished than to their

character as chief instigators or leaders. The Government

believes it can count on the unanimity of all the Cabinets in

regard to this point, insomuch as indifference to the idea of

just atonement would be equivalent to indifference to a

repetition of the crime. The Government proposes, therefore,

that the Cabinets concerned should instruct their

representatives at Peking to indicate those leading Chinese

personages from whose guilt in instigating or perpetrating

outrages all doubt is excluded."

The British government was understood to be not unwilling to

support this demand from Germany, but little encouragement

seems to have been officially given to it from other quarters,

and the government of the United States was most emphatic in

declining to approve it. The reply of the latter to the German

circular note was promptly given, September 21, as follows:

"The government of the United States has, from the outset,

proclaimed its purpose to hold to the uttermost accountability

the responsible authors of any wrongs done in China to

citizens of the United States and their interests, as was

stated in the Government's circular communication to the

Powers of July 3 last. These wrongs have been committed not

alone in Peking, but in many parts of the Empire, and their

punishment is believed to be an essential element of any

effective settlement which shall prevent a recurrence of such

outrages and bring about permanent safety and peace in China.

It is thought, however, that no punitive measures can be so

effective by way of reparation for wrongs suffered and as

deterrent examples for the future as the degradation and

punishment of the responsible authors by the supreme Imperial

authority itself, and it seems only just to China that she

should be afforded in the first instance an opportunity to do

this and thus rehabilitate herself before the world.

"Believing thus, and without abating in anywise its deliberate

purpose to exact the fullest accountability from the

responsible authors of the wrongs we have suffered in China,

the Government of the United States is not disposed, as a

preliminary condition to entering into diplomatic negotiations

with the Chinese Government, to join in a demand that said

Government surrender to the Powers such persons as, according

to the determination of the Powers themselves, may be held to

be the first and real perpetrators of those wrongs. On the

other hand, this Government is disposed to hold that the

punishment of the high responsible authors of these wrongs,

not only in Peking, but throughout China, is essentially a

condition to be embraced and provided for in the negotiations

for a final settlement.

{139}

It is the purpose of this Government, at the earliest

practicable moment, to name its plenipotentiaries for

negotiating a settlement with China, and in the mean time to

authorize its Minister in Peking to enter forthwith into

conference with the duly authorized representatives of the

Chinese Government, with a view of bringing about a

preliminary agreement whereby the full exercise of the

Imperial power for the preservation of order and the

protection of foreign life and property throughout China,

pending final negotiations with the Powers, shall be assured."

On the same day on which the above note was written the

American government announced its recognition of Prince Ching

and Li Hung-chang, as plenipotentiaries appointed to represent

the Emperor of China, in preliminary negotiations for the

restoration of the imperial authority at Peking and for a

settlement with the foreign Powers.

Differences between the Powers acting together in China, as to

the preliminary conditions of negotiation with the Chinese

government, and as to the nature and range of the demands to

be made upon it, were finally adjusted on the lines of a

proposal advanced by the French Foreign Office, in a note

dated October 4, addressed to the several governments, as

follows:

"The intention of the Powers in sending their forces to China

was, above all, to deliver the Legations. Thanks to their

union and the valour of their troops this object has been

attained. The question now is to obtain from the Chinese

Government, which has given Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang

full powers to negotiate and to treat in its name, suitable

reparation for the past and serious guarantees for the future.

Penetrated with the spirit which has evoked the previous

declarations of the different Governments, the Government of

the Republic has summarized its own sentiments in the

following points, which it submits as a basis for the

forthcoming negotiations after the customary verification of

powers:

(1) The punishment of the chief culprits, who will be

designated by the representatives of the Powers in Peking.

(2) The maintenance of the embargo on the importation of arms.

(3) Equitable indemnity for the States and for private

persons.

(4) The establishment in Peking of a permanent guard for the

Legations.

(5) The dismantling of the Ta-ku forts.

(6) The military occupation of two or three points on the

Tien-tsin-Peking route, thus assuring complete liberty of

access for the Legations should they wish to go to the coast

and to forces from the sea-board which might have to go up to

the capital.

It appears impossible to the Government of the Republic that

these so legitimate conditions, if collectively presented by

the representatives of the Powers and supported by the

presence of the international troops, will not shortly be

accepted by the Chinese Government."

On the 17th of October, the French Embassy at Washington

announced to the American government that "all the interested

powers have adhered to the essential principles of the French

note," and added: "The essential thing now is to show the

Chinese Government, which has declared itself ready to

negotiate, that the powers are animated by the same spirit;

that they are decided to respect the integrity of China and

the independence of its Government, but that they are none the

less resolved to obtain the satisfaction to which they have a

right. In this regard it would seem that if the proposition

which has been accepted as the basis of negotiations were

communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiaries by the Ministers

of the powers at Peking, or in their name by their Dean, this

step would be of a nature to have a happy influence upon the

determinations of the Emperor of China and of his Government."

The government of the United States approved of this

suggestion from France, and announced that it had "instructed

its Minister in Peking to concur in presenting to the Chinese

plenipotentiaries the points upon which we are agreed." Other

governments, however, seem to have given different

instructions, and some weeks were spent by the foreign

Ministers at Peking in formulating the joint note in which

their requirements were to be presented to Prince Ching and

Earl Li.

The latter, meantime, had submitted, on their own part, to the

allied plenipotentiaries, a draft of what they conceived to be

the just preliminaries of a definitive treaty. They prefaced

it with a brief review of what had occurred, and some remarks,

confessing that "the throne now realizes that all these

calamities have been caused by the fact that Princes and high

Ministers of State screened the Boxer desperados, and is

accordingly determined to punish severely the Princes and

Ministers concerned in accordance with precedent by handing

them over to their respective Yamêns for the determination of

a penalty." The "draft clauses" then submitted were as

follows:

"The siege of the Legations was a flagrant violation of the

usages of international law and an utterly unpermissible act.

China admits the gravity of her error and undertakes that

there shall be no repetition of the occurrence. China admits

her liability to pay an indemnity, and leaves it to the Powers

to appoint officers who shall investigate the details and make

out a general statement of claims to be dealt with

accordingly.

"With regard to the subsequent trade relations between China

and the foreign Powers, it will be for the latter to make

their own arrangements as to whether former treaties shall be

adhered to in their entirety, modified in details, or

exchanged for new ones. China will take steps to put the

respective proposals into operation accordingly.

"Before drawing up a definitive treaty it will be necessary

for China and the Powers to be agreed as to general

principles. Upon this agreement being arrived at, the

Ministers of the Powers will remove the seals which have been

affixed to the various departments of the Tsung-li-Yamên and

proceed to the Yamên for the despatch of business in matters

relating to international questions exactly as before.

"So soon as a settlement of matters of detail shall have been

agreed upon between China and the various nations concerned in

accordance with the requirements of each particular nation,

and so soon as the question of the payment of an indemnity

shall have been satisfactorily settled, the Powers will

respectively withdraw their troops. The despatch of troops to

China by the Powers was undertaken with the sole object of

protecting the Ministers, and so soon as peace negotiations

between China and the Powers shall have been opened there

shall be a cessation of hostilities.

{140}

"The statement that treaties will be made with each of the

Powers in no way prejudices the fact that with regard to the

trade conventions mentioned the conditions vary in accordance

with the respective powers concerned. With regard to the

headings of a definitive treaty, questions of nomenclature and

precedence affecting each of the Powers which may arise in

framing the treaty can be adjusted at personal conferences."

Great Britain and Germany were now acting in close accord,

having, apparently, been drawn together by a common distrust

of the intentions of Russia. On the 16th of October, Lord

Salisbury and Count Hatzfeldt signed the following agreement,

which was made known at once to the other governments

concerned, and its principles assented to by all:

"Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Imperial German

Government, being desirous to maintain their interests in

China and their rights under existing treaties, have agreed to

observe the following principles in regard to their mutual policy

in China:—

"1. It is a matter of joint and permanent international

interest that the ports on the rivers and littoral of China

should remain free and open to trade and to every other

legitimate form of economic activity for the nationals of all

countries without distinction; and the two Governments agree

on their part to uphold the same for all Chinese territory as

far as they can exercise influence.

"2. The Imperial German Government and her Britannic Majesty's

Government will not, on their part, make use of the present

complication to obtain for themselves any territorial

advantages in Chinese dominions, and will direct their policy

towards maintaining undiminished the territorial condition of

the Chinese Empire.

"3. In case of another Power making use of the complications

in China in order to obtain under any form whatever such

territorial advantages, the two Contracting Parties reserve to

themselves to come to a preliminary understanding as to the

eventual steps to be taken for the protection of their own

interests in China.

"4. The two Governments will communicate this Agreement to the

other Powers interested, and especially to Austria-Hungary,

France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the United States of

America, and will invite them to accept the principles

recorded in it."

The assent of Russia was no less positive than that of the

other Powers. It was conveyed in the following words: "The

first point of this Agreement, stipulating that the ports

situated on the rivers and littoral of China, wherever the two

Governments exercise their influence, should remain free and

open to commerce, can be favorably entertained by Russia, as

this stipulation does not infringe in any way the 'status quo'

established in China by existing treaties. The second point

corresponds all the more with the intentions of Russia, seeing

that, from the commencement of the present complications, she

was the first to lay down the maintenance of the integrity of

the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of her policy in

China. As regards the third point relating to the eventuality

of an infringement of this fundamental principle, the Imperial

Government, while referring to their Circular of the 12th

(25th) August, can only renew the declaration that such an

infringement would oblige Russia to modify her attitude

according to circumstances."

On the 13th of November, while the foreign plenipotentiaries

at Peking were trying to agree in formulating the demands they

should make, the Chinese imperial government issued a decree

for the punishment of officials held responsible for the Boxer

outrages. As given the Press by the Japanese Legation at

Washington, in translation from the text received there, it

was as follows;

"Orders have been already issued for the punishment of the

officials responsible for opening hostilities upon friendly

Powers and bringing the country into the present critical

condition by neglecting to suppress and even by encouraging

the Boxers. But as Peking and its neighborhood have not yet

been entirely cleared of the Boxers, the innocent people are

still suffering terribly through the devastation of their

fields and the destruction of their houses, a state of affairs

which cannot fail to fill one with the bitterest feelings

against these officials. And if they are not severely

punished, how can the anger of the people be appeased and the

indignation of the foreign Powers allayed?

"Accordingly, Prince Tuan is hereby deprived of his title and

rank, and shall, together with Prince Chwang, who has already

been deprived of his title, be delivered to the Clan Court to

be kept in prison until the restoration of peace, when they

shall be banished to Sheng-King, to be imprisoned for life.

Princes Yi and Tsai Yung, who have both been already deprived

of their titles, are also to be delivered to the Clan Court

for imprisonment, while Prince Tsai Lien, also already

deprived of title and rank, is to be kept confined in his own

house, Duke Tsai Lan shall forfeit his ducal salary, but may

be transferred with the degradation of one rank. Chief Censor

Ying Nien shall be degraded two ranks and transferred. As to

Kang Yi, Minister of the Board of Civil Appointment, upon his

return from the commission on which he had been sent for the

purpose of making inquiries into the Boxer affair he

memorialized the Throne in an audience strongly in their

favor. He should have been severely punished but for his death

from illness, and all penalties are accordingly remitted. Chao

Shuy Yao, Minister of the Board of Punishment, who had been

sent on a mission similar to that of Kang Yi, returned almost

immediately. Though such conduct was a flagrant neglect of his

duties, still he did not make a distorted report to the

Throne, and therefore he shall be deprived of his rank, but

allowed to retain his present office. Finally, Yu Hsien,

ex-Governor of Shan-Se, allowed, while in office, the Boxers

freely to massacre the Christian missionaries and converts.

For this he deserves the severest punishment, and therefore he

is to be banished to the furthermost border of the country, and

there to be kept at hard labor for life.

{141}

"We have a full knowledge of the present trouble from the very

beginning, and therefore, though no impeachment has been brought

by Chinese officials at home or abroad against Princes Yi,

Tsai Lien and Tsai Yung, we order them to be punished in the

same manner as those who have been impeached. All who see this

edict will thus perceive our justice and impartiality in

inflicting condign penalties upon these officials," It was not

until the 20th of December that the joint note of the

plenipotentiaries of the Powers, after having been submitted

in November to the several governments represented, and

amended to remove critical objections, was finally signed and

delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries. The following is a

precis of the requirements set forth in it:

"(1) An Imperial Prince is to convey to Berlin the Emperor's

regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and a

monument is to be erected on the site of the murder, with an

inscription, in Latin, German, and Chinese, expressing the

regret of the Emperor for the murder.

"(2) The most severe punishment fitting their crimes is to be

inflicted on the personages designated in the Imperial decree

of September 21, whose names—not mentioned—are Princes Tuan

and Chuang and two other princes, Duke Lan, Chao Shu-chiao,

Yang-yi, Ying-hien, also others whom the foreign Ministers

shall hereafter designate. Official examinations are to be

suspended for five years in those cities where foreigners have

been assassinated or cruelly treated.

"(3) Honourable reparation is to be made to Japan for the

murder of M. Sugiyama.

"(4) Expiatory monuments are to be erected in all foreign

cemeteries where tombs have been desecrated.

"(5) The importation of arms or 'materiel' and their

manufacture are to be prohibited.

"(6) An equitable indemnity is to be paid to States,

societies, and individuals, also to Chinese who have suffered

injury because of their employment by foreigners. China will

adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee

the payment of the indemnity and the service of the loans.

"(7) Permanent Legation guards are to be maintained, and the

diplomatic quarter is to be fortified.

"(8) The Ta-ku forts and those between Peking and the sea are

to be razed.

"(9) There is to be a military occupation of points necessary

to ensure the safety of the communications between Peking and

the sea.

"(10) Proclamations are to be posted during two years

throughout the Empire threatening death to any person joining

an anti-foreign society and enumerating the punishment

inflicted by China upon the guilty ringleaders of the recent

outrages. An Imperial edict is to be promulgated ordering

Viceroys, Governors, and Provincial officials to be held

responsible for anti-foreign outbreaks or violations of

treaties within their jurisdiction, failure to suppress the

same being visited by the immediate cashiering of the

officials responsible, who shall never hold office again.

"(11) China undertakes to negotiate a revision of the

commercial treaties in order to facilitate commercial

relations.

"(12) The Tsung-li-Yamên is to be reformed, and the Court

ceremonial for the reception of foreign Ministers modified in

the sense indicated by the Powers.

"Until the foregoing conditions are complied with ('se

conformer à') the Powers can hold out no expectation of a

limit of time for the removal of the foreign troops now

occupying Peking and the provinces."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (November).

Russo-Chinese agreement relating to Manchuria.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian

province of Fêng-tien.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (November-February).

Seizure of grounds at Peking for a large Legation Quarter.

Extensive plans of fortification.

In February, 1901, the following from a despatch written in

the previous November by Mr. Conger, the American Minister at

Peking, was given to the Press by the State Department at

Washington: "I have the honor to report that in view of the

probability of keeping large legation grounds in the future,

and because of the general desire on the part of all the

European representatives to have extensive legations, all of

the Ministers are taking possession of considerable areas

adjoining their legations—property belonging either to the

Chinese Government or to private citizens, and having been

abandoned by the owners during the siege—with the intention to

claim them as conquest, or possibly credit something for them

on their account for indemnity. I have as yet not taken formal

possession of any ground for this purpose, nor shall I without

instructions, but I shall not for the present permit any of the

owners or other persons to reoccupy any of the property

between this legation and the canal to the east of it. While

this area will be very small in comparison with the other

legations, yet it will be sufficient to make both the legation

personnel and the guard very comfortable, and will better

comport with our traditional simplicity vis-a-vis the usual

magnificence of other representatives.

"It is proposed to designate the boundaries of a legation

quarter, which shall include all the legations, and then

demand the right to put that in a state of defence when

necessary, and to prohibit the residence of Chinese there,

except by permission of the Ministers. If, therefore, these

ideas as to guards, defence, etc:., are to be carried out, a

larger legation will be an absolute necessity. In fact, it is

impossible now to accommodate the legation and staff in our

present quarters without most inconvenient crowding.

"There are no public properties inside the legation quarter

which we could take as a legation. All the proposed property

to be added, as above mentioned, to our legation, is private

ground, except a very small temple in the southeast corner,

and I presume, under our policy, if taken, will be paid for

either to the Chinese owners or credited upon account against

the Chinese Government for indemnity, although I suspect most

of the other Governments will take theirs as a species of

conquest. The plot of ground adjoining and lying to the cast

of the legation to which I have made reference is about the

size of the premises now occupied by us."

Before its adjournment on the 4th of March, 1901, the Congress

of the United States made an appropriation for the purchase of

grounds for its Legation at Peking, and instructions were sent

to make the purchase.

{142}

By telegram from Peking on the 14th of February it was

announced that a formidable plan of fortification for this

Legation Quarter had been drawn up by the Military Council of

the Powers at Peking, and that work upon it was to begin at

once. The correspondent of the "London Times" described the

plan and wrote satirically of it, as follows; "From supreme

contempt for the weakness of China armed we have swayed to

exaggerated fear of the strength of China disarmed. The

international military experts have devised a scheme for

putting the Legation quarter in a state of defence which is

equivalent to the construction of an International fortress

alongside the Imperial Palace. The plan requires the breaching

of the city wall at the Water-gate, the levelling of the Ha-ta

Mên and Chien Mên towers, the demolition of the ramparts

giving access to them, the sweeping clear of a space 150 to

300 yards wide round the entire Legation area, and the

construction of walls, glacis, moats, barbed wire defences,

with siege guns, Maxims, and barracks capable of holding 2,000

troops, with military stores and equipment sufficient to

withstand a siege of three months. All public buildings,

boards, and civil offices between the Legations and the

Imperial walls are to be levelled, while 11,000 foreign troops

are to hold the communications between Peking and the sea, so

that no Chinese can travel to Peking from the sea without the

knowledge of the foreign military authorities.

"The erection of the defences is to begin at once, before the

return of the Court to Peking. They are no doubt devised to

encourage the Court to return to Peking, it being apparently

the belief of the foreign Ministers that an Imperial Court

governing an independent empire are eager to place themselves

under the tutelage of foreign soldiers and within the reach of

foreign Maxims.

"Within the large new Legation area all the private property

of Chinese owners who years before sought the advantages of

vicinity to the Legations has been seized by the foreign

Legations. France and Germany, with a view to subsequent

commercial transactions, have annexed many acres of valuable

private property for which no compensation is contemplated,

while the Italian Legation, which boasts a staff of two

persons, carrying out the scheme of appropriation to a logical

absurdity, has, in addition to other property, grabbed the

Imperial Maritime Customs gardens and buildings occupied for

so many years by Sir Robert Hart and his staff."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).

Famine in Shensi.

A Press telegram from Peking, late in January, announced a

fearful famine prevailing in the province of Shensi, where

thousands of natives were dying. The Chinese government was

distributing rice, and there was reported to be discrimination

against native Christians in the distribution. Mr. Conger, Sir

E. Satow, and M. Pichon protested to Prince Ching and Li

Hung-chang against such discrimination. A Court edict was

therefore issued on the 26th instant ordering all relief

officials and Chinese soldiers to treat Christians in exactly

the same way as all other Chinese throughout the Empire, under

penalty of decapitation. Another despatch, early in February,

stated: "Trustworthy reports received here from Singan-fu [the

temporary residence of the fugitive Chinese court] all agree

that the famine in the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si is one

of the worst in the history of China. It is estimated that

two-thirds of the people are without sufficient food or the

means of obtaining it. They are also suffering from the bitter

cold. As there is little fuel in either province the woodwork

of the houses is being used to supply the want. Oxen, horses,

and dogs have been practically all sacrificed to allay hunger.

Three years of crop failures in both provinces and more or less

of famine in previous seasons had brought the people to

poverty when winter began. This year their condition has

rapidly grown worse. Prince Ching stated to Mr. Conger, the

United States Minister, that the people were reduced to eating

human flesh and to selling their women and children.

Infanticide is alarmingly common."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).

Submission to the demands of the Powers

by the Imperial Government.

Punishments inflicted and promised.

A new Reform Edict.

With no great delay, the Chinese plenipotentiaries at Peking

were authorized by the Emperor and Empress to agree to the

demands of the Powers, which they did by formally signing the

Joint Note. Prince Ching gave his signature on the 12th of

January, 1901, and Li Hung-chang, who was seriously ill,

signed on the following day. Discussion of the punishments to

be inflicted on guilty officials was then opened, and went on

for some time. On the 5th of February, the foreign Ministers

submitted the names of twelve leading officials, against whom

formal indictments were framed, and who were considered to be

deserving of death. Three of them, however (Kang Yi, Hsu Tung,

and Li Ping Heng), were found to be already deceased. The

remaining nine were the following: Prince Chuang,

commander-in-chief of the Boxers; Prince Tuan, who was held to

be the principal instigator of the attack on foreigners; Duke

Lan, the Vice-President of Police, who admitted the Boxers to

the city; Yu Hsien, who was the governor of Shan-Si Province,

promoter of the Boxer movement there, and director of the

massacres in that province; General Tung Fu Siang, who led the

attacks on the Legations, Ying Nien, Chao Hsu Kiao, Hsu Cheng

Yu, and Chih Siu, who were variously prominent in the

murderous work. In the cases of Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, who

were related to the Imperial family, and in the case of

General Tung Fu Siang, whose military command gave him power

to be troublesome, the Chinese court pleaded such difficulties

in the way of executing a decree of death that the Ministers

at Peking were persuaded to be satisfied with sentences of

exile, or degradation in rank, or both. On the 21st of

February the Ministers received notice that an imperial edict

had been issued, condemning General Tung Fu Siang to be

degraded and deprived of his rank; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan to

be disgraced and exiled; Prince Chuang, Ying Nien and Chao Hsu

Kiao to commit suicide; Hsu Cheng Yu, Yu Hsien and Chih Siu to

be beheaded. Hsu Cheng Yu and Chih Siu were then prisoners in

the hands of the foreign military authorities at Peking, and

the sentence was executed upon them there, on the 26th of

February, in the presence of Japanese, French, German and

American troops. A despatch from Peking reporting the

execution stated that, while it was being carried out, "the

ministers held a meeting and determined on the part of the

majority to draw a curtain over further demands for blood.

United States Special Commissioner Rockhill sided strongly

with those favoring humane methods, who are Sir Ernest Satow

and MM. Komura, De Cologan and De Giers, respectively British,

Japanese, Spanish and Russian ministers. Others believe that

China has not been sufficiently punished, and that men should

be executed in every city, town and village where foreigners

were injured."

{143}

While the subject of punishments was pending, and with a view,

it was said, of quickening the action of the Chinese

government, Count von Waldersee, the German Field-Marshal

commanding the allied forces in China, ordered preparations to

be made for an extensive military expedition into the

interior. The government of the United States gave prompt

directions that its forces at Peking should not take part in

this movement, and the remonstrances of other Powers more

pacifically inclined than the Germans caused the project to be

given up.

Meantime, three Imperial edicts of importance, if faithfully

carried out, had been issued. One, on the 5th of February,

commanded new undertakings of reform, accounting for the

abandonment of the reform movement of 1898 by declaring that

it was seditionary and would have resulted in anarchy, and

that it was entered upon when the Emperor was in bad health;

for all which reasons he had requested the Empress Dowager to

resume the reins of government. Now, it was declared, since

peace negotiations were in progress, the government should be

formed on a basis for future prosperity. Established good

methods of foreign countries should be introduced to supply

China's deficiencies. "China's greatest difficulty," said the

edict, "is her old customs, which have resulted in the

insincere dispatch of business and the promoting of private

gain. Up to the present time those who have followed the

Western methods have had only superficial knowledge, knowing

only a little of foreign languages and foreign inventions,

without knowing the real basis of the strength of foreign

nations. Such methods are insufficient for real reform."

In order to obtain a true basis, the Emperor commanded a

consultation between the ministers of the privy council, the

six boards, nine officers, the Chinese ministers to foreign

countries and all the viceroys and governors. Those were

instructed to recommend reforms in the seven branches of

government, namely, the central government, ceremonies,

taxation, schools, civil-service examinations, military

affairs and public economies. They were also to recommend what

part of the old system can be used and what part needs changing.

Two months were given them in which to prepare their report.

On the following day, two edicts, in fulfilment of demands

made in the Joint Note of the Powers, were promulgated. The

first provided, in accordance with article 3 of the Joint

Note, for the suspension of official examinations for five

years in places where foreigners are killed. The second edict

forbade anti-foreign societies, recited the punishment of

guilty parties and declared that local officials will be held

responsible for the maintenance of order. If trouble occurs

the officials would be removed without delay and never again

allowed to hold office.

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).

The murdered Christian missionaries and native converts.

Varying statements and estimates of their number.

To the time of this writing (March, 1901), no complete

enumeration of the foreign Christian missionaries and members

of missionary families who were killed during the Boxer

outbreak of the past year has been made. Varying estimates

have appeared, from time to time, and it is possible that one

of the latest among these, communicated from Shanghai on the

1st of March, may approach to accuracy. It was published in

the "North China Daily News," and said to be founded on the

missionary records, according to which, said the "News," "a

total of 134 adults and 52 children were killed or died of

injuries in the Boxer rising of 1899 and 1900."

On the 13th of March, the "Lokal Anzeiger," of Berlin,

published a statistical report from its Peking correspondent

of "foreign Christians killed during the troubles, exclusive

of the Peking siege," which enumerated 118 Englishmen, 79

Americans, Swedes and Norwegians, 26 Frenchmen, 11 Belgians,

10 Italians and Swiss, and 1 German. The total of these

figures is largely in excess of those given by the "North

China Daily News," but they cover, not missionaries alone, but

all foreign Christians. It is impossible, however, not to

doubt the accuracy of both these accounts. Of native

Christians, the German writer estimated that 30,000 had

perished. In September, 1900, the United States Consul-General

at Shanghai, Mr. Goodnow, "after making inquiries from every

possible source," placed the number of British and American

missionaries who had probably been killed at 93, taking no

account of a larger number in Chih-li and Shan-si whose fate

was entirely unknown. Of those whose deaths he believed to be

absolutely proved at that time, 34 were British, including 9

men, 15 women and 10 children, and 22 were American, 8 of

these being men, 8 women and 6 children.

In December, 1900, a private letter from the "Association for

the Propagation of the Faith, St. Mary's Seminary," Baltimore,

Maryland, stated that up to the end of September 48 Catholic

missionaries were known to have been murdered. A pastoral

letter issued in December by Cardinal Vaughan, in London,

without stating the numbers killed, declared that all work of

the Catholic church, throughout the most of China, where 942

European and 445 native priests had been engaged, was

practically swept away.

A private letter, written early in January, 1901, by the

Reverend Dr. Judson Smith, one of the corresponding

secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign

Missions, contains the following statement: "The American

Board has lost in the recent disturbances in China 13

missionaries, 6 men and 7 women, and 5 children belonging to

the families who perished. The number of native converts

connected with the mission churches of the American Board who

have suffered death during these troubles cannot be stated

with accuracy. It undoubtedly exceeds 1,000; it may reach a

much larger figure; but some facts that have come to light of

late imply that more of those who were supposed to be lost

have been in hiding than was known. If we should reckon along

with native converts members of their families who have

suffered death, the number would probably be doubled."

There seems to be absolutely no basis of real information for

any estimate that has been made of the extent of massacre

among the native Christian converts. Thousands perished,

without doubt, but how many thousands is yet to be learned. As

intimated by Dr. Smith, larger numbers than have been supposed

may have escaped, and it will probably be long before the true

facts are gathered from all parts of the country.

{144}

In any view, the massacre of missionaries and their families

was hideous enough; but fictions of horror were shamefully

added, it seems, in some of the stories which came from the

East. At Pao-Ting Fu, where women were said to have suffered

indescribable brutalities before being slain, investigation by

an American military officer convinced him that "there is no

evidence of any peculiar atrocities committed upon the persons

of those who were slain"; and the American Board of

Commissioners for Foreign Missions has publicly announced:

"While forced to believe that our missionaries in Shan Si and

at Pao Ting Fu were put to death by the Chinese, we have never

credited the published reports concerning atrocities connected

with their slaughter."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).

Withdrawal of American troops, excepting a Legation guard.

The following order was sent by cable from the War Department

at Washington to General Chaffee, commanding the United States

forces in China, on the 15th of March: "In reply to your

telegram Secretary of War directs you complete arrangements

sail for Manila with your command and staff officers by end

April, leaving as legation guard infantry company composed of

150 men having at least one year to serve or those intending

re-enlist, with full complement of officers, medical officer,

sufficient hospital corps men and, if you think best, field

officer especially qualified to command guard. Retain and

instruct officer quartermaster's department proceed to erect

necessary buildings for guard according to plan and estimates

you approve."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).

Discussion of the question of indemnity.

Uneasiness concerning rumored secret negotiations of

Russia with the Chinese government relative to Manchuria.

As we write this (early in April), the reckoning of

indemnities to be demanded by the several Powers of the

Concert in China is still under discussion between the

Ministers at Peking, and is found to be very difficult of

settlement. There is understood to be wide differences of

disposition among the governments represented in the

discussion, some being accused of a greed that would endeavor

to wring from the Chinese government far more than the country

can possibly pay; while others are laboring to reduce the

total of exactions within a more reasonable limit. At the

latest accounts from Peking, a special committee of the

Ministers was said to be engaged in a searching investigation

of the resources of China, in order to ascertain what sum the

Empire has ability to pay, and in what manner the payment can

best be secured and best made. It seems to be hoped that when

those facts are made clear there may be possibilities of an

agreement as to the division of the total sum between the

nations whose legations were attacked, whose citizens were

slain, and who sent troops to crush the Boxer rising.

Meantime grave anxieties are being caused by rumors of a

secret treaty concerning Manchuria which Russia is said to be

attempting to extort from the Chinese government [see, in this

volume, MANCHURIA], the whispered terms of which would give

her, in that vast region, a degree of control never likely to

become less. The most positive remonstrance yet known to have

been made, against any concession of that nature, was

addressed, on the 1st of March, by the government of the

United States, to its representatives at St. Petersburg,

Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, Rome, and Tokio, as follows:

"The following memorandum, which was handed to the Chinese

Minister on February 19, is transmitted to you for your

information and communication to the government to which you

are accredited: "The preservation of the territorial integrity

of China having been recognized by all the powers now engaged in

joint negotiation concerning the injuries recently inflicted

upon their ministers and nationals by certain officials and

subjects of the Chinese Empire, it is evidently advantageous

to China to continue the present international understanding

upon this subject. It would be, therefore, unwise and

dangerous in the extreme for China to make any arrangement or

to consider any proposition of a private nature involving the

surrender of territory or financial obligations by convention

with any particular power; and the government of the United

States, aiming solely at the preservation of China from the

danger indicated and the conservation of the largest and most

beneficial relations between the empire and other countries,

in accordance with the principles set forth in its circular

note of July 3, 1900, and in a purely friendly spirit toward

the Chinese Empire and all the powers now interested in the

negotiations, desires to express its sense of the impropriety,

inexpediency and even extreme danger to the interests of China

of considering any private territorial or financial

arrangements, at least without the full knowledge and approval

of all the powers now engaged in negotiation.

HAY."

----------CHINA: End--------

CHINESE TAXES.

See (in this volume)

LIKIN.

CHING, Prince:

Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

CHITRAL: A. D. 1895.

The defense and relief of.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CHITRAL:A. D. 1901.

Included in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CHOCTAWS, United States agreements with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, The Young People's Society of.

The nineteenth annual international convention of Young

People's Societies of Christian Endeavor was held in the

Alexandra Palace, London, England, from the 13th to the 20th

of July, 1900, delegates being present from most countries of

the world. Reports presented to the convention showed a total

membership of about 3,500,000, in 59,712 societies, 43,262 of

which were in the United States, 4,000 in Canada, some 7,000

in Great Britain, 4,000 in Australia, and smaller numbers in

Germany, India, China, Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere.

{145}

The first society, which supplied the germ of organization for

all succeeding ones, was formed in the Williston

Congregational Church of Portland, Maine, on the 2d of

February, 1881, by the Reverend Francis E. Clark, the pastor

of the church. The object, as indicated by the name of the

society, was to organize the religious energies of the young

people of the church for Christian life and work. The idea was

caught and imitated in other churches—Congregational,

Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and others—very rapidly,

and the organization soon became, not only widely national,

but international. In 1898, it was reported that Russia then

remained the only country in the world without a Christian

Endeavor Society, and the total was 54,191. In the next year's

report Russia was announced to have entered the list of

countries represented, and the number of societies had

advanced to 55,813. In 1900, the numbers had risen to the

height stated above. The Epworth League is a kindred

organization of young people in the Methodist Church.

See (in this volume)

EPWORTH LEAGUE.

CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS:

Conflicts in Armenia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

CONFLICTS IN CRETE.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CHUNGKING.

"Chungking, which lies nearly 2,000 miles inland, is, despite

its interior position, one of the most important of the more

recently opened ports of China. Located at practically the

head of navigation on the Yangtze, it is the chief city of the

largest, most populous, and perhaps the most productive

province of China, whose relative position, industries,

population, and diversified products make it quite similar to

the great productive valley of the upper Mississippi. The

province of Szechuan is the largest province of China, having

an area of 166,800 square miles, and a population of

67,000,000, or but little less than that of the entire United

States. Its area and density of population may be more readily

recognized in the fact that its size is about the same as that

of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky combined,

but that its population is six times as great as that of those

States. Its productions include wheat, tobacco, buckwheat,

hemp, maize, millet, barley, sugar cane, cotton, and silk."

United States, Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2196.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

Papal declaration of the invalidity of its ordinations.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

CIVIL CODE: Introduction in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

-------CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: Start-----

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1893-1896.

Extensions of the Civil-Service rules by President Cleveland.

"Through the extensions of the Federal classification during

President Cleveland's second administration, the number of

positions covered by the civil-service rules was increased

two-fold. On March 3, 1893, the number classified was 42,928.

By a series of executive orders ranging from March 20, 1894,

to June 25. 1895, 10,000 places were added to the list,

bringing the total, approximately, to 53,000. Meanwhile, the

Civil Service Commission had recommended to the President a

general revision that would correct the imperfections of the

original rules and extend their scope to the full degree

contemplated by the Pendleton Act. After much correspondence

and consultation with department officers, and careful work on

the part of the Commission, the rules of May 6 [1896] were

promulgated. They added to the classification about 29,000

more places, and by transferring to the control of the

Commission the system of Navy Yard employment, established by

Secretary Tracy, brought the total number in the classified

service to 87,117. The positions in the Executive branch

unaffected by these orders included those classes expressly

excluded by the statute—persons nominated for confirmation by

the Senate and those employed 'merely as laborers or

workmen'—together with the fourth-class postmasters, clerks in

post-offices other than free delivery offices and in Customs

districts having less than five employees, persons receiving

less than $300 annual compensation, and about 1,000

miscellaneous positions of minor character, not classified for

reasons having to do with the good of the service—91,600 in

all. Within the classified service, the list of positions

excepted from competitive examination was confined to the

private secretaries and clerks of the President and Cabinet

officers, cashiers in the Customs Service, the Internal

Revenue Service and the principal post-offices, attorneys who

prepare cases for trial, principal Customs deputies and all

assistant postmasters—781 in all. The new rules provided for a

general system of promotion, based on competitive examinations

and efficiency records, and gave the Commission somewhat

larger powers in the matter of removals by providing that no

officer or employee in the classified service, of whatever

station, should be removed for political or religious reasons,

and that in all cases like penalties should be imposed for like

offenses. They created an admirable system, a system founded

on the most sensible rules of business administration, and

likely to work badly only where the Commission might encounter

the opposition of hostile appointing officers. President

Cleveland's revised rules were promulgated before the

Convention of either political party had been held, and before

the results of the election could be foreshadowed. The

extensions were practically approved, however, by the

Republican platform, which was adopted with full knowledge of

the nature of the changes, and which declared that the law

should be 'thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended

wherever practicable.' … Mr. McKinley, in his letter of

acceptance and in his inaugural address, repeated the pledge

of the Republican party to uphold the law, and during the two

months of his administration now past he has consistently done

so. He has been beset by many thousands of place-seekers, by

Senators and Representatives and by members of his own

Cabinet, all urging that he undo the work of his predecessor,

either wholly or in part, and so break his word of honor to

the nation, in order that they may profit. … At least five

bills have been introduced in Congress, providing for the

repeal of the law. … Finally, the Senate has authorized an

investigation, by the Committee on Civil Service and

Retrenchment, with the view of ascertaining whether the law

should be 'continued, amended or repealed,' and sessions of

this Committee are now in progress. … Mr. McKinley, by

maintaining the system against these organized attacks, will

do as great a thing as Mr. Cleveland did in upbuilding it."

Report of the Executive Committee of the New York

Civil Service Reform Association, 1897.

{146}

In his annual Message to Congress, December, 1896, President

Cleveland remarked on the subject:

"There are now in the competitive classified service upward of

eighty-four thousand places. More than half of these have been

included from time to time since March 4, 1893. … If

fourth-class postmasterships are not included in the

statement, it may be said that practically all positions

contemplated by the civil-service law are now classified.

Abundant reasons exist for including these postmasterships,

based upon economy, improved service, and the peace and quiet

of neighborhoods. If, however, obstacles prevent such action

at present, I earnestly hope that Congress will, without

increasing post-office appropriations, so adjust them as to

permit in proper cases a consolidation of these post-offices,

to the end that through this process the result desired may to

a limited extent be accomplished. The civil-service rules as

amended during the last year provide for a sensible and

uniform method of promotion, basing eligibility to better

positions upon demonstrated efficiency and faithfulness."

United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),

1896-1897, page 33.

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.

Constitutional provision in New York.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1897-1898.

Onslaught of the spoils-men at Washington.

Failure of the Congressional attack.

"During the four months following the inauguration [of

President McKinley] the onslaught of place-seekers was almost

unprecedented. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of them

discovered that the office or position he desired was

classified and subject to competitive examination. The tenure

of the incumbent in each case was virtually at the pleasure of

the department officers; removals might easily be made; but

appointments to the places made vacant could be made only from

the eligible lists, and the lists were fairly well filled. It

is true that the rules permitted the reinstatement without

examination of persons who had been separated from the service

without personal fault within one year, or of veterans who had

been in the service at any time, and that some removals were made

to make room for these. But the appointments in such cases

went but a very little way toward meeting the demand. The

result was that almost the whole pressure of the

office-hunting forces and of their members of Congress was

directed for the while toward one end—the revocation or

material modification of the civil service rules. President

McKinley was asked to break his personal pledges, as well as

those of his party, and to take from the classified service

more than one half of the 87,000 offices and positions it

contained. … But the President yielded substantially nothing.

… The attack of the spoils-seekers was turned at once from the

President to Congress. It was declared loudly that the desired

modifications would be secured through legislation, and that

it might even be difficult to restrain the majority from

voting an absolute repeal. In the House the new movement was

led by General Grosvenor of Ohio; in the Senate by Dr.

Gallinger of New Hampshire. … The first debates of the session

dealt with civil service reform. The House devoted two weeks to

the subject in connection with the consideration of the annual

appropriation for the Civil Service Commission. … The effort

to defeat the appropriation ended in the usual failure. It was

explained, however, that all of this had been mere preparation

for the proposed legislation. A committee was appointed by the

Republican opponents, under the lead of General Grosvenor, to

prepare a bill. The bill appeared on January 6, when it was

introduced by Mr. Evans of Kentucky, and referred to the

Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. It limited the

application of the civil service law to clerical employees at

Washington, letter carriers and mail clerks, and employees in

principal Post Offices and Customs Houses, proposing thus to

take from the present classified service about 55,000

positions. A series of hearings was arranged by the Civil

Service Committee, at which representatives of this and other

Associations, and of the Civil Service Commission, were

present. A sub-committee of seven, composing a majority of the

full committee, shortly afterward voted unanimously to report

the bill adversely. About the same time, the Senate Civil

Service Committee, which had been investigating the operation

of the law since early summer, presented its report. Of the

eight members, three recommended a limited number of

exceptions, amounting in all to probably 11,000; three

recommended a greatly reduced list of exceptions, and two

proposed none whatever. All agreed that the President alone

had authority to act, and that no legislation was needed. …

The collapse of the movement in Congress has turned the

attention of the spoilsmen again toward the President. He is

asked once more to make sweeping exceptions."

Report of the Executive Committee of the

New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898.

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES:A. D. 1897-1899.

Temporary check in New York.

Governor Black's law.

Restoration of the merit system under Governor Roosevelt.

"In June [1897]—after the Court of Appeals … had declared that

the constitutional amendment was self-executing, and that

appointments made without competitive examination, where

competitive examinations were practicable, must be held to be

illegal—steps were taken to secure a reduction of the exempt

and non-competitive positions in the State Service. A letter

was addressed to Governor Morton, by the officers of the

Association, on June 8, asking that the service be

reclassified, on a basis competitive as far as practicable.

The Governor replied that he had already given the subject

some thought, and that he would be glad to give our

suggestions careful consideration. On the 4th of August he

instructed the Civil Service Commission to prepare such a

revision of the rules and classification as had been proposed.

On the 11th of November this revision, prepared by

Commissioner Burt, was adopted by the full Commission, and on

the 9th of December the new rules were formally promulgated by

the Governor and placed in immediate operation. … The

Governor, earlier in the year, had reversed his action in the

case of inspectors and other employees of the new Excise

Department, by transferring them from the non-competitive to

the competitive class. … This marked the beginning of a

vigorous movement against the competitive system led by

chairmen of district committees, and other machine

functionaries.

{147}

Governor Morton's sweeping order of December completed the

discomfiture of these people and strengthened their purpose to

make a final desperate effort to break the system down. The

new Governor, of whom little had been known prior to his

unexpected nomination in September, proved to be in full

sympathy with their plan. In his message to the legislature,

Mr. Black, in a paragraph devoted to 'Civil Service,' referred

to the system built up by his predecessor in contemptuous

language, and declared that, in his judgment, 'Civil service

would work better with less starch.' He recommended

legislation that would render the examinations 'more

practical,' and that would permit appointing officers to

select from the whole number on an eligible list and not

confine them to selections 'from among those graded highest.'

Such legislation, he promised; would 'meet with prompt

executive approval.' Each house of the legislature referred

this part of the message to its Judiciary Committee, with

instructions to report a bill embodying the Governor's ideas.

… Within a few days of the close of the legislative session,

the measure currently described as 'Governor Black's bill was

Introduced. … The bill provided that in all examinations for

the State, county or municipal service, not more than 50 per

cent. might be given for 'merit,' to be determined by the

Examining Boards, and that the rest of the rating,

representing 'fitness,' was to be given by the appointing

officer, or by some person or persons designated by him. All

existing eligible lists were to be abolished in 30 days, and

the new scheme was to go into operation at once. … A hearing

was given by the Senate Committee on the following day, and

one by the Assembly Committee a few days later. … The bill,

with some amendments, was passed In the Senate, under

suspension of the rules, and as a party measure. … It was

passed in the Assembly also as a caucus measure."

Report of the Executive Committee of the

New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1897.

"Early [in 1898] after time had been allowed for the act to

prove its capabilities in practice, steps were taken toward

commencing a suit to test its constitutionality in the courts.

… Pending the bringing of a test suit, a bill was prepared for

the Association and introduced in the Legislature on March

16th, last, one of the features of which was the repeal of the

unsatisfactory law. … The bill … was passed by the Senate on

March 29th. On the 31st, the last day of the session, it was

passed by the Assembly. … On the same date it was signed by

the Governor and became a law. This act has the effect of

exempting the cities from the operation of the act of 1897,

restoring the former competitive system in each of them."

Report of the Executive Committee of the

New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898.

"As a result of the confusing legislation of [1897 and 1898]

at least four systems of widely differing character had come

into existence by the first of [1899]. New York city had its

charter rules, … the state departments were conducted under

two adaptations of the Black law, and in the smaller cities

the plan of the original law of 1883 was followed. In his

first annual message, Governor Roosevelt directed the

attention of the Legislature to this anomalous condition and

strongly urged the passage of an act repealing the Black law

and establishing a uniform system, for the state and cities

alike, subject to state control. Such an act was prepared with

the co-operation of a special committee of the Association. …

After some discussion it was determined to recast the measure,

adopting a form amounting to a codification of all previously

existing statutes, and less strict in certain of its general

provisions. … The bill was … passed by the Senate by a

majority of two. … In the Assembly it was passed with slight

amendments. … On the … 19th of April the act was signed by the

Governor, and went into immediate effect. … The passage of

this law will necessitate the complete recasting of the civil

service system in New York, on radically different lines."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899.

Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.

Severe criticism of the order by the National Civil

Service Reform League.

On the 29th of May, 1899, President McKinley was persuaded to

issue an order greatly modifying the civil service rules,

releasing many offices from their operation and permitting

numerous transfers in the service on a non-competitive

examination. This presidential order was criticised with

severity in a statement promptly issued by the Executive

Committee of the National Civil Service Reform League, which

says: "The National Civil Service Reform League, after mature

consideration, regards the order of President McKinley, of May

29, changing the Civil Service rules, as a backward step of

the most pronounced character. The order follows a long

succession of violations, of both the spirit and the literal

terms of the law and rules, in various branches of the

service, and must be considered in its relations to these. Its

immediate effects, which have been understated, may be set

forth as follows:

(1) It withdraws from the classified service not merely 3,000

or 4,000 offices and positions, but, as nearly as can be now

estimated, 10,109. It removes 3,693 from the class of

positions filled hitherto either through competitive

examination or through an orderly practice of promotion, and

it transfers 6,416 other positions in the War Department,

filled hitherto through a competitive registration system,

under the control of the Civil Service Commission, to a system

to be devised and placed in effect by the present Secretary of

War.

(2) It declares regular at least one thousand additional

appointments made temporarily, without examination—in many

cases in direct disregard of the law—in branches that are not

affected by the exceptions, but that remain nominally

competitive.

(3) It permits the permanent appointment of persons employed

without examination, for emergency purposes during the course

of war with Spain, thus furnishing a standing list of many

thousands which positions in the War Department may be filled,

without tests of fitness, for a long time to come.

(4) It alters the rules to the effect that in future any

person appointed with or without competitive examination, or

without any examination, may be placed by transfer in any

classified position without regard to the character or

similarity of the employments interchanged, and after

non-competitive examination only.

{148}

(5) It permits the reinstatement, within the discretion of the

respective department officers, of persons separated from the

service at any previous time for any stated reason.

The effect of these changes in the body of the rules will be

of a more serious nature than that of the absolute exceptions

made. It will be practicable to fill competitive positions of

every description either through arbitrary reinstatement—or

through original appointment to a lower grade, or to an

excepted position without tests of any sort, or even by

transfer from the great emergency force of the War Department,

to be followed in any such case by a mere 'pass' examination.

As general experience has proven, the 'pass' examinations, in

the course of time, degenerate almost invariably into farce.

It will be practicable also to restore to the service at the

incoming of each new administration those dismissed for any

cause during the period of any administration preceding. That

such a practice will lead to wholesale political reprisals,

and, coupled with the other provisions referred to, to the

re-establishment on a large scale of the spoils system of

rotation and favoritism, cannot be doubted."

In his next succeeding annual Message to Congress the

President used the following language on the subject: "The

Executive order [by President Cleveland] of May 6, 1896,

extending the limits of the classified service, brought within

the operation of the civil-service law and rules nearly all of

the executive civil service not previously classified. Some of

the inclusions were found wholly illogical and unsuited to the

work of the several Departments. The application of the rules to

many of the places so included was found to result in friction

and embarrassment. After long and very careful consideration

it became evident to the heads of the Departments, responsible

for their efficiency, that in order to remove these

difficulties and promote an efficient and harmonious

administration certain amendments were necessary. These

amendments were promulgated by me in Executive order dated May

29, 1899. All of the amendments had for their main object a

more efficient and satisfactory administration of the system

of appointments established by the civil-service law. The

results attained show that under their operation the public

service has improved and that the civil-service system is

relieved of many objectionable features which heretofore

subjected it to just criticism and the administrative officers

to the charge of unbusinesslike methods in the conduct of

public affairs. It is believed that the merit system has been

greatly strengthened and its permanence assured."

United States, Message and Documents

(Abridgment), 1890-1900, volume 1.

At its next annual meeting, December 14, 1900, in New York,

the National Civil Service Reform League reiterated its

condemnation of the order of President McKinley, declaring:

"The year has shown that the step remains as unjustified in

principle as ever and that it has produced, in practical

result, just the injuries to the service that were feared, as

the reports of our committee of various branches of the

service have proved. The league, therefore, asserts without

hesitancy that the restoration of very nearly all places in

every branch of the service exempted from classification by

this deplorable order is demanded by the public interest and

that the order itself should be substantially revoked."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900.

Civil Service Rules in the Philippine Islands.

"An Act for the establishment and maintenance of an efficient

and honest civil service in the Philippine Islands" was

adopted, on the 19th of September, by the Commission which now

administers the civil government of those islands. The bill is

founded on the principles of the American civil service in

their stricter construction, and its provisions extend to all

the executive branches of the government. The framing of rules

and regulations for the service are left to the Civil Service

Board provided for in the act. A correspondent of the "New

York Tribune," writing from Manila on the day after the

enactment, states: "W. Leon Pepperman, who has long been

connected with the civil service in the United States, and who

has made a personal study of the systems maintained by Great

Britain, France, and Holland in their Eastern colonies, will

be on this board, as will be F. W. Kiggins of the Washington

Civil Service Commission. The third member probably will be a

Filipino. President Taft had selected for this post Dr.

Joaquin Gonzalez, an able man, but that gentleman's untimely

death on the eve of his appointment has forced President Taft

to find another native capable of meeting the necessary

requirements. Mr. Kiggins probably will act as Chief Examiner,

and Mr. Pepperman as Chairman of the board:" According to the

same correspondent: " Examinations for admittance to the

service will be held in Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, in the

Philippines, and in the United States under the auspices and

control of the Federal Civil Service Commission." At the

annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League of

the United States held in New York, December 13, 1900, the

above measure was commended highly in the report of a special

committee appointed to consider the subject of the civil

service in our new dependencies, as being one by which, "if it

be persevered in, the merit system will be established in the

islands of that archipelago, at least as thoroughly and

consistently as in any department of government, Federal,

State or municipal, in the Union. This must be, in any case,

regarded as a gratifying recognition of sound principles of

administration on the part of the commission and justifies the

hope that, within the limits of their jurisdiction at least,

no repetition of the scandals of post-bellum days will be

tolerated. The ruling of the several departments that the

provisions of the Federal offices established in the

dependencies which would be classified if within the United

States is also a matter to be noted with satisfaction by the

friends of good government."

{149}

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

The "spoils system" of service in the House of Representatives.

The "spoils system" maintained by Congressmen among their own

immediate employees, in the service of the House of

Representatives, was depicted in a report, submitted February

28, 1901, by a special committee which had been appointed to

investigate the pay of the House employees. The report,

presented by Mr. Moody, of Massachusetts, makes the following

general statements, with abundance of illustrative instances,

few of which can be given here: "The four officers elected by

the House, namely, the Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeeper,

and Postmaster, appoint the employees of the House, except the

clerks and assistant clerks of members and committees, four

elevator men, the stenographers, and those appointed by House

resolutions. The appointments, however, are made on the

recommendation of members of the House, and very largely,

though not entirely, of members of the dominant party in the

House. If a member upon whose recommendation an appointment is

made desires the removal of his appointee and the substitution

of another person, the removal and substitution are made without

regard to the capacity of either person. In case a member upon

whose recommendation an appointment has been made ceases to be

a member of the House, an employee recommended by him

ordinarily loses his place. Thus the officers of the House,

though responsible for the character of the service rendered

by the employees, have in reality little or no voice in their

selection, and, as might reasonably be expected, the results

obtained from the system which we have described are in some

cases extremely unsatisfactory. This method of appointing

House employees has existed for many years, during which the

House has been under the control of each party alternately. We

believe that candor compels us to state at the outset that

some of the faults in administration which we have observed

are attributable to the system and to the persistence of

members of the House in urging upon the officers the

appointment of their constituents and friends to subordinate

places, and that such faults are deeply rooted, of long

standing, and likely to continue under the administration of

any political party as long as such a system is maintained."

The committee found nothing to criticise in  the

administration of the offices of the House Postmaster or

Sergeant-at-Arms. With reference to the offices of the Clerk

and the Doorkeeper they say: "We have found in both

departments certain abuses, which may be grouped under three

heads, namely: Transfers of employees from the duties of the

positions to which they were appointed to other duties,

unjustifiable payments of compensation to employees while

absent from their posts of duty, and divisions of salary.

"First. Transfers of employees from the duties to which they

were appointed to other duties.—Some part of this evil is

doubtless attributable to the fact that the annual

appropriation acts have not properly provided for the

necessities of the House service. An illustration of this is

furnished by the case of Guy Underwood, who is carried on the

rolls as a laborer at $720 per annum, while in point of fact

he performs the duty of assistant in the Hall Library of the

House and his compensation is usually increased to $1,800 per

annum by an appropriation of $1,080 in the general deficiency

act. Again, a sufficient number of messengers has not been

provided for the actual necessities of the service, while more

folders have been provided than are required. As a result of

this men have been transferred from the duties of a folder to

those of a messenger, and the compensation of some has been

increased by appropriation in deficiency acts. But evils of

another class result from transfers, some examples of which we

report. They result in part, at least, from an attempt to

adjust salaries so as to satisfy the members that their

appointees obtain a just share of the whole appropriation,

instead of attempting to apportion the compensation to the

merits of the respective employees and the character of the

services which they render. …

"Second. Payments of compensation to employees while

absent.—The duty of many of the employees of the House ceases

with the end of a session, or very soon thereafter. Such is

the case with the reading clerks, messengers, enrolling

clerks, and many others who might be named. Their absence from

Washington after a session of Congress closes and their duties

are finished is as legitimate as the absence of the members

themselves. But many employees who should be at their posts

have been from time to time absent without justification, both

during sessions and between sessions. In the absence of any

record it is impossible for the committee to ascertain with

anything like accuracy the amount of absenteeism, but in our

opinion it is very considerable.

"Some of those employed in the library service have been

absent for long periods between the sessions of Congress,

although the House library is in a condition which demands

constant attention for years to come in order to bring it up

to a proper condition of efficiency. The pay roll of the

librarian, his assistants, and those detailed to the library

service, including deficiency appropriations, amounts to

$9,200 per annum. No one of the employees of the library, with

the exception of a $600 deficiency employee and Guy Underwood,

who in his freshman year at college was librarian part of one

session at the Ohio State University, has ever had any library

experience, although they all appear to be capable,

intelligent men. The House library is said to consist of

300,000 volumes, many of which are duplicates, and is

scattered from the Dome to the basement of the Capitol, in

some instances, until recently, books being piled in unused

rooms, like so much wood or coal. The present librarian

testified as follows:

'Q. It would be difficult to describe a worse condition than

existed?'

'A. It would, for the condition of books. It would be all

right for a barnyard, but for books it was terrible.' It is

just to say that under the present administration of the

library some attempt has been made at improvement, but the

effect of fifty years' neglect can not be remedied in a day.

We can not think that any absenteeism, beyond a reasonable

vacation, on the part of those employed in the library is

justifiable in view of the foregoing facts.

"The folders, taking the orders of members rather than those

of the Doorkeeper, are absent a great deal during the

vacation, and in some cases persons are employed by resolution

to do their work. The Doorkeeper testified as follows:

'I think Mr. Lyon told me where members requested they had

three months at home during this last Congress.'

'Q. Drawing their pay in the meantime?'

'A. Yes, sir; they had three months'.'

'Q. That is not in the interest of your service, is it?'

'A. No, sir.'

'Q. Have you been able to prevent it?'

'A. No, sir.'

'Q. Why?'

'A. They would go to the superintendent of the folding room

and say to him, "My man has got to go home."'

'Q. You mean the members would go?'

'A. Yes, sir. I do not like to criticise members, but that is

the situation. They go and say, "I have got to have my man

home, and he must go home; it is absolutely necessary;" and he

has been permitted to go.'

{150}

"We have been unable to inquire as much into specific

instances of absenteeism as we desired, but it may be said

generally that absenteeism on the folders' force is very

general. …

"Third, division of salaries.—According to the testimony of

Thomas H. McKee, the Journal clerk, the custom of dividing

salaries is an old one and has existed for at least twenty

years. We are satisfied that we are unable to report all the

instances of divisions of salaries which have occurred: but we

submit the following facts, which were clearly proved before

us: On the organization of the House in the Fifty-fourth

Congress it appears that more places, or places with higher

salaries, were promised than the officers of the House were

able to discover under the law. It does not appear by whom

these promises were made. There began at once a system whereby

the employees agreed to contribute greater or less portions of

the salaries they received for the purpose either of paying

persons not on the roll or of increasing the compensation of

persons who were on the roll. Of the latter class, the

increases were not proportioned to the character of the

services rendered or the merit of the employees, but to the

supposed rights of the States or Congressional districts from

which the recipients came. Some of these contributions were

made voluntarily and cheerfully; others we believe to have

been made under a species of moral duress."

Congressional Record,

February 28, 1901, page 3597.

CLERICAL PARTY: Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after.

CLERICAL PARTY: Belgium.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.

CLEVELAND, Grover:

President of the United States.

See (in volume 5 and in this volume.)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1893, to 1897.

CLEVELAND, Grover:

Extensions of Civil Service Rules.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

CLEVELAND, Grover:

Message to Congress on the Boundary Dispute between

Great Britain and Venezuela.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

CLEVELAND, Grover:

On Cuban affairs.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CLEVELAND, OHIO: A. D. 1896.

The centennial anniversary of the founding of the city was

celebrated with appropriate ceremonies on the 22d of July,

1896, and made memorable by a gift to the city, by Mr. John D.

Rockefeller, of 276 acres of land for a public park.

COAL MINERS, Strikes among.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

COAMO, Engagement at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

COLENSO, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

COLLEGES.

See (in this volume)

EDUCATION.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

Resumption of work on the Panama Canal.

Revolutionary movements.

Prolonged Civil War.

Boundary dispute with Costa Rica.

Panama Canal concession twice extended.

In 1893 the receiver or liquidator of the affairs of the

bankrupt Panama Canal Company of De Lesseps (see, in volume 4,

PANAMA CANAL) obtained from the government of Colombia an

extension of the terms of the concession under which that

company had worked, provided that work on the canal should be

resumed before November 1, 1894. He succeeded in forming in

France a new company which actually made a beginning of work

on the canal before the limit of time expired. But this

attempted revival of the undertaking was quickly harassed,

like everything else in Colombia, by an outbreak of revolt

against the clerical control of government under President

Caro. The revolutionary movement was begun late in 1894,

receiving aid from exiles and sympathizers in Venezuela,

Ecuador and Central America. It had no substantial success,

the revolutionists being generally defeated in the pitched

battles that were fought; but after a few months they were

broken into guerilla bands and continued warfare in that

method throughout most of the year 1895. They were still

threatening in 1896, but the activity and energy of President

Caro prevented any serious outbreak. A boundary dispute

between Colombia and Costa Rica, which became considerably

embittered in 1896, was finally referred to the President of

the French Republic, whose decision was announced in

September, 1900.

Colombia began a fresh experience of civil war in the autumn

of 1899, when an obstinate movement for the overthrow of

President Saclemente (elected in 1898) was begun. General

Herrera was said, at the outset, to be in the lead, but, as

the struggle proceeded, General Rafael Uribe-Uribe seems to

have become its real chief. It went on with fierce fighting,

especially in the isthmus, and with varying fortunes, until

near the close of 1900, when the insurgents met with a defeat

which drove General Uribe-Uribe to flight. He made his escape

to Venezuela, and thence to the United States, arriving at New

York early in February, 1901. In conversation with

representatives of the Press he insisted that there was no

thought in his party or in his own mind of abandoning the

revolutionary attempt. The cause of the revolution, he said,

was due to the oppression of the government, which was in the

hands of the Conservative party. "They have not governed

according to the constitution," he said, "and while taxing the

Liberals, will not allow them to be adequately represented in

the government. For fifteen years the Liberal party has been

deprived of all its rights. I have been the only

representative of the party in Congress. We tried every

peaceable method to obtain our rights before going to war, but

could not get anything from the government. The government did

not want to change anything, because it did not want to lose

any of its power. I, as the only representative of the Liberal

party, made up my mind to fight, and will fight to the end."

By what is said to have been a forced resignation, some time

in the later part of the year 1900, President Saclemente, a

very old man, retired from the active duties of the office,

which were taken in hand by the Vice-President, Dr. Manoquin.

During the year 1900, the government signed a further

extension of the concession to the Panama Canal Company,

prolonging the period within which the canal must be completed

six years from April, 1904.

{151}

COLORADO: A. D. 1897.

Abolition of the death penalty.

By an Act of the Legislature of Colorado which became law in

March, 1897, the death penalty was abolished in that state.

COLORADOS.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

COLUMBUS, Christopher:

Removal of remains from Havana to Seville.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

COMBINATIONS, Industrial.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS.

COMMANDO.

Commandeering.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

COMMERCIAL CONGRESS, International.

See (in this volume)

INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

COMMERCIAL MUSEUM, Philadelphia.

See (in this volume)

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.

COMPULSORY INSURANCE:

The State System in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

COMPULSORY VOTING.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

CONCERT OF EUROPE.

Concert of the Powers.

"We have heard of late so much about 'the Concert' that the

man in the street talks of it as if it were a fact of nature

like the Bosphorus or the Nile; and he assumes that he and all

his neighbours understand exactly what it means. Yet it may be

doubted whether even persons so omniscient as the politician

and the journalist could describe it with any approach to

truth or even to common sense. An energetic newspaper lately

described the Concert as 'Three Despots, two Vassals, and a

Coward.' This doubtless was a libel. An Olympian

Under-Secretary called it 'the Cabinet of Europe.' Lord

Salisbury himself, impatient of facile caricatures, insisted

that it was a 'Federation.' It has also, to Sir William

Harcourt's wrath, been spoken of as an 'Areopagus' having

'legislative' powers. All these phrases are mere nonsense; and

yet they have profoundly influenced the action of this country

and the course of recent history. The patent fact of the hour

is that six powerful States are pleased to interest themselves

in the Eastern Question—which is the question of the dissolution

of Turkey.

See, in this volume,

TURKEY: A. D. 1895, and after.

They base their claim to take exceptional steps in the matter

on the plea that there is imminent risk of a general European

war if they do not act. … What is the Concert of Europe? It is

not a treaty, still less a federation. If it is anything, it

is a tacit understanding between the 'six Powers' that they

will take common action, or abstain from 'isolated action,' in

the Eastern question. Whether it is even that, in any rational

sense of the word 'understanding,' is more than doubtful. For

there has been much and very grave 'isolated action,' even in

pending troubles."

See, in this volume,

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH); and 1897-1899]

The Concert of Europe

(Contemporary Review, May, 1897).

The joint action of the leading European Powers in dealing

with Turkish affairs, between 1896 and 1899, which took the

name of "The Concert of Europe," was imitated in 1900, when

the more troublesome "Far Eastern Question" was suddenly

sprung upon the world by the "Boxer" rising in China. The

United States and Japan were then associated in action with

the European nations; and the "Concert of Europe" was

succeeded by a larger "Concert of the Powers."

See, in this volume,

CHINA: A. D. 1900, JANUARY-MARCH, and after.

CONCESSIONS, The battle of, in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

CONDOMINIUM, Anglo-Egyptian, in the Sudan.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

CONFEDERATE DISABILITIES, Removal of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

CONGER, Edwin H.: United States Minister to China.

See (in this volume) CHINA.

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.

Mutiny of troops of Baron Dhanis's expedition.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (CONGO FREE STATE).

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

Results of the King of Belgium's attempt to found

an African Empire.

Contradictory representations.

"The opening in the first few days of July [1898] of the

railway through the District of the Cataracts, from Matadi to

Stanley Pool, has turned public attention to Central Africa,

where the genius and courage of the King of the Belgians have

created a Black Empire within the short space of twelve years.

It is the special pride of its founder that the vast state of

the Congo has been formed without bloodshed, except at the

cost of the cruel Arab slave-hunters, and of the not less

cruel cannibals like Msiri or the Batetelas, that a thousand

treaties have been signed without a gunshot, and that from the

commencement the highest ideals of modern civilisation have

been aimed at, and, considering the stupendous difficulties of

the task, practically attained in the administration. The

standard of humanity and progress has been firmly planted in

the midst of a population of thirty millions, the decadence of

those millions has been arrested, peace exists where there was

only slaughter and savagery, and prosperity is coming in the

train of improved communications, and of the development of

the natural resources of a most promising region. In the

history of Empires that of the Congo State is unique. …

"The Berlin Conference  did nothing for the Congo State beyond

giving it a being and a name.

See, in volume 1,

CONGO FREE STATE.

On the other hand it imposed upon it some onerous conditions.

There was to be freedom of trade—an excellent principle, but

not contributory to the State exchequer—it was to employ all

its strength in the suppression of the slave trade—'a

gigantic task, undertaken with the resources of pygmies,' as

some one has said—and the navigation of the Congo was to be

free to all the world without a single toll. The sufficiently

ample dimensions marked out for the State in the Conventional

limits attached to the Berlin General Act had to be defined

and regulated by subsequent negotiation with the neighbouring

Powers.

{152}

France attenuated the northern possessions of the State at

every possible opportunity, but at length, in February, 1895,

she was induced to waive in favour of Belgium the right of

pre-emption which the Congo Association had given her in

April, 1884, over its possessions, at the moment when the

Anglo-Portuguese Convention threatened that enterprise with

extinction. … Four years after the meeting at Berlin it was

found necessary to convene another conference of the Powers,

held on this occasion at Brussels, under the presidency of

Baron Lambermont, whose share in the success of the earlier

conference had been very marked and brilliant. The chief

object set before the new Conference was to devise means for

the abolition of the Slave Trade in Central Africa. … The

Conference lasted more than seven months, and it was not until

July, 1890, that the General Act bearing the signatures of the

Powers was agreed upon. It increased the obligations resting

on the State; its decisions, to which the Independent State

was itself a party, made the task more onerous, but at the

same time it sanctioned the necessary measures to give the

State the revenue needed for the execution of its new

programme. …

"Fresh from the Brussels Conference the Congo State threw

itself into the struggle with the Arabs. … Thanks to the skill

and energy with which the campaign was conducted the triumph

of the State was complete, and the downfall of the Arabs

sounded the knell of the slave trade, of which they were the

principal, and indeed the sole, promoters. The Arab campaign

did not conclude the military perils that beset the nascent

State. The Batetela contingent of the Public Force or native

army of the Congo mutinied in January, 1897, while on the

march to occupy the Lado district of the Upper Nile, and the

episode, ushered in in characters of blood by the

assassination of many Belgian officers, seemed to shake the

recently-constructed edifice to its base. But if the ordeal

was severe, the manner in which the authorities have triumphed

over their adversaries and surmounted their difficulties,

furnishes clear evidence of the stability of their power. The

Batetela mutineers have been overthrown in several signal

encounters, a mere handful of fugitives still survive, and

each mail brings news of their further dispersal. Even at the

moment of its occurrence the blow from the Batetela mutiny was

tempered by the success of the column under Commandant Chaltin in

overthrowing the Dervishes at Redjaf and in establishing the

State's authority on the part of the Nile assigned to it by

the Anglo-Congolese Convention of 1894. The triumphs of the

Congo State have, however, been those of peace and not of war.

With the exception of the operations named and the overthrow

of the despotism of the savage Msiri, the State's record is

one of unbroken tranquillity. These wars, little in magnitude

but great in their consequences, were necessary for the

suppression of the slave trade as well as for the legitimate

assertion of the authority of the Congo Government. But their

immediate consequence was the effective carrying out of the

clauses in the Penal Code making all participation in the

capture of slaves or in cannibalism a capital offence. That

was the primary task, the initial step, in the establishment

of civilisation in Central Africa, and of the credit for this

the Congo State cannot be deprived. When this was done there

remained the still more difficult task of saving the black

races from the evils which civilisation brings in its train

among an ignorant population incapable of self-control. The

import of firearms had to be checked in order to prevent an

untamed race indulging in internecine strife, or turning their

weapons upon the mere handful of Europeans engaged in the task

of regenerating the negroes. The necessary measures inspired

by the double motives of self-preservation and the welfare of

the blacks have been taken, and the State controls in the most

complete and effectual manner the importation of all weapons

and munitions of war. Nor has the success of the

administration been less clear or decisive in its control of

the liquor traffic."

Demetrius C. Boulger,

Twelve Years' Work on the Congo

(Fortnightly Review, October, 1898).

To a considerable extent this favorable view of the work of

the Belgians in the Congo State is sustained by the report

which a British Consul, Mr. Pickersgill, made to his

government in 1898. He wrote admiringly of the energy with

which the Belgians had overcome enormous difficulties in their

undertaking, and then asked: "Has this splendid invasion

justified itself by benefiting the aborigines? Equatorial

Africa is not a white man's country. He can never prove his

claim to sole possession of it by surviving as the fittest;

and without the black man's co-operation it can serve no

useful purpose to anybody. Has the welfare of the African,

then, whose prosperous existence is thus indispensable, been

duly cared for in the Congo State?" By way of answer to these

questions, his report sets forth, with apparently strict

fairness, the conditions produced in the country as he

carefully observed them. He found that much good had been done

to the natives by restrictions on the liquor trade, by an

extensive suppression of inter-tribal wars, and by a

diminution of cannibalism. Then comes a rehearsal of facts

which have a different look.

"The yoke of the notorious Arab slave-traders has been broken,

and traffic in human beings amongst the natives themselves has

been diminished to a considerable degree. Eulogy here begins

with a spurt and runs out thin at the end. But there is no

better way of recording the facts concisely. To hear, amidst

the story's wild surroundings, how Dhanis and Hinde, and their

intrepid comrades, threw themselves, time after time, upon the

strongholds of the banded men-stealers, until the Zone Arabe

was won in the name of freedom, is to thrill with admiration

of a gallant crusade. … But it is disappointing to see the

outcome of this lofty enterprise sink to a mere modification

of the evil that was so righteously attacked. Like the

Portuguese in Angola, the Belgians on the Congo have adopted

the system of requiring the slave to pay for his freedom by

serving a new master during a fixed term of years for wages

merely nominal. On this principle is based the 'serviçal'

system of the first-named possession, and the 'libéré' system

of the latter; the only difference between the two being that

the Portuguese Government permits limited re-enslavement for

the benefit of private individuals, but does not purchase on

its own account; while the Government of the Independent State

retains for itself an advantage which it taboos to everybody

else.

{153}

"The State supports this system because labour is more easily

obtainable thereby than by enforcing corvee amongst the free

people, and less expensively than by paying wages. The slave

so acquired, however, is supposed to have undergone a change

of status, and is baptized officially as a free man. After

seven years' service under the new name he is entitled to his

liberty complete. In Angola the limit is five years. The

natives are being drilled into the habit of regular work. …

The first Europeans who travelled inland of Matadi had to rely

entirely on porters from the coast, and it was not until the

missionaries had gained the confidence of the people, and

discovered individuals amongst them who could be trusted as

gangers, that the employment of local carriers became

feasible. The work was paid for, of course, and it is to the

credit of the State that the remuneration continued,

undiminished, after compulsion was applied. But how, it cannot

fail to be asked, did the necessity for compulsion arise? In

the same way that it has since arisen in connection with other

forms of labour: the State wished to get on faster than

circumstances would permit. Accordingly the Government

authorities prohibited the missionaries from recruiting where

porters were most easily obtained, and under the direction of

their military chief, the late Governor-General Wahis,

initiated a rigorous system of corvee. In spite of the

remuneration this was resisted, at first by the men liable to

serve absenting themselves from home, and afterwards, when the

State Officers began to seize their women and children as

hostages, by preparations for war. Deserting their villages,

the people of the caravan route took to the bush, and efforts

were made by the chiefs to bring about a general uprising of

the entire Cataract district. Things were in so critical a

condition that Colonel Wahis had to leave unpunished the

destruction of a Government station and the murder of the

officer in charge. Mainly through the influence of the

missionaries the general conflagration was prevented, but the

original outbreak continued to smoulder for months, and

transport work of all kinds had to be discontinued until means

were devised of equalising the burden of the corvee, and of

enlisting the co-operation of the chiefs in its management.

That was in 1894. Three years later the system appeared to be

working with remarkable smoothness. … Whatever views may be

held respecting the influence of the State at the present

stage of its schoolmaster task, there can be no doubt that the

condition, a year or two hence, of those sections of the

population about to be relieved from the transport service,

will afford conclusive evidence, one way or the other, of the

Government's civilising ability. … It needs no great knowledge

of coloured humanity to foresee that such pupils will quickly

relapse into good-for-nothingness more than aboriginal, unless

their education be continued. …

"One of the most obvious duties of an European Government

standing in 'loco parentis' to savage tribes, and exercising

'dominatio parentis' with an unspared rod, is to educate the

juvenile pagan. Since 1892 the Congo State has disbursed,

according to the published returns, taking one year with

another, about 6,000l. per annum, on this department of its

enterprise. It cannot be said, therefore, to have neglected

the duty entirely. A school for boys has been established at

Boma, and another at Nouvelle Anvers; while large numbers of

children of both sexes have been placed with the Roman

Catholic missionaries, in the same and other districts. Except

in one direction, however, the movement has not been very

successful. The young Africans thus blessed with a chance of

becoming loyal with intelligence are all waifs and strays, who

have been picked up by exploring parties and military

expeditions. Their homes are at the points of the compass, and

their speech is utter bewilderment. …

"A word must be said as to the employment of what are known as

'sentries.' A 'sentry' on the Congo is a dare-devil

aboriginal, chosen, from troops impressed outside the district

in which he serves, for his loyalty and force of character.

Armed with a rifle and a pouch of cartridges, he is located in

a native village to see that the labour for which its

inhabitants are responsible is duly attended to. If they are

India rubber collectors, his duty is to send the men into the

forest and take note of those who do not return with the

proper quantity. Where food is the tax demanded, his business

is to make sure that the women prepare and deliver it; and in

every other matter connected with the Government he is the

factotum, as far as that village is concerned, of the officer

of the district, his power being limited only by the amount of

zeal the latter may show in checking oppression. When

Governor-General Wahis returned from his tour of inspection he

seemed disposed to recommend the abolition of this system,

which is open to much abuse. But steps have not yet been taken

in that direction."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: No. 459,

Miscellaneous Series, 1898, pages 7-12).

From this account of things it would seem that Mr. Boulger, in

the view quoted above from his article on the work of King

Leopold in the Congo country, had chosen to look only at what

is best in the results. On the other hand, the writer of the

following criticism in the "Spectator" of London may have

looked at nothing but the blacker side:

"King Leopold II., who, though he inherits some of the Coburg

kingcraft, is not a really able man, deceived by confidence in

his own great wealth and by the incurable Continental idea

that anybody can make money in the tropics if he is only hard

enough, undertook an enterprise wholly beyond his resources,

and by making revenue instead of good government his end,

spoiled the whole effect of his first successes. The Congo

Free State, covering a million square miles, that is, as large

as India, and containing a population supposed to exceed

forty-two millions, was committed by Europe to his charge in

absolute sovereignty, and at first there appeared to be no

resistance. Steamers and telegraphs and stations are trifles

to a millionaire, and there were any number of Belgian

engineers and young officers and clerks eager for employment.

The weak point of the undertaking, inadequate resources, soon,

however, became patent to the world. The King had the disposal

of a few white troops, but they were only Belgians, who suffer

greatly in tropical warfare, and his agents had to form an

acclimatised army 'on the cheap.' They engaged, therefore, the

fiercest blacks they could find, most of them cannibals, paid

them by tolerating license, and then endeavoured to maintain

their own authority by savage discipline.

{154}

The result was that the men, as events have proved, and as the

King seems in his apologia to admit, were always on the verge

of mutiny, and that the native tribes, with their advantages

of position, numbers, and knowledge of the forest and the

swamps, proved at least as good fighters as most of the forces

of the Congo State. So great, however, is the intellectual

superiority of white men, so immeasurable the advantage

involved in any tincture science, that the Belgians might

still have prevailed but for the absolute necessity of

obtaining money. They could not wait for the growth of

resources under scientific taxation such as will follow Mr.

Mitchell Innes's financial reforms in Siam, but attempted to

obtain them from direct taxation and monopolies, especially

that of rubber. Resistance was punished with a savage cruelty,

which we are quite ready to believe was not the original

intention of the Belgians, but which could not be avoided when

the only mode of punishing a village was to let loose black

cannibals on it to work their will, and which gradually

hardened even the Europeans, and the consequence was universal

disloyalty. The braver tribes fought with desperation, the

black troops were at once cowed and attracted by their

opponents, the black porters and agriculturists became secret

enemies, all were kept in order by terror alone, and we all

see the result. The Belgians are beaten; their chiefs, Baron

Dhanis and Major Lothaire, are believed to be prisoners; and

the vast territories of the far interior, whence alone rubber

can now be obtained, are already lost. … The administration on

the spot is tainted by the history of its cruelties and its

failures, and there are not the means in Brussels of replacing

it by competent officials, or of supplying them with the

considerable means required for what must now be a deliberate

reconquest."

Spectator (London),

February 4, 1899.

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.

Expiration of the Belgian Convention of 1890.

King Leopold's will.

Three days after the close of the year 1900, the Convention of

1890, which regulated for a period of ten years the relations

between Belgium and the Congo State, expired by lapse of time,

but was likely to be renewed. The chief provisions of the

Convention were

(1) that Belgium should advance to the Congo State a loan of

25,000,000f. (£1,000,000), free of interest, of which

one-fifth was payable at sight and the balance in ten yearly

instalments of 2,000,000f. each;

(2) Belgium acquired within six months of the final payment

the option of annexing the Congo State with all the rights and

appurtenances of sovereignty attaching thereto; or

(3) if Belgium did not avail herself of this right the loan

was only redeemable after a further period of ten years, but

became subject to interest at the rate of 3, per cent. per

annum.

The will of King Leopold, executed in 1889, runs as follows:

"We bequeath and transmit to Belgium, after our death, all our

Sovereign rights to the Congo Free State, such as they have been

recognized by the declarations, conventions, and treaties,

drawn up since 1884, on the one hand between the International

Association of the Congo, and on the other hand the Free State,

as well as all the property, rights, and advantages, accruing

from such sovereignty. Until such time as the Legislature of

Belgium shall have stated its intentions as to the acceptation

of these dispositions, the sovereignty shall be exercised

collectively by the Council of three administrators of the

Free State and by the Governor-General."

----------CONGO FREE STATE: End--------

CONGRESS: Of the United States.

Reapportionment of Representatives.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1896.

Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank,

and subsequent Turkish massacre of Armenians.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.: Start--------

The following is the "Act to constitute the Commonwealth of

Australia," as passed by the Imperial Parliament, July 9, 1900

(63 & 64 Vict. ch. 12)—see (in this volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D.

1900. The text is from the official publication of the Act:

Whereas the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South

Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, humbly relying on the

blessing of Almighty God, have agreed to unite in one

indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown of the

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and under the

Constitution hereby established: And whereas it is expedient

to provide for the admission into the Commonwealth of other

Australasian Colonies and possessions of the Queen: Be it

therefore enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by

and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and

Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,

and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

1. This Act may be cited as the Commonwealth of Australia

Constitution Act.

2. The provisions of this Act referring to the Queen shall

extend to Her Majesty's heirs and successors in the

sovereignty of the United Kingdom.

3. It shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the

Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a

day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the

passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,

South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her

Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have

agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a

Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of

Australia. But the Queen may, at any time after the

proclamation, appoint a Governor-General for the Commonwealth.

4. The Commonwealth shall be established, and the Constitution

of the Commonwealth shall take effect, on and after the day so

appointed. But the Parliaments of the several colonies may at

any time after the passing of this Act make any such laws, to

come into operation on the day so appointed, as they might

have made if the Constitution had taken effect at the passing

of this Act.

{155}

5. This Act, and all laws made by the Parliament of the

Commonwealth under the Constitution, shall be binding on the

courts, judges, and people of every State and of every part of

the Commonwealth, notwithstanding anything in the laws of any

State; and the laws of the Commonwealth shall be in force on

all British ships, the Queen's ships of war excepted, whose

first port of clearance and whose port of destination are in

the Commonwealth.

6. "The Commonwealth" shall mean the Commonwealth of Australia

as established under this Act. "The States" shall mean such of

the colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, Queensland,

Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, and South Australia,

including the northern territory of South Australia, as for

the time being are parts of the Commonwealth, and such

colonies or territories as may be admitted into or established

by the Commonwealth as States; and each of such parts of the

Commonwealth shall be called "a State." "Original States"

shall mean such States as are parts of the Commonwealth at its

establishment.

7. The Federal Council of Australasia Act, 1885, is hereby

repealed, but so as not to affect any laws passed by the

Federal Council of Australasia and in force at the

establishment of the Commonwealth. Any such law may be

repealed as to any State by the Parliament of the

Commonwealth, or as to any colony not being a State by the

Parliament thereof.

8. After the passing of this Act the Colonial Boundaries Act,

1895, shall not apply to any colony which becomes a State of

the Commonwealth; but the Commonwealth shall be taken to be a

self-governing colony for the purposes of that Act.

9. The Constitution of the Commonwealth shall be as follows:

THE CONSTITUTION.

This Constitution is divided as follows:-

Chapter I.—The Parliament:

Part I.—General:

Part II.—The Senate:

Part III.—The House of Representatives:

Part IV.—Both Houses of the Parliament:

Part V.—Powers of the Parliament:

Chapter II.—The Executive Government:

Chapter III.—The Judicature:

Chapter IV.—Finance and Trade:

Chapter V.—The States:

Chapter VI.—New States:

Chapter VII.—Miscellaneous:

Chapter VIII.—Alteration of the Constitution.

The Schedule.

CHAPTER I. THE PARLIAMENT:

PART I.—GENERAL.

1. The legislative power of the Commonwealth shall be vested

in a Federal Parliament, which shall consist of the Queen, a

Senate, and a House of Representatives, and which is

herein-after called "The Parliament," or "The Parliament of

the Commonwealth."

2. A Governor-General appointed by the Queen shall be Her

Majesty's representative in the Commonwealth, and shall have

and may exercise in the Commonwealth during the Queen's

pleasure, but subject to this Constitution, such powers and

functions of the Queen as Her Majesty may be pleased to assign

to him.

3. There shall be payable to the Queen out of the Consolidated

Revenue fund of the Commonwealth, for the salary of the

Governor-General, an annual sum which, until the Parliament

otherwise provides, shall be ten thousand pounds. The salary

of a Governor-General shall not be altered during his

continuance in office.

4. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the

Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for

the time being, or such person as the Queen may appoint to

administer the Government of the Commonwealth; but no such

person shall be entitled to receive any salary from the

Commonwealth in respect of any other office during his

administration of the Government of the Commonwealth.

5. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding the

sessions of the Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from

time to time, by Proclamation or otherwise, prorogue the

Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the House of

Representatives. After any general election the Parliament

shall be summoned to meet not later than thirty days after the

day appointed for the return of the writs. The Parliament

shall be summoned to meet not later than six months after the

establishment of the Commonwealth.

6. There shall be a session of the Parliament once at least in

every year, so that twelve months shall not intervene between

the last sitting of the Parliament in one session and its

first sitting in the next session.

PART II.—THE SENATE.

7. The Senate shall be composed of senators for each State,

directly chosen by the people of the State, voting, until the

Parliament otherwise provides, as one electorate. But until

the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise provides, the

Parliament of the State of Queensland, if that State be an

Original State, may make laws dividing the State into

divisions and determining the number of senators to be chosen

for each division, and in the absence of such provision the

State shall be one electorate. Until the Parliament otherwise

provides there shall be six senators for each Original State.

The Parliament may make laws increasing or diminishing the

number of senators for each State, but so that equal

representation of the several Original States shall be

maintained and that no Original State shall have less than six

senators. The senators shall be chosen for a term of six

years, and the names of the senators chosen for each State

shall be certified by the Governor to the Governor-General.

8. The qualification of electors of senators shall be in each

State that which is prescribed by this Constitution, or by the

Parliament, as the qualification for electors of members of

the House of Representatives; but in the choosing of senators

each elector shall vote only once.

9. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may make laws

prescribing the method of choosing senators, but so that the

method shall be uniform for all the States. Subject to any

such law, the Parliament of each State may make laws

prescribing the method of choosing the senators for that

State. The Parliament of a State may make laws for determining

the times and places of elections of senators for the State.

{156}

10. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to

this Constitution, the laws in force in each State, for the

time being, relating to elections for the more numerous House

of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as

practicable, apply to elections of senators for the State.

11. The Senate may proceed to the despatch of business,

notwithstanding the failure of any State to provide for its

representation in the Senate.

12. The Governor of any State may cause writs to be issued for

elections of senators for the State. In case of the

dissolution of the Senate the writs shall be issued within ten

days from the proclamation of such dissolution.

13. As soon as may be after the Senate first meets, and after

each first meeting of the Senate following a dissolution

thereof, the Senate shall divide the senators chosen for each

State into two classes, as nearly equal in number as

practicable; and the places of the senators of the first class

shall become vacant at the expiration of the third year, and the

places of those of the second class at the expiration of the

sixth year, from the beginning of their term of service; and

afterwards the places of senators shall become vacant at the

expiration of six years from the beginning of their term of

service. The election to fill vacant places shall be made in

the year at the expiration of which the places are to become

vacant. For the purposes of this section the term of service

of a senator shall be taken to begin on the first day of

January following the day of his election, except in the cases

of the first election and of the election next after any

dissolution of the Senate, when it shall be taken to begin on

the first day of January preceding the day of his election.

14. Whenever the number of senators for a State is increased

or diminished, the Parliament of the Commonwealth may make

such provision for the vacating of the places of senators for

the State as it deems necessary to maintain regularity in the

rotation.

15. If the place of a senator becomes vacant before the

expiration of his term of service, the Houses of Parliament of

the State for which he was chosen shall, sitting and voting

together, choose a person to hold the place until the

expiration of the term, or until the election of a successor

as hereinafter provided, whichever first happens. But if the

Houses of Parliament of the State are not in session at the

time when the vacancy is notified, the Governor of the State,

with the advice of the Executive Council thereof, may appoint

a person to hold the place until the expiration of fourteen

days after the beginning of the next session of the Parliament

of the State, or until the election of a successor, whichever

first happens. At the next general election of members of the

House of Representatives, or at the next election of senators

for the State, whichever first happens, a successor shall, if

the term has not then expired, be chosen to hold the place

from the date of his election until the expiration of the

term. The name of any senator so chosen or appointed shall be

certified by the Governor of the State to the

Governor-General.

16. The qualifications of a senator shall be the same as those

of a member of the House of Representatives.

17. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the despatch of any

other business, choose a senator to be the President of the

Senate; and as often as the office of President becomes vacant

the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.

The President shall cease to hold his office if he ceases to

be a senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the

Senate, or he may resign his office or his seat by writing

addressed to the Governor-General.

18. Before or during any absence of the President, the Senate

may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

19. A Senator may, by writing addressed to the President, or

to the Governor-General if there is no President or if the

President is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place,

which thereupon shall become vacant.

20. The place of a senator shall become vacant if for two

consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,

without the permission of the Senate, fails to attend the

Senate.

21. Whenever a vacancy happens in the Senate, the President,

or if there is no President or if the President is absent from

the Commonwealth the Governor-General, shall notify the same

to the Governor of the State in the representation of which

the vacancy has happened.

22. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of

at least one-third of the whole number of the senators shall

be necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the

exercise of its powers.

23. Questions arising in the Senate shall be determined by a

majority of votes, and each senator shall have one vote. The

President shall in all cases be entitled to a vote; and when

the votes are equal the question shall pass in the negative.

PART III.—THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

24. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members

directly chosen by the people of the Commonwealth, and the

number of such members shall be, as nearly as practicable,

twice the number of the senators. The number of members chosen

in the several States shall be in proportion to the respective

numbers of their people, and shall, until the Parliament

otherwise provides, be determined, whenever necessary, in the

following manner:—

(i.) A quota shall be ascertained by dividing the number of

the people of the Commonwealth, as shown by the latest

statistics of the Commonwealth, by twice the number of the

senators.

(ii.) The number of members to be chosen in each State

shall be determined by dividing the number of the people of

the State, as shown by the latest statistics of the

Commonwealth, by the quota; and if on such division there

is a remainder greater than one-half of the quota, one more

member shall be chosen in the State. But notwithstanding

anything in this section, five members at least shall be

chosen in each Original State.

25. For the purposes of the last section, if by the law of any

State all persons of any race are disqualified from voting at

elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of the

State, then, in reckoning the number of the people of the

State or of the Commonwealth, persons of that race resident in

that State shall not be counted.

{157}

26. Notwithstanding anything in section twenty-four, the

number of members to be chosen in each State at the first

election shall be as follows:—

New South Wales, twenty-three;

Victoria, twenty;

Queensland, eight;

South Australia, six;

Tasmania, five;

provided that if Western Australia is an Original State, the

numbers shall be as follows:—

New South Wales, twenty-six;

Victoria, twenty-three;

Queensland, nine;

South Australia, seven;

Western Australia, five;

Tasmania, five.

27. Subject to this Constitution, the Parliament may make laws

for increasing or diminishing the number of the members of the

House of Representatives.

28. Every House of Representatives shall continue for three

years from the first meeting of the House, and no longer, but

may be sooner dissolved by the Governor-General.

29. Until the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise

provides, the Parliament of any State may make laws for

determining the divisions in each State for which members of

the House of Representatives may be chosen, and the number of

members to be chosen for each division. A division shall not

be formed out of parts of different States. In the absence of

other provision, each State shall be one electorate.

30. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the qualification

of electors of members of the House of Representatives shall

be in each State that which is prescribed by the law of the

State as the qualification of electors of the more numerous

House of Parliament of the State; but in the choosing of

members each elector shall vote only once.

31. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to

this Constitution, the laws in force in each State for the

time being relating to elections for the more numerous House

of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as

practicable, apply to elections in the State of members of the

House of Representatives.

32. The Governor-General in Council may cause writs to be

issued for general elections of members of the House of

Representatives. After the first general election, the writs

shall be issued within ten days from the expiry of a House of

Representatives or from the proclamation of a dissolution

thereof.

33. Whenever a vacancy happens in the House of

Representatives, the Speaker shall issue his writ for the

election of a new member, or if there is no Speaker or if he

is absent from the Commonwealth the Governor-General in

Council may issue the writ.

34. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the

qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives

shall be as follows:—

(i.) He must be of the full age of twenty-one years, and

must be an elector entitled to vote at the election of

members of the House of Representatives, or a person

qualified to become such elector, and must have been for

three years at the least a resident within the limits of

the Commonwealth as existing at the time when he is chosen:

(ii.) He must be a subject of the Queen, either

natural-born or for at least five years naturalized under a

law of the United Kingdom, or of a Colony which has become

or becomes a State, or of the Commonwealth, or of a State.

35. The House of Representatives shall, before proceeding to

the despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the

Speaker of the House, and as often as the office of Speaker

becomes vacant the House shall again choose a member to be the

Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he

ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote

of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by

writing addressed to the Governor-General.

36. Before or during any absence of the Speaker, the House of

Representatives may choose a member to perform his duties in

his absence.

37. A member may by writing addressed to the Speaker, or to

the Governor-General if there is no Speaker or if the Speaker

is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place, which

thereupon shall become vacant.

38. The place of a member shall become vacant if for two

consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,

without the permission of the House, fails to attend the

House.

39. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of

at least one-third of the whole number of the members of the

House of Representatives shall be necessary to constitute a

meeting of the House for the exercise of its powers.

40. Questions arising in the House of Representatives shall be

determined by a majority of votes other than that of the

Speaker. The Speaker shall not vote unless the numbers are

equal, and then he shall have a casting vote.

PART IV.—BOTH HOUSES OF THE PARLIAMENT.

41. No adult person who has or acquires a right to vote at

elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a

State shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any

law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either

House of the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

42. Every senator and every member of the House of

Representatives shall before taking his seat make and

subscribe before the Governor-General, or some person

authorised by him, an oath or affirmation of allegiance in the

form set forth in the schedule to this Constitution.

43. A member of either House of the Parliament shall be

incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the

other House.

44. Any person who—

(i.) Is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or

adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or

entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen

of a foreign power: or

(ii.) Is attainted of treason, or has been convicted and is

under sentence, or subject to be sentenced, for any offence

punishable under the law of the Commonwealth or of a State by

imprisonment for one year or longer: or

(iii.) Is an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent: or

(iv.) Holds any office of profit under the Crown, or any

pension payable during the pleasure of the Crown out of any of

the revenues of the Commonwealth: or

(v.) Has any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in any

agreement with the Public Service of the Commonwealth

otherwise than as a member and in common with the other

members of an incorporated company consisting of more than

twenty-five persons: shall be incapable of being chosen or of

sitting as a senator or a member of the House of

Representatives. But sub-section iv. does not apply to the

office of any of the Queen's Ministers of State for the

Commonwealth, or of any of the Queen's Ministers for a State,

or to the receipt of pay, half pay, or a pension by any person

as an officer or member of the Queen's navy or army, or to the

receipt of pay as an officer or member of the naval or

military forces of the Commonwealth by any person whose

services are not wholly employed by the Commonwealth.

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45. If a senator or member of the House of Representatives—

(i.) Becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in

the last preceding section: or

(ii.) Takes the benefit, whether by assignment, composition,

or otherwise, of any law relating to bankrupt or insolvent

debtors: or

(iii.) Directly or indirectly takes or agrees to take any fee

or honorarium for services rendered to the Commonwealth, or

for services rendered in the Parliament to any person or

State: his place shall thereupon become vacant.

46. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any person

declared by this Constitution to be incapable of sitting as a

senator or as a member of the House of Representatives shall,

for every day on which he so sits, be liable to pay the sum of

one hundred pounds to any person who sues for it in any court

of competent jurisdiction.

47. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any question

respecting the qualification of a senator or of a member of

the House of Representatives, or respecting a vacancy in

either House of the Parliament, and any question of a disputed

election to either House, shall be determined by the House in

which the question arises.

48. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, each senator and

each member of the House of Representatives shall receive an

allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be reckoned from

the day on which he takes his seat.

49. The powers, privileges, and immunities of the Senate and

of the House of Representatives, and of the members and the

committees of each House, shall be such as are declared by the

Parliament, and until declared shall be those of the Commons

House of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and of its members

and committees, at the establishment of the Commonwealth.

50. Each House of the Parliament may make rules and orders

with respect to—

(i.) The mode in which its powers, privileges, and immunities

may be exercised and upheld:

(ii.) The order and conduct of its business and proceedings

either separately or jointly with the other House.

PART V.—POWERS OF THE PARLIAMENT.

51. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have

power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government

of the Commonwealth with respect to:—

(i.) Trade and commerce with other countries, and among the

States;

(ii.) Taxation; but so as not to discriminate between States

or parts of States:

(iii.) Bounties on the production or export of goods, but so

that such bounties shall be uniform throughout the

Commonwealth:

(iv.) Borrowing money on the public credit of the

Commonwealth:

(v.) Postal, telegraphic, telephonic, and other like services:

(vi.) The naval and military defence of the Commonwealth and

of the several States, and the control of the forces to

execute and maintain the laws of the Commonwealth:

(vii.) Lighthouses, lightships, beacons and buoys:

(viii.) Astronomical and meteorological observations:

(ix.) Quarantine:

(x.) Fisheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits:

(xi.) Census and statistics:

(xii.) Currency, coinage, and legal tender:

(xiii.) Banking, other than State banking; also State banking

extending beyond the limits of the State concerned, the

incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper money:

(xiv.) Insurance, other than State insurance; also State

insurance extending beyond the limits of the State concerned:

(xv.) Weights and measures:

(xvi. ) Bills of exchange and promissory notes:

(xvii.) Bankruptcy and insolvency:

(xviii.) Copyrights, patents of inventions and designs, and

trade marks:

(xix.) Naturalization and aliens:

(xx.) Foreign corporations, and trading or financial

corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth:

(xxi.) Marriage:

(xxii.) Divorce and matrimonial causes; and in relation

thereto, parental rights, and the custody and guardianship of

infants:

(xxiii.) Invalid and old-age pensions:

(xxiv.) The service and execution throughout the Commonwealth

of the civil and criminal process and the judgments of the

courts of the States:

(xxv.) The recognition throughout the Commonwealth of the

laws, the public Acts and records, and the judicial

proceedings of the States:

(xxvi.) The people of any race, other than the aboriginal race

in any State, for whom it is deemed necessary to make special

laws:

(xxvii.) Immigration and emigration:

(xxviii.) The influx of criminals:

(xxix.) External affairs:

(xxx.) The relations of the Commonwealth with the islands of

the Pacific:

(xxxi.) The acquisition of property on just terms from any

State or person for any purpose in respect of which the

Parliament has power to make laws:

(xxxii.) The control of railways with respect to transport for

the naval and military purposes of the Commonwealth:

(xxxiii.) The acquisition, with the consent of a State, of any

railways of the State on terms arranged between the

Commonwealth and the State:

(xxxiv.) Railway construction and extension in any State with

the consent of that State:

(xxxv.) Conciliation and arbitration for the prevention and

settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits

of any one State:

(xxxvi.) Matters in respect of which this Constitution makes

provision until the Parliament otherwise provides:

(xxxvii.) Matters referred to the Parliament of the

Commonwealth by the Parliament or Parliaments of any State or

States, but so that the law shall extend only to States by

whose Parliaments the matter is referred, or which afterwards

adopt the law:

(xxxviii.) The exercise within the Commonwealth, at the

request or with the concurrence of the Parliaments of all the

States directly concerned, of any power which can at the

establishment of this Constitution be exercised only by the

Parliament of the United Kingdom or by the Federal Council of

Australasia:

(xxxix.) Matters incidental to the execution of any power

vested by this Constitution in the Parliament or in either

House thereof, or in the Government of the Commonwealth, or in

the Federal Judicature, or in any department or officer of the

Commonwealth.

52. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have

exclusive power to make laws for the peace, order, and good

government of the Commonwealth with respect to—

(i.) The seat of government of the Commonwealth, and all

places acquired by the Commonwealth for public purposes:

(ii.) Matters relating to any department of the public service

the control of which is by this Constitution transferred to the

Executive Government of the Commonwealth:

(iii.) Other matters declared by this Constitution to be

within the exclusive power of the Parliament.

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53. Proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys, or imposing

taxation, shall not originate in the Senate. But a proposed

law shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys, or to

impose taxation, by reason only of its containing provisions for

the imposition or appropriation of fines or other pecuniary

penalties, or for the demand or payment or appropriation of

fees for licences, or fees for services under the proposed

law. The Senate may not amend proposed laws imposing taxation,

or proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys for the

ordinary annual services of the Government. The Senate may not

amend any proposed law so as to increase any proposed charge

or burden on the people. The Senate may at any stage return to

the House of Representatives any proposed law which the Senate

may not amend, requesting, by message, the omission or

amendment of any items or provisions therein. And the House of

Representatives may, if it thinks fit, make any of such

omissions or amendments, with or without modifications. Except

as provided in this section, the Senate shall have equal power

with the House of Representatives in respect of all proposed

laws.

54. The proposed law which appropriates revenue or moneys for

the ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only

with such appropriation.

55. Laws imposing taxation shall deal only with the imposition

of taxation, and any provision therein dealing with any other

matter shall be of no effect. Laws imposing taxation, except

laws imposing duties of customs or of excise, shall deal with

one subject of taxation only; but laws imposing duties of

customs shall deal with duties of customs only, and laws

imposing duties of excise shall deal with duties of excise

only.

56. A vote, resolution, or proposed law for the appropriation

of revenue or moneys shall not be passed unless the purpose of

the appropriation has in the same session been recommended by

message of the Governor-General to the House in which the

proposal originated.

57. If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law,

and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with

amendments to which the House of Representatives will not

agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of

Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes

the proposed law with or without any amendments which have

been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the

Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with

amendments to which the House of Representatives will not

agree, the Governor-General may dissolve the Senate and the

House of Representatives simultaneously. But such dissolution

shall not take place within six months before the date of the

expiry of the House of Representatives by effluxion of time.

If after such dissolution the House of Representatives again

passes the proposed law, with or without any amendments which

have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the

Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with

amendments to which the House of Representatives will not

agree, the Governor-General may convene a joint sitting of the

members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. The

members present at the joint sitting may deliberate and shall

vote together upon the proposed law as last proposed by the

House of Representatives, and upon amendments, if any, which

have been made therein by one House and not agreed to by the

other, and any such amendments which are affirmed by an

absolute majority of the total number of the members of the

Senate and House of Representatives shall be taken to have

been carried, and if the proposed law, with the amendments, if

any, so carried is affirmed by an absolute majority of the

total number of the members of the Senate and House of

Representatives, it shall be taken to have been duly passed by

both Houses of the Parliament, and shall be presented to the

Governor-General for the Queen's assent.

58. When a proposed law passed by both Houses of the

Parliament is presented to the Governor-General for the

Queen's assent, he shall declare, according to his discretion,

but subject to this Constitution, that he assents in the

Queen's name, or that he withholds assent, or that he reserves

the law for the Queen's pleasure. The Governor-General may

return to the house in which it originated any proposed law so

presented to him, and may transmit therewith any amendments

which he may recommend, and the Houses may deal with the

recommendation.

59. The Queen may disallow any law within one year from the

Governor-General's assent, and such disallowance on being made

known by the Governor-General by speech or message to each of

the Houses of the Parliament, or by Proclamation, shall annul

the law from the day when the disallowance is so made known.

60. A proposed law reserved for the Queen's pleasure shall not

have any force unless and until within two years from the day

on which it was presented to the Governor-General for the

Queen's assent the Governor-General makes known, by speech or

message to each of the Houses of the Parliament, or by

Proclamation, that it has received the Queen's assent.

CHAPTER II. THE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

61. The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the

Queen and is exerciseable by the Governor-General as the

Queen's representative, and extends to the execution and

maintenance of this Constitution, and of the laws of the

Commonwealth.

62. There shall be a Federal Executive Council to advise the

Governor-General in the government of the Commonwealth, and

the members of the Council shall be chosen and summoned by the

Governor-General and sworn as Executive Councillors, and shall

hold office during his pleasure.

63. The provisions of this Constitution referring to the

Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to

the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Federal

Executive Council.

64. The Governor-General may appoint officers to administer

such departments of State of the Commonwealth as the

Governor-General in Council may establish. Such officers shall

hold office during the pleasure of the Governor-General. They

shall be members of the Federal Executive Council, and shall

be the Queen's Ministers of State for the Commonwealth. After

the first general election no Minister of State shall hold

office for a longer period than three months unless he is or

becomes a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.

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65. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the Ministers of

State shall not exceed seven in number, and shall hold such

offices as the Parliament prescribes, or, in the absence of

provision, as the Governor-General directs.

66. There shall be payable to the Queen, out of the

Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Commonwealth, for the

salaries of the Ministers of State, an annual sum which, until

the Parliament otherwise provides, shall not exceed twelve

thousand pounds a year.

67. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the appointment

and removal of all other officers of the Executive Government

of the Commonwealth shall be vested in the Governor-General in

Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the

Governor-General in Council or by a law of the Commonwealth to

some other authority.

68. The command in chief of the naval and military forces of

the Commonwealth is vested in the Governor-General as the

Queen's representative.

69. On a date or dates to be proclaimed by the

Governor-General after the establishment of the Commonwealth

the following departments of the public service in each State

shall become transferred to the Commonwealth:—Posts,

telegraphs, and telephones: Naval and military defence:

Lighthouses, lightships, beacons, and buoys: Quarantine. But

the departments of customs and of excise in each State shall

become transferred to the Commonwealth on its establishment.

70. In respect of matters which, under this Constitution, pass

to the Executive Government of the Commonwealth, all powers

and functions which at the establishment of the Commonwealth

are vested in the Governor of a Colony, or in the Governor of

a Colony with the advice of his Executive Council, or in any

authority of a Colony, shall vest in the Governor-General, or

in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority

exercising similar powers under the Commonwealth, as the case

requires.

CHAPTER III. THE JUDICATURE.

71. The judicial power of the Commonwealth shall be vested in

a Federal Supreme Court, to be called the High Court of

Australia, and in such other federal courts as the Parliament

creates, and in such other courts as it invests with federal

jurisdiction. The High Court shall consist of a Chief Justice,

and so many other Justices, not less than two, as the

Parliament prescribes.

72. The Justices of the High Court and of the other courts

created by the Parliament—

(i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

(ii.) Shall not be removed except by the Governor-General in

Council, on an address from both Houses of the Parliament in

the same session, praying for such removal on the ground of

proved misbehaviour or incapacity:

(iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may

fix; but the remuneration shall not be diminished during their

continuance in office.

73. The High Court shall have jurisdiction, with such

exceptions and subject to such regulations as the Parliament

prescribes, to hear and determine appeals from all judgments,

decrees, orders, and sentences—

(i.) Of any Justice or Justices exercising the original

jurisdiction of the High Court:

(ii.) Of any other federal court, or court exercising federal

jurisdiction; or of the Supreme Court of any State, or of any

other court of any State from which at the establishment of

the Commonwealth an appeal lies to the Queen in Council:

(iii.) Of the Inter-State Commission, but as to questions of

law only: and the judgment of the High Court in all such cases

shall be final and conclusive. But no exception or regulation

prescribed by the Parliament shall prevent the High Court from

hearing and determining any appeal from the Supreme Court of a

State in any matter in which at the establishment of the

Commonwealth an appeal lies from such Supreme Court to the

Queen in Council. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the

conditions of and restrictions on appeals to the Queen in

Council from the Supreme Courts of the several States shall be

applicable to appeals from them to the High Court.

74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council from

a decision of the High Court upon any question, howsoever

arising, as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional

powers of the Commonwealth and those of any State or States,

or as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional powers of

any two or more States, unless the High Court shall certify

that the question is one which ought to be determined by Her

Majesty in Council. The High Court may so certify if satisfied

that for any special reason the certificate should be granted,

and thereupon an appeal shall lie to Her Majesty in Council on

the question without further leave. Except as provided in this

section, this Constitution shall not impair any right which

the Queen may be pleased to exercise by virtue of Her Royal

prerogative to grant special leave of appeal from the High

Court to Her Majesty in Council. The Parliament may make laws

limiting the matters in which such leave may be asked, but

proposed laws containing any such limitation shall be reserved

by the Governor-General for Her Majesty's pleasure.

75. In all matters—

(i.) Arising under any treaty:

(ii.) Affecting consuls or other representatives of other

countries:

(iii.) In which the Commonwealth, or a person suing or being

sued on behalf of the Commonwealth, is a party:

(iv.) Between States, or between residents of different

States, or between a State and a resident of another State:

(v.) In which a writ of Mandamus or prohibition or an

injunction is sought against an officer of the Commonwealth:

the High Court shall have original jurisdiction.

76. The Parliament may make laws conferring original

jurisdiction on the High Court in any matter—

(i.) Arising under this Constitution, or involving its

interpretation:

(ii.) Arising under any laws made by the Parliament:

(iii.) Of Admiralty and maritime jurisdiction:

(iv.) Relating to the same subject-matter claimed under the

laws of different States.

77. With respect to any of the matters mentioned in the last

two sections the Parliament may make laws—

(i.) Defining the jurisdiction of any federal court other than

the High Court:

(ii.) Defining the extent to which the jurisdiction of any

federal court shall be exclusive of that which belongs to or

is invested in the courts of the States:

(iii.) Investing any court of a State with federal

jurisdiction.

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78. The Parliament may make laws conferring rights to proceed

against the Commonwealth or a State in respect of matters

within the limits of the judicial power.

79. The federal jurisdiction of any court may be exercised by

such number of judges as the Parliament prescribes.

80. The trial on indictment of any offence against any law of

the Commonwealth shall be by jury, and every such trial shall

be held in the State where the offence was committed, and if

the offence was not committed within any State the trial shall

be held at such place or places as the Parliament prescribes.

CHAPTER IV. FINANCE AND TRADE.

81. All revenues or moneys raised or received by the Executive

Government of the Commonwealth shall form one Consolidated

Revenue Fund, to be appropriated for the purposes of the

Commonwealth in the manner and subject to the charges and

liabilities imposed by this Constitution.

82. The costs, charges, and expenses incident to the

collection, management, and receipt of the Consolidated

Revenue Fund shall form the first charge thereon; and the

revenue of the Commonwealth shall in the first instance be

applied to the payment of the expenditure of the Commonwealth.

83. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury of the

Commonwealth except under appropriation made by law. But until

the expiration of one month after the first meeting of the

Parliament the Governor-General in Council may draw from the

Treasury and expend such moneys as may be necessary for the

maintenance of any department transferred to the Commonwealth

and for the holding of the first elections for the Parliament.

84. When any department of the public service of a State

becomes transferred to the Commonwealth, all officers of the

department shall become subject to the control of the

Executive Government of the Commonwealth. Any such officer who

is not retained in the service of the Commonwealth shall,

unless he is appointed to some other' office of equal

emolument in the public service of the State, be entitled to

receive from the State any pension, gratuity, or other

compensation, payable under the law of the State on the

abolition of his office. Any such officer who is retained in

the service of the Commonwealth shall preserve all his

existing and accruing rights, and shall be entitled to retire

from office at the time, and on the pension or retiring

allowance, which would be permitted by the law of the State if

his service with the Commonwealth were a continuation of his

service with the State. Such pension or retiring allowance

shall be paid to him by the Commonwealth: but the State shall

pay to the Commonwealth a part thereof, to be calculated on

the proportion which his term of service with the State bears

to his whole term of service, and for the purpose of the

calculation his salary shall be taken to be that paid to him

by the State at the time of the transfer. Any officer who is,

at the establishment of the Commonwealth, in the public

service of a State, and who is, by consent of the Governor of

the State with the advice of the Executive Council thereof,

transferred to the public service of the Commonwealth, shall

have the same rights as if he had been an officer of a

department transferred to the Commonwealth and were retained

in the service of the Commonwealth.

85. When any department of the public service of a State is

transferred to the Commonwealth—

(i.) All property of the State of any kind, used exclusively

in connexion with the department, shall become vested in the

Commonwealth; but, in the case of the departments controlling

customs and excise and bounties, for such time only as the

Governor-General in Council may declare to be necessary:

(ii.) The Commonwealth may acquire any property of the State,

of any kind used, but not exclusively used in connexion with

the department: the value thereof shall, if no agreement can

be made, be ascertained in, as nearly as may be, the manner in

which the value of land, or of an interest in land, taken by

the State for public purposes is ascertained under the law of

the State in force at the establishment of the Commonwealth:

(iii.) The Commonwealth shall compensate the State for the

value of any property passing to the Commonwealth under this

section; if no agreement can be made as to the mode of

compensation, it shall be determined under laws to be made by

the Parliament:

(iv.) The Commonwealth shall, at the date of the transfer,

assume the current obligations of the State in respect of the

department transferred.

86. On the establishment of the Commonwealth, the collection

and control of duties of customs and of excise, and the

control of the payment of bounties, shall pass to the

Executive Government of the Commonwealth.

87. During a period of ten years after the establishment of

the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise

provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties

of customs and of excise not more than one-fourth shall be

applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.

The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be

paid to the several States, or applied towards the payment of

interest on debts of the several States taken over by the

Commonwealth.

88. Uniform duties of customs shall be imposed within two

years after the establishment of the Commonwealth.

89. Until the imposition of uniform duties of customs—

(i.) The Commonwealth shall credit to each State the revenues

collected therein by the Commonwealth.

(ii.) The Commonwealth shall debit to each State—

(a) The expenditure therein of the Commonwealth

incurred solely for the maintenance or continuance, as at

the time of transfer, of any department transferred from

the State to the Commonwealth;

(b) The proportion of the State, according to the

number of its people, in the other expenditure of the

Commonwealth.

(iii.) The Commonwealth shall pay to each State month by month

the balance (if any) in favour of the State.

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90. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs the power

of the Parliament to impose duties of customs and of excise,

and to grant bounties on the production or export of goods,

shall become exclusive. On the imposition of uniform duties of

customs all laws of the several States imposing duties of customs

or of excise, or offering bounties on the production or export

of goods, shall cease to have effect, but any grant of or

agreement for any such bounty lawfully made by or under the

authority of the Government of any State shall be taken to be

good if made before the thirtieth day of June, one thousand

eight hundred and ninety-eight, and not otherwise.

91. Nothing in this Constitution prohibits a State from

granting any aid to or bounty on mining for gold, silver, or

other metals, nor from granting, with the consent of both

Houses of the Parliament of the Commonwealth expressed by

resolution, any aid to or bounty on the production or export

of goods.

92. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs, trade,

commerce, and intercourse among the States, whether by means

of internal carriage or ocean navigation, shall be absolutely

free. But notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, goods

imported before the imposition of uniform duties of customs

into any State, or into any Colony which, whilst the goods

remain therein, becomes a State, shall, on thence passing into

another State within two years after the imposition of such

duties, be liable to any duty chargeable on the importation of

such goods into the Commonwealth, less any duty paid in

respect of the goods on their importation.

93. During the first five years after the imposition of

uniform duties of customs, and thereafter until the Parliament

otherwise provides—

(i.) The duties of customs chargeable on goods imported into a

State and afterwards passing into another State for

consumption, and the duties of excise paid on goods produced

or manufactured in a State and afterwards passing into another

State for consumption, shall be taken to have been collected

not in the former but in the latter State:

(ii.) Subject to the last subsection, the Commonwealth shall

credit revenue, debit expenditure, and pay balances to the

several States as prescribed for the period preceding the

imposition of uniform duties of customs.

94. After five years from the imposition of uniform duties of

customs, the Parliament may provide, on such basis as it deems

fair, for the monthly payment to the several States of all

surplus revenue of the Commonwealth.

95. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the

Parliament of the State of Western Australia, if that State be

an Original State, may, during the first five years after the

imposition of uniform duties of customs, impose duties of

customs on goods passing into that State and not originally

imported from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth; and such

duties shall be collected by the Commonwealth. But any duty so

imposed on any goods shall not exceed during the first of such

years the duty chargeable on the goods under the law of

Western Australia in force at the imposition of uniform

duties, and shall not exceed during the second, third, fourth,

and fifth of such years respectively, four-fifths, three-fifths,

two-fifths, and one-fifth of such latter duty, and all duties

imposed under this section shall cease at the expiration of

the fifth year after the imposition of uniform duties. If at

any time during the five years the duty on any goods under

this section is higher than the duty imposed by the

Commonwealth on the importation of the like goods, then such

higher duty shall be collected on the goods when imported into

Western Australia from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth.

96. During a period of ten years after the establishment of

the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise

provides, the Parliament may grant financial assistance to any

State on such terms and conditions as the Parliament thinks

fit.

97. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the laws in force

in any Colony which has become or becomes a State with respect

to the receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on

account of the Government of the Colony, and the review and

audit of such receipt and expenditure, shall apply to the

receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on account of

the Commonwealth in the State in the same manner as if the

Commonwealth, or the Government or an officer of the

Commonwealth, were mentioned whenever the Colony, or the

Government or an officer of the Colony, is mentioned.

98. The power of the Parliament to make laws with respect to

trade and commerce extends to navigation and shipping, and to

railways the property of any State.

99. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of

trade, commerce, or revenue, give preference to one State or

any part thereof over another State or any part thereof.

100. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of

trade or commerce, abridge the right of a State or of the

residents therein to the reasonable use of the waters of

rivers for conservation or irrigation.

101. There shall be an Inter-State Commission, with such

powers of adjudication and administration as the Parliament

deems necessary for the execution and maintenance, within the

Commonwealth, of the provisions of this Constitution relating

to trade and commerce, and of all laws made thereunder.

102. The Parliament may by any law with respect to trade or

commerce forbid, as to railways, any preference or

discrimination by any State, or by any authority constituted

under a State, if such preference or discrimination is undue

and unreasonable, or unjust to any State; due regard being had

to the financial responsibilities incurred by any State in

connexion with the construction and maintenance of its

railways. But no preference or discrimination shall, within

the meaning of this section, be taken to be undue and

unreasonable, or unjust to any State, unless so adjudged by

the Inter-State Commission.

103. The members of the Inter-State Commission—

(i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

(ii.) Shall hold office for seven years, but may be removed

within that time by the Governor-General in Council, on an

address from both Houses of the Parliament in the same session

praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour

or incapacity:

(iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may

fix; but such remuneration shall not be diminished during

their continuance in office.

{163}

104. Nothing in this Constitution shall render unlawful any

rate for the carriage of goods upon a railway, the property of

a State, if the rate is deemed by the Inter-State Commission

to be necessary for the development of the territory of the

State, and if the rate applies equally to goods within the

State and to goods passing into the State from other States.

105. The Parliament may take over from the States their public

debts as existing at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or

a proportion thereof according to the respective numbers of

their people as shown by the latest statistics of the

Commonwealth, and may convert, renew, or consolidate such

debts, or any part thereof; and the States shall indemnify the

Commonwealth in respect of the debts taken over, and

thereafter the interest payable in respect of the debts shall

be deducted and retained from the portions of the surplus

revenue of the Commonwealth payable to the several States, or

if such surplus is insufficient, or if there is no surplus,

then the deficiency or the whole amount shall be paid by the

several States.

CHAPTER V. THE STATES.

106. The Constitution of each State of the Commonwealth shall,

subject to this Constitution, continue as at the establishment

of the Commonwealth, or as at the admission or establishment

of the State, as the case may be, until altered in accordance

with the Constitution of the State.

107. Every power of the Parliament of a Colony which has

become or becomes a State, shall, unless it is by this

Constitution exclusively vested in the Parliament of the

Commonwealth or withdrawn from the Parliament of the State,

continue as at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or as at

the admission or establishment of the State, as the case may

be.

108. Every law in force in a Colony which has become or

becomes a State, and relating to any matter within the powers

of the Parliament of the Commonwealth, shall, subject to this

Constitution, continue in force in the State; and, until

provision is made in that behalf by the Parliament of the

Commonwealth, the Parliament of the State shall have such

powers of alteration and of repeal in respect of any such law

as the Parliament of the Colony had until the Colony became a

State.

109. When a law of a State is inconsistent with a law of the

Commonwealth, the latter shall prevail, and the former shall,

to the extent of the inconsistency, be invalid.

110. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the

Governor of a State extend and apply to the Governor for the

time being of the State, or other chief executive officer or

administrator of the government of the State.

111. The Parliament of a State may surrender any part of the

State to the Commonwealth; and upon such surrender, and the

acceptance thereof by the Commonwealth, such part of the State

shall become subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the

Commonwealth.

112. After uniform duties of customs have been imposed, a

State may levy on imports or exports, or on goods passing into

or out of the State, such charges as may be necessary for

executing the inspection laws of the State; but the net

produce of all charges so levied shall be for the use of the

Commonwealth; and any such inspection laws may be annulled by

the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

113. All fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquids

passing into any State or remaining therein for use,

consumption, sale, or storage, shall be subject to the laws of

the State as if such liquids had been produced in the State.

114. A State shall not, without the consent of the Parliament

of the Commonwealth, raise or maintain any naval or military

force, or impose any tax on property of any kind belonging to

the Commonwealth, nor shall the Commonwealth impose any tax on

property of any kind belonging to a State.

115. A State shall not coin money, nor make anything but gold

and silver coin a legal tender in payment of debts.

116. The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing

any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for

prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no

religious test shall be required as a qualification for any

office or public trust under the Commonwealth.

117. A subject of the Queen, resident in any State, shall not

be subject in any other State to any disability or

discrimination which would not be equally applicable to him if

he were a subject of the Queen resident in such other State.

118. Full faith and credit shall be given, throughout the

Commonwealth to the laws, the public Acts and records, and the

judicial proceedings of every State.

119. The Commonwealth shall protect every State against

invasion and, on the application of the Executive Government

of the State, against domestic violence.

120. Every State shall make provision for the detention in its

prisons of persons accused or convicted of offences against

the laws of the Commonwealth, and for the punishment of

persons convicted of such offences, and the Parliament of the

Commonwealth may make laws to give effect to this provision.

CHAPTER VI. NEW STATES.

121. The Parliament may admit to the Commonwealth or establish

new States, and may upon such admission or establishment make

or impose such terms and conditions, including the extent of

representation in either House of the Parliament, as it thinks

fit.

122. The Parliament may make laws for the government of any

territory surrendered by any State to and accepted by the

Commonwealth, or of any territory placed by the Queen under

the authority of and accepted by the Commonwealth, or

otherwise acquired by the Commonwealth, and may allow the

representation of such territory in either House of the

Parliament to the extent and on the terms which it thinks fit.

123. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may, with the consent

of the Parliament of a State, and the approval of the majority

of the electors of the State voting upon the question,

increase, diminish, or otherwise alter the limits of the

State, upon such terms and conditions as may be agreed on, and

may, with the like consent, make provision respecting the

effect and operation of any increase or diminution or

alteration of territory in relation to any State affected.

124. A new State may be formed by separation of territory from

a State, but only with the consent of the Parliament thereof,

and a new State may be formed by the union of two or more

States or parts of States, but only with the consent of the

Parliaments of the States affected.

{164}

CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS.

125. The seat of Government of the Commonwealth shall be

determined by the Parliament, and shall be within territory

which shall have been granted to or acquired by the

Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and belong to the

Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New South Wales,

and be distant not less than one hundred miles from Sydney.

Such territory shall contain an area of not less than one

hundred square miles, and such portion thereof as shall

consist of Crown lands shall be granted to the Commonwealth

without any payment therefor. The Parliament shall sit at

Melbourne until it meet at the seat of Government.

126. The Queen may authorise the Governor-General to appoint

any person, or any persons jointly or severally, to be his

deputy or deputies within any part of the Commonwealth, and in

that capacity to exercise during the pleasure of the

Governor—General such powers and functions of the

Governor-General as he thinks fit to assign to such deputy or

deputies, subject to any limitations expressed or directions

given by the Queen; but the appointment of such deputy or

deputies shall not affect the exercise by the Governor-General

himself of any power or function.

127. In reckoning the numbers of the people of the

Commonwealth, or of a State or other part of the Commonwealth,

aboriginal natives shall not be counted.

CHAPTER VIII. ALTERATION OF THE CONSTITUTION.

128. This Constitution shall not be altered except in the

following manner:—The proposed law for the alteration thereof

must be passed by an absolute majority of each House of the

Parliament, and not less than two nor more than six months

after its passage through both Houses the proposed law shall

be submitted in each State to the electors qualified to vote

for the election of members of the House of Representatives.

But if either House passes any such proposed law by an

absolute majority, and the other House rejects or fails to

pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the first

mentioned House will not agree, and if after an interval of

three months the first-mentioned House in the same or the next

session again passes the proposed law by an absolute majority

with or without any amendment which has been made or agreed to

by the other House, and such other House rejects or fails to

pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the

first-mentioned House will not agree, the Governor-General may

submit the proposed law as last proposed by the

first-mentioned House, and either with or without any

amendments subsequently agreed to by both Houses, to the

electors in each State qualified to vote for the election of

the House of Representatives. When a proposed law is submitted

to the electors the vote shall be taken in such manner as the

Parliament prescribes. But until the qualification of electors

of members of the House of Representatives becomes uniform

throughout the Commonwealth, only one-half the electors voting

for and against the proposed law shall be counted in any State

in which adult suffrage prevails. And if in a majority of the

States a majority of the electors voting approve the proposed

law, and if a majority of all the electors voting also approve

the proposed law, it shall be presented to the

Governor-General for the Queen's assent. No alteration

diminishing the proportionate representation of any State in

either House of the Parliament, or the minimum number of

representatives of a State in the House of Representatives, or

increasing, diminishing, or otherwise altering the limits of

the State, or in any manner affecting the provisions of the

Constitution in relation thereto, shall become law unless the

majority of the electors voting in that State approve the

proposed law.

----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRIA: Parliamentary reform of, 1896.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM:

The working of its' electoral provisions.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1899-1900.

CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:

The grant of autonomous government by Spain in 1897.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);

and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:

Outline of the draft reported to the Convention of 1900-1901.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

CONSTITUTION OF DELAWARE, New.

See (in this volume)

DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.

CONSTITUTION OF IDAHO:

Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

See (in this volume)

IDAHO: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF LOUISIANA:

Its discriminating educational qualification.

See (in this volume)

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.

CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO: Amendments.

The text of the constitution of Mexico, as published in 1891,

will be found in volume 1 [page 558] of this work, under the

same heading as above. In 1896, the Constitution received two

amendments promulgated by decrees published in the "Diario

Official" on the 24th of April and the 1st of May in that

year. Translations of these decrees were transmitted to the

State Department at Washington by the United States Minister

to Mexico and published in U. S. Consular Reports, July, 1896,

from which source they are copied below. That of April 24 was

as follows:

The Congress of the United Mexican States, in the exercise of

the power which article 127 of the federal constitution

concedes to it, and with the previous approbation of the

majority of the legislatures of the States, declares articles

79, 80, 82, and 83 of the constitution to be amended and an

addition to article 72 of the same, in the following tenor:

ARTICLE. 72. Congress has power:

XXXI. To appoint, both houses of Congress being assembled for

such purpose, a President of the Republic, either with the

character of substitute or with that of ad interim, to act in

the absolute or temporary defaults of the constitutional

President. Likewise, to replace in the respective cases and in

equal form the substitute as well as the ad interim, if these

in their turn should default.

XXXII. To qualify and to decide upon the petition for leave of

absence that the President of the Republic may make. It is the

exclusive faculty of the House of Deputies—II. To qualify and

decide upon the resignations of the President of the Republic

and of the magistrates of the supreme court of justice.

{165}

ARTICLE 79.

I. In the absolute defaults of the President, excepting that

arising from resignation, and in the temporary defaults,

excepting that proceeding from permission, the Secretary of

Foreign Relations, and in case there be none or if there

exists an impediment, the Secretary of Government shall take

immediate charge of the Executive power.

II. The Congress of the union shall assemble in an

extraordinary session the following day, in the Chamber of

Deputies, more than half of the total number of members of

both houses being present, the officers of the House of

Deputies acting. If no session can be had on account of no

quorum or for other cause, those present shall compel, from

day unto day, the presence of the absentees, in accordance

with the law, so as to hold the session as soon as possible.

III. In this session, the substitute President shall be

elected by the absolute majority of those present, and in a

nominal and public vote, without any proposition being

discussed therein nor anything else done but to take in the

votes, publish them, and make a close examination and publish

the name of the one elected.

IV. If no one of the candidates should have received the

absolute majority of the votes, the election shall be repeated

as to the two who had the greater number of votes, and the one

receiving the majority will be elected. If the competitors

should have received an equal number of votes, and on a

repetition of the election an equal result shall be obtained,

then the drawing of lots shall decide the one who must be

elected.

V. If there be an equality of votes for more than two

candidates, the election as to which of these shall be made,

but if at tho same time there is another candidate who may

have obtained a majority of votes, he shall be considered as

first competitor, and the second shall be chosen by votes out

of the first mentioned.

VI. If Congress be not in session, it shall meet, without the

necessity of a convocation, on the fourteenth day following

that of the default, under the direction of the board of

permanent commission which may be in duty, and shall proceed

as already stated.

VII. In case of absolute default caused by the renouncement of

the President, Congress shall convene in the form set forth

for the appointment of the substitute, and the resignation

shall not take effect until the appointment of the substitute

and of the legal protest by him.

VIII. In relation to temporary defaults, from whatever cause,

Congress shall appoint an ad interim President, observing for

this purpose the same procedure as prescribed for the cases of

absolute default. Should the President ask for leave of absence,

he will, at the time of so doing, propose the citizen who must

take his place; the permission being granted, it will not take

effect until the ad interim (president) shall have protested,

it being within the President's faculty to make use or not of

said leave, or to lessen its duration. The ad interim shall

only exercise the functions during the time of temporary

default. The petition for permission shall be addressed to the

House of Deputies, who shall at once deliver it to the proper

commission for its perusal, at the same time summoning the

Senate for an extraordinary session of Congress, before which

the commission shall render its decision. The proposition with

which the decision may end, if favorable, shall comprise in a

decree of a sole article the granting of the permission and

the approval of the proposition, which shall be decided upon

only by one ballot.

IX. If, on the day appointed by the constitution, the people's

President-elect shall not enter into the discharge of his

office, Congress shall at once appoint an ad interim

President. If the cause of the impediment be transitory, the

ad interim shall cease in the Presidential functions when said

cause ceases and the President-elect enters into the discharge

of his functions. But, should the cause be of that kind that

produces absolute impossibility, so that the President-elect

cannot enter into the exercise of power during the four years,

Congress, after appointing the ad interim President, shall,

without delay, convoke the extraordinary elections. The ad

interim President shall cease in his functions as soon as the

new President-elect protests, and this shall complete the

constitutional period. Should the impediment arise from the

fact that the election be not made or published on the 1st of

December, a President ad interim shall also be appointed, who

will discharge the Presidential duties until those requisites

are complied with and the President-elect takes due protest.

X. The defaults of the substitute President and those of the

ad interim shall also be remedied in the manner prescribed,

except in regard to the second, in the case when the

constitutional President, who, having temporarily separated

himself, may again assume the exercise of his duties.

ARTICLE 80.

Should the default of the President be absolute, the

substitute appointed by Congress shall terminate the

constitutional period.

ARTICLE 82.

The President, upon taking possession of his office, shall

swear before Congress under the following formula:

"I protest to perform loyally and patriotically the functions

of President of the United Mexican States; to keep and cause

to be kept, without any reserve, the constitution of 1857,

with all its additions and reforms, the laws of reform, and

all those laws emanating therefrom, watching everything for

the good and prosperity of the union." The Secretary of

Department, who may take provisional charge of the Executive

power, in its case, is exempted from this requisite.

The decree of May 1, 1896, was as follows:

The Congress of the Union has decreed the following: The

General Congress of the United Mexican States, in conformity

with the provisions of article 127 of the federal

constitution, and with the previous approbation of the State

legislatures, declares articles 111 and 124 of said

constitution amended and an addition made to same in the

following terms:

First.

Section III. of article 111 of the federal constitution is

amended, and an addition made to the said article in the

following terms: The States shall not—

III. Coin money, issue paper money, stamps, or stamped paper.

IV. Obstruct the transit of persons or goods crossing its

territory.

V. Prohibit or molest, either directly or indirectly, the

entrance or exit, to or from its territory, of national or

foreign merchandise.

{166}

VI. Obstruct the circulation or consumption of national or

foreign goods by means of imposts or taxes that may be exacted

through local custom-houses, by requiring the inspection or

registration of packages, or by requiring the documentation to

accompany the merchandise.

VII. Decree or maintain in force laws or fiscal decrees which

may cause differences of taxes or requisites, by reason of the

source of national or foreign merchandise, whether these

differences be established in regard to a like production in

that locality or on account of like production from different

sources.

Second.

Article 124 of the federal constitution is amended in the

following terms:

ARTICLE 124.

It is the exclusive faculty of the federation to obstruct

merchandise, imported or exported, or which passes in transit

through the national territory, likewise to regulate at all

times, and even to prohibit for reasons of policy and

security, the circulation within the Republic of all

merchandise from whatever source; but the said federation

cannot establish or decree in the district or federal

territories the taxes and laws expressed in Sections VI. and

V. of Article 111.

Transitory article.

These amendments and additions shall take effect on the 1st of

July, 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MINNESOTA: Amendments.

See (in this volume)

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MISSISSIPPI: Amendment.

See (in this volume)

MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW JERSEY: Proposed Amendments.

See (in this volume)

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

The constitution of the State of New York, as revised by the

Convention of 1894 (see, in volume 4, NEW YORK: A. D. 1894)

[transcriber's note: volume 3, page 2350], was submitted to

the people at the election in November that year and adopted.

The important features of the revision were set forth in an

address by the Convention to the people, as follows:

"We seek to separate, in the larger cities, municipal

elections from State and national elections to the end that

the business affairs of our great municipal corporations may

be managed upon their own merits, uncontrolled by national and

State politics. … We have provided further safeguards against

abuses in legislative procedure, by requiring that all bills

shall be printed in their final form at least three days

before their passage, prohibiting riders on appropriation

bills, providing for notice to municipal authorities before

special acts relating to the larger cities can take effect,

prohibiting the issue of passes by railroad, telegraph and

telephone companies to public officers, enlarging the express

constitutional powers of the President of the Senate. … We

have extended the prohibition against lotteries so as to

include all pool-selling, book-making and other forms of

gambling. … We have sought to throw greater safeguards around

the elective franchise by prescribing a period of ninety

instead of ten days of citizenship before that right can be

exercised, so that naturalization may be taken out of the

hands of campaign committees and removed from the period

immediately before election. … We have modified the language

relating to election so that if any mechanical device for

recording and counting votes is so perfected as to be superior

to the present system, the Legislature may make trial of it. We

have established in the Constitution the well-tried and

satisfactory system of registration of votes, forbidding,

however, any requirement of personal attendance on the first

day of registration in the thinly-settled regions outside of

the cities and large villages, where voters would have long

distances to travel to the place of registration, and we have

provided for securing an honest and fair election by requiring

that on all election boards election officers shall equally

represent the two principal political parties of the State. We

have provided for a new appointment of Senate and Assembly

districts. … Attack has been made upon two rules laid down in

the proposed measure for the guidance of the Legislature in

future apportionments. One of these is the rule that no county

shall have more than three Senators unless it shall have a full

ratio for each Senator, although smaller counties may receive

a Senator or an additional Senator on a major fraction of a

ratio. … The other rule attacked is that no one county shall

have more than one-third of all the Senators, and that New

York and Kings county together shall not have more than

one-half of all the Senators. … We have declared in the

Constitution the principle of civil service reform, that

appointments and promotions are to be based upon merit and

ascertained so far as practicable by competitive examination.

We have sought by this to secure not merely the advantage

derived from declaring the principle, but the practical

benefit of its extension to the State prisons, canals and

other public works of the State, to which, under the existing

Constitution, the court of last resort has decided that civil

service rules cannot be applied. … We have prohibited the

contract system of convict labor. … We have authorized the

Legislature to provide for the improvement of the canals,

without, however, borrowing money for that purpose unless the

people expressly authorize it. … We have required the

Legislature to provide for free public schools, in which all

the children of the State may be educated, and we have

prohibited absolutely the use of public money in aid of

sectarian schools. … We have so amended the present

Constitution as to provide for a naval as well as a land force

of militia. … In order to allow every voter to exercise a

choice in voting on some of the important proposed amendments,

we have provided that the Revised Constitution shall be

submitted to the people in three parts, viz.:

1. That making an apportionment of Senators and members of the

Assembly.

2. That pertaining to the improvements of the canals.

3. All the remainder of the proposed amendments as a whole."

Journal of the Constitutional Convention,

State of New York, 1894, pages 839-846.

CONSTITUTION OF NORTH CAROLINA:

Amendment qualifying the suffrage.

See (in this volume)

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

{167}

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: Start--

The following are the Articles of main importance in the

Grondwet or Constitution of the South African Republic:

ARTICLE 1.

This State shall bear the name of the South African Republic.

ARTICLE 2.

The form of government of this State shall be that of a

republic.

ARTICLE 3.

It desires to be recognized and respected by the civilized

world as an independent and free people.

ARTICLE 4.

The people seek for no extension of territory, and desire it

only in accordance with just principles, when the interest of

the Republic makes such extension desirable.

ARTICLE 5.

The people desire to retain and maintain their territory in

South Africa unimpaired. The boundaries thereof are fixed by

proclamation.

ARTICLE 6.

Its territory is open for every foreigner who obeys the laws

of this Republic. All who are within the territory of this

Republic have equal claims to protection of person and

property.

ARTICLE 7.

The land or farms situate in this territory which have not yet

been given out, are declared to be the property of the State.

ARTICLE 8.

The people claim the utmost social freedom, and expect the

result from the maintenance of their religious belief, from

the observance of their obligations, from submission to law,

order and right, and the maintenance of the same. The people

permit the spread of the Gospel among the heathen under fixed

precautions against deceit or misleading.

ARTICLE 9.

The people will not allow any equalization of the coloured

inhabitants with the white.

ARTICLE 10.

The people will not suffer any slave trade or slavery in this

Republic.

ARTICLE 11.

The people reserve to themselves the protection and defence of

the independence and inviolability of the State, subject to

the laws.

ARTICLE 12.

The people entrust the legislation to a Volksraad—the highest

authority in the land—consisting of representatives or

deputies of the people, chosen by the enfranchised burghers;

but with the reservation that a period of three months shall

be left to the people to enable them if they so wish to

communicate to the Volksraad their verdict on a proposed law;

except those laws which can suffer no delay.

ARTICLE 13.

The people charge the President with the task of proposing and

executing the laws; he also brings before the Volksraad the

appointments of all civil servants for ratification.

ARTICLE 14.

The people entrust the maintenance of order to the military

force, the police, and other persons appointed by the law for

that purpose.

ARTICLE 15.

The people place the judicial power in the hands of a Supreme

Court, Circuit Court, Landrosts, Juries, and such other

persons as shall be entrusted with judicial powers, and leave

all these free to discharge their function according to their

judgment and consciences, according to the laws of the land.

ARTICLE 16.

The people shall receive from the Volksraad an estimate of the

general income and expenses of the State, and learn therefrom

how much every man's taxes shall amount to.

ARTICLE 17.

Potchefstrom, situated on the Mooi River, shall be the capital

of the Republic, and Pretoria the seat of Government.

ARTICLE 18.

All services rendered on behalf of the public are remunerated

by the public.

ARTICLE 19.

Freedom of the press is granted provided the printer and

publisher remain responsible for all the documents which

contain defamation, insult, or attacks against anyone's

character.

ARTICLE 20.

The people shall only appoint as representatives in the

Volksraad those who are members of a Protestant Church.

ARTICLE 21.

The people desire the growth, prosperity, and welfare of the

State, and with this view provision for suitable school

teachers.

ARTICLE 22.

Providing also that in time of peace precautionary measures

are taken to enable the State to wage or withstand a war.

ARTICLE 23.

In case of a hostile attack from outside, everyone, without

distinction, shall be held bound to lend his assistance on the

promulgation of martial law. …

ARTICLE 26.

The Volksraad shall be the highest authority of the country,

and the legislative power.

ARTICLE 27.

No civil servants are to be representatives of the people.

ARTICLE 28.

The Volksraad shall consist of at least twelve members, who

must possess the following qualifications:-They must have

attained the age of thirty years, and be born in the Republic,

or have for fifteen consecutive years been burghers entitled

to vote, be members of a Protestant Church, reside, and

possess immovable property, in the Republic. No persons of

notoriously bad character, or who have had a dishonouring

sentence pronounced against them, and no uncertified or

unrehabilitated insolvents shall be eligible. They may not be

related to each other in the relationship of father and son or

stepson. No coloured persons or bastards shall be admitted

into our Assemblies. In like manner no military officer or

official of the State, who draws a fixed annual or monthly

salary, shall be eligible as member of the Volksraad.

ARTICLE 29.

The members of the Volksraad are elected by a majority of

votes from among the electors of each district. No one shall

be considered as elected who has not obtained at least sixty

votes. Everyone who is born in the country and has attained

the age of twenty-one years, or has become naturalized, shall

be a burgher qualified to vote. The members of the Volksraad

are elected for the period of four years. … [The above

provisions of the Constitution, relating to the Volksraad and

the representation of the people, were modified by the

following among other provisions of an Act of the Volksraad

passed in 1891:

ARTICLE 1.

The legislative power shall rest with a representation of the

people, which shall consist of a First Volksraad and a Second

Volksraad.

{168}

ARTICLE 2.

The First Volksraad shall be the highest authority in the

State, just as the Volksraad was before this law came into

operation. The First Volksraad shall be the body named the

Volksraad until this law came into operation. From the period

of this law coming into operation, the name of that body shall

be altered from the Volksraad to the First Volksraad. The

persons forming that body as members shall, however, remain

the same, only they shall, from the said period, be named

members of the First Volksraad instead of members of the

Volksraad. All laws and resolutions having reference to the

Volksraad and the members thereof shall remain in force and

apply to the First Volksraad and the members thereof, except

in so far as a change is or shall be made by this and later

laws. …

ARTICLE 4.

The number of the members of the Second Volksraad shall be the

same as of the First Volksraad. This number shall be fixed

later by the First Volksraad for both Volksraads. …

ARTICLE 9.

The members of the First Volksraad are chosen by those

enfranchised burghers who have obtained the burgher right,

either before this law came into operation, or thereafter by

birth, and have reached the age of sixteen years. The

franchise for the First Volksraad can besides also be obtained

by those who have during ten years been eligible for the

Second Volksraad, by resolution of the First Volksraad, and

according to rules to be fixed later by law.

ARTICLE 10.

The members of the Second Volksraad are chosen by all

enfranchised burghers who have reached the age of sixteen

years. …

ARTICLE 27.

The Second Volksraad shall have the power to pass further

regulations on the following subjects as is necessary, either

by law or resolution:

(1) The department of mines.

(2) The making and support of wagon and post roads.

(3) The postal department.

(4) The department of telegraphs and telephones.

(5) The protection of inventions, samples and trademarks.

(6) The protection of the right of the author.

(7) The exploitation and support of the woods and salt-pans.

(8) The prevention and coping with contagious diseases.

(9) The condition, the rights, and obligations of companies.

(10) Insolvency.

(11) Civil procedure.

(12) Criminal procedure.

(13) Such other subjects as the First Volksraad shall decide

later by law or resolution, or the First Volksraad shall

specially refer to the Second Volksraad.

ARTICLE 28.

All laws or resolutions accepted by the Second Volksraad are

as soon as possible, that is to say at the outside within

forty-eight hours, communicated both to the First Volksraad

and to the President.

ARTICLE 29.

The President has the right, when he has received notice from

the Second Volksraad of the adoption of a law or a resolution,

to bring that law or resolution before the First Volksraad for

consideration within fourteen days after the receipt of such

notice. The President is in any case bound, after the receipt

of such a notice, to communicate it to the First Volksraad

within the said time.

ARTICLE 30.

If the President has not brought the law or resolution as

communicated before the First Volksraad for consideration, and

the First Volksraad has not on its own part thought it

necessary to take said law or resolution into consideration,

the President shall, unless with the advice and consent of the

Executive Council he thinks it undesirable in the interests of

the State, be bound to have that law or resolution published

in the first succeeding Volksraad, unless within the said

fourteen days the First Volksraad may be adjourned, in which

case the publication in the "Stasts Courant" shall take place

after the lapse of eight days from the commencement of the

first succeeding session of the First Volksraad.

ARTICLE 31.

The law or resolution adopted by the Second Volksraad shall

have no force, unless published by the President in the

"Staats Courant."

ARTICLE 43.

The President shall bring forward for discussion the proposals

for laws which have come in before the Volksraad, whether the

latter have been made known to the public three months before

the commencement of the session, or whether the same have come

in during the session of the Volksraad.

ARTICLE 44.

When the notices of laws and Government notices to the public

have not been given in time, the President shall examine with

whom the blame of that delay lies. A Landrost found guilty

hereof shall have a fine of Rds. 50 inflicted and a

Field-Cornet or lesser official of Rds. 25. …

ARTICLE 56.

The executive power resides in the State President, who is

responsible to the Volksraad. He is chosen by a majority of

the burghers entitled to vote, and for the term of five years.

He is eligible for reelection. He must have attained the age of

thirty years, and need not be a burgher of the State at the

time of his nomination, and must be a member of a Protestant

Church, and have no dishonouring sentence pronounced against

him. [By a subsequent law the President must be chosen from

among the burghers.]

ARTICLE 57.

The President is the first or highest official of the State.

All civil servants are subordinate to him; such, however, as

are charged with exercise of the judicial power are left

altogether free and independent in its exercise.

ARTICLE 58.

As long as the President holds his position as such he shall

fill no other, nor shall he discharge any ecclesiastical

office, nor carry on any business. The President cannot go

outside the boundaries of the State without consent of the

Volksraad. However, the Executive Council shall have the power

to grant him leave to go outside the boundaries of the State

upon private affairs in cases of necessity. …

ARTICLE 60.

The President shall be discharged from his post by the

Volksraad after conviction of misconduct, embezzlement of

public property, treachery, or other serious crimes, and be

treated further according to the laws.

ARTICLE 61.

If in consequence of transgression of the Constitution or

other public misdemeanors the Volksraad resolve that the

President shall be brought to trial, he shall be tried before

a special court composed of the members of the High Court, the

President and another member of the Volksraad, while the State

Attorney acts as Public Prosecutor. The accused shall be

allowed to secure assistance of a lawyer at his choice.

ARTICLE 62.

The President is charged with the proposing of laws to the

Volksraad, whether his own proposals or others which have come

in to him from the people; he must make these proposals known

to the public by means of the "Staats Courant" three months

before presenting them to the Volksraad, together with all

such other documents as are judged useful and necessary by

him.

{169}

ARTICLE 63.

All proposals for a law sent in to the President shall, before

they are published, be judged by the President and Executive

Council as to whether publication is necessary or not.

ARTICLE 64.

The President submits the proposals for laws to the Volksraad,

and charges the official to whose department they belong first

and foremost, with their explanation and defence.

ARTICLE 65.

As soon as the President has received the notice of the

Volksraad that the proposed law is adopted, he shall have that

law published within two months, and after the lapse of a

month, to be reckoned from the publication, he shall take

measures for the execution of the same.

ARTICLE 66.

Proclamation of martial law, as intended in Article 23, shall

only be made by the President with the assent of the members

of the Executive Council. …

ARTICLE 67.

The President, with advice of the Executive Council, declares

war and peace, with reference to Article 66 of the

Constitution; the Government having first, if possible,

summoned the Volksraad before the declaration of war. Treaties

of peace require the ratification of the Volksraad, which is

summoned as soon as possible for that purpose. …

ARTICLE 70.

The President shall submit, yearly, at the opening of the

Volksraad, estimates of general outgoings and income, and

therein indicate how to cover the deficit or apply the

surplus.

ARTICLE 71.

He shall also give a report during that session of that

Volksraad, of his actions during the past year, of the

condition of the Republic and everything that concerns its

general interest. …

ARTICLE 75.

The President and one member of the Executive Council shall,

if possible, visit the towns and villages of the Republic

where Landrost's officers are, once in the year; he shall

examine the state of those offices, inquire into the conduct

of the officials, and on these circuits give the inhabitants

during their stay an opportunity to bring before him anything

they are interested in. …

ARTICLE 82.

The President exercises his power along with the Executive

Council. An Executive Council shall be joined to the

President, consisting of the Commandant-General, two

enfranchised burghers, a Secretary, and a Notekeeper

(notulenhouder), who shall have an equal vote, and bear the

title of members of the Executive Council. The Superintendent

of Native Affairs and the Notekeeper shall be ex-officio

members of the Executive Council. The President and members of

the Executive Council shall have the right to sit, but not to

vote, in the Volksraad. The President is allowed, when

important affairs arise, to invite the head official to be

present in the Executive Council whose department is more

directly concerned with the subject to be treated of. The said

head official shall then have a vote in the Executive Council,

be equally responsible for the resolution taken, and sign it

along with the others.

ARTICLE 83.

According to the intention of Article 82 the following shall

be considered "Head Officials": The State Attorney, Treasurer,

Auditor, Superintendent of Education, Orphan-Master, Registrar

of Deeds, Surveyor-General, Postmaster-General, Head of the

Mining Department, Chief Director of the Telegraph Service,

and Chief of Public Works.

ARTICLE 84.

The President shall be Chairman of the Executive Council, and

in case of an equal division of votes have a casting vote. For

the ratification of sentences of death, or declarations of

war, the unanimous vote of the Executive Council shall be

requisite for a decision. …

ARTICLE 87.

All resolutions of the Executive Council and official letters

of the President must, besides being signed by him, also be

signed by the Secretary of State. The latter is at the same

time responsible that the contents of the resolution, or the

letter, is not in conflict with the existing laws.

ARTICLE 88.

The two enfranchised burghers or members of the Executive

Council contemplated by Article 82 are chosen by the Volksraad

for the period of three years, the Commandant-General for ten

years; they must be members of a Protestant Church, have had

no sentence in a criminal court to their discredit, and have

reached the age of thirty years.

ARTICLE 89.

The Secretary of State is chosen also by the Volksraad, but is

appointed for the period of four years. On resignation or

expiration of his term he is re-eligible. He must be a member

of a Protestant Church, have had no sentence in a criminal

court to his discredit, possess fixed property in the

Republic, and have reached the age of thirty years. …

ARTICLE 93.

The military force consists of all the men of this Republic

capable of bearing arms, and if necessary of all those of the

natives within its boundaries whose chiefs are subject to it.

ARTICLE 94.

Besides the armed force of burghers to be called up in times

of disturbance or war, there exists a general police and corps

of artillery, for which each year a fixed sum is drawn upon

the estimates.

ARTICLE 95.

The men of the white people capable of bearing arms are all

men between the ages of sixteen and sixty years; and of the

natives, only those which are capable of being made

serviceable in the war.

ARTICLE 96.

For the subdivision of the military force the territory of

this Republic is divided into field-cornetcies and districts.

…

ARTICLE  97.

The men are under the orders of the following officers,

ascending in rank: Assistant Field-Cornets, Field-Cornets,

Commandants, and a Commandant-General.

Selected Official Documents of the South African Republic

and Great Britain (Supplement to the Annals of the

American Academy of Political and Social Science,

July, 1900).

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: End--

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA: The revision of 1895-6.

Disfranchisement provision.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH DAKOTA:

Amendment introducing the Initiative and Referendum.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

CONSTITUTION OF SWITZERLAND:

Amendments.

See (in this volume)

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.

{170}

CONSTITUTION OF UTAH.

See (in this volume)

UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

CONWAY, Sir W. Martin:

Explorations of Spitzbergen.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897.

COOK, or HERVEY ISLANDS:

Annexation to New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

COOMASSIE,

KUMASSI:

Occupation by the British.

Siege and relief.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

COPTIC CHURCH:

Authority of the Pope re-established.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

COREA.

See (in this volume)

KOREA.

CORNWALL AND YORK, The Duke of.

See (in this volume)

WALES, THE PRINCE OF.

COSTA RICA.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

COTTON-MILL STRIKE, New England.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

COTTON STATES EXPOSITION, The.

See (in this volume)

ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

COURT OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

CREEKS, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CRETE:

Recent archæological explorations.

Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos and

the Cretan Labyrinth.

Fresh light on the origin of the Alphabet.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

CRETE: A. D. 1896.

Conflict between Christians and Mussulmans,

and its preceding causes.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

CRETE: A. D. 1897.

Fresh conflicts.

Reports of the British Consul-General and others.

Greek interference and demands for annexation to Greece.

Action of the Great Powers.

Blockade of the island.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CRETE: A. D. 1897.

Withdrawal of Greek troops.

Acceptance of autonomy by the Greek government.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CRETE: A. D. 1897-1898.

Prolonged anarchy, and blockade by the Powers.

Final departure of Turkish troops and officials.

Government established under Prince George of Greece.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CRETE: A. D. 1901.

Successful administration of Prince George of Greece.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

CRISPI, Signor:

Ministry.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

CRISPI, Signor:

Parliamentary investigation of charges against.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

CROKER, "Boss."

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1897.

CROMER, Viscount:

Administration in Egypt.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

CROMWELL, Oliver, Proposed statue of.

A proposal in the English House of Commons, in 1895, to vote

£500 for a statue of Cromwell was so violently opposed by the

Irish members that the government was compelled to withdraw

the item from the estimates.

CRONJE, General Piet:

In the South African war.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);

and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CROZIER, Captain William:

American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

----------CUBA: Start--------

Map of Cuba and West Indies.

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

Ten years of insurrection.

The United States and Spain.

The Affair of the Virginius.

End of Slavery.

"The abolition of slavery in the southern states left the

Spanish Antilles in the enjoyment of a monopoly of slave

labor, which, in the production of sugar, especially, gave

them advantages which overcame all competition. This led to

the formation of a strong Spanish party, for whom the cause of

slavery and that of Spanish dominion were identical. These

were known as Peninsulars or Spanish immigrants. They were the

official class, the wealthy planters and slave-owners, and the

real rulers of Cuba. Their central organization was the Casino

Espagñol of Havana, which was copied in all the towns of the

island, and through these clubs they controlled the

volunteers, who at times numbered 60,000 or 70,000. … These

volunteers never took the field, but held possession of all

the cities and towns, and thus were able to defy even the

captain-general. They were obedient to his orders only so long

as he was acting in close accord with the wishes of their

party. On the other hand, there was a party composed of

Creoles, or native Cubans, whose cry was 'Cuba for the

Cubans!' and who hoped to effect the complete separation of

the island from Spain, either through their own efforts or

through the assistance of the United States. …

"The Spanish revolution of September, 1868, was the signal for

an uprising of the native or Creole party in the eastern part

of the island under the leadership of Cespedes. This movement

was not at first ostensibly for independence, but for the

revolution in Spain, the cries being, 'Hurrah for Prim!'

'Hurrah for the Revolution!' Its real character was, however,

apparent from the first, and its supporters continued for a

period of ten years, without regard to the numerous

vicissitudes through which the Spanish Government passed—the

provisional government, the regency, the elective monarchy,

the republic, and the restored Bourbon dynasty—to wage a

dogged, though desultory warfare against the constituted

authorities of the island. This struggle was almost

conterminous with President Grant's Administration of eight

years."

{171}

President Grant made early offers of mediation between Spain

and the insurgents, but no agreement as to terms could be

reached. An increasing sympathy with the Cubans raised demands

in the United States for their recognition as belligerents,

with belligerent rights, and the President is said to have

been ready to yield to the demand, but was deterred by the

influence of his Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, who contended

that the insurgents had established no government that could

claim such rights. The Cuban sympathizers in Congress were

accordingly checked by an opposing message (June 13, 1870),

and no interference occurred.

"In February, 1873, when King Amadeus resigned his crown and a

republic was proclaimed in Spain, the United States made haste to

give the new government recognition and support, which led to

friendly relations between the two countries for a time, and

promised happy results. The Spanish republicans were being

urged to give the Cubans self-government and end slavery in

the whole Spanish domain, and they were lending, at least, a

considerate ear to the advice. But negotiation on that topic

was soon disturbed. On October 31, 1873, the steamer

'Virginius,' sailing under American colors and carrying a

United States registry, was captured on the high seas by the

'Tornado,' a Spanish war vessel, and on the afternoon of the

first of November taken into the port of Santiago de Cuba. The

men and supplies she bore were bound for the insurgents, but

the capture did not occur in Cuban waters. General Burriel,

the commandant of the city, summoned a court-martial, and, in

spite of the protests of the American consul, condemned to

death—at the first sitting—four of the passengers—General W.

A. C. Ryan, an Irish patriot, and three Cubans. They were shot

on the morning of November 4. On the 7th twelve other

passengers were executed, and on the 8th Captain Fry and his

entire crew, numbering 36, making the total number of

executions 53." This barbarous procedure caused hot excitement

in the United States, and demands for reparation were made so

sharply that the two countries came near to war. In the end it

was shown that the "Virginius" was sailing under the American

flag without right, being owned by Cubans and controlled by

them. The vessel was surrendered, however, but foundered off

Cape Fear, while being conveyed to the United States. Her

surviving passengers were released, and an indemnity was paid

for all who were put to death. The brutal officer who took

their lives was never brought to justice, though his

punishment was promised again and again. On the settlement of

the Virginius question, the government of the United States

resumed its efforts to wring concessions to the Cubans from

Spain, and sought to have its efforts supported by Great

Britain and other European powers. Cold replies came from all

the cabinets that were approached. At the same time, the

Spanish government met the demand from America with promises

so lavish (April, 1876), going so far in appearance towards

all that had been asked, that no ground for intervention

seemed left. The act of Secretary Fish, in proposing

intervention to foreign powers, was sharply criticised as a

breach of the Monroe doctrine; but he made no defense.

"The Cuban struggle continued for two years longer. In

October, 1877, several leaders surrendered to the Spanish

authorities and undertook the task of bringing over the few

remaining ones. Some of these paid for their efforts with

their lives, being taken and condemned by court-martial, by

order of the commander of the Cuban forces. Finally, in

February, 1878, the terms of pacification [under an agreement

called the Treaty of El Zanjon] were made known. They embraced

representation in the Spanish Cortes, oblivion of the past as

regarded political offences committed since the year 1868, and

the freedom of slaves in the insurgent ranks. In practice,

however, the Cuban deputies were never truly representative,

but were men of Spanish birth, designated usually by the

captain-general. By gradual emancipation, slavery ceased to

exist in the island in 1885. The powers of the

captain-general, the most objectionable feature of Spanish

rule, continued uncurtailed."

J. H. Latané,

The Diplomatic Relations of the United States

and Spanish America,

chapter 3.

CUBA: A. D. 1895.

Insurrection renewed.

Early in 1895 a new uprising of the oppressed Cubans was

begun, and on the 7th of December, in that year, T. Estrada

Palma, writing as their authorized representative, presented

to the State Department at Washington a statement setting

forth the causes of the revolt and describing its state of

organization at that time. The causes, he wrote, "are

substantially the same as those of the former revolution,

lasting from 1868 to 1878, and terminating only on the

representation of the Spanish Government that Cuba would be

granted such reforms as would remove the grounds of complaint

on the part of the Cuban people. Unfortunately the hopes thus

held out have never been realized. The representation which

was to be given the Cubans has proved to be absolutely without

character; taxes have been levied anew on everything

conceivable; the offices in the island have increased, but the

officers are all Spaniards; the native Cubans have been left

with no public duties whatsoever to perform, except the

payment of taxes to the Government and blackmail to the

officials, without privilege even to move from place to place

in the island except on the permission of the governmental

authority. Spain has framed laws so that the natives have

substantially been deprived of the right of suffrage. The

taxes levied have been almost entirely devoted to support the

army and navy in Cuba, to pay interest on the debt that Spain

has saddled on the island, and to pay the salaries of the vast

number of Spanish officeholders, devoting only $746,000 for

internal improvements out of the $26,000,000 collected by tax.

No public schools are within reach of the masses for their

education. All the principal industries of the island are

hampered by excessive imposts. Her commerce with every country

but Spain has been crippled in every possible manner, as can

readily be seen by the frequent protests of shipowners and

merchants. The Cubans have no security of person or property.

The judiciary are instruments of the military authorities.

Trial by military tribunals can be ordered at any time at the

will of the Captain-General. There is, beside, no freedom of

speech, press, or religion. In point of fact, the causes of

the Revolution of 1775 in this country were not nearly as

grave as those that have driven the Cuban people to the

various insurrections which culminated in the present

revolution. …

{172}

"Years before the outbreak of the present hostilities the

people within and without the island began to organize, with a

view of preparing for the inevitable revolution, being

satisfied, after repeated and patient endeavors, that peaceful

petition was fruitless. In order that the movement should be

strong from the beginning, and organized both as to civil and

military administration, the Cuban Revolutionary party was

founded, with José Marti at its head. The principal objects

were by united efforts to obtain the absolute independence of

Cuba, to promote the sympathy of other countries, to collect

funds with these objects in view, and to invest them in

munitions of war. The military organization of this movement

was completed by the election of Maximo Gomez as commander in

chief. This election was made by the principal officers who

fought in the last revolution. The time for the uprising was

fixed at the solicitation of the people in Cuba, who protested

that there was no hope of autonomy, and that their deposits of

arms and ammunition were in danger of being discovered and

their leaders arrested. A large amount of war material was

then bought by Marti, and vessels chartered to transport it to

Cuba, where arrangements were made for its reception in the

provinces of Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara; but

at Fernandina, Florida, it was seized by the United States

authorities. Efforts were successfully made for the

restitution of this material; nevertheless valuable time and

opportunity was thus lost. The people in Cuba clamored for the

revolution to proceed immediately, and in consequence the

uprising was not further postponed. The date fixed for the

uprising was the 24th of February. The people responded in

Santiago, Santa Clara, and Matanzas. The provinces of Puerto

Principe and Pinar del Rio did not respond, owing to lack of

arms. In Puerto Principe rigorous search had previous to the

24th been instituted, and all arms and ammunition confiscated

by the Government. The leaders in the provinces of Matanzas

and Santa Clara were imprisoned, and so the movement there was

checked for the time being. … In the province of Santiago the

revolution rapidly increased in strength under the leadership

of Bartolome Masso; one of the most influential and respected

citizens of Manzanillo; Guillermo Moncada, Jesus Rabi, Pedro

Perez, Jose Miro, and others. It was characterized by the

Spanish Government as a negro and bandit movement, but many of

the most distinguished and wealthy white citizens of the

district flocked to the insurgent camp. …

On the 1st of April, Generals Antonio and José Maceo, Flor

Crombet, and Augustin Cebreco, all veteran leaders in the

former revolt, landed at Duaba, in the province of Santiago,

and thousands rose to join them. Antonio Maceo then took

command of the troops in that province, and on the 11th of

April a detachment received Generals Maximo Gomez, José Marti,

Francisco Borrerro, and Angel Guerra. Captain-General Calleja

was, on the 16th of April, succeeded by General Arsenio

Martinez Campos, the present commander in chief of the Spanish

forces, who has the reputation of being Spain's greatest living

general. … The military organization of the Cubans is ample

and complete. Major General Maximo Gomez is the commander in

chief, as we have said, of all the forces, a veteran of the

last revolution, as indeed are all the generals almost without

exception. Major General Antonio Maceo is second in command of

the army of liberation, and was, until called upon to

cooperate with the commander in chief in the late march to the

western province, in command of Santiago. The army is at

present divided into five corps—two in Santiago, one in Puerto

Principe, and two in Santa Clara and Matanzas. …

"As above indicated, Jose Marti was the head of the

preliminary civil organization, and he, immediately upon

landing with Gomez in Cuba, issued a call for the selection of

representatives of the Cuban people to form a civil

government. His death [in an engagement at Boca de Dos Rios,

May 19] postponed for a time the selection of these men, but

in the beginning of September the call previously issued was

complied with. Representatives from each of the provinces of

Santiago, Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and the western part

of the island, comprising the provinces of Matanzas and

Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent

assembly, which was to establish a civil government,

republican in form. … A constitution of the Republic of Cuba

was adopted on the 16th of September. … On the 18th of

September … officers of the Government were elected by the

constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the

constitution. …

"The Spaniards charge, in order to belittle the insurrection,

that it is a movement of negroes. It should be remembered that

not more than one-third of the entire population are of the

colored race. As a matter of fact, less than one-third of the

army are of the colored race. Take, for instance, the generals

of corps, divisions, and brigades; there are but three of the

colored race, namely, Antonio and José Maceo and Augustin

Cebreco, and these are mulattoes whose deeds and victories

have placed them far above the generals of those who pretend

to despise them. None of the members of the constituent

assembly or of the government are of the colored race. The

Cubans and the colored race are as friendly in this war as

they were in times of peace. …

"The subject … which has caused probably the most discussion

is the order of General Gomez to prevent the grinding of sugar

cane and in case of the disobedience of said order the

destruction of the crop. … The reasons underlying this measure

are the same which caused this country to destroy the cotton

crop and the baled cotton in the South during the war of the

secession. The sugar crop is a source of large income to the

Spanish Government, directly by tax and export duty, as well

as indirectly. The action of the insurgents is perfect]y

justified, because it is simply a blockade, so to speak, on

land—a prevention of the gathering, and hence the export, of

the commodity with, naturally, a punishment for the violation

thereof. …

{173}

"In view of the history of this revolution as herein stated,

in view of the causes which led to it, its rapid growth, its

successes in arms, the establishment, operation, and resources

of the Government of the Cuban Republic, the organization,

number, and discipline of its army, the contrast in the

treatment of prisoners to that of the enemy, the territory in

its control and subject to the carrying out of its decrees, of

the futility of the attempts of the Spanish Government to crush

the revolution, in spite of the immense increase of its army

in Cuba and of its blockade and the many millions spent for

that purpose, the cruelties which on the part of the Spanish

have especially characterized this sanguinary and fiercely

conducted war, and the damage to the interests of the citizens

of this country under the present conditions, I, as the duly

accredited representative, in the name of the Cuban people in

arms who have fought singly and alone against the monarchy of

Spain for nearly a year, in the heart of a continent devoted

to republican institutions, in the name of justice, in the

name of humanity, in the name of liberty, petition you, and

through you the Government of the United States of America, to

accord the rights of belligerency to a people fighting for

their absolute independence."

United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 166.

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

Captain-General Campos succeeded by General Weyler.

Weyler's Concentration Order and other edicts.

Death of Antonio Maceo.

Weyler succeeded by Blanco.

In January, 1896, Governor and Captain-General Campos, whose

policy had been as humane and conciliatory as his Spanish

surroundings would permit it to be, was recalled, and Don

Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, Marquis of Teneriffe, and lately

Captain-General of Catalonia, was sent to take his place.

General Weyler arrived at Havana on the 10th of February, and

six days later, before he could possibly have acquired any

personal knowledge of the conditions with which he had to

deal, he issued three military edicts, in which a policy of

merciless ruin to the island was broadly set forth. The first

of these edicts or proclamations commanded as follows:

"Article 1.

All inhabitants of the district of Sancti Spiritus and the

provinces of Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba will have to

concentrate in places which are the headquarters of a

division, a brigade, a column, or a troop, and will have to be

provided with documentary proof of identity, within eight days

of the publication of this proclamation in the municipalities.

"Article 2.

To travel in the country in the radius covered by the columns

in operation, it is absolutely indispensable to have a pass

from the mayor, military commandants, or chiefs of

detachments. Anyone lacking this will be detained and sent to

headquarters of divisions or brigades, and thence to Havana,

at my disposition, by the first possible means. Even if a pass

is exhibited, which is suspected to be not authentic or granted

by authority to person with known sympathy toward the

rebellion, or who show favor thereto, rigorous measures will

result to those responsible.

"Article 3.

All owners of commercial establishments in the country

districts will vacate them, and the chiefs of columns will

take such measures as the success of their operations dictates

regarding such places which, while useless for the country's

wealth, serve the enemy as hiding places in the woods and in

the interior.

"Article 4.

All passes hitherto issued hereby become null and void."

The order of "concentration" contained in the first article of

this decree was slowly executed, but ultimately it produced

horrors of suffering and death which words could hardly

describe. The second of Weyler's edicts delegated his own

unlimited "judicial attributes," for the enforcement of the

"military code of justice," to certain subordinate commanders,

and gave sharp directions for their exercise. The third

specified a large number of offenses as being "subject to

military law," including in the category every use of tongue

or pen that could be construed as "favorable to the

rebellion," or as injurious to the "prestige" of the Spanish

army, or "the volunteers, or firemen, or any other force that

co-operates with the army." It is said to have been nearly a

year before the Weyler policy of "concentration" was generally

carried out; but even before that occurred the misery of the

country had become very great. Both parties in the war were

recklessly laying waste the land. The insurgent leaders had

published orders for a total destruction of sugar factories

and plantations, because the product supplied revenues to

Spain; and now the Spanish governor struck all traffic and

industry down in the rural districts, by driving the

inhabitants from their homes and fields, to concentrate and

pen them up in certain prescribed places, with practically no

provision for employment, or shelter or food. At the close of

the year 1896 the state of suffering in the island was not yet

at its worst; but already it was riveting the attention of the

neighboring people of the United States, exciting a hot

feeling against Spain and a growing desire for measures on the

part of the American government to bring it to an end.

Repeated attempts had already been made by frothy politicians

in Congress to force the country into an attitude toward Spain

that would challenge war; but the Executive, supported by a

congressional majority, and by the better opinion of the

American public, adhered with firmness to a policy which aimed

at the exhausting of pacific influences in favor of the Cuban

cause. In his annual message to Congress at the opening of the

session in December, 1896, President Cleveland set forth the

situation in the following words:

"It is difficult to perceive that any progress has thus far

been made towards the pacification of the island. … If Spain

still holds Havana and the seaports and all the considerable

towns, the insurgents still roam at will over at least

two-thirds of the inland country. If the determination of

Spain to put down the insurrection seems but to strengthen

with the lapse of time, and is evinced by her unhesitating

devotion of largely increased military and naval forces to the

task, there is much reason to believe that the insurgents have

gained in point of numbers, and character, and resources, and

are none the less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb,

without practically securing the great objects for which they

took up arms. If Spain has not yet re-established her

authority, neither have the insurgents yet made good their

title to be regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the

contest has gone on, the pretense that civil government exists

on the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it,

has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot such a

government, more or less imperfectly, in the large towns and

their immediate suburbs. But, that exception being made, the

entire country is either given over to anarchy or is subject

to the military occupation of one or the other party. … In

pursuance of general orders, Spanish garrisons are now being

withdrawn from plantations and the rural population required

to concentrate itself in the towns. The sure result would seem

to be that the industrial value of the island is fast

diminishing, and that unless there is a speedy and radical

change in existing conditions, it will soon disappear

altogether. …

{174}

"The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining country, by

nature one of the most fertile and charming on the globe,

would engage the serious attention of the Government and

people of the United States in any circumstances. In point of

fact, they have a concern with it which is by no means of a

wholly sentimental or philanthropic character. It lies so near

to us as to be hardly separated from our territory. Our actual

pecuniary interest in it is second only to that of the people

and Government of Spain. It is reasonably estimated that at

least from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of American capital are

invested in plantations and in railroad, mining, and other

business enterprises on the island. The volume of trade

between the United States and Cuba, which in 1889 amounted to

about $64,000,000, rose in 1893 to about $103,000,000, and in

1894, the year before the present insurrection broke out,

amounted to nearly $96,000,000. Besides this large pecuniary

stake in the fortunes of Cuba, the United States finds itself

inextricably involved in the present contest in other ways

both vexatious and costly. … These inevitable entanglements of

the United States with the rebellion in Cuba, the large

American property interests affected, and considerations of

philanthropy and humanity in general, have led to a vehement

demand in various quarters, for some sort of positive

intervention on the part of the United States. …

"It would seem that if Spain should offer to Cuba genuine

autonomy—a measure of home rule which, while preserving the

sovereignty of Spain, would satisfy all rational requirements

of her Spanish subjects—there should be no just reason why the

pacification of the island might not be effected on that

basis. Such a result would appear to be in the true interest

of all concerned. … It has been objected on the one side that

Spain should not promise autonomy until her insurgent subjects

lay down their arms; on the other side, that promised

autonomy, however liberal, is insufficient, because without

assurance of the promise being fulfilled. … Realizing that

suspicions and precautions on the part of the weaker of two

combatants are always natural and not always

unjustifiable—being sincerely desirous in the interest of both

as well as on its own account that the Cuban problem should be

solved with the least possible delay—it was intimated by this

Government to the Government of Spain some months ago that, if

a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered the Cuban

insurgents, and would be accepted by them upon a guaranty of

its execution, the United States would endeavor to find a way

not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such guaranty. While

no definite response to this intimation has yet been received

from the Spanish Government, it is believed to be not

altogether unwelcome, while, as already suggested, no reason

is perceived why it should not be approved by the insurgents. …

"It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed that

the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will be

indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord all

due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view the

pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend

our inevitably close relations to it, and its possible

results, without considering that by the course of events we

may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition,

as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end

the contest, either alone and in her own way, or with our

friendly co-operation."

President Cleveland's Message to Congress,

December 7, 1896.

Just at this time (December 7, 1896) the Cuban insurgents

suffered a serious calamity, in the death of Antonio Maceo,

the heroic mulatto, who seems to have been the most soldierly

and inspiring of their leaders. He had broken through the

"trocha," or fortified line across the island, by which the

Spaniards were endeavoring to hold its western part, and had

been troubling them in the province of Pinar del Rio for some

months. At length he was killed in an unimportant skirmish,

and much of the vigor of the insurrection appears to have gone

out of it when he died. The obstinacy of spirit remained,

nevertheless, and all the merciless energy of Weyler only

spread death and misery, without opening any prospect of an

end to the state of war. Spain was being utterly exhausted by

the immense cost of the struggle; Cuba was being ruined and

depopulated; yet neither would yield. The oppressors would not

set their victims free; the oppressed would not submit. But,

politically, the situation continued for another year as it

had been when described by President Cleveland at the close of

1896. The only visible authority was that which the Spaniards

maintained here and there. The revolutionists established no

government that could reasonably be given the name, and their

"Republic of Cuba," which foolish people in the United States

were clamoring to have recognized, existed on paper alone. To

concede "belligerent rights" to the scattered bands of

insurgents would only bring them under crippling rules of

international law, and do no good to their cause. President

McKinley, who succeeded President Cleveland in March, 1897,

made no change in the policy which the latter had pursued. He

continued the insistent pressure by which it was sought to

persuade the Spanish government to give a satisfying measure

of free government to its great dependency. After some months

there appeared to be a fair promise of success. The Liberal

party had come into power at Madrid, with Sagasta at its head.

In October, Weyler was recalled, General Blanco took his place,

and a new constitution for Cuba was announced, giving the

colony what seemed to be a fairly autonomous government, under

a parliament of its own. In his message to Congress the

following December, President McKinley was able to meet the

continued clamor for more violent measures of interference by

saying: "It is honestly due to Spain, and to our friendly

relations with Spain, that she should be given a reasonable

chance to realize her expectations, and to prove the asserted

efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands

irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose

brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the

civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of

concentration, and has undertaken to care for the helpless and

permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their

fields to do so, and assures them the protection of the

Spanish Government in their lawful occupations."

{175}

But the awful tragedy of suffering among the

"reconcontrados" had excited lookers-on to such a pitch that

the conduct of Spain in any new line of policy could no longer

be fairly judged. There had been attempts on the part of the

Spanish authorities to give some relief to the starved and

perishing multitude, and help to that end had been accepted

from the United States. The American Red Cross Society, with

Miss Clara Barton at its head, entered the island in December,

with vast stores of food and hospital supplies, and a strong

force of generous workers; but the need was far beyond their

means. The tale of death and misery in the stricken country

seemed to grow more sickening every day.

CUBA: A. D. 1897 (November).

Constitution establishing self-government in the islands of

Cuba and Porto Rico, promulgated by Royal Decree.

The following is a translation of the text of the Constitution

establishing self-government in the islands of Cuba and Porto

Rico which was promulgated by royal decree at Madrid on the

25th of November, 1897:

Upon the proposition of my Prime Minister, and with the

concurrence of the Council of Ministers in the name of my

august son, King Alfonso XIII, and as Queen Regent of the

Kingdom, I hereby decree as follows:

[Footnote Start]

EXPLANATORY NOTE.

To facilitate the understanding of this decree and to avoid

confusion as to the legal value of the terms employed therein

the following definitions are to be observed:

Central Executive Power: The King with his Council of Ministers.

The Spanish Parliament: The Cortes with the King.

The Spanish Chambers: The Congress and the Senate.

The Central Government: The Council of Ministers of the Kingdom.

The Colonial Parliament: The two Chambers with

the Governor-General.

The Colonial Chambers: The Council of Administration

and the Chamber of Representatives.

Colonial Legislative Assemblies: The Council of Administration

and the Chamber of Representatives.

Governor-General in Council: The Governor-General

with the Secretaries of his Cabinet.

Instructions of the Governor-General: Those which he may have

received when named for his office.

Statute: Colonial measure of a legislative character.

Colonial Statutes: Colonial Legislation.

Legislation or General Laws: Legislation or laws of the Kingdom.

[Footnote End]

TITLE I.

GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATION IN THE ISLANDS

OF CUBA AND PORTO RICO.

ARTICLE 1.

The system of government and civil administration in the

islands of Cuba and Porto Rico shall hereafter be carried on

in conformity with the following provisions:

ARTICLE 2.

Each island shall be governed by an insular parliament,

consisting of two chambers, and by the Governor-General,

representing the mother country, who shall exercise supreme

authority.

TITLE II.

THE INSULAR CHAMBERS.

ARTICLE 3.

The legislative power as to colonial matters in the shape and

manner prescribed by law, shall be vested in the insular

chambers conjointly with the Governor-General.

ARTICLE 4.

Insular representation shall consist of two bodies of equal

powers, which shall be known as chamber of representatives and

council of administration.

TITLE III.

COUNCIL OF ADMINISTRATION.

ARTICLE 5.

The council shall be composed of thirty-five members, of whom

eighteen shall be elected in the manner directed by the

electoral law and seventeen shall be appointed by the

Governor-General acting for the Crown, from among such persons

as have the qualifications specified in the following

articles:

ARTICLE 6.

To be entitled to sit in the council of administration it is

necessary to be a Spanish subject; to have attained the age of

thirty-five years; to have been born in the island, or to have

had four years' constant residence therein; not to be subject

to any pending criminal prosecution; to be in the full

enjoyment of his political rights; to have his property free

from attachment; to have had for two or more years previous an

annual income of four thousand dollars; to have no interest in

any contract with either the insular or the home government.

The shareholders of a stock company shall not be considered as

government contractors, even if the company has a contract

with the government.

ARTICLE 7.

Persons are also qualified to serve as councilors who, besides

the above-stated requirements, have any of the following

qualifications:

1. To be or to have been a senator of the Kingdom, or to

possess the requirements for being a senator, in conformity

with Article III of the constitution.

2. To have held for a period of two years any of the following

offices: President, or prosecuting attorney of the pretorian

court of Havana; rector of the University of Havana; councilor

of administration in the council formerly thus designated;

president of the Havana Chamber of Commerce; president of the

Economic Society of Friends of the Country; president of the

Sugar Planters' Association; president of the Tobacco

Manufacturers' Union; president of the Merchants, Tradesmen's,

and Agriculturalists' League; dean of the bar of Havana; mayor

of Havana; president of the provincial assembly of Havana

during two terms or of any provincial assembly during three

terms; dean of either of the chapters of the two cathedrals.

3. Likewise may be elected or appointed as councilor any

property owner from among the fifty taxpayers paying the

highest taxes, either on real estate or on industries,

commerce, arts, and the professions.

ARTICLE 8.

The councilors appointed by the Crown shall be appointed by

special decrees, stating the qualification entitling the

appointee to serve as councilor. Councilors thus appointed

shall hold office for life. One-half the number of elective

councilors shall be elected every five years, and the whole

number shall be elected whenever the council of administration

shall be dissolved by the Governor-General.

ARTICLE 9.

The qualifications required in order to be appointed or

elected councilor of administration may be changed by a

national law, at the request or upon the proposition of the

insular chambers.

ARTICLE 10.

No councilor shall, during the session of the council, accept

any civil office, promotion (unless it be strictly by

seniority), title, or decoration; but any councilor may be

appointed by either the local or the home government to any

commission within his own profession or category, whenever the

public service shall require it. The secretaries of the

insular government shall be excepted from the foregoing rule.

{176}

TITLE IV.

THE CHAMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES.

ARTICLE 11.

The chamber of representatives shall be composed of members

named by the electoral boards in the manner prescribed by law

and in the proportion of one for every twenty-five thousand

inhabitants.

ARTICLE 12.

To be elected as representative the candidate must have the

following requirements: To be a Spanish citizen, to be a

layman, to have attained his majority, to be in full enjoyment

of civil rights, to have been born in the island or to have

had four years' constant residence therein, and not to be

subject to any pending criminal prosecution.

ARTICLE 13.

Representatives shall be elected every five years, and any

representative may be re-elected any number of times. The

insular chamber shall determine what classes of offices are

incompatible with the office of representative, as well as the

cases governing re-election.

ARTICLE 14.

Any representative upon whom either the local or home

government shall confer a pension, or any employment,

promotion (unless it be by strict seniority), paid commission,

title, or decoration, shall cease to be such without necessity

of any declaration to that effect, unless he shall within fifteen

days of his appointment notify the chamber of his having

declined the favor. The provisions of the preceding paragraph

shall not include the representatives who shall be appointed

members of the cabinet.

TITLE V.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE INSULAR CHAMBERS AND THEIR RELATIONS

TO EACH OTHER.

ARTICLE 15.

The chambers will meet every year. The King, the

Governor-General acting in his name, shall convene, suspend,

and adjourn the sessions and dissolve the chamber of

representatives and the council of administration, either

separately or simultaneously, under the obligation to call

them together again or renew them within three months.

ARTICLE 16.

Each of the two legislative bodies shall determine the rules

of their proceedings and shall be the judges of the

qualifications of their respective members and the legality of

their election. Until the chamber and the council shall pass

their own rules, they shall be governed by the rules of the

national house of representatives and of the senate,

respectively.

ARTICLE 17.

Each chamber shall choose its president, vice-president and

secretaries.

ARTICLE 18.

Neither chamber shall sit unless the other be sitting also,

except when the council exercises judicial functions.

ARTICLE 19.

The two insular chambers shall not deliberate together nor in

the presence of the Governor-General. The sessions shall be

public, but either chamber may hold secret sessions whenever

business of a private nature shall require it.

ARTICLE 20.

To the Governor-General, through his secretaries, as well as

to either of the two chambers, belongs the power to initiate

and propose colonial statutes.

ARTICLE 21.

All colonial statutes in regard to taxes and the public credit

shall originate in the chamber of representatives.

ARTICLE 22.

Resolutions may be passed by either chamber by a plurality of

votes; but in order to pass a measure of a legislative

character a majority of all the members constituting the body

must be present. Nevertheless, one-third of the members shall

constitute a quorum for deliberation.

ARTICLE 23.

No resolution or law shall be considered passed by the insular

parliament unless it has had the concurrence of the chamber of

representatives and the council of administration.

ARTICLE 24.

Every colonial statute, as soon as it has been approved in the

form prescribed in the preceding article, shall be presented

to the Governor-General by the officers of both chambers for

his sanction and proclamation of the same.

ARTICLE 25.

Members of the council and the chamber of representatives

shall have immunity for any speech or vote in either chamber.

ARTICLE 26.

No councilor of administration shall be indicted or arrested

without a previous resolution of the council, unless he shall

be found "in flagranti" or the council shall not be in

session, but in every case notice shall be given to that body

as soon as possible, that it may determine what should be

done. Nor shall the representatives be indicted or arrested

during the sessions without the permission of the chamber

unless they are found "in flagranti," but in this last case,

or in case of indictment or arrest when the chamber is not

sitting, notice shall be given as soon us possible to the

chamber of representatives for its information and action. All

proceedings against councilors and representatives shall be

brought before the pretorian court at Havana in the cases and

manner that shall be prescribed by colonial statutes.

ARTICLE 27.

The guarantees established in the foregoing section shall not

apply to a councilor or representative who shall himself admit

that he is the author of any article, book, pamphlet, or

printed matter wherein military sedition is incited or

invoked, or the Governor-General is insulted and maligned, or

national sovereignty is assailed.

ARTICLE 28.

The relations between the two chambers shall be governed,

until otherwise provided, by the act of July 19, 1837,

regulating the relations between the two legislative houses of

the Cortes.

ARTICLE 29.

Besides the power of enacting laws for the colony the insular

chambers shall have power:

1. To receive the oath of the Governor-General to preserve the

constitution and the laws which guarantee the autonomy of the

colony.

2. To enforce the responsibility of the secretaries of the

executive, who shall be tried by the council, whenever

impeached by the chamber of representatives.

3. To address the home government through the

Governor-General, proposing the abrogation or modification of

existing laws of the Kingdom; to invite the home government to

present bills as to particular matters, or to ask a decision

of an executive character on matters which interest the

colony.

ARTICLE 30.

The Governor-General shall communicate to the home government

before presenting to the insular parliament any bill

originating in the executive government of the island

whenever, in his judgment, said bill may affect national

interests. Should any such bill originate in the insular

parliament, the government of the island shall ask for a

postponement of the debate until the home government shall

have given its opinion. In either case the correspondence

passing between the two governments shall be laid before the

chambers and published in the official Gazette.

{177}

ARTICLE 31.

All differences of jurisdiction between the several municipal,

provincial, and insular assemblies, or between any of them and

the executive, which by their nature may not be referred to

the home government, shall be submitted to the courts of

justice in accordance with the rules herein prescribed.

TITLE VI.

POWERS VESTED IN THE INSULAR PARLIAMENT.

ARTICLE 32.

The insular chambers shall have power to pass upon all matters

not specially and expressly reserved to the Cortes of the

Kingdom or to the central government as herein provided, or as

may be provided hereafter, in accordance with the prescription

set forth in additional Article 2. In this manner, and without

implying that the following enumeration presupposes any

limitation of their power to legislate on other subjects, they

shall have power to legislate on all matters and subjects

concerning the departments of justice, interior, treasury,

public works, education, and agriculture.

They shall likewise have exclusive cognizance of all matters

of a purely local nature which may principally affect the

colonial territory; and to this end they shall have power to

legislate on civil administration; on provincial, municipal,

or judicial apportionment; on public health, by land or sea,

and on public credit, banks, and the monetary system. This

power, however, shall not impair the powers vested in the

colonial executive according to the laws in connection with

the matters above mentioned.

ARTICLE 33.

It shall be incumbent upon the colonial parliament to make

regulations under such national laws as may be passed by the

Cortes and expressly intrusted to it. Especially among such

measures parliament shall legislate, and may do so at the

first sitting, for the purpose of regulating the elections,

the taking of the electoral census, qualifying electors, and

exercising the right of suffrage; but in no event shall these

dispositions affect the rights of the citizens, as established

by the electoral laws.

ARTICLE 34.

Notwithstanding that the laws governing the judiciary and the

administration of justice are of a national character, and

therefore obligatory for the colony, the insular parliament

may, within the provisions of said laws, make rules or propose

to the home government such measures as shall render easier

the admission, continuance, or promotion in the local courts

of lawyers, natives of the island, or practicing therein.

The Governor-General in council shall have, as far as the

island of Cuba is concerned, the same power that has been

vested heretofore in the minister for the colonies for the

appointment of the functionaries and subordinate and auxiliary

officers of the judicial order and as to the other matters

connected with the administration of justice.

ARTICLE 35.

The insular parliament shall have exclusive power to frame the

local budget of expenditures and revenues, including the

revenue corresponding to the island as her quota of the

national budget. To this end the Governor-General shall

present to the chambers every year before the month of January

the budget for the next fiscal year, divided in two parts, as

follows: The first part shall state the revenues needed to

defray the expenses of sovereignty, and the second part shall

state the revenues and expenditures estimated for the

maintenance of the colonial administration. Neither chamber

shall take up the budget of the colonial government without

having finally voted the part for the maintenance of

sovereignty.

ARTICLE 36.

The Cortes of the Kingdom shall determine what expenditures

are to be considered by reason of their nature as obligatory

expenses inherent to sovereignty, and shall fix the amount

every three years and the revenue needed to defray the same,

the Cortes reserving the right to alter this rule.

ARTICLE 37.

All treaties of commerce affecting the island of Cuba, be they

suggested by the insular or by the home government, shall be

made by the latter with the co-operation of special delegates

duly authorized by the colonial government, whose concurrence

shall be acknowledged upon submitting the treaties to the

Cortes. Said treaties, when approved by the Cortes, shall be

proclaimed as laws of the Kingdom and as such shall obtain in

the colony.

ARTICLE 38.

Notice shall be given to the insular government of any

commercial treaties made without its participation as soon as

said treaties shall become laws, to the end that, within a

period of three months, it may declare its acceptance or

nonacceptance of their stipulations. In case of acceptance the

Governor-General shall cause the treaty to be published in the

Gazette as a colonial statute.

ARTICLE 39.

The insular parliament shall also have power to frame the

tariff and fix the duties to be paid on merchandise as well

for its importation into the territory of the island as for

the exportation thereof.

ARTICLE 40.

As a transition from the old regime to the new constitution,

and until the home and insular governments may otherwise

conjointly determine hereafter, the commercial relations

between the island and the metropolis shall be governed by the

following rules:

1. No differential duty, whether fiscal or otherwise, either

on imports or exports, shall be imposed to the detriment of

either insular or peninsular production.

2. The two governments shall make a schedule of articles of

direct national origin to which shall be allowed by common

consent preferential duty over similar foreign products. In

another schedule made in like manner shall be determined such

articles of direct insular production as shall be entitled to

privileged treatment on their importation into the peninsula

and the amount of preferential duties thereon. In neither case

shall the preferential duty exceed 35 per cent. Should the

home and the colonial government agree upon the schedules and

the preferential duties, they shall be considered final and

shall be enforced at once. In case of disagreement the point

in dispute shall be submitted to a committee of

representatives of the Cortes, consisting of an equal number

of Cubans and Peninsulars. The committee shall appoint its

chairman, and in case of disagreement the eldest member shall

preside. The chairman shall have the casting vote.

3. The valuation tables concerning the articles in the

schedules above mentioned shall be fixed by mutual agreement,

and shall be revised after discussion every two years. The

modifications which may thereupon become necessary in the

tariff duties shall be carried out at once by the respective

governments.

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TITLE VII.

THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

ARTICLE 41.

The supreme authority of the colony shall be vested in a

Governor-General, appointed by the King on the nomination of

the council of ministers. In his capacity he shall have as

vice-royal patron the power inherent in the patronate of the

Indies; he shall have command of all military and naval forces

in the island; he shall act as delegate of the departments of

state, war, navy, and the colonies; all other authorities in

the island shall be subordinate to his, and he shall be

responsible for the preservation of order and the safety of

the colony. The Governor-General shall, before taking

possession of his office, take an oath in the presence of the

King to discharge his duties faithfully and loyally.

ARTICLE 42.

The Governor-General, representing the nation, will discharge

by himself and with the aid of his secretaries all the

functions indicated in the preceding articles and such others

as may devolve upon him as direct delegate of the King in

matters of a national character. It shall be incumbent upon

the Governor-General as representing the home government:

1. To appoint without restriction the secretaries of his

cabinet.

2. To proclaim, execute, and cause to be executed in the

island all laws, decrees, treaties, international covenants,

and all other acts emanating from the legislative branch of

the government, as well as all decrees, royal commands, and

other measures emanating from the executive which shall be

communicated to him by the departments of which he acts as

delegate. Whenever in his judgment and in that of his

secretaries he considers the resolutions of the home

government as liable to injure the general interests of the

nation or the special interests of the island, he shall have

power to suspend the publication and execution thereof, and

shall so notify the respective department, stating the reasons

for his action.

3. To grant pardons in the name of the King, within the

limitations specially prescribed to him in his instructions

from the government, and to stay the execution of a death

sentence whenever the gravity of the circumstances shall so

demand or the urgency of the case shall allow of no time to

solicit and obtain His Majesty's pardon; but in either case he

shall hear the counsel of his secretaries.

4. To suspend the guarantees set forth in articles 3, 5, 6,

and 9, and in the first, second, and third paragraphs of

article 13 of the constitution; to enforce legislation in

regard to public order, and to take all measures which he may

deem necessary to preserve the peace within and the safety

without for the territory entrusted to him after hearing the

counsel of his cabinet.

5. To take care that in the colony justice be promptly and

fully administered, and that it shall always be administered

in the name of the King.

6. To hold direct communication on foreign affairs with the

ministers, diplomatic agents, and counsels of Spain throughout

America. A full copy of such correspondence shall be

simultaneously forwarded to the home Department of State.

ARTICLE 43.

It behooves the Governor-General, as the superior authority in

the colony and head of its administration:

1. To take care that the rights, powers, and privileges now

vested or that may henceforth be vested in the colonial

administration be respected and protected.

2. To sanction and proclaim the acts of the insular

parliament, which shall be submitted to him by the president

and secretaries of the respective chambers. Whenever, in the

judgment of the Governor-General, an act of the insular

parliament goes beyond its powers or impairs the rights of the

citizens as set forth in Article I of the constitution, or

curtails the guarantees prescribed by law for the exercise of

said rights, or jeopards the interest of the colony or of the

nation, he shall forward the act to the council of ministers

of the Kingdom, which, within a period that shall not exceed

two months, shall either assent to it or return it to the

Governor-General with the objections to its sanction and

proclamation. The insular parliament may, in view of the

objections, reconsider or modify the act, if it deems fit,

without a special proposition. If two months shall elapse

without the central government giving any opinion as to a

measure agreed upon by the chambers which has been transmitted

to it by the Governor-General, the latter shall sanction and

proclaim the same.

3. To appoint, suspend, and discharge the employees of the

colonial administration, upon the suggestion of the

secretaries of the departments and in accordance with the

laws.

4. To appoint and remove, without restriction, the secretaries

of his cabinet.

ARTICLE 44.

No executive order of the Governor-General, acting as

representative and chief of the colony, shall take effect

unless countersigned by a secretary of the cabinet, who by

this act alone shall make himself responsible for the same.

ARTICLE 45.

There shall be five secretaries of department, to wit:

Grace and justice and interior;

finance;

public education, public works and posts and telegraphs;

agriculture, industry, and commerce.

The Governor-General shall appoint the president of the

cabinet from among the secretaries, and shall also have power

to appoint a president without a secretaryship. The power to

increase or diminish the number of secretaries composing the

colonial cabinet, and to determine the scope of each

department, is vested in the insular parliament.

ARTICLE 46.

The secretaries of the cabinet may be members of either the

chamber of representatives or the council of administration

and take part in the debates of either chamber, but a

secretary shall only vote in the chamber of which he is a

member.

ARTICLE 47.

The secretaries of the cabinet shall be responsible to the

insular parliament.

ARTICLE 48.

The Governor-General shall not modify or abrogate his own

orders after they are assented to by the home government, or

when they shall declare some rights, or when a sentence by a

judicial court or administrative tribunal shall have been

based upon said orders, or when they shall deal with his own

competency.

ARTICLE 49.

The Governor-General shall not turn over his office when

leaving the island except by special command from the home

government. In case of absence from the seat of government

which prevents his discharging the duties of his office or of

disability to perform such duties, he can appoint one or more

persons to take his place, provided the home government has

not previously done so or the method of substitution shall not

be stated in his instructions.

{179}

ARTICLE 50.

The supreme court shall have the sole power to try the

Governor-General when impeached for his responsibilities as

defined by the Penal Code. The council of ministers shall take

cognizance of his other responsibilities.

ARTICLE 51.

The Governor-General shall have the power, in spite of the

provisions of the different articles of this decree, to act

upon his own responsibility, without consulting his

secretaries, in the following cases:

1. When forwarding to the home government a bill passed by the

insular parliament, especially when, in his opinion, it shall

abridge the rights set forth in Article 1 of the constitution

of the monarchy or the guarantees for the exercise thereof

vouchsafed by the laws.

2. When it shall be necessary to enforce the law or public

order, especially if there be no time or possibility to

consult the home government.

3. When enforcing the national laws that shall have been

approved by the Crown and made applicable to all of the

Spanish or to the colony under his government. The proceedings

and means of action which the Governor-General shall employ in

the above cases shall be determined by a special law.

TITLE VIII.

MUNICIPAL AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT.

ARTICLE. 52.

Municipal organization shall be compulsory for every group of

population of more than one thousand inhabitants. Groups of

less number of inhabitants may organize the service of their

community by special covenants. Every legally constituted

municipality shall have power to frame its own laws regarding

public education; highways by land, river, and sea; public

health; municipal finances, as well as to freely appoint and

remove its own employees.

ARTICLE 53.

At the head of each province there shall be an assembly, which

shall be elected in the manner provided for by the colonial

statutes, and shall be composed of a number of members in

proportion to the population.

ARTICLE 54.

The provincial assembly shall be autonomous as regards the

creation and maintenance of public schools and colleges;

charitable institutions and provincial roads and ways by land,

river, or sea; also as regards their own budgets and the

appointment and removal of their respective employees.

ARTICLE 55.

The municipalities, as well as the provincial assemblies,

shall have power to freely raise the necessary revenue to

cover their expenditures, with no other limitation than to

make the means adopted compatible with the general system of

taxation which shall obtain in the island. The resources for

provincial appropriations shall be independent of municipal

resources.

ARTICLE 56.

The mayors and presidents of boards of aldermen shall be

chosen by their respective boards from among their members.

ARTICLE 57.

The mayors shall discharge without limitation the active

duties of the municipal administration, as executors of the

resolutions of the board of aldermen or their representatives.

ARTICLE 58.

The aldermen and the provincial assemblymen shall be civilly

responsible for the damages caused by their acts. Their

responsibility shall be exacted before the ordinary courts of

justice.

ARTICLE 59.

The provincial assemblies shall freely choose their respective

presidents.

ARTICLE 60.

The elections of aldermen and assemblymen shall be conducted

in such manner as to allow for a legitimate representation of

the minorities.

ARTICLE 61.

The provincial and municipal laws now obtaining in the island

shall continue in vogue, wherever not in conflict with the

provisions of this decree, until the insular parliament shall

legislate upon the matter.

ARTICLE 62.

No colonial statute shall abridge the powers vested by the

preceding articles in the municipalities and the provincial

assemblies.

TITLE IX.

AS TO THE GUARANTEES FOR THE FULFILLMENT OF

THE COLONIAL CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE 63.

Whenever a citizen shall consider that his rights have been

violated or his interests injured by the action of a

municipality or a provincial assembly he shall have the right

to apply to the courts of justice for redress. The department

of justice shall, if so required by the agents of the

executive government of the colony, prosecute before the

courts the boards of aldermen or provincial assemblies charged

with breaking the laws or abusing their power.

ARTICLE 64.

In the cases referred to in the preceding article, the

following courts shall have jurisdiction: The territorial

audiencia shall try all claims against municipalities; and the

pretorian court of Havana shall try all claims against

provincial assemblies. Said courts, when the charges against

any of the above-mentioned corporations shall be for abuse of

power, shall render their decisions by a full bench. From the

decision of the Territorial audiencia an appeal shall be

allowed to the pretorian court of Havana, and from the

decisions of the latter an appeal shall be allowed to the

supreme court of the Kingdom.

ARTICLE 65.

The redress of grievances which Article 62 grants to any

citizen can also be had collectively by means of public

action, by appointing an attorney or representative claimant.

ARTICLE 66.

Without in any way impairing the powers vested in the

Governor-General by Title V of the present decree, he may,

whenever he deems fit, appear before the pretorian court of

Havana in his capacity as chief of the executive government of

the colony, to the end that said court shall finally decide

any conflict of jurisdiction between the executive power and

the legislative chambers of the colony.

ARTICLE 67.

Should any question of jurisdiction be raised between the

insular parliament and the Governor-General in his capacity as

representative of the home government, which shall not have

been submitted to the council of ministers of the Kingdom by

petition of the insular parliament, either party shall have

power to bring the matter before the supreme court of the

Kingdom, which shall render its decision by a full bench and

in the first instance.

ARTICLE 68.

The decisions rendered in all cases provided for in the

preceding articles shall be published in the collection of

colonial statutes and shall form part of the insular

legislation.

ARTICLE 69.

Every municipal measure for the purpose of contracting a loan

or a municipal debt shall be without effect, unless it be

assented to by a majority of the townspeople whenever

one-third of the number of aldermen shall so demand. The

amount of the loan or debt which, according to the number of

inhabitants of a township, shall make the referendum

proceeding necessary, shall be determined by special statute.

{180}

ARTICLE 70.

All legislative acts originating in the insular parliament or

the Cortes shall be compiled under the title of colonial

statutes in a legislative collection, the formation and

publication of which shall be entrusted to the

Governor-General as chief of the colonial executive.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLES.

ARTICLE 1.

Until the colonial statutes shall be published in due form,

the laws of the Kingdom shall be deemed applicable to all

matters reserved to the jurisdiction of the insular

government.

ARTICLE 2.

When the present constitution shall be once approved by the

Cortes of the Kingdom for the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico,

it shall not be amended except by virtue of a special law and

upon the petition of the insular parliament.

ARTICLE 3.

The provisions of the present decree shall obtain in their

entirety in the island of Porto Rico; they shall, however, be

ordained by special decree in order to conform them to the

population and nomenclature of said island.

ARTICLE 4.

Pending contracts for public services affecting in common the

Antilles and the Peninsula shall continue in their present

shape until termination, and shall be entirely governed by the

conditions and stipulations therein made. As regards other

contracts already entered into, but not yet in operation, the

Governor-General shall consult the home government, or the

colonial chambers, as the case may be, and the two governments

shall by mutual accord decide as between themselves the final

form of such contract.

TRANSITORY PROVISIONS.

ARTICLE 1.

With a view to carry out the transition from the present

regime to the system hereby established with the greatest

possible dispatch and the least interruption of the public

business, the Governor-General shall, whenever he deems it

timely and after consulting the home government, appoint the

secretaries of the executive office as per Article 45 of this

decree, and with their aid he shall conduct the local

government of the island until the insular chambers shall have

been constituted. The secretaries thus appointed shall vacate

their offices as soon as the Governor-General shall take his

oath of office before the insular chambers, and the

Governor-General shall immediately appoint as their successors

the members of parliament who, in his judgment, most fully

represent the majorities in the chamber of representatives and

the council of administration.

ARTICLE 2.

The manner of meeting the expenditures occasioned by the debt

now weighing upon the Spanish and Cuban treasuries, and the

debt that may be contracted until the termination of the war,

shall be determined by a law fixing the share that shall be

borne by each treasury, and the special ways and means for the

payment of the interest, and the sinking fund, and for

refunding the principal in due time. Until the Cortes of the

Kingdom shall decide this point no changes shall be made in

the conditions under which said debts were contracted, nor in

the payment of the interest, nor provisions for a sinking

fund, nor in the guarantees which they enjoy, nor in the

actual terms of payment. When the Cortes shall have

apportioned the shares, each of the two treasuries shall take

upon itself the payment of the share allotted. In no event

shall the obligations contracted towards the lenders on the

faith of the Spanish nation cease to be scrupulously

respected.

Issued in the Palace,

Madrid, November 25, 1897.

MARIA CHRISTINA.

The President of the Council of Ministers,

PRÁXEDES MATEO SAGASTA.

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (November-February).

The experiment of autonomy or home rule.

It cannot be said that the Constitution of 1897 was given a

fair trial. In the circumstances, one may doubt whether a fair

trial of its working was possible. It came too late for

advantageous testing or unprejudiced judging of its

practicability. The autonomist party, which might once have

been able to make Cuba a constitutional dependency, like

Canada, had been discouraged and broken up. Weyler's policy

had excited a feeling in the United States which was too

impatient to wait for new experiments in Spanish dealing with

Cuba to be worked out, or to estimate reasonably the chances

of their success. The first showing of results from the scheme

of autonomy was unpromising, as it could hardly have failed to

be, and that was readily taken as conclusive in condemnation

of it. The judgment of General Fitzhugh Lee, Consul-General of

the United States at Havana, had great influence in America,

and he saw nothing to expect from the Constitution. In an

article contributed subsequently to the "Fortnightly Review,"

June, 1898, he wrote:

"It [the Constitution) was an elaborate system of 'Home Rule'

with a string to every sentence; so that I soon became

satisfied that, if the insurrection against the Spanish throne

on the island ceased, the condition of the Cubans would

speedily be the same as it was at the commencement of the war.

I gave the reasons therefor in a paper now on file in the

State Department which clearly proved that the Spaniards could

easily control one of the legislative chambers, and that

behind any joint action on the part of both was the veto of

the Governor-General, whose appointment was made from the

throne in Madrid.

"This system of autonomy, however, was gravely proceeded with.

An Autonomistic Cabinet was seriously formed, composed in part

of Cubans who, though at one time in favour of a government of

the island free from Spanish control, had given satisfactory

intimations that, if they were appointed to cabinet offices,

their former opinions could be modified to suit existing

circumstances. Blanco's Autonomistic Government was doomed to

failure from its inception. The Spanish soldiers and officers

scorned it, because they did not desire Cuban rule, which such

autonomy, if genuine, would insure. The Spanish merchants and

citizens were opposed to it, because they too were hostile to

the Cubans having control of the island, and if the question

could be narrowed down to Cuban control or annexation to the

United States, they were all annexationists, believing that

they could get a better government and one that would protect,

in a greater measure, life and property under the United States

flag than under the Cuban banner. On the other hand, the

Cubans in arms would not touch it, because they were fighting

for Free Cuba; and the Cuban citizens and sympathizers, or the

non-arm-bearing population, were distinctly opposed to it also;

while those in favour of it seemed to consist of the

Autonomistic Cabinet, General Blanco, his Secretary-General

and Staff, and a few followers elsewhere."

{181}

Fitzhugh Lee,

Cuba and her Struggle for Freedom

(Fortnightly Review, June, 1898).

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).

Condition of the Reconcentrados.

On the 14th of December, 1897, General Fitzhugh Lee,

Consul-General of the United States at Havana, reported to the

Department of State as follows:

"I have the honor to report that I have received information

that in the Province of Havana reports show that there have

been 101,000 'Reconcentrados,' and that out of that 52,000

have died. Of the said 101,000, 32,000 were children. This

excludes the city of Havana and seven other towns from which

reports have not yet been made up. It is thought that the

total number of 'Reconcentrados' in Havana Province will

amount to 150,000, nearly all women and children, and that the

death rate among their whole number from starvation alone will be

over 50 per cent. For the above number of 'Reconcentrados'

$12,500, Spanish silver, was set aside out of the $100,000

appropriated for the purpose of relieving all the

'Reconcentrados' on the island. Seventy-five thousand of the

150,000 may be still living, so if every dollar appropriated

of the $12,500 reaches them the distribution will average

about 17 cents to a person, which, of course, will be rapidly

exhausted, and, as I can hear of no further succor being

afforded, it is easy to perceive what little practical relief

has taken place in the condition of these poor people."

On the 8th of January, 1898, General Lee made another report

on the same subject as follows:

"I have the honor to state, as a matter of public interest,

that the 'reconcentrado order' of General Weyler, formerly

Governor-General of this island, transformed about 400,000

self-supporting people, principally women and children, into a

multitude to be sustained by the contributions of others or die

of starvation or of fevers resulting from a low physical

condition and being massed in large bodies without change of

clothing and without food. Their houses were burned, their

fields and plant beds destroyed, and their live stock driven

away or killed. I estimate that probably 200,000 of the rural

population in the Provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana,

Matanzas, and Santa Clara have died of starvation, or from

resultant causes, and the deaths of whole families almost

simultaneously, or within a few days of each other, and of

mothers praying for their children to be relieved of their

horrible sufferings by death, are not the least of the many

pitiable scenes which were ever present. In the Provinces of

Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba, where the 'reconcentrado

order' could not be enforced, the great mass of the people are

self-sustaining. A daily average of ten cents' worth of food

to 200,000 people would be an expenditure of $20,000 per day,

and of course the most humane efforts upon the part of our

citizens can not hope to accomplish such a gigantic relief,

and a great portion of these people will have to be abandoned

to their fate."

A little later, Senator Proctor, of Vermont, visited Cuba, for

personal observation of the condition of things in the island,

and, on his return, made a statement of what he had seen and

learned, in a speech to the Senate, which made an impression

on the country much deeper than any previous testimony on the

subject that had reached the public eye or ear. The following

is a part of the account that he gave:

"My observations were confined to the four western provinces,

which constitute about one-half of the island. The two eastern

ones are practically in the hands of the insurgents, except

the few fortified towns. These two large provinces are spoken

of to-day as 'Cuba Libre.' Outside Habana all is changed. It

is not peace nor is it war. It is desolation and distress,

misery and starvation. Every town and village is surrounded by

a 'trocha' (trench), a sort of rifle pit, but constructed on a

plan new to me, the dirt being thrown up on the inside and a

barbed-wire fence on the outer side of the trench. These

trochas have at every corner and at frequent intervals along

the sides what are there called forts, but which are really

small blockhouses, many of them more like large sentry boxes,

loopholed for musketry, and with a guard of from two to ten

soldiers in each.

"The purpose of these trochas is to keep the Reconcentrados in

as well as to keep the insurgents out. From all the

surrounding country the people have been driven in to these

fortified towns and held there to subsist as they can. They

are virtually prison yards, and not unlike one in general

appearance, except that the walls are not so high and strong;

but they suffice, where every point is in range of a soldier's

rifle, to keep in the poor reconcentrado women and children.

Every railroad station is within one of these trochas and has

an armed guard. Every train has an armored freight car,

loopholed for musketry and filled with soldiers, and with, as

I observed usually, and was informed is always the case, a

pilot engine a mile or so in advance. There are frequent

blockhouses inclosed by a trocha and with a guard along the

railroad track. With this exception there is no human life or

habitation between these fortified towns and villages, and

throughout the whole of the four western provinces, except to

a very limited extent among the hills where the Spaniards have

not been able to go and drive the people to the towns and burn

their dwellings. I saw no house or hut in the 400 miles of

railroad rides from Pinar del Rio Province in the west across

the full width of Habana and Matanzas provinces, and to Sagua

La Grande on the north shore, and to Cienfuegos on the south

shore of Santa Clara, except within the Spanish trochas.

"There are no domestic animals or crops on the rich fields and

pastures except such as are under guard in the immediate

vicinity of the towns. In other words, the Spaniards hold in

these four western provinces just what their army sits on.

Every man, woman, and child, and every domestic animal,

wherever their columns have reached, is under guard and within

their so-called fortifications. To describe one place is to

describe all. To repeat, it is neither peace nor war. It is

concentration and desolation. This is the 'pacified' condition

of the four western provinces. West of Habana is mainly the

rich tobacco country; east, so far as I went, a sugar region.

Nearly all the sugar mills are destroyed between Habana and

Sagua. Two or three were standing in the vicinity of Sagua,

and in part running, surrounded, as are the villages, by

trochas and 'forts' or palisades of the royal palm, and fully

guarded. Toward and near Cienfuegos there were more mills

running, but all with the same protection.

{182}

… All the country people in the four western provinces, about

400,000 in number, remaining outside the fortified towns when

Weyler's order was made were driven into these towns, and

these are the Reconcentrados. They were the peasantry, many of

them farmers, some landowners, others renting lands and owning

more or less stock, others working on estates and cultivating

small patches; and even a small patch in that fruitful clime

will support a family. It is but fair to say that the normal

condition of these people was very different from what

prevails in this country. Their standard of comfort and

prosperity was not high, measured by ours. But according to

their standards and requirements their conditions of life were

satisfactory. They lived mostly in cabins made of palms or in

wooden houses. Some of them had houses of stone, the blackened

walls of which are all that remain to show the country was

ever inhabited.

"The first clause of Weyler's order [renewing that of February

16, 1896] reads as follows: 'I Order and Command. First. All

the inhabitants of the country or outside of the line of

fortifications of the town shall, within the period of eight

days, concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the

troops. Any individual who, after the expiration of this

period, is found in the uninhabited parts will be considered a

rebel and tried as such.' … Many, doubtless, did not learn of

this order. Others failed to grasp its terrible meaning. Its

execution was left largely to the guerrillas to drive in all

that had not obeyed, and I was informed that in many cases the

torch was applied to their homes with no notice, and the

inmates fled with such clothing as they might have on, their

stock and other belongings being appropriated by the

guerrillas. When they reached the towns, they were allowed to

build huts of palm leaves in the suburbs and vacant places

within the trochas, and left to live, if they could.

"Torn from their homes, with foul earth, foul air, foul water,

and foul food or none, what wonder that one-half have died and

that one-quarter of the living are so diseased that they

cannot be saved? … Deaths in the streets have not been

uncommon. I was told by one of our consuls that they have been

found dead about the markets in the morning, where they had

crawled, hoping to get some stray bits of food from the early

hucksters, and that there had been cases where they had

dropped dead inside the market surrounded by food. These

people were independent and self-supporting before Weyler's

order. … I went to Cuba with a strong conviction that the

picture had been overdrawn; that a few cases of starvation and

suffering had inspired and stimulated the press

correspondents, and that they had given free play to a strong,

natural, and highly cultivated imagination. … I could not

believe that, out of a population of 1,600,000, 200,000 had

died within these Spanish forts, practically prison walls,

within a few months past from actual starvation and diseases

caused by insufficient and improper food. My inquiries were

entirely outside of sensational sources. They were made of our

medical officers, of our consuls, of city alcaldes (mayors),

of relief committees, of leading merchants and bankers,

physicians, and lawyers. Several of my informants were Spanish

born, but every time the answer was that the case had not been

overstated. What I saw I cannot tell so that others can see it.

It must be seen with one's own eyes to be realized. …

"The dividing lines between parties are the most straight and

clear cut that have ever come to my knowledge. The division in

our war was by no means so clearly defined. It is Cuban

against Spaniard. It is practically the entire Cuban

population on one side and the Spanish army and Spanish

citizens on the other. I do not count the autonomists in this

division, as they are so far too inconsiderable in numbers to

be worth counting. General Blanco filled the civil offices

with men who had been autonomists and were still classed as

such. But the march of events had satisfied most of them that

the chance for autonomy came too late. … There is no doubt

that General Blanco is acting in entire good faith; that he

desires to give the Cubans a fair measure of autonomy, as

Campos did at the close of the ten-year war. He has, of

course, a few personal followers, but the army and the Spanish

citizens do not want genuine autonomy, for that means

government by the Cuban people. And it is not strange that the

Cubans say it comes too late."

Congressional Record,

March 17, 1898.

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (February).

Destruction of the United States Battleship Maine in Havana harbor.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).

Discussion of Cuban affairs between Spain and the United States.

Message of the President to Congress asking for authority

to intervene.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April).

Demand of the United States Government for the withdrawal of

Spain from the island, and its result in a state of war.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April-December).

Operations of war between the United States and Spain.

Suspension of hostilities.

Negotiation of treaty of peace.

Relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL) to 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (December).

Removal of the remains of Columbus to Spain.

The remains of Columbus were taken from the Cathedral in

Havana, on the 12th of December, for transfer to the cathedral

at Seville, in Spain.

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-October).

Organization of military government under

United States authority.

Report of the military governor, on conditions prevailing,

measures adopted, and results obtained.

On the 13th of December, 1898, the following General Order was

issued by the Secretary of War:

"By direction of the President, a division to be known as the

Division of Cuba, consisting of the geographical departments

and provinces of the island of Cuba, with headquarters in the

city of Habana, is hereby created, under command of Major

General John R. Brooke, U. S. A., who, in addition to command

of the troops in the division, will exercise the authority of

military governor of the island. Major General Fitzhugh Lee,

U. S. V., commanding the Seventh Army Corps, is assigned to

the immediate command of all the troops in the province of

Habana. Major General William Ludlow, U. S. V., is designated

as the military governor of the city of Habana, and will

report direct to the division commander. He is charged with

all that relates to collection and disbursement of revenues of

the port and city, and its police, sanitation, and general

government, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the

President."

{183}

General Brooke arrived at Havana on the 28th of December and

assumed the command of the troops and the military

governorship of the island. In his subsequent report (October

1, 1899) of conditions then existing, proceedings taken,

events occurring and results attained, he wrote: "It was found

that considerable confusion incident to the withdrawal of the

Spanish troops and replacing them with the United States

troops existed, but no untoward event occurred, however, as

every precaution was taken to maintain order. The gradual

withdrawal of the Spanish troops and the advance of the United

States troops continued, until the morning of the 1st of

January, 1899, found but few Spanish troops in the city, and

these went on board transports, which movement was completed

about 12.30 p. m. Outside of the principal towns the retiring

Spanish army was closely followed by the Cuban army, which

took charge of the towns and country, maintaining order, and,

generally, performing police duty. This state of affairs

continued, substantially, until the final disbandment of that

army. The disbandment of the Cuban army was commenced in

November, 1898, but only such as could procure work, or were

anxious to resume their former vocations, seem to have taken

advantage of the 'licencia' (furlough) which was given to

many. A large part of the army was held together on various

pretexts until the distribution of the $3,000,000 [allotted

for distribution to the Cuban army, to enable the soldiers to

return to their homes], and the giving up of their arms

effected a final disbandment. During the time the army was

held together as an organized body the police duties performed

seemed to be well done and order was preserved. The spectacle

of an army of, according to the rolls, 48,000 men being

peacefully dispersed among the people has for its prototype

the disappearance of the great volunteer army of the United

States in 1865. In neither case has there been any great

disturbance, as was feared in both cases, and particularly so

as regards the Cuban army. The small attempts at brigandage

were quickly suppressed, the lawbreakers placed in prison, and

the courts are now hearing their cases.

"On January 1, 1899, a division of the Seventh Army Corps,

under the command of General Fitzhugh Lee, General Keifer's

division, was brought to the city, and, with the regiments on

duty in Habana under the command of General William Ludlow,

were so placed as to insure good order during the ceremonies

of the relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain, which occurred

in the Governor-General's palace at 12 o'clock noon, where

were assembled the Captain-General and his staff, the United

States commission with its officers, the American military

governor with his staff, Major General Fitzhugh Lee, Major

General William Ludlow, Major General J. Warren Keifer, and

their staffs, and nine Cuban generals as his guests. This

ceremony was simple in its character, though very impressive,

consisting of a formal speech by the Spanish Governor-General,

which was replied to by General Wade, the chairman of the

United States evacuation commission, who, in concluding his

remarks, turned to the military governor and transferred the

island of Cuba to him, who, thereupon, entered upon the full

exercise of his duty as the military governor of Cuba. Of

course, the gathering into his hands of all the duties of his

office took time. The desire of a large body of the Cuban army

to take part on the 1st of January in the ceremonies of the

relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain was reported verbally,

by General Ludlow, and he was informed that the danger to life

and property was too great, and that the celebration must be

postponed to a time when the excitement had cooled off and the

passions of the people could be under control. This

celebration afterwards took place on the arrival in the city

of General Maximo Gomez, Commander in Chief of the Cuban

forces, on February 24. General Ludlow was directed to meet

General Gomez at the city limits and show him every courtesy

possible. The Quinta de los Molinos, the summer residence of

the Governor-General, was placed at his disposal, and for

several months he, with his staff and escort, occupied the

houses and grounds as the guests of this Government. The civil

bureaus of the Governor-Generalcy were taken over by officers

of the military governor's staff, and held by them until the

proper civil officials could be selected and appointed. …

"In reaching this stage on the highway of progress toward the

establishment of government through civil channels, many

obstacles have been overcome, the most serious being the very

natural distrust of the people, which was born and nurtured

under the system of the preceding government, and was

particularly the effect of the wars which these people waged

in their effort to improve their condition. It is believed

that this distrust has given way to confidence in the minds of

a majority of the people, and that they are generally

beginning to see that the government, as administered by the

United States, is for them and for their benefit. It is proper

at this time to speak of the condition of the people and the

country as it existed at the time of the relinquishment of

sovereignty by Spain. A large number of the people were found

to be actually starving. Efforts were immediately made to

supply food, which the War Department sent, all told,

5,493,500 Cuban rations, in addition to the 1,000,000 rations

distributed by Mr. Gould, and these were sent into the country

and distributed under the direction of the commanding generals

of departments, through such agencies as they established;

while in the cities the distribution was generally conducted

by an officer of the Army. The result of this action was the

immediate lowering of the death rate, the restoration to

health of the sick, and a general change for the better was

soon apparent. Medicines were also supplied for the sick with

most beneficial results. Employment was given to those who

could work, and they were paid weekly, so that they might have

money to buy food. In fact, no effort was spared to relieve the

terrible condition in which so many thousand people were

found. …

{184}

"Turning to the present conditions, we have in view such a

change that the progress seems incredible. A great part of the

improvement dates from the month of May, when the muster out

of the Cuban army removed a great source of distrust. The

extent to which have been carried the cultivation of the

fields, the reconstruction of homes, the re-establishment of

order and public service, especially in the matter of hygiene

in the towns, is something wonderful. … The question of

finance, as relates to the restoration of crippled and

destroyed agricultural industries, is one which has occupied a

great deal of attention on the part of this government. It is

evident that assistance in the way of repairing the roads and

bridges, as well as to municipalities in their present

impoverished conditions, is a necessity, and the most pressing

wants in this direction have been met by granting money from

the revenues of the island. There is every reason to hope that

the municipal revenues will meet all requirements as soon as

agriculture is again on its feet, and there will, doubtless,

be some changes in the present tax law made. In this

connection, it is well to know that planters and small farmers

in the tobacco growing districts are rapidly recovering from

their forlorn condition. The quick growing crop and the

remunerative prices have enabled them to restore, in a

measure, the lost cattle, mules, and implements necessary to

the farmers. There is, also, a desire to use labor-saving

devices, which are now being slowly introduced. …

"The quiet severance of church and state has been effected by

the fact of the Government of the United States being in

control. Certain changes have already been made in the laws,

and others will follow in due course; this without violating

the legal rights of the Roman Catholic Church, which was the

only religious denomination tolerated in the island, except a

small body of Baptists. The important subject of schools is

now approaching a solution. The present system will be

improved upon, but it will require time to develop fully a

good school system throughout the island. There are no

school-houses, and under present conditions there can be none

built for some time to come. It is hoped that a manual

training school will be opened as soon as certain repairs and

changes can be made in the Spanish barracks at Santiago de las

Vegas, a short distance south of Habana, in which about 600 of

both sexes can receive instruction at one time. This form of

instruction is more important, under the conditions found to

exist, than the ordinary instruction given in the other

schools. As conditions improve, an opportunity can be given to

increase the number of these schools, and by their means

introduce modern methods more rapidly than by other systems."

General John R. Brooke,

Civil Report, October 1, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1266-1276).

General Fitzhugh Lee reported, September 19, 1899, on the

state of things in the province of Havana, as follows: "I

assumed command of the department of the province of Habana

January 1, 1899, and of the province of Pinar del Rio April

19, 1899. The deplorable condition of the island after it was

evacuated by the Spanish is well known. Business of all sorts

was suspended. Agricultural operations had ceased; large sugar

estates, with their enormous and expensive machinery, were

destroyed; houses burned: stock driven off for consumption by

the Spanish troops, or killed. There was scarcely an ox left

to pull a plow, had there been a plow left. Not a pig had been

left in the pen, nor a hen to lay an egg for the poor,

destitute people who still held on to life, most of them sick,

weary, and weak. Miles and miles of country uninhabited either

by the human race or domestic animals was visible to the eye

on every side. The great fertile island of Cuba in some places

resembled an ash pile; in others, the dreary desert. The

'reconcentrado' order of the former Captain-General Weyler, it

will be remembered, drove from their houses and lands all the

old men, women, and children who had remained at their homes

because they were not physically able to bear the burdens of

war. The wheels of the former government had ceased to

revolve. Chaos, confusion, doubt, and uncertainty filled with

apprehension the minds of the Cubans, who, for the first time,

had been relieved of the cruel care of those who for centuries

controlled their country and their destiny. … The railroads on

the island were in bad order, having been used to the extent

of their endurance conveying Spanish troops and Spanish

supplies over them, while the great calzadas or turnpikes were

filled with holes, for the war prevented repairs to either

railroads or roads. Municipalities were all greatly in debt.

None of the civil officers had been paid, and school-teachers

had large amounts of back salary due. Judicial officers were

discharging their duties as far as they could—for there was

really no law in the island except the mandate of the

Captain-General—without pay, and many months of back pay was

due to the professors in the colleges of the largest cities.

The whole framework of the government had to be rebuilt, and

its machinery carefully and gradually reconstructed. Important

government problems had to be promptly solved, which involved

social, economic, commercial, agricultural, public

instruction, support of eleemosynary institutions of all

kinds, means of communications, reorganization of

municipalities, with the necessary town and city police,

including a mounted force to patrol the adjoining rural

districts within the limits, and subject to the authorities of

the mayors and council of their respective municipalities; the

appointment of new alcaldes and other officers to replace

those left in authority by the Spanish Government, and who

would be more in accord with the inhabitants whose local

affairs they directed. Many trying and troublesome questions

arose, and many difficulties environed on either side of the

situation.

"Of the Cuban rural population, less than 20 per cent of them

were able to read and write, resembling children awaking the

first time to the realities of life. They were in the main

obedient, docile, quiet, and inoffensive, and anxious to adapt

themselves as soon as possible to the new conditions which

confronted them. The Cuban soldiers, black and white, who had

been in the fields and woods for four years defying the

Spanish banner, still kept their guns, and were massing around

the cities and towns, producing more or less unrest in the

public mind with the fear that many of them, unaccustomed to

work so long, would be transformed into brigands, and not

become peaceful, law-abiding citizens.

{185}

In eight months wonderful progress has been made. The arms of

the Cuban soldiers have been stacked, and they have quietly

resumed peaceful vocations. Brigandage, which partially

flourished for a time, has been stamped out, tillage

everywhere has greatly increased, many houses rebuilt, many

huts constructed, fences are being built, and more and more

farming lands are gradually being taken up, and municipalities

reorganized with new officers representing the wishes of the

majority of the inhabitants. Municipal police have been

appointed who are uniformed and under the charge of, in most

cases, efficient officers."

General Fitzhugh Lee,

Report, September 19, 1899.

General Leonard Wood, commanding in the province of Santiago,

reported at the same time as follows: "On the assumption of

control by the American Government, July 17, 1899, of that

portion of the province of Santiago included in the

surrendered territory, industries were practically at a

standstill. In the rural districts all industries were at an

end. The estates, almost without exception, have been

destroyed, and no work is being done. … In the towns the

effect of reconcentration was shown by large crowds of women

and children and old men who were practically starving. They

were thin, pale, and barely able to drag themselves about. The

merchants and a few planters were the only prosperous people

in the province. … A feeling of bitter hostility existed

between the Cubans and Spaniards, and also a very ugly feeling

between the Cubans who had acted in harmony with the

autonomists in the latter days of the Spanish occupation and

those who had been in the Cuban army. At first there was a

good deal of talk of a threatening character in regard to what

the Cubans would do to the Spaniards, now that they were in a

position to avenge themselves for some of the many injuries

received in the past. This, however, soon passed over, and

much more friendly and sensible ideas prevailed. There were no

schools and no material for establishing them. All officers of

the civil government had resigned and left their posts, with

the exception of one judge of the first instance and several

municipal judges and certain police officers. The prisons were

full of prisoners, both Spanish and Cuban, many of them being

Spanish military and political prisoners. The administration

of justice was at a standstill. The towns all presented an

appearance of greatest neglect, and showed everywhere entire

disregard of every sanitary law. The amount of clothing in the

possession of the people was very limited, and in many of the

interior villages women were compelled to keep out of sight

when strangers appeared, as they had only skirts and waists

made of bagging and other coarse material. Many of the

children were absolutely without clothing. Evidences of great

suffering were found on every hand. A very large proportion of

the population was sick in the country districts from malaria

and in the seaboard towns from lack of food and water. …

"The first two and a half months after the surrender were

devoted almost entirely to the distribution of food and to

supplying hospitals and charities with such limited quantities

of necessary material as we were able to obtain. Commanding

officers in all parts of the island were busily engaged in

cleaning up towns and carrying out all possible sanitary and

administrative reforms. Schools were established, some 60 in

the city of Santiago and over 200 in the province as a whole.

Affairs have continued to improve slowly but surely, until at

the present time we find the towns, generally speaking, clean,

the death rate lower than the people have known before, some

public improvements under way in all the large towns, the

amount of work done being limited only by the amount of money

received. … Industries of all kinds are springing up. New

sugar plantations are being projected; hospitals and

charitable institutions are being regularly supplied, and all

are fairly well equipped with necessary articles. The death

rate among the native population is very much lower than in

former years. The people in the towns are quiet and orderly,

with the exception of a few editorial writers, who manage to

keep up a certain small amount of excitement, just enough to

give the papers in question a fair sale. The people are all

anxious to work. The present currency is American currency. A

condition of good order exists in the rural districts. The

small planters are all out on their farms and a condition of

security and good order prevails. The issue of rations has

been practically stopped and we have few or almost no

applications for food."

General Leonard Wood;

Report, September 20, 1899.

CUBA: A. D. 1899 (October).

Census of the Island.

Statistics of population, nativity, illiteracy, etc.

"The total population of Cuba on October 16, 1899, determined

by the census taken [under the direction of the War Department

of the United States] as of that date, was 1,572,797. This was

distributed as follows among the six provinces:

Habana,          424,804;

Matanzas,        202,444;

Pinar del Rio,   173,064;

Puerto Principe,  88,234;

Santa Clara,     356,536;

Santiago,        327,715.

The latest census taken under Spanish authority was in 1887.

The total population as returned by that census was 1,631,687,

and the population by provinces was as follows:

Habana,          451,928;

Matanzas,        259,578;

Pinar del Rio,   225,891;

Puerto Principe,  67,789;

Santa Clara,     354,122;

Santiago,        272,379.

Whether that census was correct may be a matter of discussion,

but if incorrect, the number of inhabitants was certainly not

overstated. Comparing the total population at these two

censuses, it is seen, that the loss in the 12 years amounted

to 58,890, or 3.6 per cent of the population in 1887. This

loss is attributable to the recent civil war and the

reconcentration policy accompanying it, but the figures

express only a part of the loss from this cause. Judging from

the earlier history of the island and the excess of births

over deaths, as shown by the registration records, however

imperfect they may be, the population probably increased from

1887 up to the beginning of the war and at the latter epoch

reached a total of little less than 1,800,000. It is probable,

therefore, that the direct and indirect losses by the war and

the reconcentration policy, including a decrease of births and

of immigration and an increase of deaths and of emigration

reached a total of approximately 200,000. …

"The area of Cuba is approximately 44,000 square miles, and

the average number of inhabitants per square mile 35.7, about

the same as the State of Iowa. … Habana, with the densest

population, is as thickly populated as the State of

Connecticut, and Puerto Principe, the most sparsely populated,

is in this respect comparable with the State of Texas. …

{186}

"The total number of males of voting age in Cuba was 417,993,

or 26 per cent of the total population. This is a little less

than the proportion, in 1890, in the United States, where it

was 27 per cent. … Classifying the potential voters of Cuba by

birthplace and race, it is seen that 44.9 per cent were

whites, born in Cuba; that 30.5 per cent were colored, and as

nearly all the colored were born in the island it is seen that

fully seven-tenths of the potential voters of Cuba were native

born, 23 per cent were born in Spain, and 1.6 per cent in

other countries. Classifying the whole number of potential

voters by citizenship it is seen that 70 per cent were Cuban

citizens, 2 per cent were Spanish citizens, 18 per cent were

holding their citizenship in suspense, and 10 per cent were

citizens of other countries, or their citizenship was unknown.

…

"The Cuban citizens, numbering 290,905, were composed almost

entirely of persons born in Cuba, there being among them but

220 white persons, and probably not more colored, of alien

birth. The white Cuban citizens, who were natives of the

island, numbered 184,471, and of these 94,301, or 51 per cent,

were unable to read. The colored Cuban citizens numbered

106,214, of which not less than 78,279, or 74 per cent, were

unable to read. The people of Cuba who claimed Spanish

citizenship numbered 9,500, and of these nearly all were born

in Spain, there being but 159 born elsewhere. Those whose

citizenship was in suspense numbered 76,669. These also were

nearly all of Spanish birth, the number born elsewhere being

but 1,420. The number of persons of other or unknown

citizenship was 40,919. Of these fully one-half were colored,

most of them being Chinese, and much the larger proportion of

the remaining half were of Spanish birth.

"Summing up the situation, it appears that the total number of

males of voting age who could read was 200,631, a little less

than half the total number of males of voting age. Of these

22,629 were of Spanish or other foreign citizenship or unknown

citizenship. The number whose citizenship was in suspense was

59,724, and the number of Cuban citizens able to read was

118,278, or 59 per cent of all Cuban citizens of voting age."

Census of Cuba,

Bulletins Numbers I and III.

CUBA: A. D. 1899 (December).

Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the

military command and Governorship.

On the 6th of December General Leonard Wood was commissioned

major-general of volunteers, and was assigned to command of

the Division of Cuba, relieving General Brooke as division

commander and military governor of Cuba. On the 30th, Governor

Wood announced the appointment of the following Cuban

ministers to form his cabinet:

Secretary of State and Government, Diego Tamayo;

Secretary of Justice, Luis Estevoz;

Secretary of Education, Juan Bautista Hernandez;

Secretary of Finance, Enrique Varona;

Secretary of Public Works, Jose Ramon Villalon;

Secretary of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce, Rius Rivera.

CUBA: A. D. 1900.

Organization of a school system.

Teachers at Harvard Summer School.

"Especial attention has been given by the military government

to the development of primary education. The enrollment of the

public schools of Cuba immediately before the last war shows

36,306 scholars, but an examination of the reports containing

these figures indicates that probably less than half the names

enrolled represented actual attendance. There were practically

no separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected

in the residences of the teachers. There were few books, and

practically no maps, blackboards, desks or other school

apparatus. … Even these poor apologies for public schools

were, to a great extent, broken up by the war, and in

December, 1899, the entire public-school enrollment of the

island numbered 21,435. The following table shows the advance

in school facilities during the half year ending June 30 last:

School rooms.   Enrollment.

January, 1900       635          37,995

February, 1900    1,338          69,476

March, 1900       3,126         127,881

April, 1900       3,126         127,426

May, 1900         3,313         139,616

June, 1900        3,500         143,120

"This great development was accomplished under the Cuban

secretary of public instruction and the Cuban commissioner of

public schools, with the able and experienced assistance of

Mr. Alexis E. Frye as superintendent. It is governed by a

school law modeled largely upon the law of Ohio. … The schools

are subject to constant and effective inspection and the

attendance is practically identical with the enrollment.

"The schools are separated from the residences of the

teachers, and each schoolroom has its separate teacher. The

courses and methods of instruction are those most approved in

this country. The text-books are translations into Spanish of

American text-books. For the supply of material $150,000 were,

in the first instance, appropriated from the insular treasury,

and afterwards, upon a single order, 100,000 full sets of

desks, text-books, scholars' supplies, etc., were purchased

upon public advertisement in this country at an expense of

about three-quarters of a million dollars. All over the island

the old Spanish barracks, and barracks occupied by the

American troops which have been withdrawn, are being turned

into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The pressure for

education is earnest and universal. The appropriations of this

year from the insular treasury for that purpose will amount to

about four and a half million dollars; but great as the

development has been it will be impossible, with the resources

of the island for a long time yet to come, to fully meet the

demand for the learning so long withheld. The provincial

institutions and high schools and the University of Habana

have been reorganized.

"During the past summer, through the generosity of Harvard

University and its friends, who raised a fund of $70,000 for

that purpose, 1,281 Cuban teachers were enabled to attend a

summer school of instruction at Cambridge, designed to fit

them for their duties. They were drawn from every municipality

and almost every town in the island. They were collected from

the different ports of the island by five United States

transports, which carried them to Boston, and, at the

expiration of their visit, took them to New York and thence to

Habana and to their homes. They were lodged and boarded in and

about the University at Cambridge, and visited the libraries

and museums and the educational institutions and manufacturing

establishments in the neighborhood of Boston. Through the

energy of Mr. Frye money was raised to enable them to visit

New York and Washington. They were returned to their homes

without a single accident or loss, full of new ideas and of

zeal for the educational work in which they had found so much

sympathy and encouragement."

United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,

November 30, 1900, pages. 32-33.

{187}

CUBA: A. D. 1900 (June-November).

Municipal elections and election

of a Constitutional Convention.

Meeting of the Convention.

Statement of the Military Governor.

"The census having been completed and the period given for

Spanish residents to make their election as to citizenship

having expired on the 11th of April, 1900, steps were

immediately taken for the election of municipal governments by

the people. In view of the fact that 66 per cent of the people

could not read and write, it was not deemed advisable that

absolutely unrestricted suffrage should be established, and,

after very full conference with leading Cubans, including all

the heads of the great departments of state, a general

agreement was reached upon a basis of suffrage, which provided

that every native male Cuban or Spaniard who had elected to

take Cuban citizenship, of full age, might vote if he either

could read and write, or owned real estate or personal

property to the value of $250, or had served in and been

honorably discharged from the Cuban army; thus according a

voice in the government of the country to everyone who had the

intelligence to acquire the rudiments of learning, the thrift

to accumulate property, or the patriotism to fight for his

country. On the 18th of April an election law, which aims to

apply the best examples of our American election statutes to

the existing conditions of Cuba, was promulgated for the

guidance of the proposed election. On the 16th of June an

election was held throughout the island in which the people of

Cuba in all the municipalities, which include the entire

island, elected all their municipal officers. The boards of

registration and election were composed of Cubans selected by

the Cubans themselves. No United States soldier or officer was

present at or in the neighborhood of any polling place. There

was no disturbance. After the newly elected municipal officers

had been installed and commenced the performance of their

duties an order was made enlarging the powers of the municipal

governments and putting into their hands as much of the

government of the people as was practicable.

"As soon as the new municipal governments were fairly

established the following call for a constitutional convention

was issued:

'Habana, July 25, 1900.

The military governor of Cuba directs the publication of the

following instructions:

Whereas the Congress of the United States by its joint

resolution of April 20, 1898, declared That the people of the

island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and

independent; That the United States hereby disclaims any

disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,

jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the

pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that

is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the

island to its people; And whereas the people of Cuba have

established municipal governments, deriving their authority

from the suffrages of the people given under just and equal

laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to proceed to the

establishment of a general government which shall assume and

exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the

island: Therefore

"'It is ordered,

That a general election be held in the island of Cuba on the

third Saturday of September, in the year nineteen hundred, to

elect delegates to a convention to meet in the city of Habana,

at twelve o'clock noon on the first Monday of November, in the

year nineteen hundred, to frame and adopt a constitution for

the people of Cuba, and, as a part thereof, to provide for and

agree with the Government of the United States upon the

relations to exist between that Government and the Government

of Cuba, and to provide for the election by the people of

officers under such constitution and the transfer of

government to the officers so elected.

"'The election will be held in the several voting precincts of

the island under and pursuant to the provisions of the

electoral law of April 18, 1900, and the amendments thereof.

The people of the several provinces will elect delegates in

number proportionate to their populations as determined by the

census, viz: The people of the province of Pinar del Rio will

elect three (3) delegates. The people of the province of

Habana will elect eight (8) delegates. The people of the

province of Matanzas will elect four (4) delegates. The people

of the province of Santa Clara will elect seven (7) delegates.

The people of the province of Puerto Principe will elect two

(2) delegates. The people of the province of Santiago de Cuba

will elect seven (7) delegates.'

"Under this call a second election was held on the 15th of

September, under the same law, with some slight amendments,

and under the same conditions as the municipal elections. The

election was wholly under the charge of Cubans, and without

any participation or interference whatever by officers or

troops of the United States. The thirty-one members of the

constitutional convention were elected, and they convened at

Habana at the appointed time. The sessions of the convention

were opened in the city of Habana on the 5th of November by

the military governor, with the following statement: 'To the

delegates of the Constitutional Convention of Cuba. Gentlemen:

As military governor of the island, representing the President

of the United States, I call this convention to order. It will

be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution for

Cuba, and, when that has been done, to formulate what, in your

opinion, ought to be the relations between Cuba and the United

States. The constitution must be adequate to secure a stable,

orderly, and free government.

"'When you have formulated the relations which, in your

opinion, ought to exist between Cuba and the United States,

the Government of the United States will doubtless take such

action on its part as shall lead to a final and authoritative

agreement between the people of the two countries for the

promotion of their common interests.

{188}

"'All friends of Cuba will follow your deliberations with the

deepest interest, earnestly desiring that you shall reach just

conclusions, and that, by the dignity, individual self-restraint,

and wise conservatism which shall characterize your

proceedings, the capacity of the Cuban people for

representative government may be signally illustrated. The

fundamental distinction between true representative government

and dictatorship is that in the former every representative of

the people, in whatever office, confines himself strictly

within the limits of his defined powers. Without such

restraint there can be no free constitutional government.

Under the order pursuant to which you have been elected and

convened you have no duty and no authority to take part in the

present government of the island. Your powers are strictly

limited by the terms of that order.'"

United States, Secretary of War,

Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 24-32.

CUBA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Measures for the destruction of the mosquito,

as a carrier of yellow fever.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Frauds by American officials in the Havana post office.

Question cf the extradition of C. F. W. Neely.

Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States as to the

independent status of Cuba in its relations

to the United States.

In the spring of 1900 a discovery was made of extensive frauds

committed by American officials who had been placed, by U. S.

military authority, in the post office at Havana. One of the

persons accused, named C. F. W. Neely, having returned to the

United States, his extradition, for trial in Cuba, was

demanded, and a question thereon arose as to the status of the

island of Cuba in its relations to the United States. The case

(Neely vs. Henkel) was taken on appeal to the Supreme Court of

the United States, and Neely was subjected to extradition by the

decision of that tribunal, rendered in January, 1901. The

status of Cuba, as an independent foreign territory, was thus

defined in the opinion of the Court:

"The legislative and executive branches of the Government, by

the joint resolution of April 20, 1898, expressly disclaimed

any purpose to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control

over Cuba, 'except for the pacification thereof,' and asserted

the determination of the United States, that object being

accomplished, to leave the government and control of Cuba to

its own people. All that has been done in relation to Cuba has

had that end in view, and so far as the court is informed by the

public history of the relations of this country with that

island, nothing has been done inconsistent with the declared

object of the war with Spain. Cuba is none the less foreign

territory, within the meaning of the act of Congress, because

it is under a military governor appointed by and representing

the President in the work of assisting the inhabitants of that

island to establish a government of their own, under which, as

a free and independent people, they may control their own

affairs without interference by other nations. The occupancy

of the island by troops of the United States was the necessary

result of the war. That result could not have been avoided by

the United States consistently with the principles of

international law or with its obligations to the people of

Cuba. It is true that as between Spain and the United

States—indeed, as between the United States and all foreign

nations—Cuba, upon the cessation of hostilities with Spain and

after the treaty of Paris, was to be treated as if it were

conquered territory. But—as between the United States and

Cuba, that island is territory held in trust for the

inhabitants of Cuba, to whom it rightfully belongs and to

whose exclusive control it will be surrendered when a stable

government shall have been established by their voluntary

action."

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (January).

Draft of Constitution reported to the Convention

by its Central Committee.

Public sessions of the Constitutional Convention were not

opened until the middle of January, 1901, when the draft of a

Constitution was reported by its Central Committee, and the

text given to the Press. By subsequent action of the

Convention, various amendments were made, and the instrument,

at this writing (early in April), still awaits finish and

adoption. The amendments have been reported imperfectly and

the text of the Constitution, even in its present state,

cannot be authentically given. It is probable, however, that

the structure of government provided for in the draft reported

to the Convention stands now and will remain substantially

unchanged. An outline of its features is the most that we will

venture to give in this place.

The preamble is in these words:

"We, the delegates of the Cuban people, having met in assembly

for the purpose of agreeing upon the adoption of a fundamental

law, which, at the same time that it provides for the

constitution into a sovereign and independent nation of the

people of Cuba, establishes a solid and permanent form of

government, capable of complying with its international

obligations, insuring domestic tranquillity, establishing

justice, promoting the general welfare, and securing the

blessings of liberty to the inhabitants, we do agree upon and

adopt the following constitution, in pursuance of the said

purpose, invoking the protection of the Almighty, and prompted

by the dictates of our conscience."

The form of government is declared to be republican. The

guarantees of the Constitution, defined with precision and at

length, include "equal rights under the law," protection from

arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, freedom of thought, speech,

writing and publication, freedom of worship, freedom of

association and meeting, freedom of teaching, freedom of

travel, inviolability of private dwellings and private papers,

"except by order of a competent authority and with the

formalities prescribed by the laws."

Legislative powers are to be exercised by two elective bodies,

to be named House of Representatives and Senate, and

conjointly known as Congress. The Senate to be composed of six

senators elected from each of the six departments of the

republic; the boundaries and names of the departments to be

those of the present provinces "as long as not modified by the

laws."

{189}

The terms of the senators to be six years, one third of their

number to be elected every two years. The House of

Representatives to be composed of "one representative for

every 25,000 inhabitants or fraction of more than 12,000,

elected for a period of four years, by direct vote, and in the

manner prescribed by law "; one half to be elected every two

years. Representatives and Senators not to be held responsible

for opinions expressed in the exercise of their duties, and not

to be arrested nor tried without the consent of the body to

which they belong, "except in case of being discovered in the

act of committing some crime." Congress to meet in regular

session every year on the first Monday in November, and to

remain in session for at least ninety consecutive days,

excepting holidays and Sundays. Its powers to be substantially

the same as those exercised by the Congress of the United

States.

The executive power to be exercised by the President of the

republic, who "shall be elected by direct votes, and an

absolute majority thereof, cast on one single day, in

accordance with the provisions of the law." The term of the

President to be four years, and none to be elected for three

consecutive terms. A Vice-President to be elected "in the same

manner as the President, conjointly with the latter and for a

like term."

The judicial power to be "exercised by the Supreme Court of

Justice and such other courts as may be established by law."

The Supreme Court, like that of the United States, "to decide

as to the constitutionality of legislative acts that may have

been objected to as unconstitutional," and to have an

appellant jurisdiction corresponding to that of the Supreme

Court of the United States.

Over each of the six departments or provinces it is provided

that there shall be a governor, "elected by a direct vote for

a period of three years," and a Departmental Assembly, "to

consist of not less than eight or more than twenty, elected by

direct vote for a like period of three years." The

Departmental Assemblies to "have the right of independent

action in all things not antagonistic to the constitution, to

the general laws nor to international treaties, nor to that

which pertains to the inherent rights of the municipalities,

which may concern the department, such as the establishment

and maintenance of institutions of public education, public

charities, public departmental roads, means of communication

by water or sea, the preparation of their budgets, and the

appointment and removal of their employés."

The "municipal terminos" are to be governed by

"Ayuntamientos," composed of Councilmen elected by a direct

vote in the manner prescribed by law, and by a Mayor, elected

in like manner. The Ayuntamientos to be self-governing, free

to "take action on all matters that solely and exclusively

concern their municipal termino, such as appointment and

removal of employés, preparation of their budgets, freely

establishing the means of income to meet them without any

other limitation than that of making them compatible with the

general system of taxation of the republic."

The provision for amendment of the Constitution is as follows:

"The constitution cannot be changed in whole or part except by

two-thirds vote of both legislative bodies. Six months after

deciding on the reform, a Constitutional Assembly shall be

elected, which shall confine itself to the approval or

disapproval of the reform voted by the legislative bodies.

These will continue in their functions independently of the

Constitutional Assembly. The members in this Assembly shall be

equal to the number of the members in the two legislative

bodies together."

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).

Conditions on which the government of the island will

be yielded to its people prescribed by the Congress

of the United States.

In the call for a Constitutional Convention issued by the

military governor on the 25th of July, 1900 (see above), it

was set forth that the duty of the Convention would be "to

frame and adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba, and, as

a part thereof, to provide for and agree with the government

of the United States upon the relations to exist between that

government and the government of Cuba." This intimated an

intention on the part of the government of the United States

to attach conditions to its recognition of the independent

government for which the Convention was expected to provide.

The intimation was conveyed still more plainly to the

Constitutional Convention by Military Governor Wood, at the

opening of its sessions, when he said: "When you have

formulated the relations which, in your opinion, ought to

exist between Cuba and the United States, the government of

the United States will doubtless take such action on its part

as shall lead to a final and authoritative agreement between

the two countries for the promotion of their common

interests." The Convention, however, gave no sign of a

disposition to act as desired by the government of the United

States, and seemed likely to finish its work, either without

touching the subject of relations between the Cuban and

American Republics, or else offering proposals that would not

meet the wishes of the latter. Those wishes were made known to

the Convention in flat terms, at length, by the military

governor, and its prompt action was urged, in order that the

judgment of the Congress of the United States might be

pronounced on what it did. But the day on which the session of

Congress would expire drew near, and still nothing came from

the Cubans, who seem to have understood that they were

exempted from such dictation by the resolution which Congress

adopted on the 18th of April, 1898, when it took up the Cuban

cause [see (in this volume)) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D.

1998 (APRIL)], declaring that "the United States hereby

disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise

sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island [of

Cuba], except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its

determination when that is accomplished to leave the

government and control of the island to its people."

Unwilling to be left to deal, alone, with the question thus

arising between the Cubans and their liberators, President

McKinley caused it to be understood that he should call an

extra session of Congress, if no Congressional expression on

the subject of Cuban relations was found practicable before

the 4th of March. This stimulated action in the expiring

Congress, and the Army Appropriation Bill, then pending in the

Senate, was made the vehicle of legislation on the subject, by

the hasty insertion therein of the following amendment,

offered by Senator Platt, of Connecticut:

{190}

"In fulfillment of the declaration contained in the joint

resolution approved April 20, 1898, entitled 'For the

recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba,

demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its

authority and government in the island of Cuba, and to

withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters,

and directing the President of the United States to use the land

and naval forces of the United States to carry these

resolutions into effect,' the President is hereby authorized

to 'leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to

its people,' so soon as a government shall have been

established in said island under a constitution which, either

as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall

define the future relations of the United States with Cuba,

substantially as follows;

I.

"That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty

or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will

impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any

manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to

obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or

otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said

island.

II.

"That said government shall not assume or contract any public

debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable

sinking fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which,

the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the

current expenses of government, shall be inadequate.

III.

"That the government of Cuba consents that the United States

may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of

Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate

for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty,

and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba

imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be

assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba.

IV.

"That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its

military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, and all

lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and

protected.

V.

"That the government of Cuba will execute, and as far as

necessary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to

be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of

the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and

infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring

protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to

the commerce of the Southern ports of the United States and

the people residing therein.

VI.

"That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed

constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being

left to future adjustment by treaty.

VII.

"That to enable the United States to maintain the independence

of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its

own defence, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the

United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at

certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the President

of the United States.

VIII.

"That by way of further assurance the government of Cuba will

embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the

United States."

The Platt Amendment, as it is known, was adopted by the Senate

on the 27th of February (yeas 43, nays 20, not, voting 25),

and concurred in by the House on the 1st of March (yeas 161,

nays 136, not voting 56). The opponents of the amendment were

weakened by their dread of an extra session of Congress, and

by their knowledge that the party of the administration would

be still stronger in the new Congress than in that which

expired on the 4th of March. Otherwise, no vote on the measure

could have been reached before that date.

At the time of this writing, the effect in Cuba of the

declarations of the Congress of the United States remains in

doubt. The Constitutional Convention has taken no action upon

them.

----------CUBA: End--------

CULEBRA.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

CUMULATIVE VOTING.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

CURTIS ACT, The.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CURZON, George N., Baron:

Appointed Viceroy of India.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

CZECH PARTIES.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

D.

DAHOMEY: A. D. 1895.

Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

DAHOMEY: A. D. 1897.

Settlement of Tongaland boundary.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGALAND).

DAMASCUS, Railway to.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1899.

DARGAI, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

"DARKEST ENGLAND" SCHEME, Results from General Booth's.

See (in this volume)

SALVATION ARMY.

DAVIS, General George W.:

Military Governor of Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

DAVIS, General George W.:

Report on the Civil Government of Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

DAWES COMMISSION, The work of the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

{191}

DE BEERS CONSOLIDATED MINING COMPANY:

Complicity in the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

DECLARATION AGAINST TRANSUBSTANTIATION, The English King's.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

DELAGOA BAY, and the railway to Pretoria.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

"On December 11th, 1875, Portugal concluded a treaty with the

Transvaal Government under which the latter Government bound

itself to continue the line of railway—which the Portuguese

Government proposed to build from Lourenço-Marques to the

Transvaal frontier—'up to a centre of production and

consumption which should insure the traffic of the line and

the development of international commerce.' The Portuguese

Government then began to look about for a concessionaire and

contractor for this line, and after some research, eventually

came to terms with one Colonel Edward McMurdo, a citizen of

the United States of America, who undertook to build the line

without any Government subvention,—a matter of some importance

to the Portuguese Government,—but upon certain conditions, of

which the most important was that the concessionaire should

have the right to fix the tariffs without any State

interference. A contract … was drawn up and executed in Lisbon

on December 14th, 1883." The government bound itself to grant

no concession for a rival railway from the coast to the

Transvaal boundary, and gave the contractor certain valuable

mining rights and grants of land. On his part he was to

complete the road within three years. He formed a Portuguese

company for the purpose, and seems to have been prepared for

success in his undertaking, when rumors began to circulate

that the Transvaal government had secured from that of

Portugal the right to build a steam tramway from the eastern

terminus of its own line to the coast. These rumors were

contradicted by the Portuguese government: but are said to

have been eventually confirmed. Five months after the signing

of the contract with Colonel McMurdo, the Portuguese

authorities, it seems, had actually violated it in the manner

described. Henceforth the contractor appears to have had every

possible embarrassment thrown in his way by combined action of

the Portuguese and Boer governments. His Portuguese company

was broken down, but he organized another in England, which

struggled on with the enterprise until 1880, when a decree

from Lisbon rescinded the concession, declared the railway

forfeited, and ordered military possession of it to be taken.

The sufferers in the matter, being British and American

citizens, appealed then to their respective governments, and

both intervened in their behalf. The result was a reference of

the matter to the arbitration of Switzerland. So much was

settled in June, 1891; but it was not until March, 1900, that

the judgment of the arbitrators was pronounced. They awarded

to the Delagoa Bay Company, as its due on the railway,

13,980,000 francs. "To this is added a sum of fr. 2,000,000 as

an indemnity for the land grant, which brings the total award

(less £28,000 paid by Portugal on account in 1890) to fr.

15,314,000 (or about £612,560), with interest at 5 per cent.

from June 25th, 1889, to the date of payment. The amount of

this award came as a considerable shock to the claimants, as

well it might. It was insufficient to pay even the bonds in

full (including interest at 7 per cent.), and left nothing

whatever for the shareholders, while even the expenses are to

be borne by each party equally."

M. McIlwraith,

The Delagoa Bay Arbitration

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1900).

DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.

A new Constitution.

A new constitution for the State of Delaware, which went into

effect June 10, 1897, provides that after January 1, 1900, no

citizen shall vote who cannot write his name and read the

constitution in the English language. It also provides a

registration fee of one dollar as a qualification to vote.

DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY; THE TREND.

DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.

Pope Leo's Encyclical concerning.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENTS, New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

DEMOCRATIC PARTY, and the Silver Question in the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

DENMARK: A. D. 1899.

Complaints from Danish Sleswick of German treatment.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

DENMARK: A. D. 1899.

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

DÉROULÈDE, Paul:

Trial and conviction for treasonable conspiracy.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1890 (FEBRUARY-JUNE);

and 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

DERVISHES, of the Sudan, The.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

DEVIL'S ISLAND.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

DEWEY, Admiral George:

Destruction of Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

DIAMOND JUBILEE, Queen Victoria's.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND; A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

DIAZ, Porfirio:

The results of twenty years of his Presidency in Mexico.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

DINGLEY TARIFF, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and 1899-1901.

DIPHTHERIA: Discovery of antitoxine treatment of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

DIR: Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

{192}

DISCOVERIES, Scientific:

Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY; COMPARISON.

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF THE NEGRO.

See (in this volume)

MISSISSIPPI; LOUISIANA; NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;

SOUTH CAROLINA; A. D. 1896;

MARYLAND;

and UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

DISPENSARY LAWS.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899;

and ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

DIVINE RIGHT, Kingship by:

German revival of the doctrine.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

DOMINICA: Condition and relief measures.

See (in this volume))

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

Assassination of President Heureaux.

Revolution.

Election of President Jiminez.

General D. Ulises Heureaux, President of the Republic, was

shot through the heart by an assassin and instantly killed, on

the 26th of July. "He was in his fourth consecutive term as

president, and had occupied that position for fifteen years,

although still a young man. San Domingo had been more free

from revolution, more prosperous, better inclined toward

outside capital and enterprise, and more disposed toward the

ways of modern civilization under Heureaux, than at any

previous time for many decades. Although nominally a republic,

San Domingo was ruled by this iron-willed and resolute negro

with a stern despotism hardly matched by any other

contemporary government on earth. He was superior to all law.

He constantly made use of the practice of executing officials,

generals, and well-known public men with his own hand whenever

dissatisfied with them. Still more frequently, when the

objects of his disapproval were not within easy traveling

distance, he gave orders to some officer or subordinate,

dependent upon his favor, to undertake an assassination.

Failure to comply promptly and successfully with such a

mandate meant death to the men who failed. These statements

convey no exaggerated impression of the way in which Heureaux

has ruled San Domingo, nipped insurrection in the bud, and

kept himself in power. … He always excused his ruthlessness on

the ground of public necessity. Of course, it was inevitable

that such a man should sooner or later be assassinated

himself."

American Review of Reviews,

September, 1899.

According to the provisions of the constitution, the

Vice-President, General Figuereo, succeeded to the presidency;

but an insurrection against his government was so rapidly

successful that he resigned his office on the 31st of August,

and a provisional government was created, pending arrangements

for an election. The recognized leader of the revolutionary

movement was Juan Isidro Jiminez, who had been compelled, some

years before, to quit San Domingo, on account of his

opposition to Heureaux, leaving a large property behind. Since

that time he had been a successful and well-known merchant in

New York. Latterly, Jiminez had established himself in Cuba,

whence he attempted to assist as well as direct the revolution

in the neighboring island; but the United States authorities

objected to such use being made of neutral territory, and he

was placed for a time under arrest. When released, however, he

was permitted to proceed to San Domingo, without men or arms,

and there he was elected President, assuming the office on the

14th of November.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1900.

Commercial Convention with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

DOMOKO, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

DONGOLA, Expedition to.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

DREYFUS AFFAIR, The.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

DREYFUS AFFAIR, The

Closed by the Amnesty Bill.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

DRIEFONTEIN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

DRIFTS, Closing of the Vaal River.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

DUM-DUM BULLET, The.

The dum-dum bullet, about which there was much discussion at

The Hague Peace Conference, is constructed to spread slightly

at the point. All modern rifle bullets have an outer jacket of

hard metal, to take the grooving of the gun-barrel.

"Originally the jacket was thickest at the point, and so

strong that, while penetration was enormous, stopping power

was wanting; in other words, one bullet might easily go

through half a dozen men, yet, unless it happened to hit a

vital spot or a bone, they need not be disabled, and might

therefore continue to fight. This was amply illustrated in the

Chitral campaign, during which our soldiers began to lose

confidence in their weapon, while the enemy, quick to

recognize the different effect of volleys, were inclined to

attack British infantry armed with the Lee-Metford rather than

native infantry armed with the Martini-Henry. The Indian

military authorities at once set about designing a bullet

which, while maintaining range, should have the required

stopping power. The result was the dum-dum bullet—so named

after the place near Calcutta where it is made—of which much

has been heard. The difference in appearance between it and

the original pattern is comparatively slight. The shape is

exactly the same, but the jacket is differently arranged;

instead of having its greatest strength at the point, it is

weakest there—indeed, at the apex a small part of the core is

uncovered, but does not project."

Quarterly Review, July, 1899.

{193}

DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.

Revolt in Lombok.

A rising in the island of Lombok, one of the Lesser Sunda

group, which began in August, proved a troublesome affair.

"The cause of the rebellion was the concession made to the

Sassaks, to be henceforth governed by their own chiefs,

instead of by the Balinian chiefs, who had hitherto been

all-powerful. During the continuance of the hostilities, the

Sassaks remained constantly faithful to the Dutch, and fought

against the Balinians, who, although far inferior in numbers,

had, nevertheless, oppressed their fellow-islanders for many

years; but the courage, energy and audacity of the Balinians

were well known, and as early as 1868 the Dutch troops had

been in serious conflict with them. The news of this disaster

aroused in Holland great excitement, and public opinion was

unanimous in its demand for speedy and energetic reprisals.

Several severe and bloody encounters took place, but finally

the Dutch troops, under the orders of General Vetter,

succeeded in making the Rajah of Lombok prisoner, his immense

wealth falling at the same time into the hands of the

victors."

Annual Register,

1894, page 308.

DYNAMITE MONOPOLY, The Boer.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

E.

EAGAN, General Charles P.: The case of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

EAST AFRICA, German: Trade, etc.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

EAST INDIES, Dutch.

See (in this volume)

DUTCH EAST INDIES.

ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS, The Hungarian.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1894-1899.

Successful Revolution.

Government measures against the Church.

In the fall of 1894 the government of Chile sold ostensibly to

that of Ecuador a war vessel, which the latter at once

transferred to Japan, then at war with China. The round about

transaction was regarded with suspicion, the Ecuadorian

government being accused of a corrupt agency in it, to cover

the Chilian breach of neutrality. Much feeling on the subject

was excited in the country, and this gave to the Radical party

an opportunity to stir up revolt. They improved it with

success. After an obstinate civil war of more than six months

the government of President Cordero was overthrown, and

General Aloy Alfaro, the revolutionist leader, was inaugurated

Executive Chief of the Republic on the 4th of November, 1895.

The defeated Conservatives, stimulated by the clergy, were

quickly in arms again, in the summer of 1896, but again they

were overcome, and the government of Alfaro began to deal

severely with the religious orders and the Church. Much of the

Church property was confiscated, and the inmates of religious

houses are said to have fled in considerable numbers to other

countries. In October, 1896, a National Convention was held

and the constitution revised. Among other changes, it imposed

limitations on the former power of the Church, and extended

religious freedom to other sects. In 1897 the Indians who had

supported Alfaro two years before were admitted to

citizenship. A renewed attempt at revolution, that year,

organized and armed in Colombia, was suppressed with the help

of the Colombian government. The same fate attended another

undertaking of rebellion in January, 1899; but it was overcome

only after a hard fought battle.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1900.

Commercial Convention with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

ECUMENICAL CONFERENCE ON MISSIONS.

See (in this volume)

MISSIONS.

EDUCATION: Australia and New Zealand.

Progress of educational work.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

EDUCATION:

Birth of educational systems in the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1890-1896.

The Manitoba School Question.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.

EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1898.

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the

Manitoba School Question.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

EDUCATION: Belgium: A. D. 1895.

Religious teaching restored.

A new school law was carried in Belgium, against fierce

opposition from the Liberals and Socialists, which restores

obligatory religious teaching in both public and private

schools. Parents are permitted, however, to withhold their

children from the instruction that is given during school

hours by Catholic priests, on attesting in writing that it is

their wish to do so.

EDUCATION: Congo State:

The Belgian provision of schools.

See (in this volume)

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1898.

As left by the Spaniards.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1900.

Organization of public schools.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1900.

EDUCATION: Egypt:

Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1896-1897.

"The Voluntary Schools Act" and "The Elementary Education Act."

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1899.

Creation of a Board of Education.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1900.

Age at which children may leave school

raised from eleven to twelve years.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY).

EDUCATION: Hawaii:

Progress of educational work.

See (in this volume)

HAWAII: A. D. 1900.

EDUCATION: Japan: 1897.

Restriction of religious teaching.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

EDUCATION: Japan: A. D. 1899.

A Japanese injunction to students concerning

behavior to foreigners.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

EDUCATION: Mexico:

Progress of educational work.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

{194}

EDUCATION: Philippine Islands: A. D. 1898.

Schools and colleges under the Spanish regime.

"The only educational advantages attainable by the common

people of the archipelago are those afforded by the primary

schools. The Spanish regulations provided that there should be

one male and one female primary school teacher for each 5,000

inhabitants, instruction being given separately to the two

sexes. This wretchedly inadequate provision was, as a matter

of fact, never carried out. … From [a table showing the

relation between number of primary school teachers and

population in the several provinces, etc.] it appears that the

number of teachers of each sex required by law for a

population of 6,709,810 is 1,342, making a total of 2,684

teachers, whereas there are in reality but 991 male teachers

and 923 female teachers, giving a total of 1,914. Disregarding

the question of sex, we see that while there should be one

teacher for each 2,500 inhabitants, there is in reality but

one to each 3,500, even if we include only that portion of the

population sufficiently civilized to be taken account of in

the above enumeration. Taking the entire population at

8,000,000, we find that there is but one teacher to each 4,179

individuals. Examination of the … table further shows that in

many instances the lack of teachers is greater in those

provinces which are most thickly populated and whose people

are most highly civilized. …

"While most of the small towns have one teacher of each sex,

in the larger towns and cities no adequate provision is made

for the increased teaching force necessary; so that places of

30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants are often no better off as

regards number of teachers than are other places in the same

province of but 1,500 or 2,000 souls. The hardship thus

involved for children desiring a primary education will be

better understood if one stops to consider the nature of the

Philippine 'pueblo,' which is really a township, often

containing within its limits a considerable number of distinct

and important villages or towns, from the most important of

which the township takes its name. The others, under distinct

names, are known as 'barrios,' or wards. It is often quite

impossible for small children to attend school at the

particular town which gives its name to the township on

account of their distance from it. …

"The character and amount of the instruction which has

heretofore been furnished is also worthy of careful

consideration. The regulations for primary schools were as

follows: 'Instruction in schools for natives shall for the

present be reduced to elementary primary instruction and shall

consist of—

1. Christian doctrine and principles of morality and sacred

history suitable for children.

2. Reading.

3. Writing.

4. Practical instruction in Spanish, including grammar

and orthography.

5. Principles of arithmetic, comprising the four rules for

figures, common fractions, decimal fractions, and instruction

in the metric system with its equivalents in ordinary weights

and measures.

6. Instruction in general geography and Spanish history.

7. Instruction in practical agriculture as applied to the

products of the country.

8. Rules of deportment.

9. Vocal music.'

"It will be noted that education in Christian doctrine is

placed before reading and writing, and, if the natives are to

be believed, in many of the more remote districts instruction

began and ended with this subject and was imparted in the

local native dialect at that. It is further and persistently

charged that the instruction in Spanish was in very many cases

purely imaginary, because the local friars, who were formerly

'ex officio' school inspectors, not only prohibited it, but

took active measures to enforce their dictum. … Ability to

read and write a little of the local native language was

comparatively common. Instruction in geography was extremely

superficial. As a rule no maps or charts were available, and

such information as was imparted orally was left to the memory

of the pupil, unaided by any graphic method of presentation.

The only history ever taught was that of Spain, and that under

conventional censorship. The history of other nations was a

closed volume to the average Filipino. … The course as above

outlined was that prescribed for boys. Girls were not given

instruction in geography, history, or agriculture, but in

place of these subjects were supposed to receive instruction

'in employments suitable to their sex.'

"It should be understood that the criticisms which have been

here made apply to the provincial schools. The primary

instruction given at the Ateneo Municipal at Manila, under the

direction of the Jesuits, fulfilled the requirements of the

law, and in some particulars exceeded them. … The only

official institution for secondary education in the

Philippines was the College of San Juan de Letran, which was

in charge of the Dominican Friars and was under the control of

the university authorities. Secondary education was also given in

the Ateneo Municipal of Manila, by the Jesuit Fathers, and

this institution was better and more modern in its methods

than any other in the archipelago. But although the Jesuits

provided the instruction, the Dominicans held the

examinations. … There are two normal schools in Manila, one

for the education of male and the other for the education of

female teachers. … The only institutions for higher education

in the Philippines have been the Royal and Pontifical

University of Santo Tomas, and the Royal College of San José,

which has for the past twenty-five years been under the

direction of the university authorities."

Report of the Philippine Commission,

January 1, 1900, volume 1, part 3.

EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1898.

Spanish schools and teachers.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1900.

First steps in the creation of a public school system.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

EDUCATION: Russia:

Student troubles in the universities.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE); 1900; and 1901.

EDUCATION: Tunis:

Schools under the French Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

EDUCATION: United States:

Indian schools.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1896.

Princeton University.

The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of

the institution at Princeton, New Jersey, which had borne the

name of "The College of New Jersey," was celebrated on the

20th, 21st, and 22d of October, 1896, with ceremonies in which

many representatives from famous seats of learning in Europe

and America took part. The proceedings included a formal

change of name, to Princeton University.

{195}

EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1900.

Women as students and as teachers.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

EDWARD VII., King of England.

Accession.

English estimate of his character.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

Opening of his first Parliament.

The Royal Test Oath.

EDWARD VII., King of England.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

----------EGYPT: Start--------

EGYPT:

Recent Archæological Explorations and their result.

Discovery of prehistoric remains.

Light on the first dynasties.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

Abandonment of the Egyptian Sudan to the Dervishes.

Death of the Mahdi and reign of the Khalifa.

Beginning of a new Anglo-Egyptian movement for

the recovery of the Sudan.

The expedition to Dongola.

After the failure to rescue General Gordon from the Mahdists

at Khartoum (see, in volume 1, EGYPT: A. D. 1884-1885), the

British government, embarrassed in other quarters, felt

compelled to evacuate the Sudan. Before it did so the Mahdi

had finished his career, having died of smallpox in June,

1885, and one of his three chief commanders, styled khalifas,

had acquired authority over the Dervish army and reigned in

his place. This was the Khalifa Abdullah, a chieftain of the

Baggara tribe. Khartoum had been destroyed, and Omdurman, on

the opposite side of the river, became his capital. The rule

of the Khalifa was soon made so cruelly despotic, and so much

in the interest of his own tribe, that incessant rebellions in

many parts of his dominions restrained him from any vigorous

undertaking of the conquest of Egypt, which was the great

object of Dervish desire. But his able and energetic

lieutenant in the Eastern Sudan, Osman Digna, was a serious

menace to the Egyptian forces holding Suakin, where Major

Watson, at first, and afterwards Colonel Kitchener, were

holding command, under General Grenfell, who was then the

Egyptian Sirdar, or military chief. Osman Digna, however, was

defeated in all his attempts. At the same time the Khalifa was

desperately at war with the Negus. John, of Abyssinia, who

fell in a great battle at Galabat (March, 1889), and whose

death at the crisis of the battle threw his army into

confusion and caused its defeat. Menelek, king of the

feudatory state of Shoa, acquired the Abyssinian crown, and

war with the Dervishes was stopped. Then they began an advance

down the Nile, and suffered a great defeat from the British

and Egyptian troops, at Toski, on the 17th of August, 1889.

From that time, for several years, "there was no real menace

to Egypt," and little was heard of the Khalifa. "His

territories were threatened on all sides: on the north by the

British in Egypt; on the south by the British in Uganda: on

the west by the Belgians in the Congo Free State, and by the

French in the Western Soudan; whilst the Italians held Kassala

on the east; so that the Khalifa preferred to husband his

resources until the inevitable day should arrive when he would

have to fight for his position."

A crisis in the situation came in 1896. The Egyptian army,

organized and commanded by British officers, had become a

strong fighting force, on which its leaders could depend. Its

Sirdar was now Major-General Sir Herbert Kitchener, who

succeeded General Grenfell in 1892. Suddenly there came news,

early in March, 1896, of the serious reverse which the

Italians had suffered at Adowa, in their war with the

Abyssinians (see, (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896).

"The consternation felt in England and Egypt at this disaster

deepened when it became known that Kassala, which was held by

the Italian forces, was hemmed in, and seriously threatened by

10,000 Dervishes, and that Osman Digna was marching there with

reinforcements. If Kassala fell into the hands of the

Dervishes, the latter would be let loose to overrun the Nile

valley on the frontier of Egypt, and threaten that country

itself. As if in anticipation of these reinforcements, the

Dervishes suddenly assumed an offensive attitude, and it was

rumoured that a large body of Dervishes were contemplating an

immediate advance on Egypt. … A totally new situation was now

created, and immediate action was rendered imperative.

Everything was ripe for an expedition up the Nile. Whilst

creating a diversion in favour of the Italians besieged at

Kassala, it afforded an opportunity of creating a stronger

barrier than the Wady Halfa boundary between Egypt and the

Dervishes, and it would moreover be an important step towards

the long-wished-for recovery of the Soudan. The announcement

of the contemplated expedition was made in the House of

Commons on the 17th of March, 1896, by Mr. Curzon,

Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It came as a great

surprise to the whole country, which, having heard so little

of the Dervishes of late years, was not prepared for a

recrudescence of the Soudan question. [But a vote of censure

on the Egyptian policy of the government, moved by Mr. John

Morley in the House of Commons, was rejected by 288 to 145.] …

"An unexpected difficulty arose in connection with the

financing of the expedition. This is explained very plainly

and concisely in the 'Annual Register,' 1896, which we quote

at length:—

'In order to defray the cost of the undertaking, it being

obviously desirable to impose as little strain as possible on

the slowly recovering finances of Egypt, it was determined by

the Egyptian Government to apply for an advance of £500,000

from the General Reserve Fund of the Caisse de la Dette, and

the authorities of the Caisse obligingly handed over the

money. … However, the French and Russian members of the Caisse

de la Dette protested against the loan which the Caisse had

made. … In December (1896) the International Court of Appeal

required the Egyptian Government to refund to the Caisse the

£500,000 which they had secured. The very next day Lord Cromer

offered an English loan to make good the advance. The Egyptian

Government accepted his offer, and repaid immediately the

£500,000 to the Caisse, and the result of this somewhat absurd

transaction is that England has thus strengthened her hold in

another small point on the Government of Egypt.'"

H. S. L. Alford, and W. D. Sword,

The Egyptian Soudan, its Loss and Recovery,

chapter 4 (London: Macmillan & Company).

{196}

On the 21st of March, the Sirdar left Cairo for Assouan and

Wady Halfa, and various Egyptian battalions were hurried up

the river. Meantime, the forces already on the frontier had

moved forward and taken the advanced post of the Dervishes, at

Akasheh. From that point the Sirdar was ready to begin his

advance early in June, and did so with two columns, a River

Column and a Desert Column, the latter including a camel corps

and a squadron of infantry mounted on camels, besides cavalry,

horse artillery and Maxim guns. Ferket, on the east bank of

the Nile, 16 miles from Akasheh, was taken after hard fighting

on the 7th of June, many of the Dervishes refusing quarter and

resisting to the death. They lost, it was estimated, 1,000

killed and wounded, and 500 were taken prisoners. The Egyptian

loss was slight. The Dervishes fell back some fifty miles, and

the Sirdar halted at Suarda during three months, while the

railroad was pushed forward, steamers dragged up the cataracts

and stores concentrated, the army suffering greatly, meantime,

from an alarming epidemic of cholera and from exhausting

labors in a season of terrific heat. In the middle of

September the advance was resumed, and, on the 23d, Dongola

was reached. Seeing themselves outnumbered, the enemy there

retreated, and the town, or its ruins, was taken with only a

few shots from the steamers on the river. "As a consequence of

the fall of Dongola every Dervish fled for his life from the

province. The mounted men made off across the desert direct to

Omdurman, and the foot soldiers took the Nile route to Berber,

always being careful to keep out of range of the gunboats,

which were prevented by the Fourth Cataract from pursuing them

beyond Merawi."

C. Hoyle,

The Egyptian Campaigns, new and revised edition,

to December, 1899, chapter 70-71.

The Emir who commanded at Dongola was a comparatively young

man, Mohammed Wad el Bishara, who seems to have been possessed

by a very genuinely religious spirit, as shown in the

following letter, which he had written to the Dervish

commander at Ferket, just before the battle there, and which

was found by the British officers when they entered that

place:

"You are, thank God, of good understanding, and are thoroughly

acquainted with those rules of religion which enjoin love and

unison. Thanks be to God that I hear but good reports of you.

But you are now close to the enemy of God, and have with you,

with the help of God, a sufficient number of men. I therefore

request you to unite together, to have the heart of a single

man founded on love and unity. Consult with one another, and

thus you will insure good results, which will strengthen the

religion and vex the heathen, the enemies of God. Do not move

without consulting one another, and such others, also, in the

army who are full of sense and wisdom. Employ their plans and

tricks of war, in the general fight more especially. Your

army, thank God, is large; if you unite and act as one hand,

your action will be regular: you will, with the help of God,

defeat the enemies of God and set at ease the mind of the

Khalifa, peace be on him! Follow this advice, and do not allow

any intrigues to come between you. Rely on God in all your

doings; be bold in all your dealings with the enemy; let them

find no flaw in your disposition for the fight. But be ever

most vigilant, for these enemies of God are cunning, may God

destroy them! Our brethren, Mohamed Koku, with two others,

bring you this letter; on their return they will inform me

whether you work in unison or not. Let them find you as

ordered in religion, in good spirits, doing your utmost to

insure the victory of religion. Remember, my brethren, that

what moves me to urge on you to love each other and to unite

is my love for you and my desire for your good. This is a

trial of war; so for us love and amity are of utmost

necessity. You were of the supporters of the Mahdi, peace be

on him! You were as one spirit occupying one body. When the

enemy know that you are quite united they will be much

provoked. Strive, therefore, to provoke these enemies of

religion. May God bless you and render you successful."

EGYPT: A. D. 1895.

New anti-slavery law.

A convention to establish a more effective anti-slavery law in

Egypt was signed on the 21st of November, 1895, "by the

Minister of Foreign Affairs, representing the Khedival

Government, and the British diplomatic agent and

consul-general. … This new convention will supplant that of

August 4, 1877, which … was found to be defective, inasmuch as

it provided no penalty for the purchaser of a slave, but for

the seller only. An Egyptian notable, Ali Pasha Cherif, at

that time president of the Legislative Council, was tried for

buying slaves for his household, but escaped punishment

through a technicality of the law hitherto escaping notice. …

Under the existing regulations, every slave in the Egyptian

dominions has the right to complete freedom, and may demand

his certificate of manumission whenever he chooses. Thus, all

domestic slaves, of whom there are thousands in Cairo,

Alexandria, and the large towns, may call upon their masters

to set them free. Many choose to remain in nominal bondage,

preferring the certainty of food and shelter to the hardships

and uncertainty of looking after themselves."

United States, Consular Reports,

March, 1896, page 370.

EGYPT: A. D. 1897.

Italian evacuation of Kassala, in the eastern Sudan.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1897.

EGYPT: A. D. 1897 (June).

Census.

A census of Egypt, taken on the 1st of June, 1897, showed a

population of 9,700,000, the area being Egypt up to Wady

Haifa. In 1882 an imperfect census gave six and three-quarter

millions. Twelve per cent. of the males can write, the rest

are totally illiterate. There are, it is said, about 40,000

persons not really Egyptians, but who come from other parts of

the Ottoman Empire. The Bedouin number 570,000, but of these

only 89,000 are really nomads, the rest being semi-sedentary.

Of foreign residents there are 112,500, of whom the Greeks,

the most numerous, number 38,000. Then come the Italians, with

24,500. The British (including 6,500 Maltese and 5,000 of the

Army of Occupation) are 19,500; and the French (including

4,000 Algerians and Tunisians), 14,000. The Germans only

number 1,300.

{197}

The classification according to religion shows nearly

9,000,000 Moslems, 730,000 Christians, and 25,000 Jews, The

Christians include the Coptic race, numbering about 608,000.

Only a very small proportion profess the Roman Catholic and

Protestant faiths. Amongst the town populations Cairo contains

570,000, Alexandria 320,000.

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

The final campaigns of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest

of the Eastern Sudan.

Desperate battles of the Atbara and of Omdurman.

"The winter of 1896-1897 was passed, undisturbed by the enemy.

The extended and open front of the Egyptian army imperatively

called for fresh guarantees against a Dervish invasion. The

important strategic position of Abu Hamed was then held by the

enemy, to dislodge whom was the objective of the 1897 campaign.

The railway was boldly launched into the Nubian Desert; the

rail-head crept rapidly and surely towards the Dervish post,

until within striking distance of Abu Hamed: when the

river-column, by a forced march, through difficult country,

delivered an attack on 7th August. Abu Hamed was taken by the

Egyptian army under Major-General (now Sir Archibald) Hunter,

with trifling loss: and the effect of this victory caused the

precipitate evacuation of Berber. The Dervishes withdrew: the

Egyptians—not to lose so favourable an opening—advanced.

Berber, the key to the Sudan, was promptly re-occupied. The

railway was hastened forward; reinforcements were detrained,

before the close of the year, at a short distance from Berber:

and the Anglo-Egyptian authorities gathered force for the last

heat. British troops were called up. In this final struggle

[1898] nothing could be risked. An Egyptian reverse would have

redoubled the task on the accomplishment of which, having

deliberately accepted it, we had pledged our honour. Mahmud,

the Dervish emir, and that ubiquitous rascal Osman Digna, with

their united forces, were marching on Berber. They, however,

held up at the confluence of the Atbara, and comfortably

intrenched themselves in a 'zariba.' Here the Sirdar came out

to have a look at them. The Dervish force numbered about

19,000 men. The Anglo-Egyptian army was composed of 13,000

men. The odds were good enough for the Sirdar: and he went for

them. Under the demoralization created by some sharp artillery

practice, the Anglo-Egyptians stormed the 'zariba,' killed

three-fourths of the defenders, and chased the remainder away.

This victory [April 8, 1898], which cost over 500 men in

killed and wounded, broke the Dervish power for offence and

seriously damaged the Khalifa's prestige. With reinforcements,

bringing his army up to 22,000 men, including some picked

British regiments, the Sirdar then advanced slowly up the

river. It was a pilgrimage to the Mahdi's tomb, in sight of

which Cross and Crescent combined to overthrow the false

prophet. This sanguinary and decisive engagement [before

Omdurman] took place on 2nd September, 1898. The Khalifa was

put to flight; his forces were scattered and ridden down. On

the same evening, the Sirdar entered Omdurman, and released

the European captives. Subsequently, the British and Egyptian

flags were hoisted together at Khartum; and divine service was

celebrated at the spot where Gordon fell."

A. S. White,

The Expansion of Egypt,

pages 383-384

(New York: New Amsterdam Book Company).

"The honour of the fight [at Omdurman] must still go with the

men who died. Our men were perfect, but the dervishes were

superb—beyond perfection. It was their largest, best, and

bravest army that ever fought against us for Mahdism, and it

died worthily of the huge empire that Mahdism won and kept so

long. Their riflemen, mangled by every kind of death and

torment that man can devise, clung round the black flag and

the green, emptying their poor, rotten, homemade cartridges

dauntlessly. Their spearmen charged death at every minute

hopelessly. Their horsemen led each attack, riding into the

bullets till nothing was left but three horses trotting up to

our line, heads down, saying, 'For goodness' sake, let us in

out of this.' Not one rush, or two, or ten—but rush on rush,

company on company, never stopping, though all their view that

was not unshaken enemy was the bodies of the men who had

rushed before them. A dusky line got up and stormed forward:

it bent, broke up, fell apart, and disappeared. Before the

smoke had cleared, another line was bending and storming

forward in the same track.

"It was over. The avenging squadrons of the Egyptian cavalry

swept over the field. The Khalifa and the Sheikh-ed-Din had

galloped back to Omdurman. Ali Wad Helu was borne away on an

angareb with a bullet through his thigh-bone. Yakub lay dead

under his brother's banner. From the green army there now came

only death-enamoured desperadoes, strolling one by one towards

the rifles, pausing to shake a spear, turning aside to

recognise a corpse, then, caught by a sudden jet of fury,

bounding forward, checking, sinking limply to the ground. Now

under the black flag in a ring of bodies stood only three men,

facing the three thousand of the Third Brigade. They folded

their arms about the staff and gazed steadily forward. Two

fell. The last dervish stood up and filled his chest; he

shouted the name of his God and hurled his spear. Then he

stood quite still, waiting. It took him full; he quivered,

gave at the knees, and toppled with his head on his arms and

his face towards the legions of his conquerors. Over 11,000

killed, 16,000 wounded, 4,000 prisoners,—that was the

astounding bill of dervish casualties officially presented

after the battle of Omdurman. Some people had estimated the

whole dervish army at 1,000 less than this total: few had put

it above 50,000. The Anglo-Egyptian army on the day of battle

numbered, perhaps, 22,000 men: if the Allies had done the same

proportional execution at Waterloo, not one Frenchman would

have escaped. … The dervish army was killed out as hardly an

army has been killed out in the history of war. It will shock

you, but it was simply unavoidable. Not a man was killed

except resisting—very few except attacking. Many wounded were

killed, it is true, but that again was absolutely unavoidable.

… It was impossible not to kill the dervishes: they refused to

go back alive."

{198}

The same brilliant writer gives the following description of

Omdurman, as the British found it on entering the town after

the victory: "It began just like any other town or village of

the mean Sudan. Half the huts seemed left unfinished, the

other half to have been deserted and fallen to pieces. There

were no streets, no doors or windows except holes, usually no

roofs. As for a garden, a tree, a steading for a beast—any

evidence of thrift or intelligence, any attempt at comfort or

amenity or common cleanliness,—not a single trace of any of

it. Omdurman was just planless confusion of blind walls and

gaping holes, shiftless stupidity, contented filth and

beastliness. But that, we said, was only the outskirts: when

we come farther in we shall surely find this mass of

population manifesting some small symbols of a great dominion.

And presently we came indeed into a broader way than the

rest—something with the rude semblance of a street. Only it

was paved with dead donkeys, and here and there it disappeared

in a cullender of deep holes where green water festered. …

Omdurman was a rabbit-warren—a threadless labyrinth of tiny

huts or shelters, too flimsy for the name of sheds.

Oppression, stagnation, degradation, were stamped deep on

every yard of miserable Omdurman.

"But the people! We could hardly see the place for the people.

We could hardly hear our own voices for their shrieks of

welcome. We could hardly move for their importunate greetings.

They tumbled over each other like ants from every mud heap, from

behind every dung-hill, from under every mat. … They had been

trying to kill us three hours before. But they salaamed, none

the less, and volleyed, 'Peace be with you' in our track. All

the miscellaneous tribes of Arabs whom Abdullahi's fears or

suspicions had congregated in his capital, all the blacks his

captains had gathered together into franker

slavery—indiscriminate, half-naked, grinning the grin of the

sycophant, they held out their hands and asked for backsheesh.

Yet more wonderful were the women. The multitude of women whom

concupiscence had harried from every recess of Africa and

mewed up in Baggara harems came out to salute their new

masters. There were at least three of them to every man. Black

women from Equatoria and almost white women from Egypt,

plum-skinned Arabs and a strange yellow type with square, bony

faces and tightly-ringleted black hair, … the whole city was a

huge harem, a museum of African races, a monstrosity of

African lust."

G. W. Steevens,

With Kitchener to Khartum,

chapter 32-34

(copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, quoted with permission).

"Anyone who has not served in the Sudan cannot conceive the

state of devastation and misery to which that unfortunate

country has been brought under Dervish rule. Miles and miles

of formerly richly cultivated country lies waste; villages are

deserted; the population has disappeared. Thousands of women

are without homes or families. Years must elapse before the

Sudan can recover from the results of its abandonment to

Dervish tyranny; but it is to be hoped and may be confidently

expected, that in course of time, under just and upright

government, the Sudan may be restored to prosperity; and the

great battle of September will be remembered as having

established peace, without which prosperity would have been

impossible; and from which thousands of misguided and wretched

people will reap the benefits of civilization."

E. S. Wortley,

With the Sirdar

(Scribner's Magazine, January, 1899).

EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

The country and its people after 15 years

of British occupation.

"The British occupation has now lasted for over fifteen years.

During the first five, comparatively little was accomplished,

owing to the uncertain and provisional character of our

tenure. The work done has been done in the main in the last

ten years, and was only commenced in earnest when the British

authorities began to realise that, whether we liked it or not,

we had got to stay; and the Egyptians themselves came to the

conclusion that we intended to stay. … Under our occupation

Egypt has been rendered solvent and prosperous; taxes have

been largely reduced; her population has increased by nearly

50 per cent.; the value and the productiveness of her soil has

been greatly improved; a regular and permanent system of

irrigation has been introduced into Lower Egypt, and is now in

the course of introduction into Upper Egypt; trade and

industry have made giant strides; the use of the Kurbash

[bastinado] has been forbidden; the Corvée has been

suppressed; regularity in the collection of taxes has been

made the rule, and not the exception; wholesale corruption has

been abolished; the Fellaheen can now keep the money they

earn, and are better off than they were before; the landowners

are all richer owing to the fresh supply of water, with the

consequent rapid increase in the saleable price of land;

justice is administered with an approach to impartiality;

barbarous punishments have been mitigated, if not abolished;

and the extraordinary conversion of Cairo into a fair

semblance of a civilised European capital has been repeated on

a smaller scale in all the chief centres of Egypt. To put the

matter briefly, if our occupation were to cease to-morrow, we

should leave Egypt and the Egyptians far better off than they

were when our occupation commenced.

"If, however, I am asked whether we have succeeded in the

alleged aim of our policy, that of rendering Egypt fit for

self-government, I should be obliged honestly to answer that

in my opinion we have made little or no progress towards the

achievement of this aim. The one certain result of our

interference in the internal administration of Egypt has been

to impair, if not to destroy, the authority of the Khedive; of

the Mudirs, who, as the nominees of the Effendina, rule over

the provinces; and of the Sheiks, who, in virtue of the favour

of the Mudirs, govern the villages. We have undoubtedly

trained a school of native officials who have learnt that it

is to their interest to administer the country more or less in

accordance with British ideas. Here and there we may have

converted an individual official to a genuine belief in these

ideas. But I am convinced that if our troops were withdrawn,

and our place in Egypt was not taken by any other civilised

European Power, the old state of things would revive at once,

and Egypt would be governed once more by the old system of

Baksheesh and Kurbash."

E. Dicey,

Egypt, 1881 to 1897

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1898).

{199}

Reviewing the report, for 1898, of Lord Cromer, the British

Agent and Consul-General, who is practically the director of

the government of Egypt, "The Spectator" (London) has noted

the principle of Lord Cromer's administration to be that of

"using English heads but Egyptian hands. In practice this

means the policy of never putting an Englishman into any post

which could be just as well filled by a native. In other

words, the Englishman is only used in the administration where

he is indispensable. Where he is not, the native, as is only just

and right, is employed. The outcome of this is that Lord

Cromer's work in Egypt has been carried out by 'a body of

officials who certainly do not exceed one hundred in number,

and might possibly, if the figures were vigorously examined,

be somewhat lower.' Lord Cromer adds, however, that 'these

hundred have been selected with the greatest care.' In fact,

the principle has been,—never employ an Englishman unless it

is necessary in the interests of good government to do so, but

then employ a first-class man. The result is that the

inspiring force in every Department of the Egyptian State is a

first-class English brain, and yet the natives are not

depressed by being deprived of their share of the

administration. The Egyptians, that is, do not feel the

legitimate grievance that is felt by the Tunisians and

Algerians when they see even little posts of a couple of

hundred a year filled by Frenchmen."

Spectator,

April 15, 1899.

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (September-November).

The French expedition of M. Marchand at Fashoda.

On the 10th of September, eight days after destroying the

power of the Khalifa at Omdurman, the Sirdar, Lord Kitchener,

left that fallen capital with five gunboats and a considerable

force of Highlanders, Sudanese and Egyptians, to take possession

of the Upper Nile. At Fashoda, in the Shilluk country, a

little north of the junction of the Sobat with the White Nile,

he found a party of eight French officers and about a hundred

Senegalese troops, commanded by M. Marchand, entrenched at the

old government buildings in that place and claiming occupation

of the country. It had been known for some time that M.

Marchand was leading an expedition from the French Congo

towards the Nile, and the British government had been seeking

an explanation of its objects from the government of France,

uttering warnings, at the same time, that England would

recognize no rights in any part of the Nile Valley except the

rights of Egypt, which the evacuation of the Egyptian Sudan,

consequent on the conquests of the Mahdi and the Dervishes,

had not extinguished. Even long before the movements of M.

Marchand were known, it had been suspected that France

entertained the design of extending her great possessions in

West Africa eastward, to connect with the Nile, and, as early

as the spring of 1895, Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the

British Foreign Office, in reply to a question then asked in

the House of Commons, concerning rumors that a French

expedition from West Africa was approaching the Nile, said

with unmistakable meaning: "After all I have explained about

the claims we consider we have under past Agreements, and the

claims which we consider Egypt may have in the Nile Valley,

and adding to that the fact that those claims and the view of

the Government with regard to them are fully and clearly known

to the French Government, I cannot think it is possible that

these rumors deserve credence, because the advance of a French

expedition under secret instructions right from the other side

of Africa into a territory over which our claims have been

known for so long would be not merely an inconsistent and

unexpected act, but it must be perfectly well known to the

French Government that it would be an unfriendly act, and

would be so viewed by England." In December, 1897, the British

Ambassador at Paris had called the attention of the French

government to Sir Edward Grey's declaration, adding that "Her

Majesty's present Government entirely adhere to the language

that was on this occasion employed by their predecessors."

As between the two governments, then, such was the critical

situation of affairs when the Sirdar, who had been already

instructed how to act if he found intruders in the Nile

Valley, came upon M. Marchand and his little party at Fashoda.

The circumstances and the results of the meeting were reported by

him promptly as follows: "On reaching the old Government

buildings, over which the French flag was flying, M. Marchand,

accompanied by Captain Germain, came on board. After

complimenting them on their long and arduous journey, I

proceeded at once to inform M. Marchand that I was authorized

to state that the presence of the French at Fashoda and in the

Valley of the Nile was regarded as a direct violation of the

rights of Egypt and Great Britain, and that, in accordance

with my instructions, I must protest in the strongest terms

against their occupation of Fashoda, and their hoisting of the

French flag in the dominions of His Highness the Khedive. In

reply, M. Marchand stated that as a soldier he had to obey

orders; the instructions of his Government to occupy the

Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Mudirieh of Fashoda were precise, and,

having carried them out, he must await the orders of his

Government as to his subsequent action and movements. I then

pointed out that I had the instructions of the Government to

re-establish Egyptian authority in the Fashoda Mudirieh, and I

asked M. Marchand whether he was prepared—on behalf of the

French Government—to resist the execution of these orders; he

must be fully aware, I said, that the Egyptian and British

forces were very much more powerful than those at his

disposal, but, at the same time, I was very averse to creating

a situation which might lead to hostilities. I therefore

begged M. Marchand to most carefully consider his final

decision on this matter. I further informed him that I should

be pleased to place one of the gun-boats at his disposal to

convey him and his expedition north. In answer to this, M.

Marchand did not hesitate to admit the preponderating forces

at my disposal, and his inability to offer effective armed

resistance; if, however, he said, I felt obliged to take any

such action, he could only submit, to the inevitable, which

would mean that he and his companions would die at their

posts. He begged, therefore, that I would consider his

position, and would allow the question of his remaining at

Fashoda to be referred to his Government, as, without their

orders, he could not retire from his position or haul down his

flag; at the same time, he said he felt sure that, under the

circumstances, the orders for his retirement would not be

delayed by his Government, and that then he hoped to avail

himself of the offer I had made him. I then said to him: 'Do I

understand that you are authorized by the French Government to

resist Egypt in putting up its flag and reasserting its

authority in its former possessions—such as the Mudirieh of

Fashoda?' M. Marchand hesitated, and then said that he could

not resist the Egyptian flag being hoisted. I replied that my

instructions were to hoist the flag, and that I intended to do

so. … The Egyptian flag was hoisted … at 1 P. M. with due

ceremony in the presence of the British and Egyptian troops,

and a salute of twenty-one guns was fired.

{200}

I should add that, in the course of the conversation, I

informed M. Marchand that, in addition to my verbal protest, I

intended to make a formal protest in writing, and this I duly

handed him before leaving Fashoda. During these somewhat

delicate proceedings nothing could have exceeded, the

politeness and courtesy of the French officers. Having

officially appointed Major Jackson Commandant of the Fashoda

district, and leaving with him a battalion of infantry, four

guns, and a gun-boat, I proceeded south with the remainder of

the troops and four gun-boats. …

"I had no opportunity for a further interview with M.

Marchand, who, I venture to think, holds at Fashoda a most

anomalous position—encamped with 120 men on a narrow strip of

land, surrounded by marshes, cut off from access to the

interior, possessing only three small boats without oars or

sails and an inefficient steam-launch which has lately been

dispatched on along journey south, short of ammunition and

supplies, his followers exhausted by years of continuous

hardship, yet still persisting in the prosecution of his

impracticable undertaking in the face of the effective

occupation and administration of the country I have been able

to establish. It is impossible not to entertain the highest

admiration for the courage, devotion, and indomitable spirit

displayed by M. Marchand's expedition, but our general

impression was one of astonishment that an attempt should have

been made to carry out a project of such magnitude and danger

by the dispatch of so small and ill-equipped a force which—as

their Commander remarked to me, was neither in a position to

resist a second Dervish attack nor to retire—indeed, had our

destruction of the Khalifa's power at Omdurman been delayed a

fortnight, in all probability he and his companions would have

been massacred. The claims of M. Marchand to have occupied the

Bahr-el-Ghazal and Fashoda Provinces with the force at his

disposal would be ludicrous did not the sufferings and

privations his expedition endured during their two years'

arduous journey render the futility of their efforts

pathetic."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Egypt, Numbers 2 and 3, 1898).

The "Fashoda incident," as it was described, caused great

excitement in both England and France, and threatened for some

weeks to involve the two countries in war. Both army feeling

and popular feeling in France very nearly forced the

government to persist in what was plainly an ill-considered

and inopportune movement, and to hold untenable ground. But

better sense prevailed, and, on the 2d of November, when the

Sirdar, Lord Kitchener, who had visited England, was being

feasted and given the freedom of London, at Guildhall, Lord

Salisbury was able to make a dramatic announcement of the

closing of the dispute. "I received," he said, speaking at the

banquet, "from the French ambassador this afternoon the

information that the French Government had come to the

conclusion that the occupation of Fashoda was of no sort of

value to the French Republic, and they thought that, under

those circumstances, to persist in an occupation which only

cost them money and did them harm, merely because some

people—some bad advisers—thought it might be disagreeable to

an unwelcome neighbor, would not show the wisdom with which, I

think, the French Republic has been uniformly guided, and they

have done what I believe many other governments would have

done in the same position—they have resolved that the

occupation must cease."

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

The Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

On an appeal from Lord Kitchener, funds were raised in Great

Britain for the founding of a Gordon Memorial College at

Khartoum, to be, in the first instance, a school for

elementary instruction to the sons of the heads of districts

and villages.

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

The Barrage and Reservoir works on the Nile.

In February, 1898, the Khedive in Council approved a contract

concluded with the British firm of John Aird & Company, for

the construction of a dam or "barrage" across the Nile at

Assouan, drowning the cataracts and turning the river above

into a vast storage reservoir; with another dam at Assiout,

for the irrigation of Middle Egypt and the Fayum. In the

report of Lord Cromer for 1898, Sir William Garstein, at the

head of the Egyptian Public Works Department, gave the

following description of the plan of the works, then fairly

under way: "The dam which is to form the reservoir will be

built at the first cataract, a few miles south of Assouan. It

is designed to hold up water to a level of 106 metres above

mean sea level, or rather more than 20 metres above the

low-water level of the Nile at site. Its total length will be

2,156 yards with a width at crest of 26.4 feet. The width of

base at the deepest portion will be 82.5 feet, and the height

of the work at the deepest spot will be 92.4 feet. The dam

will be pierced by 180 openings, or under-sluices (140 of

which are 23.1 feet by 6.6 feet and 40 are 18.2 feet by 6.6

feet) provided with gates. These sluices will pass the flood

and surplus water through the dam, and by them the reservoir

will be emptied when water is required for irrigation in

Middle and Lower Egypt. Three locks will be built, and a

navigation channel made on the west of the river to enable

boats to pass up and down.

"The dam at Assiout will be what is called an open Barrage,

and will be similar in construction to the existing Barrages

on the Rosetta and Damietta branches. The new work will

consist of 111 bays or openings, each 16.5 feet wide, and each

bay will be provided with regulating gates. The total length

of the work will be 903 yards. A lock 53 feet in width will be

constructed on the west bank, large enough to pass the largest

tourist boat plying on the river. By regulating on this

Barrage water will be supplied in spring and summer to the

Ibrahimieh Canal, which irrigates Middle Egypt. At present

this canal has to be dredged to a depth of some 2 metres below

the lowest summer level in the river, and even with these the

crops suffer in years of low summer supply. A regulation

bridge with a lock will be built at the head of the Ibrahimieh

Canal in order to allow of the supply being reduced, if

necessary, in flood."

Great Britain, Papers by Command: Egypt,

Number 3, 1899.

By a singular happening, the Nile flood of 1899 was the lowest

recorded in the century, and gave an opportunity for the

barrage and irrigation works, barely begun as they were, to

give a convincing foretaste of their value. According to the

report of that year, "the distress was enormously less than on

all previous occasions of a failure of the flood. The area of

'sharaki,' or land unirrigated and therefore untaxed, which

had been 900,000 feddans in 1877 was only one-third of this in

1899.

{201}

Even in this area, which lay principally in Upper Egypt,

'distress,' says Sir William Garstein, 'was hardly felt at all

by the people. The immense amount of contract work in progress

in the country enabled them to obtain a good daily wage and

tided over the interval between the two crops.' In Lower Egypt

'the situation was saved by the Barrage, which, for the first

time in its history, was regulated upon throughout the flood.

Had it not been for the work done by this structure, there is

little doubt that large areas of crop would have been lost. As

it is, the cotton crop is very nearly the largest on record,

and the maize crop was up to the average.'" Of the progress of

the work at Assouan it is said: "After nearly a year had been

spent in accumulation of material and various preparations,

the foundation stone of the dam was laid by H. R. H. the Duke

of Connaught on February 12; and from that date the work was

carried on with less interruption than must have been

necessitated by a normal flood. Beginning on the east bank,

masonry was carried on throughout a length of 620 metres, and

of these, 360 metres were brought up to within two metres of

their full height. … Not less satisfactory progress was made

with the weir at Assiut, although the original design had to

be considerably altered."

On the 7th of February, 1901, a Press despatch from Cairo

reported: "Sir John Aird and Sir Benjamin Baker start for

England on Sunday next, having completed their visit of

inspection to the great engineering works at Assuan, where the

immense dam to hold up the waters of the Nile is being

constructed. The total extent of the dam is one mile and a

quarter, of which one mile and an eighth of the foundation is

finished. Temporary dams enabling the remaining section to be

put in are now carried across the channel. Pumps for getting

in the permanent dam foundations will be started next week.

The whole of the granite masonry required for the dam is cut

and ready to be laid in its place. The parapet alone remains

to be prepared. The portion of the dam remaining to be built

is that across the well-known deep western channel. The work

is of considerable difficulty, but the experience gained last

season in dealing with other channels has rendered the

engineers and contractors confident that equal success will be

obtained this year in the western channel. The dam is pierced

with 180 openings, about 23 feet high and 7 feet wide, which

openings are controlled by steel sluices. The work for the

latter is now well advanced. The discharge through these

sluices at high Nile may reach 15,000 tons of water per

second. The navigation channel and chain of locks are equally

advanced with the dam itself, and the lock gates will also be

in course of construction in about three months. Unless

anything unforeseen occurs the reservoirs will be in operation

for the Nile flood of 1903. This will be well within the

contract time, although owing to the increased depth of the

foundations the work done by the contractors has been largely

increased.

"At Assiut the great regulating dam across the Nile approaches

completion, the foundations being practically all in position,

leaving a portion of the superstructure to be completed. The

sluice openings here number 119, all 16 feet wide. This dam is

somewhat similar in principle to the well-known barrage near

Cairo, but the details of construction are entirely different,

as the foundations are guarded against undermining by a

complete line of cast iron and steel-piling above and below

the work. The barrage itself is constructed of high-class

masonry instead of brickwork as at the old barrage. Although

the Assiut barrage is overshadowed by the greater magnitude of

the Assuan dam, it will, doubtless, rank second as the

monumental work of Egypt."

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (January).

The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established in the Sudan.

The following agreement between the British government and

that of the Khedive of Egypt, relative to the future

administration of the Sudan, establishing a condominium or

joint dominion therein, was signed at Cairo on the 19th of

January, 1899, and made public the same day:

Whereas certain provinces in the Sudan which were in rebellion

against the authority of His Highness the Khedive have now

been reconquered by the joint military and financial efforts

of Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of

His Highness the Khedive; and whereas it has become necessary

to decide upon a system for the administration of and for the

making of laws for the said reconquered provinces, under which

due allowance may be made for the backward and unsettled

condition of large portions thereof, and for the varying

requirements of different localities; and whereas it is

desired to give effect to the claims which have accrued to Her

Britannic Majesty's Government by right of conquest, to share

in the present settlement and future working and development

of the said system of administration and legislation; and

whereas it is conceived that for many purposes Wadi Haifa and

Suákin may be most effectively administered in conjunction

with the reconquered provinces to which they are respectively

adjacent; now, it is hereby agreed and declared by and between

the Undersigned, duly authorized for that purpose, as follows:

ARTICLE I.

The word "Sudan" in this Agreement means all the territories

South of the 22nd parallel of latitude, which:

1. Have never been evacuated by Egyptian troops since the year

1882; or

2.

Which, having before the late rebellion in the Sudan been

administered by the Government of His Highness the Khedive,

were temporarily lost to Egypt, and have been reconquered by

Her Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Government acting in

concert; or

3. Which may hereafter be reconquered by the two Governments

acting in concert.

ARTICLE II.

The British and Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on

land and water, throughout the Sudan, except in the town of

Suákin, in which locality the Egyptian flag alone shall be

used.

ARTICLE III.

The supreme military and civil command in the Sudan shall be

vested in one officer, termed the "Governor-General of the

Sudan." He shall be appointed by Khedivial Decree on the

recommendation of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and

shall be removed only by Khedivial Decree, with the consent of

Her Britannic Majesty's Government.

{202}

ARTICLE IV.

Laws, as also Orders and Regulations with the full force of

law, for the good government of the Sudan, and for regulating

the holding, disposal, and devolution of property of every

kind therein situate, may from time to time be made, altered,

or abrogated by Proclamation of the Governor-General. Such

Laws, Orders, and Regulations may apply to the whole of any

named part of the Sudan, and may, either explicitly or by

necessary implication, alter or abrogate any existing Law or

Regulation. All such Proclamations shall be forthwith notified

to Her Britannic Majesty's Agent and Consul-General in Cairo, and

to the President of the Council of Ministers of His Highness

the Khedive.

ARTICLE V.

No Egyptian Law, Decree, Ministerial Arrêté, or other

enactment hereafter to be made or promulgated shall apply to

the Sudan or any part thereof, save in so far as the same

shall be applied by Proclamation of the Governor-General in

manner hereinbefore provided.

ARTICLE VI.

In the definition by Proclamation of the conditions under

which Europeans, of whatever nationality, shall be at liberty

to trade with or reside in the Sudan, or to hold property

within its limits, no special privileges shall be accorded to

the subjects of anyone or more Power.

ARTICLE VII.

Import duties on entering the Sudan shall not be payable on

goods coming from Egyptian territory. Such duties may,

however, be levied on goods coming from elsewhere than

Egyptian territory, but in the case of goods entering the

Sudan at Suákin, or any other port on the Red Sea Littoral,

they shall not exceed the corresponding duties for the time

being leviable on goods entering Egypt from abroad. Duties may

be levied on goods leaving the Sudan at such rates as may from

time to time be prescribed by Proclamation.

ARTICLE VIII.

The jurisdiction of the Mixed Tribunals shall not extend, nor

be recognized for any purpose whatsoever, in any part of the

Sudan, except in the town of Suákin.

ARTICLE IX.

Until, and save so far as it shall be otherwise determined, by

Proclamation, the Sudan, with the exception of the town of

Suákin, shall be and remain under martial law.

ARTICLE X.

No Consuls, Vice-Consuls, or Consular Agents shall be

accredited in respect of nor allowed to reside in the Sudan,

without the previous consent of Her Britannic Majesty's

Government.

ARTICLE XI.

The importation of slaves into the Sudan, as also their

exportation, is absolutely prohibited. Provision shall be made

by Proclamation for the enforcement of this Regulation.

ARTICLE XII.

It is agreed between the two Governments that special

attention shall be paid to the enforcement of the Brussels Act

of the 2nd July 1890, in respect to the import, sale, and

manufacture of fire-arms and their munitions, and distilled or

spirituous liquors.

Done in Cairo, the 19th January, 1899.

(Signed) Boutros Ghali-Cromer.

A. S. White, The Expansion of Egypt,

Appendix V. (New York: New Amsterdam Book Company)

By a subsequent, agreement signed July 10, the exceptions in

the above relative to Suákin were abrogated.

EGYPT: A. D. 1899-1900.

Final defeat and death of the Khalifa.

Capture of Osman Digna.

Condition of the Sudan.

The Khalifa, who escaped from the scene of his overthrow at

Omdurman, in 1898, kept a following of his own tribe, the

Baggaras, sufficient to give trouble for more than another

year. At length, late in November, 1899, he was overtaken by

Sir Francis Wingate, who succeeded General Kitchener as

Governor-General of the Sudan, and was killed in a battle

fought near Gedil. Again Osman Digna, his able lieutenant,

escaped; but in January of the following year the latter was

captured and taken to Suez.

In a report to Lord Salisbury, made on the 20th of February,

1900, Lord Cromer, British Agent and Consul-General in Egypt,

gave the following account of the general state of affairs in

the Sudan:

"The territorial situation may be briefly described as

follows:—The frontier between the Soudan and the Italian

Colony of Erythræa has now been delimitated from Ras Kasar, on

the Red Sea, to Sabderat, a few miles east of Kassala.

Negotiations are proceeding which will, without doubt, result

before long in the delimitation of the small remaining portion

of the Italian frontier from Sabderat up to the point where it

strikes Abyssinian territory. The most friendly relations

exist between the British and Abyssinian Governments. The

general basis of a frontier arrangement in respect to the

country lying west of the Blue Nile has already been settled

with the Emperor Menelek. When the survey party, now being

employed, has finished its work, it may confidently be

expected that the detailed delimitation will be carried out

without much difficulty.

"An endeavour is being made to cut through the sudd which

obstructs the White Nile, and thus open up communication with

Uganda. To a certain extent this communication may be said to

be already established, for a mixed party, consisting of

British, French, and Belgian officers, with their followers,

arriving from the South, recently succeeded in getting through

and joining the Egyptian party, under Major Peake, which was

engaged in cutting the sudd. … From the moment of the

Khalifa's crushing defeat at Omdurman, the desert and Kordofan

tribes, with the exception of a certain number of Baggaras who

still adhered to the cause of their Chief, threw in their lot

with the Government. Most of these tribes, however, rendered

but little active assistance to the Government in the

subsequent operations against the Khalifa. Omdurman and the

Ghezireh [the tract of country lying south of Khartoum,

between the White and Blue Niles] were found to be full of

Arabs belonging to the Kordofan and far western tribes, who

had been brought from their homes by the Khalifa. They were

without any regular means of subsistence, but, in the existing

state of insecurity, it was for the time being impossible for

them to return to their own districts. … The inhabitants of

the districts which were raided by the Dervishes were obliged

to take refuge in the Ghezireh, with the result that the

situation remained practically unchanged until the Khalifa's

overthrow and death. Since then, the main objects of the

Government have been to send back to their homes the

inhabitants of the gum producing region, and to get rid of the

useless mouths from the Ghezireh. In respect to the first

point, some success has attended their efforts, but many

thousands of Arabs belonging to tribes whose homes are in

Kordofan and Darfour, still remain in the Ghezireh. … The

attitude of the Nubas and of other tribes in Central and

Southern Kordofan has, since the battle of Omdurman, been

perfectly satisfactory. … Some long time must certainly elapse

before prosperity returns to the tribes in the Soudan. The

population has wasted away under Dervish rule."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Egypt, Number 1, 1900, pages 43-44.

----------EGYPT: End--------

{203}

ELAM.

See (in volume 1)

BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

(in volume 4)

SEMITES;

and (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA, and PERSIA.

ELANDSLAAGTE, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

ELBE-RHINE CANAL PROJECT, The.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

EL CANEY, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

ELIZABETH, Empress of Austria:

Assassination.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

EL ZANJON, Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

EMPLOYERS' FEDERATION, British.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES; A. D. 1897.

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY BILL, The English.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

EMPRESS-DOWAGER, of China, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER), and after.

ENGINEERS, Strike and lockout of British.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

----------ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN): Start--------

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894.

The commandeering question with the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

Retirement of Mr. Gladstone from public life.

Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister.

His speech on the "predominant member" and Home Rule.

Weakening and overthrow of the Liberal Government.

Dissolution of Parliament.

Conservative and Unionist triumph.

Third Ministry of Lord Salisbury.

Mr. Gladstone, who had passed his 84th year, whose health was

failing, and who might justly consider that his public work

was done, resigned his post as Prime Minister, on the 2d of

March, 1894, and the Earl of Rosebery, on his recommendation,

was called by the Queen to take his place. Slight changes,

otherwise, were made in the cabinet, but the spirit in the

Liberal government was no longer the same. The new Premier

soon signified that his disposition in the matter of Home Rule

for Ireland was not quite what Mr. Gladstone's had been, by

using the following language in a speech (March 13) in the

House of Lords:

"Before Irish Home Rule is conceded by the Imperial Parliament

England, as the predominant member of the partnership of the

three kingdoms, will have to be convinced of its justice. That

may seem to be a considerable admission to make, because your

lordships will know that the majority of English members of

Parliament, ejected from England proper, are hostile to Home

Rule. But I believe that the conviction of England in regard

to Home Rule depends on one point alone, and that is the

conduct of Ireland herself. I believe that if we can go on

showing this comparative absence of agrarian crime; if we can

point to the continued harmony of Ireland with the great

Liberal party of this country; if we can go on giving proofs

and pledges that Ireland is entitled to be granted that boon

which she has never ceased to demand since the Act of Union

was passed. I believe that the conversion of England will not

be of a slow or difficult character. My lords, the question of

Home Rule is one that I regard not from the point of view of

Ireland only. It has for me a triple aspect. It has, in the

first place, the aspect that I believe that Ireland will never

be contented until this measure of Home Rule be granted to

her; and that, though you may come in on other issues and

succeed us who sit here, your policy of palliatives is bound

to fail. In the second place, I believe that not merely have

we in our Irish policy to satisfy those who live in the island

of Ireland itself, encompassed, as Mr. Disraeli once said, by

that melancholy ocean, we have not merely to satisfy the Irish

themselves within Ireland, but, for the good of our Empire and

for the continuity and solidarity of our relations with our

brethren across the Atlantic, it is necessary that we should

produce an Irish policy which shall satisfy the Irish people.

And, lastly, I view it from the highest Imperial grounds,

because I believe that the maintenance of this Empire depends,

not on centralization, but on decentralization, and that if

you once commence to tread this path, you will have to give

satisfaction under the same conditions certainly to Scotland,

and possibly to Wales, not in the same degree or possibly in

the same way, but so as to relieve this groaning Imperial

Parliament from the burden of legislation under which it

labours. I will not detain you further on this subject

to-night. I did not mean to dilate so much on the question of

Home Rule."

His remarks seemed to show an intention to postpone the

pressing of the measure. Distrust arose among the Irish and

uncertainty was created in the mind of the Liberal party. It

became evident very quickly that the Liberals, with the loss

of their old leader, had lost heart and faith in the policy to

which he had committed them, and that a serious weakening of

the political energies of the party had been produced. No

measures which raised troublesome issues were undertaken in

Parliament during the year of Mr. Gladstone's retirement: but,

at the session which opened in the following February (1895), the

government brought forward a number of high]y important bills.

{204}

The first to be introduced was a bill "to terminate the

Establishment of the Church of England in Wales and Monmouth."

The bill made provision for the creation of a representative

Church body, giving power to the bishops, clergy and laity to

hold synods and to legislate on ecclesiastical matters. It

entrusted ecclesiastical revenues to a commission; provided

for the transfer of churches and parsonages to the

representative body of the Church, and of burial grounds and

glebes to parish, district, and town councils; other property

of the Church to be vested in the commission before mentioned,

which should also have the charge of cathedrals, to keep them in

repair. The bill had its first reading on the 28th of

February, and its second on the 1st of April, but went no

further. It shared the fate of the other measures of the

Government, including a bill to establish local control of the

liquor traffic, and others for the remedying of defects in the

Irish Land Law, and for the abolition of plural voting, all of

which were extinguished by the sudden and unexpected overthrow

of the Government on the 21st of June. It was defeated on a

motion to reduce the salary of the Secretary for War, which

was made for no purpose but to start a question as to the

adequacy of the provision of certain ammunition stored for

use. When the vote was found to be against the Government

there was great surprise in both parties. But the Ministry had

been steadily losing support and was quite willing to resign,

which it did the next day. Lord Salisbury was sent for by the

Queen and accepted the task of forming a new Government, with

the understanding that Parliament should be dissolved as soon

as practicable, and the will of the country ascertained. In

the new Government, Lord Salisbury filled the office of

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with that of Prime

Minister; Mr. A. J. Balfour became First Lord of the Treasury;

Sir Michael Hicks-Beach Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr.

Joseph Chamberlain Secretary of State for the Colonies; Mr. G.

J. Goschen First Lord of the Admiralty. Before the dissolution

of Parliament, which occurred on the 6th of July, a bill for

the amendment of the Factories Act, on which both parties

agreed, was passed. The elections that followed, beginning

July 13, resulted in the return of a majority of 152 in favor

of the new Ministry, which represented the coalition of

Conservatives and Liberal Unionists. The majority of the

popular vote on the same side in the three kingdoms was a

little more than 30,000, in a total poll of 4,792,512; but in

Eng]and the new Government received a majority of some

300,000. In Ireland the vote went heavily against them, and in

Wales and Scotland to a lighter extent. Of the Irish members

elected, 12 were of the Parnell faction and 69 Anti-Parnell.

The new Parliament came together August 12, and, after a brief

session, at which little was done, was prorogued September 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.

Enforcement of claims against Nicaragua.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.

The question of Chitral.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (January).

Agreement with France defining the boundaries of the

Hinterland of Sierra Leone.

See (in this volume)

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (March-July).

Agreement with Russia concerning the northern Afghan frontier

and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

See (in this volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (July-November).

Correspondence with the Government of the United States

on the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (November).

Action on the closing of the Vaal River Drifts by the South

African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (December).

Message of the President of the United States to Congress

on the British Guiana-Venezuela boundary dispute.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (November-January).

Discontent and revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders in

the Transvaal.

The Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER);

and A. D. 1895-1896.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).

The feeling in England and America over the

Venezuela boundary dispute.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

Establishment of the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

Report on Old-Age Pensions.

The question of the practicability and expediency of a

national system of pensions for old age, which had been

agitated in England for some years, and which a royal

commission, appointed in 1893, had already examined with great

thoroughness and no definite result, was referred in 1896 to a

committee of financial experts, with Lord Rothschild at their

head. This committee reported that it could recommend no

scheme as satisfactory, though it put forward that of Sir

Spencer Walpole as open to less objection than others. The

scheme in question was as follows:

"1. Any person at 65 having an assured income of not less than

2s. 6d. and not more than 5s. may apply for a pension.

2. If the pensioning authority is satisfied as to the income a

pension may be granted.

3. The applicant must not be physically or mentally infirm.

4. To an income of 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. is to be added.

To an income of 3s. 0d. 2s. 0d. is to be added.

To an income of 4s. 0d. 1s. 0d. is to be added.

5. 'Assured income' includes real estate, leasehold property,

securities, or annuities (Government, friendly society, or

insurance office), but not out-relief.

6. The guardians are to be the pensioning authority.

7. Not more than half of the pension is to be paid out of

Imperial taxation, the remainder out of local rates.

8. The pension is not to involve disenfranchisement."

The committee, however, pointed out some very strong

objections to this scheme, which they roughly estimated as

likely to apply to 443,333 persons, and to cost £2,300,000 a

year. On the whole, while they regarded the Walpole scheme as

the best suggested, the Rothschild committee held that, like

the rest, its inherent disadvantages outweighed its merits. In

effect, they pronounced the establishment of old-age pensions

to be impracticable.

{205}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

Report of Royal Commission on the financial relations

between Great Britain and Ireland.

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).

Agreement with France concerning Siam.

See (in this volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).

Excitement over the German Emperor's message to President

Kruger on the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January-February).

Appointment of United States Commission to investigate

the Venezuela boundary.

Reopening of discussion with the government of the United

States on the arbitration of the dispute.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (February).

New treaty with the United States for arbitration of

Bering Sea claims.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (March-September).

Expedition to Dongola.

Beginning of an Anglo-Egyptian movement for the

recovery of the Sudan.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (May).

The New Radical party.

A New Radical party, under the leadership of Sir Charles Dilke

and Mr. Labouchere, issued a statement of its policy (May 19),

setting forth as its chief aim "the democritisation and

devolution of Parliament."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (June).

The Agricultural Land Bill.

Among the measures brought forward in Parliament this year and

carried by the Conservative government was one which aroused

bitter feeling and was sharply denounced, as being legislation

in the interest of the landholding class, at the expense of

the community at large. A ground of justice for it was found

by its supporters, however, in the extreme agricultural

depression of the time. This Agricultural Land Bill, as it was

styled, provided that, in the case of every rate to which it

applied, agricultural land should be assessed in future on

half its ratable value, while houses and buildings would still

be assessed on the whole of their ratable value. The bill

passed the Commons near the end of June, and went speedily

through the House of Lords.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (July).

Parliamentary movement to investigate the

British South Africa Company.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY);

A. D. 1896 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (August).

Suppression of an usurper in Zanzibar.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (September).

Papal Bull declaring Anglican orders invalid.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (November).

Agreement with the United States for the settlement of the

Venezuela dispute.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

"The Voluntary Schools Act" and

"The Elementary Education Act."

The Conservative Ministry of Lord Salisbury came to power, in

England, in 1895, under pledges to the Church that it would

revise the educational system in the interest of the

"Voluntary Schools" (mostly Church schools), as against the

secular or non-sectarian "Board Schools" which were steadily

gaining ground from the former, and proving superior

efficiency.

See, in volume 1,

EDUCATION, MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

A bill to that end, for England and Wales, was introduced at

the end of March, 1896. In support of the bill it was stated

that, in the previous year, the voluntary schools educated

2,445,812 children, as against 1,879,218 educated in the board

schools, though the voluntary schools were, as a rule,

"understaffed," had less qualified teachers, and labored

generally under financial difficulties; but that a large

proportion of the members of the Church of England, as well as

Roman Catholics, made it a point of conscience that their

children should be educated by teachers of their own

denomination, and could not be forced to send them to board

schools without a gross exercise of religious intolerance;

that, finally, it would cost £25,345,635 to replace the

voluntary schools, and £2,250,000 yearly to maintain board

schools in their place, if they were not kept up. Therefore,

it was contended that they should receive a more liberal

allowance of state aid by parliamentary grant, to keep them

alive and improve their efficiency. Connected with provisions

to that effect were others which would completely reorganize

the system of school administration and control. They proposed

to take the administration to a great extent from the

Committee of Council on Education, where it had been

centralized, and to place it in the County Councils, to be

exercised by statutory educational committees appointed by

each Council. By what was called a "conscience clause," the

bill required separate religious instruction to be given to

children in schools (board or voluntary) wherever a

"reasonable number of parents" required it. The measure was

strenuously opposed on the ground that its aim was the

extinction of the board schools; that it would give them only

£17,000 out of £500,000, and give it, said Lord Rosebery,

"without any vestige of control, so that in 8,000 places where

only Church of England schools existed the Nonconformists

would have only the vague protection of the conscience

clause." So much debate was provoked by the bill, and so much

time was being consumed by it, that the Government was forced

to drop the measure in June, in order to save the other

business of the session from being spoiled,—promising,

however, to bring it forward again the next January. The

promise was redeemed, on the convening of Parliament in

January, 1897, in so far that a new Education Bill was brought

forward by the government; but the measure was very different

from that of the previous session. It was addressed solely to

the end of strengthening the voluntary or Church schools

against the board schools, firstly by increasing the aid to

them from public funds, and secondly by uniting them in

organized associations, under stronger governing bodies. The

main provisions of the bill were as follows:

"(1.) For aiding voluntary schools there shall be annually

paid out of moneys provided by Parliament an aid grant, not

exceeding in the aggregate five shillings per scholar for the

whole number of scholars in those schools.

{206}

"(2.) The aid grant shall be distributed by the Education

Department to such voluntary schools and in such manner and

amounts, as the Department think best for the purpose of

helping necessitous schools and increasing their efficiency,

due regard being had to the maintenance of voluntary

subscriptions.

"(3.) If associations of schools are constituted in such

manner in such areas and with such governing bodies

representative of the managers as are approved by the

Education Department, there shall be allotted to each

association while so approved, (a) a share of the aid

grant to be computed according to the number of scholars in

the schools of the association at the rate of five shillings

per scholar, or, if the Department fix different rates for

town and country schools respectively (which they are hereby

empowered to do) then at those rates; and (b) a

corresponding share of any sum which may be available out of

the aid grant after distribution has been made to unassociated

schools.

"(4.) The share so allotted to each such association shall be

distributed as aforesaid by the Education Department after

consulting the governing body of the association, and in

accordance with any scheme prepared by that body which the

Department for the time being approve.

"(5.) The Education Department may exclude a school from any

share of the aid grant which it might otherwise receive, if,

in the opinion of the Department, it unreasonably refuses or

fails to join such an association, but the refusal or failure

shall not be deemed unreasonable if the majority of the

schools in the association belong to a religious denomination

to which the school in question does not itself belong.

"(6.) The Education Department may require, as a condition of

a school receiving a share of the aid grant, that the accounts

of the receipts and expenditure of the school shall be

annually audited in accordance with the regulations of the

Department.

"(7.) The decision of the Education Department upon any

question relating to the distribution or allotment of the aid

grant, including the question whether an association is or is

not in conformity with this Act, and whether a school is a

town or a country school, shall be final."

The passage of the bill was resisted strenuously by the

Liberals in the House of Commons. "Whether they regarded the

bill from an educational, a constitutional, a parliamentary,

or a social aspect," said Mr. John Morley, in his concluding

speech in the debate, "he and his friends regarded it as a

mischievous and reactionary measure." But the opposition was

of no avail. The bill passed its third reading in the House of

Commons, on the 25th of March, with a majority of 200 in its

favor, the Irish Nationalists giving it their support. In the

House of Lords it was ruled to be a money bill, which their

lordships could not amend, and they passed it with little

debate. In April, the government brought forward a second

school bill, which increased the parliamentary grant to Board

schools by £110,000. The sum was so trivial that it excited

the scorn of the friends of the Board schools, and did nothing

towards conciliating them. It became a law on the 3d of June.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).

Continued controversies with the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (January-May).

Arbitration Treaty with the United States defeated in

the United States Senate.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).

Indemnity for Jameson Raid claimed

by the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).

Loan for national defense.

Purchase of 60 square miles on Salisbury Plain.

A bill which authorized a loan of £5,458,000 for purposes of

national defense was passed rapidly through both Houses of

Parliament in February. It included an item of £450,000 for

the purchase of 40,000 acres (60 square miles) on Salisbury

Plain, for military manœuvres.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).

Punitive expedition against Benin.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February-July).

Parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (April).

Increase of armament in South Africa.

The Government accused of a war policy.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May).

Treaty with Menelek of Abyssinia.

See (in this volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-June).

New cessions and concessions from China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-July).

The Workmen's Compensation Act.

A subject which had grown urgent, in England, for

parliamentary attention, was that of a better provision in law

for securing proper compensation to workmen for accidental

injuries suffered in the course of their employment. The

measure was not one that a Conservative government would be

likely, under ordinary circumstances, to take up; since the

class of large employers of labor, from which opposition to it

came, were mostly in the Conservative ranks. But the Liberal

Unionists, now in parliamentary coalition with the

Conservatives, were called upon to favor such a piece of

legislation by their creed, and rumor said that they bargained

for it with their political partners, in exchange for the

support they gave unwillingly to the Voluntary Schools Bill.

At all events, a bill which was first called the Employers'

Liability Bill, but finally named the Workmen's Compensation

Bill, was brought in to the House of Commons, by the

government, in May, and was carried, after much debate,

through both Houses in July. The essential provisions of the

Act as passed are the following:

"I.

(1.) If in any employment to which this Act applies personal

injury by accident arising out of and in the course of the

employment is caused to a workman, his employer shall, subject

as herein-after mentioned, be liable to pay compensation in

accordance with the First Schedule to this Act.

{207}

(2.) Provided that:

(a.) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in

respect of any injury which does not disable the workman

for a period of at least two weeks from earning full wages

at the work at which he was employed;

(b.) When the injury was caused by the personal negligence

or wilful act of the employer, or of some person for whose

act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in this

Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but in

that case the workman may, at his option, either claim

compensation under this Act, or take the same proceedings as

were open to him before the commencement of this Act; but

the employer shall not be liable to pay compensation for

injury to a workman by accident arising out of and in the

course of the employment both independently of and also

under this Act, and shall not be liable to any proceedings

independently of this Act, except in case of such personal

negligence or wilful act as aforesaid;

(c.) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is

attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that

workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury

shall be disallowed.

(3.) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act

as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act

(including any question as to whether the employment is one to

which this Act applies), or as to the amount or duration of

compensation under this Act, the question, if not settled by

agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the First

Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in accordance

with the Second Schedule to this Act. …

"2.

(1.)

Proceedings for the recovery under this Act of compensation

for an injury shall not be maintainable unless notice of the

accident has been given as soon as practicable after the

happening thereof and before the workman has voluntarily left

the employment in which he was injured, and unless the claim

for compensation with respect to such accident has been made

within six months from the occurrence of the accident causing

the injury, or, in case of death, within six months from the

time of death. …

"3.

(1.)

If the Registrar of Friendly Societies, after taking steps to

ascertain the views of the employer and workmen, certifies

that any scheme of compensation, benefit, or insurance for the

workmen of an employer in any employment, whether or not such

scheme includes other employers and their workmen, is on the

whole not less favourable to the general body of workmen and

their dependants than the provisions of this Act, the employer

may, until the certificate is revoked, contract with any of

those workmen that the provisions of the scheme shall be

substituted for the provisions of this Act, and thereupon the

employer shall be liable only in accordance with the scheme,

but, save as aforesaid, this Act shall apply notwithstanding

any contract to the contrary made after the commencement of

this Act. …

"7.

(1.)

This Act shall apply only to employment by the undertakers as

herein-after defined, on or in or about a railway, factory,

mine, quarry, or engineering work, and to employment by the

undertakers as herein-after defined on, in or about any

building which exceeds thirty feet in height, and is either

being constructed or repaired by means of a scaffolding, or

being demolished, or on which machinery driven by steam,

water, or other mechanical power, is being used for the

purpose of the construction, repair, or demolition thereof.

(2.)

In this Act— … 'Undertakers' in the case of a railway means

the railway company; in the case of a factory, quarry, or

laundry means the occupier thereof within the meaning of the

Factory and Workshop Acts, 1878 to 1895; in the case of a mine

means the owner thereof within the meaning of the Coal Mines

Regulation Act, 1887, or the Metalliferous Mines Regulation

Act, 1872, as the case may be, and in the case of an

engineering work means the person undertaking the

construction, alteration, or repair; and in the case of a

building means the persons undertaking the construction,

repair, or demolition. … 'Workman' includes every person who

is engaged in an employment to which this Act applies, whether

by way of manual labour or otherwise, and whether his

agreement is one of service or apprenticeship or otherwise,

and is expressed or implied, is oral or in writing."

The "First Schedule" referred to in the first section of the

Act prescribes rules for determining compensation, those

principally important being as follows; "The amount of

compensation under this Act shall be—(a) where death results

from the injury—(i) if the workman leaves any dependants

wholly dependent upon his earnings at the time of his death, a

sum equal to his earnings in the employment of the same

employer during the three years next preceding the injury, or

the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, whichever of those

sums is the larger, but not exceeding in any case three

hundred pounds, provided that the amount of any weekly

payments made under this Act shall be deducted from such sum,

and if the period of the workman's employment by the said

employer has been less than the said three years, then the

amount of his earnings during the said three years shall be

deemed to be 156 times his average weekly earnings during the

period of his actual employment under the said employer;

(ii)

if the workman does not leave any such dependants, but leaves

any dependants in part dependent upon his earnings at the time

of his death, such sum, not exceeding in any case the amount

payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be agreed upon,

or, in default of agreement, may be determined, on arbitration

under this Act, to be reasonable and proportionate to the

injury to the said dependants; and

(iii)

if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable expenses of his

medical attendance and burial, not exceeding ten pounds; (b)

where total or partial incapacity for work results from the

injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity after the

second week not exceeding fifty per cent. of his average

weekly earnings during the previous twelve months, if he has

been so long employed, but if not, then for any less period

during which he has been in the employment of the same

employer, such weekly payment not to exceed one pound."

60 & 61 Victoria, chapter 37.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-October).

Reassertion of suzerainty over the South African Republic.

Refusal of arbitration.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

{208}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June).

The "Diamond Jubilee" of Queen Victoria.

The sixtieth anniversary of the coronation of Queen Victoria

was celebrated in London on the 20th of June, by religious

services of great solemnity and impressiveness, and, two days

later, by pageants of extraordinary pomp and magnificence, in

which representatives of every people who acknowledge the

queen's supremacy bore a part. Numerous functions and

ceremonies followed, to many of which the aged sovereign was

able to lend her presence. At the end of all, on the 15th of

July, she addressed the following letter to the millions of

her subjects throughout the world: "I have frequently

expressed my personal feelings to my people, and though on

this memorable occasion there have been many official

expressions of my deep sense of the unbounded loyalty evinced

I cannot rest satisfied without personally giving utterance to

these sentiments. It is difficult for me on this occasion to

say how truly touched and grateful I am for the spontaneous

and universal outburst of loyal attachment and real affection

which I have experienced on the completion of the sixtieth

year of my reign. During my progress through London on the

22nd of June this great enthusiasm was shown in the most

striking manner, and can never be effaced from my heart. It is

indeed deeply gratifying, after so many years of labour and

anxiety for the good of my beloved country, to find that my

exertions have been appreciated throughout my vast empire. In

weal and woe I have ever had the true sympathy of all my

people, which has been warmly reciprocated by myself. It has

given me unbounded pleasure to see so many of my subjects from

all parts of the world assembled here, and to find them

joining in the acclamations of loyal devotion to myself, and I

would wish to thank them all from the depth of my grateful

heart. I shall ever pray God to bless them and to enable me

still to discharge my duties for their welfare as long as life

lasts.

VICTORIA, R. I."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June-July).

Conference of colonial premiers with the Secretary of

State for the Colonies.

Discussion of important questions.

Denunciation of commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium.

"On Thursday, the 24th of June, the Prime Ministers of Canada,

New South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, Queensland, Cape

Colony, South Australia, Newfoundland, Tasmania, Western

Australia, and Natal, assembled at the Colonial Office,

Downing Street, for the discussion of certain Imperial

questions with the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It was

decided that the proceedings should be informal and that the

general results only should be published. With the view of

giving a definite direction to the discussion, the Secretary

of State, in opening the proceedings, set forth the subjects

which he considered might usefully be discussed, so as to

secure an interchange of views upon them, and where they were

ripe for a statement of opinion, a definite resolution in

regard to them. [He did so in a speech of some length, after

which the several questions brought forward in his remarks

were discussed in succession at a series of meetings in the

Colonial Office.] The commercial relations of the United

Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies were first considered,

and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:

1. That the Premiers of the self-governing Colonies

unanimously and earnestly recommend the denunciation, at the

earliest convenient time, of any treaties which now hamper the

commercial relations between Great Britain and her Colonies.

2. That in the hope of improving the trade relations between

the mother country and the Colonies, the Premiers present

undertake to confer with their colleagues with the view to

seeing whether such a result can be properly secured by a

preference given by the Colonies to the products of the United

Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government have already [July 31, 1897]

given effect to the first of these resolutions by formally

notifying to the Governments concerned their wish to terminate

the commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium, which alone

of the existing commercial treaties of the United Kingdom are

a bar to the establishment of preferential tariff relations

between the mother country and the Colonies. From and after

the 30th July 1898, therefore, there will be nothing in any of

Her Majesty's treaty obligations to preclude any action which any

of the Colonies may see fit to take in pursuance of the second

resolution. It is, however, right to point out that if any

Colony were to go farther and to grant preferential terms to

any Foreign Country, the provisions of the most favoured

nation clauses in many treaties between Her Majesty and other

powers, in which the Colonies are included, would necessitate

the concession of similar terms to those countries.

"On the question of the political relations between the mother

country and the self-governing Colonies, the resolutions

adopted were as follows:

1. The Prime Ministers here assembled are of opinion that the

present political relations between the United Kingdom and the

self-governing Colonies are generally satisfactory under the

existing condition of things. Mr. Seddon and Sir E. N. C.

Braddon dissented.

2. They are also of opinion that it is desirable, whenever and

wherever practicable, to group together under a federal union

those colonies which are geographically united. Carried

unanimously.

3. Meanwhile, the Premiers are of opinion that it would be

desirable to hold periodical conferences of representatives of

the Colonies and Great Britain for the discussion of matters

of common interest. Carried unanimously. Mr. Seddon and Sir E.

N. C. Braddon dissented from the first resolution because they

were of opinion that the time had already come when an effort

should be made to render more formal the political ties

between the United Kingdom and the Colonies. The majority of

the Premiers were not yet prepared to adopt this position, but

there was a strong feeling amongst some of them that with the

rapid growth of population in the Colonies, the present

relations could not continue indefinitely, and that some means

would have to be devised for giving the Colonies a voice in

the control and direction of those questions of Imperial

interest in which they are concerned equally with the mother

country. It was recognised at the same time that such a share

in the direction of Imperial policy would involve a

proportionate contribution in aid of Imperial expenditure, for

which at present, at any rate, the Colonies generally are not

prepared.

"On the question of Imperial defence, the various points

raised in the speech of the Secretary of State were fully

discussed;" but on this, and on some questions of minor

importance, no conclusions were definitely formulated.

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, C.-8596, 1897).

{209}

The following reference to the "denunciation" of the treaties

appeared in the "London Statist" of August 7, 1897: "Last week

the British Government gave notice to Germany and Belgium of

its intention to terminate the commercial treaties with those

countries at the end of July next year, at the same time

expressing its willingness to conclude fresh treaties. This

important step is a fitting sequel to the jubilee festivities.

It is a graceful recognition of the great loyalty displayed by

our colonies toward the mother country and prepares the way to

that closer union which this paper has strongly advocated. In

twelve months' time, therefore, we shall be free from our

embarrassing engagements not to permit our colonies to place

higher or other import duties on the produce of Germany and

Belgium than upon the produce of the United Kingdom. Our

colonies will thus have complete freedom to place what duties

they choose on any produce they care to purchase from the

United Kingdom or from any other country, and if they so

desire they may place discriminating duties on their own

exports. The action taken indicates no change in the policy of

this country, and foreign nations need have no fear that

British markets will be closed to their produce. It is quite

possible that at some future time, when the colonies have much

further developed their resources and the struggle for

existence becomes still keener, we may be disposed to give a

greater preference to colonial than to foreign produce, but

that period has not yet come. Of course, the time may be

greatly hastened by the attitude of foreign countries. The

unfriendliness of Germany last year caused a wave of feeling

in this country in favor of a duty upon German goods, and the

Canadian offer of preferential duties to the mother country

has created a responsive desire to assist Canadian trade.

Should our other colonies follow the lead of Canada, which,

from Mr. Chamberlain's statement, appears most likely, a

strong movement might arise for giving them preferential

treatment, especially if, at the same time, Germany, Belgium,

or anyone else were disposed to raise their duties on British

goods."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (July-October).

Discussion with American envoys of a bi-metallic agreement.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (August).

Report on condition and prospects of West India colonies,

and Parliamentary action.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.

Campaigns on the Nile.

Anglo-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.

Insurrections and mutiny in Uganda.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (June-April).

Wars on the Afghan frontier of India.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (July-January).

The great strike and lock-out in the engineering trades.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES:

A. D. 1897 (GREAT BRITAIN).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.

Alleged treaty with Portugal.

See (in this volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.

Results of British occupation of Egypt.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).

British troops fighting in eight regions of the world.

"We are a people of peaceful traders—shopkeepers, our rivals

of the Continent affirm—and are consequently at war on only

eight points of the globe, with forces which in the aggregate

only just exceed sixty thousand men. There are thirty-five

thousand on the Indian Frontier fighting the clansmen of the

Northern Himalayas, who, according to the Afridi sub-officers

interrogated by Sir Henry Havelock-Allan, are all eager to

enter our service; twenty-five thousand about to defeat the

Khalifa at Omdurman; a thousand doing sentry duty in Crete;

four hundred putting down an outbreak in Mekran; three hundred

crushing a mutiny in Uganda; and some hundreds more restoring

order in Lagos, Borneo, and Basutoland. All these troops,

though of different nationalities—Englishmen, Sikhs, Ghoorkas,

Rajpoots, Malays, Egyptians, Soudanese, Haussas, and Wagandas—

are under British officers, are paid from funds under British

control, and are engaged in the self-same work, that of

solidifying the 'Pax Britannica,' so that a commercial

civilisation may have a fair chance to grow."

The Spectator (London), February 5, 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).

Resentment shown to China for rejection of a loan,

through Russian influence.

Chinese agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region

and to open internal waters to steam navigation.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February-May).

Native revolt in the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (March-April).

Unsuccessful opposition to Russian lease of Port Arthur

and Talienwan from China.

Compensatory British lease of Wei-hai Wei.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (April-August).

Further exactions from China.

Lease of territory opposite Hong Kong, etc.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (May).

Death of Mr. Gladstone.

After a long and painful illness, the great statesman and

leader of the Liberal party in England, William Ewart

Gladstone, died on the 19th of May. His death drew tributes in

Parliament from his political opponents which exalted him quite

to the height of great distinction that those who followed him

would claim. It was said by Lord Salisbury that "the most

distinguished political name of the century had been withdrawn

from the roll of Englishmen." Mr. Balfour described him as

"the greatest member of the greatest deliberative assembly

that the world had yet seen": and expressed the belief that

"they would never again have in that assembly any man who

could reproduce what Mr. Gladstone was to his contemporaries."

Lord Rosebery paid an eloquent tribute to the dead statesman.

"This country." he said, "this nation, loves brave men. Mr.

Gladstone was the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so

hopeless that he was afraid to undertake it; there was no

amount of opposition that would cowe him when once he had

undertaken it. My lords, Mr. Gladstone always expressed a hope

that there might be an interval left to him between the end of

his political and of his natural life. That period was given

to him, for it is more than four years since he quitted the

sphere of politics. Those four years have been with him a

special preparation for his death, but have they not also been

a preparation for his death with the nation at large?

{210}

Had he died in the plenitude of his power as Prime Minister,

would it have been possible for a vigorous and convinced

Opposition to allow to pass to him, without a word of dissent,

the honours which are now universally conceded? Hushed for the

moment are the voices of criticism, hushed are the controversies

in which he took part; hushed for the moment is the very sound

of party faction. I venture to think that this is a notable

fact in our history. It was not so with the elder Pitt. It was

not so with the younger Pitt. It was not so with the elder

Pitt, in spite of his tragic end, of his unrivalled services,

and of his enfeebled old age. It was not so with the younger

Pitt, in spite of his long control of the country and his

absolute and absorbed devotion to the State. I think that we

should remember this as creditable not merely to the man, but

to the nation." With the consent of Mrs. Gladstone and family,

a public funeral was voted by Parliament, and the remains of the

great leader were laid, with simple but impressive ceremonies,

in Westminster Abbey, on the 28th of May.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July).

The Local Government Act for Ireland.

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July-December).

In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (September-November).-

The Nile question with France.

Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (December).

Imperial Penny Postage.

On Christmas Day, 1898, the Imperial penny postage came into

operation,—i. e., it became possible to send for a penny a

letter not above half an ounce in weight to all places in the

British Empire, except the Australasian Colonies and the Cape.

"Thousands of small orders and business transactions and

millions of questions and answers will fly round the world at

a penny which were too heavily weighted at two-pence

halfpenny. The political effect of the fact that it will not

now be necessary to think whether an address is outside the

United Kingdom, but only whether it is inside the British

Empire, will be by no means insignificant. If people will only

let the Empire alone we shall ultimately weave out of many

varied strands—some thick, some thin—a rope to join the

Motherland and the Daughter States which none will be able to

break. Not an unimportant thread in the hawser will

be,—letters for a penny wherever the Union Jack is flown."

The Spectator (London),

December 31, 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899.

Joint High Commission for settlement of pending questions

between the United States and Canada.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).

Convention with France defining West African and

Sudan possessions.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899.

Dealings with anti-missionary demonstrations in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (January).

Agreement with Egypt, establishing the Anglo-Egyptian

Condominium in the Sudan.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (March-April).

Agreement with Russia concerning railway interests in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-June).

The Bloemfontein Conference with President Kruger.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):  A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (June-October).

Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July).

Passage of the London Government Act.

See (in this volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July-September).

Discussion of proposed amendments to the Franchise Law

of the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1899 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).

The Board of Education Act.

An Act of Parliament which became law on the 9th of August,

1899, and operative on the 1st of April, 1900, created a

national Board of Education, "charged with the superintendence

of matters relating to education in England and Wales," and

taking the place of the Committee of the Privy Council on

Education, by which that function had previously been

performed. The Act provided that the Board "shall consist of a

President, and of the Lord President of the Council (unless he

is appointed President of the Board), Her Majesty's Principal

Secretaries of State, the First Commissioner of Her Majesty's

Treasury, and the Chancellor of Her Majesty's Exchequer. … The

President of the Board shall be appointed by Her Majesty, and

shall hold office during Her Majesty's pleasure." The Act

provided further for the creation by Her Majesty in Council of

"a Consultative Committee consisting, as to not less than

two-thirds, of persons qualified to represent the views of

Universities and other bodies interested in education, for the

purpose of—(a) framing, with the approval of the Board of

Education, regulations for a register of teachers, … with an

entry in respect to each teacher showing the date of his

registration, and giving a brief record of his qualifications

and experience; and (b) advising the Board of Education on any

matter referred to the committee by the Board."

62 & 63 Victoria, chapter 33.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).

Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

See (in this volume) JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (September-October).

Preparations for war in South Africa.

The Boer Ultimatum.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):

A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (October-November).

Opening circumstances of the war in South Africa.

Want of preparation.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

{211}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).

Withdrawal from the Samoan Islands, with compensations in the

Tonga and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900.

Renewed investigation of the Old-Age Pension question.

On the initiative of the government, a fresh investigation of

the question of old-age pensions was opened in 1899 by a

select committee of the House of Commons, under the

chairmanship of Mr. Chaplin. The report of the Committee, made

in the following year, suggested the following plan: Any

person, aged 65, whether man or woman, who satisfied the

pension authority that he or she"

(1) Is a British subject;

(2) Is 65 years of age;

(3) Has not within the last 20 years been convicted of an

offence and sentenced to penal servitude or imprisonment

without the option of a fine;

(4) Has not received poor relief, other than medical relief,

unless under circumstances of a wholly exceptional character,

during twenty years prior to the application for a pension;

(5) Is resident within the district of the pension authority;

(6) Has not an income from any source of more than 10s. a

week; and

(7) Has endeavoured to the best of his ability, by his

industry or by the exercise of reasonable providence, to make

provision for himself and those immediately dependent on

him—"should receive a certificate to that effect and be

entitled to a pension. The amount of pension to be from 5s. to

7s. a week.

As a means of ascertaining approximately the number of persons

in the United Kingdom who would be pensionable under this

scheme, a test census was taken in certain districts made as

representative as possible by the inclusion of various kinds

of population. In each of the selected areas in Great Britain

a house-to-house visitation was made with a view of

ascertaining how many of the aged would satisfy the conditions

of the scheme. In Ireland a similar census had to be abandoned

as impracticable because "the officials, although they

proceeded courteously, were received with abuse"; but the Poor

Law inspectors framed some rough estimates after consultation

with local authorities. Altogether the inquiry in Great

Britain extended to a population of rather over half a million

persons. From facts thus obtained the following estimate of

the cost of the proposed pensioning project was deduced:

Estimated number of persons

over 65 years of age in 1901                   2,016,000

Deduct:

1. For those whose incomes exceed 10s. a week    741,000

2. For paupers                                   515,000

3. For aliens, criminals, and lunatics            32,000

4. For inability to comply with thrift test       72,700

Total deductions                               1,360,700

Estimated number of pensionable persons          655,000

Estimated cost (the average pension being

taken at 6s. a week)                          £9,976,000

Add administrative expenses (3 per cent.)       £299,000

Total estimated cost.                        £10,275,000

In round figures.                            £10,300,000

The Committee estimated, still further, that the cost would

rise to £15,650,000 by 1921. No legislative action was taken

on the report.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900 (October-January).

Troops from Canada for the South African War.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

The Newfoundland French Shore question.

See (in this volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.

Industrial combinations.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: IN ENGLAND.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).

Compulsory education.

A bill introduced in Parliament by a private member,

unsupported by the government, providing that the earliest

date at which a child should be permitted to leave school

should be raised from 11 to 12 years, was passed, only one

member of the Cabinet voting for it.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).

Negotiation of a convention with the United States relative

to the projected Interoceanic Canal.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (March).

Overtures of peace from the Boer Presidents.

Reply of Lord Salisbury.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (May).

Annexation of Orange Free State by right of conquest.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (July).

Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act,"

federating the Australian Colonies.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900;

and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September).

Proclamation of the Commonwealth of Australia.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September-October).

Dissolution of Parliament.

Election of a new Parliament.

Victory for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

By royal proclamation, September 17, the existing Parliament

was dissolved and order given for the issue of writs calling a

new Parliament, the elections for which were held in October,

concluding on the 24th of that month. The state of parties in

the House of Commons resulting from the election was as

follows: Conservatives, 334, Liberal Unionists, 68; total

supporters of the Unionist Ministry, 402. Liberals and Labor

members, 186, Nationalists (Irish), 82; total opposition, 268.

Unionist majority, 134, against 128 in the preceding

Parliament. The issues in the election were those growing out

of the South African War. Although most of the Liberals upheld

the war, and the annexation of the South African republics,

they sharply criticised the prior dealings of the Colonial

Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, with the Transvaal Boers, and the

general conduct of the war. A number of the leading Liberals

were uncompromising in condemnation of the war, of the policy

which caused it, and of the proposed extinction of Boer

independence. The sentiment of the country was shown by the

election to be strongly against all questioning of the

righteousness of the war or of the use to be made of victory

in it.

{212}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).

Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).

Annexation of the Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (November-December).

The Fourth Ministry of Lord Salisbury.

Brief session of Parliament.

For the fourth time, Lord Salisbury was called to the lead in

government, and formed his Ministry anew, making considerable

changes. He relieved himself of the conduct of Foreign Affairs

(which was transferred to the Marquis of Lansdowne), and took,

with the office of Prime Minister, that of Lord Privy Seal. Mr.

Brodrick, who had been an Under Secretary, succeeded Lord

Lansdowne as Secretary of State for War. Mr. Balfour continued

to be First Lord of the Treasury, and Leader of the House; Mr.

Chamberlain remained in the Colonial Office. Mr. Goschen

retired.

Parliament met on the 6th of December, for the purpose set

forth in a remarkably brief "Queen's Speech," as follows: "My

Lords, and Gentlemen, It has become necessary to make further

provision for the expenses incurred by the operations of my

armies in South Africa and China. I have summoned you to hold

a Special Session in order that you may give your sanction to

the enactments required for this purpose. I will not enter

upon other public matters requiring your attention until the

ordinary meeting of Parliament in the spring." The estimates

of the War Office called for £16,000,000, and it was voted

after a few days of debate, in which the causes and conduct of

the war were criticised and defended by the two parties, and,

on the 15th, Parliament was prorogued to the 14th of February,

1901, by the Queen's command.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).

Fall of stones at Stonehenge.

See (in this volume)

STONEHENGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).

Parliamentary statements of the number of men employed in the

South African War, and the number dead and disabled.

In the House of Commons, December 11, Mr. Brodrick, Secretary

of State for War, moved a vote of £16,000,000, required for

the current year, to meet additional expenditure in South

Africa and China. In the course of his remarks, explanatory of

the need for this supplementary supply, he made the following

statement: "When the war broke out we had in South Africa in

round figures 10,000 men, all Regular troops. We have in the

14 months' which have since elapsed sent from this country and

landed in South Africa 175,000 Regular soldiers, a number which

exceeds by far any number which any Minister from this bench

or any gentleman sitting behind these benches or in front of

them ever suggested that this country ought to be in a

position to ship to any part of the world, and a number far in

excess of that which during any period that I have sat in the

house any member of the House, except an official, would have

been willing to believe that the War Office could find to

dispose of. But they are not the only troops. We have called

on them, I will not say to the extreme limit of our power,

but, at all events, with an unsparing hand. But you have in

addition, as this return will show, some 40,000 Volunteers of

various descriptions from the United Kingdom—40,000 including

the Imperial Yeomanry, whose service is spoken of by every

officer under whom they have served with such satisfaction; 30

Militia regiments, who are also Volunteers, since their term

of service was only for the United Kingdom and who have gone

abroad at great personal sacrifice to themselves; and the

volunteer companies who have joined the Regular battalions.

You have also got 40,000 colonial troops, to a large extent,

no doubt, men raised in the colonies affected, and as

everybody knows to a still larger extent consisting of men who

have gone for a year from Australia, Canada, and other

places."

Sir William Harcourt replied to Mr. Brodrick, not in

opposition to the motion, but in criticism of the conduct of

the war. Referring to a return submitted by the War Office, he

analyzed its showing of facts, thus: "Now just let us look at

this table. By some accident it only gives the rank and file

and non-commissioned officers. It is a very terrible return,

and I think it is worthy of the attention of the men who

delight in war, of whom, I am afraid, there are unhappily not

a few. I have made a short analysis of the paper. It shows

that the garrison at the Cape before the war was 9,600.

Reinforcements of 6,300 men were sent out in October last year

and from India 5,600, which with the former garrison made up

21,000 in all when the war broke out. Up to August, that is,

after the last estimate for 1900, according to this table

267,000 men had been in arms in South Africa—that is without

the officers. Therefore I will call it 270,000 men in round

numbers. I think the right honourable gentleman made a mistake

when he said that the colonial troops were more numerous from

beyond the seas than they were in the Cape. This return shows

that the men raised in South Africa were 30,000, and, apart

from them, the colonials from beyond the seas were 11,000.

According to the last return there were 210,000 men in South

Africa. You will observe there is a balance of some 60,000 or

70,000 men. What has become of those men? You would find from

this return, one would suppose, that a good many of these have

returned safe and sound to England. No, Sir; the men who have

returned to England according to this paper, not invalids, are

7,500 and to the colonies 3,000 more. That makes 10,000 men,

or with the officers about 11,000 men. But since July you have

sent out 13,000 men to South Africa, more, in fact, than you

have been bringing home, and yet you have only 210,000 men

there. Now, Sir, how is this accounted for? First of all you

have the heading, 'killed or died of wounds,' 11,000 men. You

have 'wounded,' 13,000, you have 'in hospital in South

Africa,' 12,000, and you have 'returned to England, sick,

wounded, or died on passage,' 36,000 men. That is the balance.

Seventy thousand men have been killed, wounded, or disabled,

or have died in this war. And now what is the prospect that is

held before us with this force, once 270,000 men, and now

210,000, in South Africa? Lord Roberts has declared that the

war is over, yet you hold out to us no prospect of diminishing

the force you have in South Africa of 210,000 men."

{213}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January).

Death of Queen Victoria.

The following notice, which appeared in the "Court Circular,"

on the 18th of January, dated from the winter residence of the

Queen at Osborne House, in the Isle of Wight, seems to have

been the first intimation to the country of its sovereign's

failing health: "The Queen has not lately been in her usual

health and is unable for the present to take her customary

drives. The Queen during the past year has had a great strain

upon her powers, which has rather told upon her Majesty's

nervous system. It has, therefore, been thought advisable by

her Majesty's physicians that the Queen should be kept

perfectly quiet in the house and should abstain for the

present from transacting business." It was subsequently found,

as stated in an "authoritative account" by the "British

Medical Journal," and the "Lancet," that "the Queen's health

for the past 12 months had been failing, with symptoms mainly

of a dyspeptic kind, accompanied by impaired general

nutrition, periods of insomnia, and later by occasional slight

and transitory attacks of aphasia, the latter suggesting that

the cerebral vessels had become damaged, although her

Majesty's general arterial system showed remarkably few signs

of age. … The dyspepsia which tended to lower her Majesty's

original robust constitution was especially marked during her

last visit to Balmoral. It was there that the Queen first

manifested distinct symptoms of brain fatigue and lost notably

in weight. These symptoms continued at Windsor, where in November

and December, 1900, slight aphasic symptoms were first

observed, always of an ephemeral kind, and unattended by any

motor paralysis. … A few days before the final illness

transient but recurring symptoms of apathy and somnolence,

with aphasic indications and increasing feebleness, gave great

uneasiness to her physician." Before the publication of the

cautious announcement quoted above, the symptoms had become

too grave to leave any doubt as to the near approach of death.

It came on Tuesday, the 22d of January, at half past six

o'clock in the evening, the dying Queen being then surrounded

by a large number of her many children, grandchildren and

great grandchildren, whom she recognized, it is said, within a

few moments of the end. The eldest of the Queen's children,

the Empress Frederick, was kept from her mother's side a this

last hour by serious illness of her own; but the Emperor

William, of Germany (son of the Empress Frederick and eldest

grandson of Queen Victoria) had hastened to the scene and

showed a filial affection which touched English hearts.

On Friday, the first day of February, the remains of the Queen

were borne from the island where she died to Portsmouth, between

long lines of battle-ships and cruisers—British, German,

French, Italian, Japanese, Belgian and Portuguese. The scene

of the funeral voyage was impressively described by a

correspondent of the New York "Sun," as follows: "Nature was

never kindlier. The smiling waters of the Solent were as calm

as on a summer's morning. It was 'Queen's weather' to the very

last. The cavalcade which wended slowly through the narrow

lane, green even in midwinter, down through the streets of the

little town of Cowes to the Trinity pier was a funeral

procession such as the world had never seen before. Kings and

princes, a Queen and princesses, walked humbly between black

lines of mourning islanders, escorting the coffin of the dead

sovereign. Then followed a sight far more notable and more

impressive, indeed, than the great tribute the great capital

of the empire will pay to-morrow. It was the transit of the

funeral yacht across the waters between lines of steel which

are England's bulwarks against the world. Battleship after

battleship thundered its grief, band after band wailed its

dirge and crew after crew bowed low their heads as the pigmy

yacht swept past, bearing no passengers save an admiral on the

bridge and four red-coated guards at the corners of the

simple, glowing white bier resting amidships. It was a picture

neither a painter's brush nor an orator's eloquence could

reproduce. … The boat slowly glided on in the mellow light of

the afternoon sun, herself almost golden in hue, sharply

contrasting with the black warships. The ears also were

assailed in strange contrast, the sad strains of Beethoven's

funeral march floating over the water being punctuated by the

roar of minute guns from each ship. Somehow it was not

incongruous and one felt that it was all a great and majestic

tribute to a reign which was an era and to a sovereign to whom

the world pays its highest honors."

On the following day the remains were conveyed by railway from

Portsmouth to London, carried in solemn procession through the

streets of the capital, and thence by railway to Windsor,

where the last rites were performed on Monday, the 4th. The

Queen was then laid to rest, by the side of her husband, in

the mausoleum which she had built at Frogmore.

Of the sincerity with which Queen Victoria had been loved by

her own people and respected and admired by the world at

large, and of the genuineness of sorrow that was manifested

everywhere at her death, there can be no doubt. To the

impressiveness of the ending of an unexampled period of

history there was added a true sense of loss, from the

disappearance of a greatly important personage, whose high

example had been pure and whose large influence had been good.

Among all the tributes to the Queen that were called out by

her death none seem so significant and so fully drawn from

knowledge of what she was in her regal character, as the words

that were spoken by Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, at

the meeting of Parliament on the Friday following her death.

"My lords." he said, "the late Queen had so many titles to our

admiration that it would occupy an enormous time to glance at

them even perfunctorily; but that on which I think your

lordships should most reflect, and which will chiefly attach

to her character in history, is that, being a constitutional

monarch with restricted powers, she reigned by sheer force of

character, by the lovableness of her disposition, over the

hearts of her subjects, and exercised an influence in moulding

their character and destiny which she could not have done more

if she had bad the most despotic power. She has been a great

instance of government by example, by esteem, by love; and it

will never be forgotten how much she has done for the

elevation of her people, not by the exercise of any

prerogative, not by the giving of any commands, but by the

simple recognition and contemplation of the brilliant

qualities which she has exhibited in her exalted position. My

lords, it may be, perhaps, proper that those who, like noble

lords opposite and myself, have had the opportunity of seeing

the close workings of her character in the discharge of her

duties as Sovereign, should take this opportunity of

testifying to the great admiration she inspired and the great

force which her distinguishing characteristics exercised over

all who came near her.

{214}

The position of a Constitutional Sovereign is not an easy one.

Duties have to be reconciled which sometimes seem far apart.

Much has to be accepted which it may not be always pleasant to

accept; but she showed a wonderful power, on the one hand, of

observing with the most absolute strictness, the limits of her

action which the Constitution draws, and, on the other hand, of

maintaining a steady and persistent influence on the action of

her Ministers in the course of legislation and government

which no one could mistake. She was able to accept some things

of which, perhaps, she did not entirely approve, but which she

thought it her duty in her position to accept.

"She always maintained and practised a rigorous supervision

over public affairs, giving to her Ministers her frank advice

and warning them of danger if she saw there was danger ahead;

and she certainly impressed many of us with a profound sense

of the penetration, almost intuition, with which she saw the

perils with which we might be threatened in any course it was

thought expedient to adopt. She left upon my mind, she left

upon our minds, the conviction that it was always a dangerous

matter to press on her any course of the expediency of which

she was not thoroughly convinced; and I may say with

confidence that no Minister in her long reign ever disregarded

her advice, or pressed her to disregard it, without afterwards

feeling that he had incurred a dangerous responsibility. She

had an extraordinary knowledge of what her people would think.

I have said for years that I always thought that when I knew

what the Queen thought I knew certainly what view her subjects

would take, and especially the middle classes of her subjects.

Such was the extraordinary penetration of her mind. Yet she

never adhered to her own conceptions obstinately. On the

contrary, she was full of concession and consideration; and

she spared no effort—I might almost say she shrank from no

sacrifice—to make the task of conducting this difficult

Government more easy to her advisers than it would otherwise

have been. My lords, I feel sure that the testimony I have

borne will be abundantly sustained by all those who have been

called to serve her.

"We owe her gratitude in every direction—for her influence in

elevating the people, for her power with foreign Courts and

Sovereigns to remove difficulties and misapprehension which

sometimes might have been dangerous; but, above all things, I

think, we owe her gratitude for this, that by a happy

dispensation her reign has coincided with that great change

which has come over the political structure of this country

and the political instincts of its people. She has bridged

over that great interval which separates old England from new

England. Other nations may have had to pass through similar

trials, but have seldom passed through them so peaceably, so

easily, and with so much prosperity and success as we have. I

think that future historians will look to the Queen's reign as

the boundary which separates the two states of England—England

which has changed so much—and recognize that we have undergone

the change with constant increase of public prosperity,

without any friction to endanger the peace or stability of our

civil life, and at the same time with a constant expansion of

an Empire which every year grows more and more powerful. We

owe all these blessings to the tact, the wisdom, the

passionate patriotism, and the incomparable judgment of the

Sovereign whom we deplore." [sic]

In the House of Commons, on the same day, Mr. Balfour, the

leader of the House, spoke with fine feeling, partly as

follows: "The reign of Queen Victoria is no mere chronological

landmark. It is no mere convenient division of time, useful

for the historian or the chronicler. No, Sir, we feel as we do

feel for our great loss because we intimately associate the

personality of Queen Victoria with the great succession of

events which have filled her reign and with the development of

the Empire over which she ruled. And, associating her

personality with those events, surely we do well. In my

judgment, the importance of the Crown in our Constitution is

not a diminishing, but an increasing, factor. It is

increasing, and must increase, with the growth and development

of those free, self-governing communities, those new

commonwealths beyond the sea, who are bound to us by the

person of the Sovereign, who is the living symbol of the unity

of the Empire. But, Sir, it is not given, it cannot, in

ordinary course, be given, to a Constitutional Monarch to

signalize his reign by any great isolated action. The effect

of a Constitutional Sovereign, great as it is, is produced by

the slow, constant, and cumulative results of a great ideal

and a great example; and of that great ideal and that great

example Queen Victoria surely was the first of all

Constitutional Monarchs whom the world has yet seen. Where

shall we find that ideal so lofty in itself, so constantly and

consistently maintained, through two generations, through more

than two generations, of her subjects, through many

generations of her public men and members of this House?

Descendants of Queen Victoria.

"Sir, it would be almost impertinent for me were I to attempt

to express to the House in words the effect which the

character of our late Sovereign produced upon all who were in

any degree, however remote, brought in contact with her. The

simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in that she

could never fail, because it arose from her inherent sense of

the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for office,

and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly dignity,

only served to throw into stronger relief and into a brighter

light those admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the

woman with which she was so richly endowed. Those kindly

graces, those admirable qualities, have endeared her to every

class in the community, and are known to all. Perhaps less

known was the life of continuous labour which her position as

Queen threw upon her. Short as was the interval between the

last trembling signature affixed to a public document and

final rest, it was yet long enough to clog and hamper the

wheels of administration; and I remember when I saw a vast

mass of untouched documents which awaited the hand of the

Sovereign of this country to deal with it was brought vividly

before my mind how admirable was the unostentatious patience

with which for 63 years, through sorrow, through suffering, in

moments of weariness, in moments of despondency, it may be,

she carried on without intermission her share in the

government of this great Empire.

{216}

For her there was no holiday, to her there was no intermission

of toil. Domestic sorrow, domestic sickness, made no difference

in her labours, and they were continued from the hour at which

she became our Sovereign to within a very few days of her

death. It is easy to chronicle the growth of Empire, the

progress of trade, the triumphs of war, all the events that

make history interesting or exciting; but who is there that

will dare to weigh in the balance the effect which such an

example continued over 63 years has produced on the highest

life of the people? It is a great life, and had a fortunate,

and, let me say, in my judgment, a happy ending."

The especial and peculiar importance which Queen Victoria had

acquired in the political world, and the weight in its

councils which England owed to her personality, were

impressively suggested by Lord Rosebery, in a speech which he

made at a special court of the Governors of the Corporation of

the Royal Scottish Hospital, when he said: "We hear much in

these days of the life of the Queen and of what we owe her.

But I sometimes wonder if we all realize how much we do owe

her, for you would have had to know much about the Queen to

realize adequately the debt which the nation was under to her.

Probably every subject in Great Britain realizes that he has

lost his greatest and his best friend. But they do not

understand of what enormous weight in the councils of the

world we are deprived by the death of our late Sovereign. She

gave to the councils of Great Britain an advantage which no

talents, no brilliancy, no genius, could supply. Think of what

her reign was! She had reigned for 63 years. For 63 years she

had known all that was to be known about the political

condition of her country. For 63 years she had been in

communication with every important Minister and with every

important public man. She had received reports, daily reports

almost, from her successive Ministers, or their deputies in

the House of Commons. She had, therefore, a fund of knowledge

which no constitutional historian has ever had at his command.

That by the stroke of death is lost to us to-day. All that was of

incalculable advantage to our Monarchy. But have you realized

what the personal weight of the late Queen was in the councils

of the world? She was by far the senior of all the European

Sovereigns. She was, it is no disparagement to other Kings to

say, the chief of all the European Sovereigns. The German

Emperor was her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was

her grandson by marriage. She had reigned 11 years when the

Emperor of Austria came to his throne. She had seen two

dynasties pass from the throne of France. She had seen, as

Queen, three Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the

House of Savoy in Italy. In all those kingdoms which have been

carved out of the Turkish Empire she had seen the foundation

of their reigning dynasties. Can we not realize, then, what a

force the personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the

troubled councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that

influence was always given for peace, for freedom, and for

good government, we feel that not merely ourselves but all the

world has lost one of its best friends."

A statement in the "London Times" of January 26 shows the

descendants of Queen Victoria to be in number as follows: "The

Queen has had

9 children of whom 6 survive

40 grandchildren of whom 31 survive

37 great-grandchildren of whom 37 survive

[A total of] 86 [of whom] 74 [survive].

"Of the great-grandchildren 22 are boys and 15 are girls; 6

are grandchildren of the Prince of Wales; 18 are grandchildren

of the Empress Frederick; 11 are grandchildren of the late

Princess Alice; 6 are grandchildren of the late Duke of

Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. This would appear to make a total of

41, but three of them are grandchildren of both the Empress

Frederick and Princess Alice, while one is grandchild of both

the Princess Alice and the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

"It will be seen that in the course of nature the future

rulers of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Greece, and Rumania

will be descendants of her Majesty."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January-February).

Ceremonies of the accession of King Edward VII.

His speech in Council and his messages to the people

of the British Empire.

On Wednesday, the 23d of January—the day following the death

of the Queen—her eldest son, Albert Edward, long known as

Prince of Wales, went from Osborne to London to take up the

sceptre of sovereignty which his mother had laid down. The

proceedings in Council which took place thereupon were

officially reported in the "London Gazette" as follows:

"At the Court at Saint James's, the 23rd day of January, 1901.

Present,

"The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. His Majesty

being this day present in Council was pleased to make the

following Declaration:

"'Your Royal Highnesses, My Lords, and Gentlemen, This is the

most painful occasion on which I shall ever be called upon to

address you. My first and melancholy duty is to announce to

you the death of My beloved Mother the Queen, and I know how

deeply you, the whole Nation, and I think I may say the whole

world, sympathize with Me in the irreparable loss we have all

sustained. I need hardly say that My constant endeavour will

be always to walk in Her footsteps. In undertaking the heavy

load which now devolves upon life, I am fully determined to be

a Constitutional Sovereign in the strictest sense of the word,

and as long as there is breath in My body to work for the good

and amelioration of My people.

"'I have resolved to be known by the name of Edward, which has

been borne by six of My ancestors. In doing so I do not

undervalue the name of Albert, which I inherit from My ever to

be lamented, great and wise Father, who by universal consent is I

think deservedly known by the name of Albert the Good, and I

desire that his name should stand alone.

"'In conclusion, I trust to Parliament and the Nation to

support Me in the arduous duties which now devolve upon Me by

inheritance, and to which I am determined to devote My whole

strength during the remainder of My life.'

"Whereupon the Lords of the Council made it their humble

request to His Majesty that His Majesty's Most Gracious

Declaration to their Lordships' might be made public, which

His Majesty was pleased to Order accordingly."

{217}

The King then "caused all the Lords and others of the late

Queen's Privy Council, who were then present, to be sworn of

His Majesty's Privy Council." Orders had been previously given

for proclaiming "His present Majesty," in the following form:

"Whereas it has pleased Almighty God to call to His Mercy Our

late Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria, of Blessed and Glorious

Memory, by whose Decease the Imperial Crown of the United

Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland is solely and rightfully

come to the High and Mighty Prince Albert Edward: We,

therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of this Realm,

being here assisted with these of Her late Majesty's Privy

Council, with Numbers of other Principal Gentlemen of Quality,

with the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of London, do now

hereby, with one Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart,

publish and proclaim, That the High and Mighty Prince, Albert

Edward, is now, by the Death of our late Sovereign of Happy

Memory, become our only lawful and rightful Liege Lord Edward

the Seventh, by the Grace of God, King of the United Kingdom

of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Emperor

of India: To whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant

Obedience, with all hearty and humble Affection; beseeching

God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign, to bless the Royal

Prince Edward the Seventh, with long and happy Years to reign

over Us."

The proclamation was made in London, with antique and

picturesque ceremony on the succeeding day, January 24, and

the following official report of it, from "Earl Marshal's

Office," published in the "London Gazette":

"This day His Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII. was, in

pursuance of an Order in Council of the 23rd instant,

proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. At 9 o'clock in the

forenoon, the Officers of Arms habited in their tabards, the

Serjeants-at-Arms, with their maces and collars; and

Deputy-Serjeant Trumpeter in his collar; the Trumpeters, Drum

Major, and Knight Marshalmen being assembled at St James's

Palace, the Proclamation was read in the Grand Court by

William H. Weldon, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, Deputy to Sir

Albert W. Woods, Garter Principal King of Arms, in the

presence of the Earl Marshal of England, the Lord Steward, the

Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, and many other Members

of Her late Majesty's Household, with Lords and others of the

Privy Council and several personages of distinction. Deputy

Garter read the Proclamation. Then the Officers of Arms having

entered Royal Carriages, a procession was formed in the

following order:

The High Bailiff of Westminster, in his carriage.

Horse Guards.

Trumpeters.

A Royal Carriage containing The four Serjeants-at-Arms,

bearing their maces.

A Royal Carriage containing Pursuivants.

Rouge Dragon: Everard Green.

Bluemantle:  G. Ambrose Lee.

Rouge Croix: G. W. Marshall.

Heralds.

Windsor: W. A. Lindsay, Esq.

York: A. S. Scott-Gatty, Esq.

Somerset: H. Farnham Burke, Esq., in a Royal Carriage.

A Detachment of Horse Guards.

"The Procession, flanked by the Horse Guards, moved from St.

James's Palace to Temple Bar, and Rouge Dragon Pursuivant of

Arms, alighting from the carriage, advanced between two

trumpeters, preceded by two of the Horse Guards, to the

barrier, and after the trumpets had sounded thrice, demanded

in the usual form admission into the City to proclaim His

Royal Majesty King Edward VII.; and being admitted, and the

barrier again closed, Rouge Dragon was conducted by the City

Marshal and his Officers to the Lord Mayor, who was in

attendance in his State Carriage, when Rouge Dragon delivered

to his Lordship the Order in Council, which the Lord Mayor,

having read, returned, and directed the barrier to be opened;

and Rouge Dragon being reconducted to his place in the

Procession it then moved into the City; the High Bailiff of

Westminster filing off at Temple Bar.

"At the corner of Chancery-lane York Herald read the

Proclamation; then the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder,

Sheriffs, Chamberlain, Common Serjeant, Town Clerk, and City

Officers fell into the procession immediately after the

Officers of Arms, and the procession moved on to the Royal

Exchange, where it was lastly read by Somerset Herald, when

the guns in St. James's Park and at the Tower of London were

fired. A multitude of spectators filled the streets through

which the procession passed, the windows of which were

crowded; and the acclamations were loud and general."

As described more fully by the "London Times," the interesting

proceeding, according to ancient custom, at Temple Bar—the

site of the old city gate—was as follows: "Temple Bar has

passed away, but not so the privileges associated with it,

although they have ceased to have more than an historical,

ceremonial, and picturesque interest. In accordance,

therefore, with ancient custom, the Lord Mayor yesterday

proceeded in State to the site of Temple Bar to grant entrance

to the King's Officer of Arms, who was about to proclaim his

Majesty King within the City. The gates of Temple Bar were

formerly closed for a short time before this ceremony, to be

opened, upon demand of the Officer of Arms, by the direction

of the Lord Mayor. As there are now no gates, a barrier was

made for the occasion by the holding of a red silken rope

across the street on either side of the Griffin which

commemorates the spot upon which Temple Bar formerly stood. A

strong force of burly constables was entrusted with this duty,

and the barrier thus created answered every practical purpose,

although there must have been lingering in the minds of some

of the venerable City Fathers some little regret that stern

necessity had occasioned the removal of the historic landmark

which stood there when Queen Victoria was proclaimed and

remained for many a long year afterwards, one of the most

interesting features of the ancient City.

{218}

"The Pursuivant (Rouge Dragon), the heralds, the officials of

Westminster, and the cavalcade halted a short distance to the

west of the barrier, and the Pursuivant then advanced between

two trumpeters, and the trumpets sounded thrice. Upon this the

City Marshal, on horseback, in scarlet tunic and cocked hat

with plumes, advanced to the barrier to meet the Pursuivant,

and in a loud voice, which could be heard by those at a

considerable distance, asked, 'Who comes there?' The

Pursuivant replied, 'The Officer of Arms, who demands entrance

into the City to proclaim his Royal Majesty, Edward the

Seventh.' Thereupon the barrier was opened so as to admit the

Pursuivant without escort, and immediately closed again. The

Pursuivant was then conducted by the City Marshal to the Lord

Mayor, who, being made acquainted with the object of the

Pursuivant's visit, directed the opening of the barrier, and

the Pursuivant returned to his cavalcade. There was a fanfare

of trumpets, and York Herald, Mr. A. S. Scott-Gatty, between

two trumpeters, approached the Lord Mayor, and presented to

his lordship the Order in Council requiring him to proclaim

his Majesty. The Lord Mayor replied:

'I am aware of the contents of this paper, having been

apprised yesterday of the ceremony appointed to take place,

and I have attended to perform my duty in accordance with

ancient usages and customs of the City of London.'

"The Lord Mayor then read aloud the Order in Council requiring

the herald to proclaim his Majesty within the jurisdiction of

the City, and returned it to the herald. … The trumpets

sounded and, the officials of Westminster having filed off,

the cavalcade advanced into the City as far as the corner of

Chancery-lane. There was another fanfare of trumpets, and the

herald then made the proclamation, reading it with admirable

clearness. When it was over the spectators, who had listened

with bared heads, cried 'God Save the King.' The trumpets were

again sounded, and a military band stationed to the west of

Temple Bar played the National Anthem. This was followed by

cheering, which lasted while the Lord Mayor and his retinue

resumed their places in the carriages which had brought them,

and the procession made its way to the Royal Exchange, the

route being down Fleet-street, up Ludgate-hill, through St.

Paul's Churchyard, and along Cheapside.

"Thus ended a ceremony which impressed all who saw it by its

solemnity, its dignity, and its significance. It brought home

vividly to the mind of every spectator the continuity which

exists amid all the changes of our national life, and the very

strangeness of the quaint heraldic garb worn by the heralds

and pursuivants, which at another time might have provoked a

smile, was felt to be an object-lesson for all, telling of

unbroken tradition reaching far back into the glorious history

of our country. On turning away from the site of Temple Bar

after the Proclamation had been made and the procession had

disappeared, one felt that the seriousness of the occasion had

impressed itself on every mind and that from every heart there

rose a common prayer—God Save the King!"

With somewhat less ceremony, on the same day, the same

proclamation was read in many parts of the United Kingdom.

On Friday, the 25th, both Houses of Parliament met (the

members having, one by one, taken the oath of allegiance to

the new sovereign on the two preceding days) to receive a

message from the King and to adopt an address in reply. The

royal message was as follows: "The King is fully assured that

the House of Commons will share in the deep sorrow which has

befallen his Majesty and the nation by the lamented death of

his Majesty's mother, the late Queen. Her devotion to the

welfare of her country and her people and her wise and

beneficent rule during the sixty-four years of her glorious

reign will ever be held in affectionate remembrance by her

loyal and devoted subjects throughout the dominions of the

British Empire."

The Marquis of Salisbury, in the House of Lords, and Mr.

Balfour, in the House of Commons, moved the following

Address, in speeches from which some passages have been quoted

above:

"That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty to assure

his Majesty that this House deeply sympathizes in the great

sorrow which his Majesty has sustained by the death of our

beloved Sovereign, the late Queen, whose unfailing devotion to

the duties of her high estate and to the welfare of her people

will ever cause her reign to be remembered with reverence and

affection; to submit to his Majesty our respectful

congratulations on his accession to the Throne; to assure his

Majesty of our loyal attachment to his person; and, further,

to assure him of our earnest conviction that his reign will be

distinguished under the blessing of Providence by an anxious

desire to maintain the laws of the kingdom and to promote the

happiness, the welfare, and the liberty of his subjects."

Speeches in support of the motion were made by the leaders of

the Opposition party, the Earl of Kimberley, in the House of

Lords, and Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, in the House of Commons,

and by the Archbishop of Canterbury, also, in the former

chamber. The Address was then adopted, and Parliament was

adjourned until February 14. On the 4th of February, the new

King addressed the following messages to his subjects in the

British Empire at large, to the Colonies, and to the princes

and people of India:

"To My People. Now that the last Scene has closed in the noble

and ever glorious life of My beloved Mother, The Queen, I am

anxious to endeavour to convey to the whole Empire the extent

of the deep gratitude I feel for the heart-stirring and

affectionate tributes which are everywhere borne to Her

Memory. I wish also to express My warm recognition of those

universal expressions of what I know to be genuine and loyal

sympathy with Me and with the Royal Family in our overwhelming

sorrow. Such expressions have reached Me from all parts of My

vast Empire, while at home the sorrowful, reverent and sincere

enthusiasm manifested in the magnificent display by sea and

land has deeply touched Me. The consciousness of this generous

spirit of devotion and loyalty among the millions of My Subjects

and of the feeling that we are all sharing a common sorrow,

has inspired Me with courage and hope during the past most

trying and momentous days. Encouraged by the confidence of

that love and trust which the nation ever reposed in its late

and fondly mourned Sovereign, I shall earnestly strive to walk

in Her Footsteps, devoting Myself to the utmost of My powers

to maintaining and promoting the highest interests of My

People, and to the diligent and zealous fulfilment of the

great and sacred responsibilities which, through the Will of

God, I am now called to undertake.

EDWARD, R. I."

{219}

"To My People Beyond the Seas. The countless messages of loyal

sympathy which I have received from every part of My Dominions

over the Seas testify to the universal grief in which the

whole Empire now mourns the loss of My Beloved Mother. In the

welfare and prosperity of Her subjects throughout Greater

Britain the Queen ever evinced a heartfelt, interest. She saw

with thankfulness the steady progress which, under a wide

extension of Self-Government, they had made during Her Reign.

She warmly appreciated their unfailing loyalty to Her Throne

and Person, and was proud to think of those who had so nobly

fought and died for the Empire's cause in South Africa. I have

already declared that it will be My constant endeavour to

follow the great example which has been bequeathed to Me. In

these endeavours I shall have a confident trust in the

devotion and sympathy of the People and of their several

Representative Assemblies throughout My vast Colonial

Dominions. With such loyal support I will, with God's

blessing, solemnly work for the promotion of the common

welfare and security of the great Empire over which I have now

been called to reign,

EDWARD, R. I."

"To the Princes and People of India. Through the lamented

death of My beloved and dearly mourned Mother, I have

inherited the Throne, which has descended to Me through a long

and ancient lineage, I now desire to send My greeting to the

Ruling Chiefs of the Native States, and to the Inhabitants of

My Indian Dominions, to assure them of My sincere good will

and affection, and of My heartfelt wishes for their welfare.

My illustrious and lamented Predecessor was the first

Sovereign of this Country who took upon Herself the direct

Administration of the Affairs of India, and assumed the title

of Empress in token of Her closer association with the

Government of that vast Country. In all matters connected with

India, the Queen Empress displayed an unvarying deep personal

interest, and I am well aware of the feeling of loyalty and

affection evinced by the millions of its peoples towards Her

Throne and Person. This feeling was conspicuously shown during

the last year of Her long and glorious reign by the noble and

patriotic assistance offered by the Ruling Princes in the

South African War, and by the gallant services rendered by the

Native Army beyond the limits of their own Country. It was by

Her wish and with Her sanction that I visited India and made

Myself personally acquainted with the Ruling Chiefs, the

people, and the cities of that ancient and famous Empire. I

shall never forget the deep impressions which I then received,

and I shall endeavour to follow the great example of the first

Queen Empress to work for the general well being of my Indian

subjects of all ranks, and to merit, as She did, their

unfailing loyalty and affection.

EDWARD, R. ET I."

English feeling toward the new sovereign of the British

Empire, and the English estimate of his character and promise,

are probably expressed quite truly, for the general mass of

intelligent people, by the following remarks of "The Times:"

"In the whole range of English social and political life there

is no position more difficult to fill satisfactorily and

without reproach than that of Heir Apparent to the Throne, and

it may be justly said that the way in which that position has

been filled for more than the ordinary lifetime of a

generation has contributed to the remarkable increase of

devotion to the Throne and the dynasty which is one of the

most striking characteristics of Queen Victoria's reign. In

the relations of private life, from his childhood upwards,

'the Prince' has been universally and deservedly popular.

Cheerful and amiable, kind and generous, ever ready to

sympathize with the joys and sorrows of those around him, a

true friend, and a loyal antagonist, possessing considerable

mental culture and wide intellectual sympathies without any

tinge of pedantry, he has represented worthily the type of the

genuine English gentleman. Though a lover of sport, like most

of his countrymen, he differed from some of them in never

regarding it as the chief interest and occupation in life. If

he had been born in a humbler station he might have become a

successful business man or an eminent administrator, for he

possesses many of the qualities which command success in such

spheres of action. He is a quick and methodical worker,

arranges his time so as never to be hurried, is scrupulously

conscientious in fulfilling engagements, great and small, with

a punctuality which has become proverbial, never forgets to do

anything he has undertaken, and never allows unanswered

letters to accumulate. Few men have a larger private

correspondence, and his letters have the clearness, the

directness, the exquisite tactfulness, and the absolute

freedom from all affectation which characterize his

conversation. … "In public life he has displayed the same

qualities and done a great deal of very useful work. The

numerous and often irksome ceremonial duties of his position

have been invariably fulfilled most conscientiously and with

fitting dignity. Of the remainder of his time a considerable

part has been devoted to what might be called semi-official

activity. In works of benevolence and public utility and in

efforts to promote the interests of science and art he was

ever ready and anxious to lend a helping hand. He never

forgot, however, that in his public appearances he had not the

liberty of speech and action enjoyed by the ordinary

Englishman. Whilst taking the keenest interest in public

affairs of every kind, he carefully abstained from

overstepping in the slightest degree the limits imposed on him

by constitutional tradition and usage. No party clique or

Court camarilla ever sheltered itself behind him, and no

political intrigue was ever associated with his name.

Throughout her dominions Queen Victoria had no more loyal,

devoted subject than her own eldest son. If this strictly

correct attitude had been confined to his relations with the

Head of the State we might have supposed that it proceeded

from a feeling of deep filial affection and reverence, but, as

it was displayed equally in his relations with Parliament and

politicians, we must assume that it proceeded also from a high

and discriminating sense of duty. Of the Prime Ministers,

leaders of her Majesty's Opposition, and politicians of minor

degree with whom he came in contact, he may have found some

more sympathetic than others, but such personal preferences

were carefully concealed in his manner, which was invariably

courteous and considerate, and were not allowed to influence

his conduct."

{220}

In another article, the same journal again remarked that

"there is no position more difficult to fill than that of Heir

Apparent to the Throne," and added: "It is beset by more than

all the temptations of actual Royalty, while the weight of

counteracting responsibility is much less directly felt. It

must be with a feeling akin to hopelessness that a man in that

position offers up the familiar prayer,  'Lead us not into

temptation.' Other men may avoid much temptation if they

honestly endeavour to keep out of its way, but the heir to a

Throne is followed, dogged, and importuned by temptation in

its most seductive forms. It is not only the obviously bad

that he has to guard against; he must also steel himself

against much that comes in the specious garb of goodness and

almost with the imperious command of necessity. The King has

passed through that tremendous ordeal, prolonged through youth

and manhood to middle age. We shall not pretend that there is

nothing in his long career which those who respect and admire

him could not wish otherwise. Which of us can say that with

even approximate temptations to meet he could face the fierce

light that beats upon an heir apparent no less than upon the

Throne?"

The King was in his sixtieth year when he succeeded to the

throne, having been born on the 9th of November, 1841. "By

inheritance under a patent of Edward III., he became at once

Duke of Cornwall, and a month later he was created, by patent,

Prince of 'Wales and Earl of Chester—titles which do not pass

by descent." He was married to the Princess Alexandra, of

Denmark, on the 10th of March, 1863. The children born of the

marriage have been six in all—three sons and three daughters.

Of the former only one survives, Prince George, Duke of York,

the second son, who will no doubt be created Prince of Wales.

The eldest son, Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and

Avondale, died in his 27th year, on the eve of his marriage.

The third son, Alexander, born in 1871, died an infant. The

Duke of York is married to Princess Victoria Mary, daughter of

the late Duke of Teck and of his wife, Princess Mary of

Cambridge. There are four children of the marriage, three sons

and a daughter, the eldest son, in direct succession to the

Throne, bearing the name of Prince Edward Albert. Of the

daughters of the new Sovereign the eldest, Princess Louise, is

the wife of the Duke of Fife and has two daughters. Of her two

sisters, the Princess Victoria is unmarried. The Princess Maud

became in 1896 the wife of Prince Charles of Denmark.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).

The opening of Parliament by King Edward VII.

The royal declaration against transubstantiation and

the invocation of saints.

Protest of Roman Catholic peers.

Parliament, reassembling on the 14th of February, was formally

opened by the King in person, with a degree of pomp and

ceremony which had been made strange by half a century of

disuse. King and Queen were escorted in procession, with all

possible state, from Buckingham Palace to Westminster.

Received there, at the royal entrance, by the great officers

of state, they were conducted, by a still more imposing

procession of dignitaries, to the "robing room." "His Majesty

being robed and the Imperial Crown borne by the Duke of

Devonshire (Lord President of the Council), the Procession

advanced into the House of Peers in the same order, except

that the Cap of Maintenance [a mediæval symbol of dignity] was

borne immediately before His Majesty, on the right hand of the

Sword of State, by the Marquess of Winchester. The King being

seated on his Throne, the Lord bearing the Cap of Maintenance

stood on the Steps of the Throne, on the right, and the Peer

bearing the Sword of State, on the left, of His Majesty. The

Lord Chancellor, the Lord President and the Earl Marshal stood

on the right, and the Lord Privy Seal on the left, of His

Majesty; the Lord Great Chamberlain stood on the Steps of the

Throne on the left hand of His Majesty, to receive the Royal

Commands. The Lord Steward and the other officers of His

Majesty's Household arranged themselves on each side of the

Steps of the Throne, in the rear of the Great Officers of

State."

By hereditary right, the ceremonial arrangements of the

occasion were controlled by the Duke of Norfolk, as Earl

Marshal, and the Marquess of Cholmondeley, as Lord Great

Chamberlain, and they are said to have followed ancient

precedent with a strictness which became very offensive to

modern democratic feeling. The small chamber of the House of

Lords was so filled with peeresses as well as peers that next

to no room remained for the House of Commons when its members

were summoned to it, to meet the King. What should have been a

dignified procession behind the Speaker became, in

consequence, a mob-like crush and scramble, and only some

fifty out of five hundred Commoners are said to have succeeded

in squeezing themselves within range of his Majesty's eye. The

King, then, as required by laws of the seventeenth century

(the Bill of Rights and the Test Act—see, in volume 2,

ENGLAND: A. D. 1689, OCTOBER, and 1672-1673) signed and made

oath to the following Declaration against the doctrine of

transubstantiation, the invocation of the Virgin and the

invocation of saints: "I doe solemnely and sincerely in the

presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe

believe that in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper there is

not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and wine

into the body and blood of Christ at or after the consecration

thereof by any person whatsoever; and that the invocation or

adoration of the Virgin Mary or any other saint and the

sacrifice of the masse as they are now used in the Church of

Rome are superstitions and idolatrous, and I doe solemnely in

the presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe

make this declaration and every part thereof in the plaine and

ordinary sence of the words read unto me as they are commonly

understood by English Protestants without any evasion,

equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever and without any

dispensation already granted me for this purpose by the Pope

or any other authority or person whatsoever or without any

hope of any such dispensation from any person or authority

whatsoever or without thinking that I am or can be acquitted

before God or man or absolved of this declaration or any part

thereof although the Pope or any other person or persons or

power whatsoever should dispence with or annull the same, or

declare that it was null and void from the beginning."

{221}

Having thus submitted to the old test of a Protestant

qualification for the Throne, the King read his Speech to

Parliament, briefly stating the general posture of public

affairs and setting forth the business which the two Houses

were asked by government to consider. The war in South Africa

was dealt with by the royal speaker in a very few words, as

follows: "The war in South Africa has not yet entirely

terminated; but the capitals of the enemy and his principal

lines of communication are in my possession, and measures have

been taken which will, I trust, enable my troops to deal

effectually with the forces by which they are still opposed. I

greatly regret the loss of life and the expenditure of treasure

due to the fruitless guerrilla warfare maintained by Boer

partisans in the former territories of the two Republics.

Their early submission is much to be desired in their own

interests, as, until it takes place, it will be impossible for

me to establish in those colonies a government which will

secure equal rights to all the white inhabitants, and

protection and justice to the native population." In a later

paragraph of the Speech he said: "The prolongation of

hostilities in South Africa has led me to make a further call

upon the patriotism and devotion of Canada and Australasia. I

rejoice that my request has met with a prompt and loyal

response, and that large additional contingents from those

Colonies will embark for the seat of war at an early date."

The Speech concluded with the following announcement of

subjects and measures to be brought before Parliament:

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, The Estimates for the year

will be laid before you. Every care has been taken to limit

their amount, but the naval and military requirements of the

country, and especially the outlay consequent on the South

African war, have involved an inevitable increase.

"The demise of the Crown renders it necessary that a renewed

provision shall be made for the Civil List. I place

unreservedly at your disposal those hereditary revenues which

were so placed by my predecessor; and I have commanded that

the papers necessary for a full consideration of the subject

shall be laid before you.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, Proposals will be submitted to your

judgment for increasing the efficiency of my military forces.

"Certain changes in the constitution of the Court of Final

Appeal are rendered necessary in consequence of the increased

resort to it, which has resulted from the expansion of the

Empire during the last two generations.

"Legislation will be proposed to you for the amendment of the

Law relating to Education.

"Legislation has been prepared, and, if the time at your

disposal shall prove to be adequate, will be laid before you,

for the purpose of regulating the voluntary sale by landlords

to occupying tenants in Ireland, for amending and

consolidating the Factory and Workshops Acts, for the better

administration of the Law respecting Lunatics, for amending

the Public Health Acts in regard to Water Supply, for the

prevention of drunkenness in Licensed Houses or Public Places,

and for amending the Law of Literary Copyright.

"I pray that Almighty God may continue to guide you in the

conduct of your deliberations, and may bless them with

success."

Dated from the House of Lords, on the day of the opening, the

following protest, signed by Roman Catholic peers (of whom

there are thirty), against the continued requirement from the

British sovereign of the Declaration quoted above, was laid

before the Lord Chancellor: "My Lord,—On the opening of his

first Parliament to-day his Majesty was called upon to make

and subscribe the so-called Declaration against

Transubstantiation, which was framed during the reign of

Charles II., at a moment when religious animosities were

unusually bitter.

"Some days ago we addressed ourselves to your lordship, as the

chief authority on English law, to ascertain whether it was

possible to bring about any modification of those parts of the

Declaration which are specially provocative to the religious

feelings of Catholics. We received from your lordship the

authoritative assurance that no modification whatever was

possible, except by an Act of Parliament, and that no action

of ours would therefore be of the slightest use to effect the

pacific purpose we had in view. The Sovereign himself has, it

appears, no option, and is obliged by statute to use the very

words prescribed, although we feel assured that his Gracious

Majesty would willingly have been relieved (as all his

subjects have for many years been relieved by Act of

Parliament) from the necessity of branding with contumelious

epithets the religious tenets of any of his subjects.

"While we submit to the law, we cannot be wholly silent on

this occasion, We desire to impress upon your lordship that

the expressions used in this Declaration made it difficult and

painful for Catholic peers to attend to-day in the House of Lords

in order to discharge their official or public duties, and

that those expressions cannot but cause the deepest pain to

millions of subjects of his Majesty in all parts of the

Empire, who are as loyal and devoted to his Crown and person

as any others in his dominions.

"We are, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and faithful

servants."

London Times,

February 15, 1901.

In the House of Lords, on the 22d of February, the Marquis of

Salisbury made the following reply to Lord Braye, who asked if

the Prime Minister could hold out hope of an early measure to

abolish the oath so offensive to Catholic subjects of the

King: "Though I am very anxious to give an answer which would

be satisfactory to the noble lord and his co-religionists, I

do not wish to leave on his mind an impression that there are

any doubts in the matter. We all of us deplore the language in

which that declaration is couched, and very much wish it could

be otherwise expressed; but when it comes to altering an

enactment which has now lasted, as far as I know, without

serious question, 200 years, and which was originally included

in the Bill of Rights, it is a matter which cannot be done

without very considerable thought. We must remember that an

enactment of that kind represents the passions, feelings, and

sensibilities of the people by whom it was originally caused;

and that these have not died out. They are not strong within

these walls; but there are undoubtedly parts of the country

where the controversies which the declaration represents still

flourish, and where the emotions which it indicates have not

died out. Before an enactment is proposed, with all the

discussion which must precede such an enactment, we shall have

to consider how far it is desirable to light again passions

which sleep at this moment, for an occasion which is not now

urgent, and which we all earnestly hope may not be urgent in

our lives.

{222}

I do not wish to debar the noble lord from any action which he

may think it right to take; but I wish to point out to him the

extreme difficulties and anxieties which would accompany any

such attempt. With respect to the actual question of

legislation, I need hardly observe that it is rather a

question for the House of Commons than for us, because here I

do not imagine there would be any doubt whatever about the

result of such attempted legislation. But I could not be

certain that a very strong feeling might not be excited

elsewhere; and I notice that, possibly with a view to that

consideration, the leader of the other House, in answer to a

question, said that, at all events for the present year, he

did not see the possibility of having the requisite

opportunity of bringing the question before the House. I am

afraid, therefore, however deeply I sympathize with the

feelings of the noble lord and wish there had been no cause

for their being appealed to, that my answer would have to be

of a discouraging character."

Notwithstanding this discouraging reply to the question, Lord

Salisbury, on the 21st of March, moved the following

resolution in the House of Lords: "To resolve that it is

desirable that a Joint Committee of both Houses be appointed

to consider the declaration required of the Sovereign, on his

accession, by the Bill of Rights: and to report whether its

language can be modified advantageously, without diminishing

its efficacy as a security for the maintenance of the

Protestant succession." On introducing the resolution he said:

"The only thing that it is necessary I should mention is that

something has been said with respect to referring the

Coronation Oath to the same committee and making in it

alterations which undoubtedly will have to be made. But the

two subjects are not at all similar, and it would have been

impossible to put the Coronation Oath into this reference. If,

later, it should be thought wise to use the same committee for

the purpose of considering the matter of the Coronation Oath, I

probably shall see no difficulty in that."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).

Attitude of the Liberal party towards the South African War.

At the annual meeting of the general committee of the National

Liberal Federation, held at Rugby, February 27, 1901, more

than 400 affiliated Liberal Associations in England and Wales

being represented by about 500 delegates, including many

eminent men, the following resolution was adopted: "That this

committee records its profound conviction that the long

continuance of the deplorable war in South Africa, declared

for electioneering purposes to be over last September, is due

to the policy of demanding unconditional surrender and to a

want of knowledge, foresight, and judgment on the part of the

Government, who have neither demonstrated effectively to the

Boers the military supremacy of Great Britain, nor so

conducted the war as to induce them to lay down their arms;

this committee bitterly laments the slaughter of thousands of

brave men on both sides, the terrible loss of life from

disease, owing in no small degree to the scandalous inadequacy

of sanitary and hospital arrangements provided for our forces,

and the enormous waste of resources in actual expenditure upon

the war, in the devastation of territory, and in the economic

embarrassments which must inevitably follow; the committee

calls upon the Government to announce forthwith, and to carry

out, on the cessation of hostilities, a policy for the

settlement of South African affairs which will secure equal

rights to the white races, just and humane treatment of

natives, and such a measure of self-government as can

honourably be accepted by a brave and high-spirited people."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).

Emphatic declaration of the policy of the government in

dealing with the Boers.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).

Rejection of the Inter-oceanic Canal Treaty as amended

by the United States Senate.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

----------ENGLAND: End--------

ENSLIN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

EPWORTH LEAGUE, The.

The Epworth League, an organization of young people in the

Methodist Episcopal Church, on lines and with objects kindred

to those of the "Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor"

(see, in this volume, CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR), was instituted by a

convention of representatives from various societies of young

people in that church, held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 14-15,

1889. It was officially adopted by the General Conference of

the M. E. Church in 1892. The Year-book of the League for 1901

says:—"A dozen years ago the Epworth League had no regularly

organized Chapter. To-day it has almost twenty-one thousand.

Twelve years ago it had a total membership of twenty-seven.

To-day it has a million and a half. Twelve years ago the

Junior League had scarcely been dreamed of. To-day it is the

most promising division of the great Epworth army, having a

membership of tens of thousands. Twelve years ago a suggestion

to establish a newspaper organ was looked upon as a most

doubtful experiment, and predictions of failure were freely

made. To-day the organization has an official journal whose

circulation exceeds that of any Church weekly in the world."

ETRUSCANS, The:

Fresh light on their origin.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

EUPHRATES, Valley of the:

Recent archæological exploration.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

EUROPEAN RACES, The expansion of the.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

EVOLUTION, The doctrine of:

Its influence on the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

EXCAVATIONS, Recent archæological.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

EXPLOSIVES FROM BALLOONS, Declaration against.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

{223}

EXPOSITION, The Cotton States and International.

See (in this volume)

ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

EXPOSITION, National Export.

See (in this volume)

INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

EXPOSITION, Pan-American.

See (in this volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

EXPOSITION, Paris.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

EXPOSITION, Scandinavian.

See (in this volume)

STOCKHOLM.

EXPOSITION, Tennessee Centennial, at Nashville.

See (in this volume)

TENNESSEE: A. D 1897.

EXPOSITION, Trans-Mississippi.

See (in this volume)

OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

EXTERRITORIAL RIGHTS.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

F.

FAMINE: In China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

FAMINE: In India.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1899-1900.

FAMINE: In Russia.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.

"FANATICS," The.

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

FAR EASTERN QUESTION, The.

See (in this volume)

CONCERT OF EUROPE.

FARM BURNING, In the South African War.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

FARMERS' ALLIANCE, and Industrial Union, The.

The Supreme Council of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial

Union held its fourth annual session at Washington, February

6-8, 1900, and pledged support to whatever candidates should

be named by the national convention of the Democratic Party,

making, at the same time, a declaration of principles

analogous to those maintained by the People's Party.

FASHODA INCIDENT, The.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

FAURE, Francois Felix, President of the French Republic.

Sudden death.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

FEDERAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1894-1895.

Cession in part to Japan and subsequent relinquishment.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1900.

Russian occupation and practical Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

FILIPINOS.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.

A blow at the constitutional rights of the country.

Attempt to Russianize the Finnish army.

Possible defeat of the measure.

"In July, 1898, just one month before the publication of the

Czar's Peace Manifesto, the Diet of Finland was summoned to

meet in extraordinary session during January, 1899, in order

to debate upon the new Army Bill submitted by the Russian

Government. Hitherto, the army of Finland has been strictly

national in character, and has served solely for the defence

of the province. The standing army has been limited to 5,600

men, 1,920 of whom are annually selected to bear arms during a

period of three years. This has now been changed; the main

features of the new Army Bill being as follows:

1. Finnish troops may be requisitioned for service beyond the

confines of the Grand Duchy.

2. Russians may serve in the Finnish, and Finlanders in the

Russian, Army.

3. A lightening of the duties of military service upon the

ground of superior education will be granted to those only who

can speak, read, and write Russian.

4. The period of active service under the flag is increased

from three years to five.

5. The annual contingent of soldiers in active service is

increased from 1,920 men to 7,200.

We at once perceive the fundamental nature of these changes,

which threaten to impose a far heavier burden upon Finland,

and to Russify her army. Naturally, the new law met with the

most determined opposition. But while the bill was still in

committee there appeared on February 15, 1899, an Imperial

ukase, whereby the entire situation was radically changed, and

the independence of Finland seriously threatened. This ukase

decrees that while the internal administration and legislation

of Finland are to remain unimpaired, matters affecting the

common interests of Finland and Russia are to be no longer

submitted solely to the jurisdiction of the Grand Duchy.

Furthermore, the Emperor reserves to himself the final

decision as to which matters are to be included in the above

category. …

"The document is couched in terms expressing good-will for

Finland. In effect, however, it signifies the complete

demolition of the constitutional rights of that country. For

in all matters involving the interests of both countries, or

affecting in any way those of Russia, Finland will hereafter

be confined to a mere expression of opinion: she will no

longer be able to exercise the privilege of formulating an

independent resolution. The definition of 'common interests'

as furnished by the ukase is so vague as to make the exercise

of any form of self-government on the part of the Finlanders a

matter of uncertainty, if not of serious difficulty. Not only

the interpretation of 'common interests,' but also the

designation of the law governing them, is primarily in the

hands of the Russian authorities. Finland, an independent,

constitutional state [see, in volume 4, SCANDINAVIAN STATES:

A. D. 1807-1810], has been, or, at all events, is to be,

converted into a province of Russia. …

"The conviction is general that the Czar, who had formerly

manifested such good-will toward the country, and who had

abrogated the enactments curtailing its constitutional rights,

could not possibly have so completely changed his views within

so short a time. Consequently, it was decided to address a

monster petition in behalf of the people directly to the ruler

himself. This plan met with the enthusiastic approval of the

entire nation, and the document was signed by no fewer than

523,931 men and women of Finland.

{224}

A deputation of five hundred was elected to present this

petition, which so eloquently voiced the conviction of the

whole nation. These five hundred representatives went to St.

Petersburg, and requested an audience with the Czar. But their

efforts were unavailing. They were not received; and it

appeared as if the united voice of a peaceful and loyal people

could not penetrate to the ear of the ruler.

"In the meantime the attention of all Europe was directed to

the matter; and everywhere the liveliest sympathy was

manifested for that little Nation in the Northeast. … There

now arose—entirely from private initiative, and without the

exercise of any influence on the part of Finland—a general

movement among European nations to select prominent scholars

and artists; i. e., men entirely removed from the political

arena, to act as representatives of the popular sentiment, and

to speak a good word with the Czar in behalf of Finland. …

Addresses of sympathy for Finland were formulated in England,

France, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Switzerland,

Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway; and these

addresses were signed by over one thousand and fifty scholars

and artists. … All the addresses together were to be presented

to the Czar by a small deputation; and for this purpose the

Commission mentioned at the beginning of this article

proceeded to St. Petersburg. The gentlemen took great pains to

secure an audience; they went from one minister to another,

and avoided every appearance of unfriendliness. Nevertheless,

their request was politely declined; and the acceptance of the

document bearing the signatures of over one thousand

notabilitles firmly refused."

R. Eucken,

The Finnish Question

(Forum, November, 1899).

A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from

Helsingfors, December 28, 1900, reported: "The situation in

Finland at the end of the year is by no means improved,

notwithstanding a few gratifying events, such as the

permission granted by General Bobrikoff for a new daily paper

to be published in Helsingfors. … Two papers, one published in

a provincial town, and a weekly journal in Helsingfors, have

been suppressed for ever, and the preventive censorship is

applied with the utmost rigour. The Governor-General has

displayed great energy in enforcing the restrictions on the

right to hold meetings, and he has in circulars to the

provincial Governors issued instructions for the introduction

of Russian as the language of the Provincial Government

offices even earlier, and more fully, than is provided for in

the language ordinance promulgated last autumn. Denunciations

of private persons to General Bobrikoff by secret agents, as

well as public authorities, are events of well-nigh daily

occurrence, and one consequence of these secret reports is

that five University professors are threatened with summary

dismissal unless they 'bind themselves to mix themselves up no

longer in any sort of political agitation.' …

"The question of the new military law will in all probability

come before the Russian Imperial Council in January, all

authorities concerned having had an opportunity of expressing

their views on the report made on the question by the Finnish

Diet in 1899, including the Minister of War, General

Kuropatkin. In conformity with the manifesto of February 15,

1899, this report will be regarded merely as an 'opinion'

given by that body, in no way binding when the matter comes up

for further consideration. This scheme, it will be remembered,

not only imposes on Finland a military burden beyond the

powers of the country, but has the political aim of

denationalizing the Finnish army, and is thus intended to

serve as a potent lever in the Russification of the Grand

Duchy. The main features of the Bill were rejected by the

Finnish Diet, but, although several members of the Imperial

Council are opposed to the new scheme, it is believed that it

will gain the majority in the Council in all its more salient

points."

Three months later (February 26, 1901), an important change in

the situation was reported from St. Petersburg by the same

correspondent. The project of Russifying the Finnish army had

suffered defeat, he learned, in the Council of State, by a

large majority. "But," he added, "this does not by any means

imply that the military reform scheme in Finland, which has

been the chief cause of all the harm done to the Finnish

Constitution during the last three years, has been finally

upset. A similar procedure in any other European civilized

country would mean as much, but it is not so in Russia. It

simply means that the Russification of Finland is still being

prosecuted by a small powerful minority, who will probably

gain their point in spite of the vast majority of his

Majesty's councillors. The Council of State, the highest

institution in the sphere of supreme administration, is merely

a consultative body, whose opinion can be, and often has been,

set aside by the Sovereign without the least difficulty. A mere

stroke of the pen is necessary.

"In the present case the Finnish military project was

discussed by the four united departments of the Council. It is

stated that M. Pobiedonostzeff and the Minister of War said

nothing, being, perhaps, either too much impressed by the

speech of M. Witte against the project, or feeling sure of

their ground without the need of entering into useless

discussion. M. Witte, whose influence is gradually embracing

every branch of government, is also looming big in this

question. He is reported to have made a speech on the occasion

which carried over 40 members of the Council with him in

opposition to the project. He attacked it principally on

financial grounds, and declared that nobody could advise his

Majesty to adopt it. The rejection of the proposal by the four

departments is preliminary to its discussion by a plenary

assembly of the Council, and only after that has taken place

will the opinion of the majority be laid before the Emperor,"

FIST OF RIGHTEOUS HARMONY, Society of the.

See(in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES, The.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

FORBIDDEN CITY, March of allied forces through the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 15-28).

FORMOSA: A. D. 1895.

Cession by China to Japan.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

FORMOSA: A. D. 1896.

Chinese risings against the Japanese.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

{225}

----------FRANCE: Start--------

FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1896.

Final subjugation and annexation of Madagascar.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR.

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

Cession of Kiang-Hung by China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

Ministerial changes.

The alliance with Russia.

On the resignation of the presidency of the Republic by M.

Casimir-Perier and the election of M. Felix Faure to succeed

him (January 15-17), a ministry was formed which represented

the moderate republican groups, with M. Ribot at its head, as

President of the Council and Minister of Finance, and with M.

Hanotaux as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See, in volume 2,

FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1895).

The most important work of the new government was the

arrangement of an alliance with Russia, which was

conspicuously signified to the world by the union of the

French and Russian fleets when they entered the German harbor

of Kiel, on the 17th of June, to take part in the celebration

of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, between the

Baltic and North Seas (see, in this volume, GERMANY: A. D.

1895, JUNE). This gave the greatest possible satisfaction to

the nation, and powerfully strengthened the ministers for a

time; but they were discredited a little later in the year by

disclosures of waste, extravagance and peculation in the

military department. Early in the autumn session of the

Chamber of Deputies a vote was carried against them, and they

resigned. A more radical cabinet was then formed, under M.

Leon Bourgeois, President of the Council and Minister of the

Interior; with M. Berthelot holding the portfolio of foreign

affairs, M. Cavaignac that of war, and M. Lockroy that of the

marine.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (January).

Agreement with Great Britain concerning Siam.

See (in this volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (March).

Census of the Republic.

Returns of a national census taken in March showed a

population in France of 38,228,969, being an increase in five

years of only 133,919. The population of Paris was 2,511;955.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (April-May).

Change of Ministry.

Socialist gains.

After a long conflict with a hostile Senate, the Radical

Ministry of M. Bourgeois gave way and was succeeded, April 30,

by a Cabinet of Moderate Republicans, in which M. Méline

presided, holding the portfolio of Agriculture, and with M.

Hanotaux returned to the direction of Foreign Affairs. At

municipal elections in the following month the Socialists made

important gains. "The elections of May, 1896, revealed the

immense progress that socialism had made in all lands since

the year 1893. Towns as important as Lille, Roubaix, Calais,

Montluçon, Narbonne, re-elected socialist majorities to

administer their affairs; and even where there was only a

socialist minority, a socialist mayor was elected, as in the

case of Dr. Flaissières at Marseilles, and Cousteau at

Bordeaux. But in the small towns and the villages our

victories have been especially remarkable. The Parti Ouvrier

alone can reckon more than eighteen hundred m municipal

councillors elected upon its collectivist programme; and at

the Lille Congress, which was held a few days before the

International Congress in London, thirty-eight socialist

municipal councils and twenty-one socialist minorities of

municipal councils were represented by their mayors or by

delegates chosen by the party."

P. Lafargue,

Socialism in France

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1897).

FRANCE: A. D. 1897.

Industrial combinations.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (May-June).

Cessions and concessions from China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (June).

Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (July).

Co-operation with American envoys in negotiations for a

bi-metallic agreement with Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS:

A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

The Dreyfus Affair.

Although Captain Alfred Dreyfus, of the French army, was

arrested, tried by court-martial, convicted of treasonable

practices, in the betrayal of military secrets to a foreign

power, and thereupon degraded and imprisoned, in 1894, it was

not until 1897 that his case became historically important, by

reason of the unparalleled agitations to which it gave rise,

threatening the very life of the French Republic, and exciting

the whole civilized world. Accordingly we date the whole

extraordinary story of Captain Dreyfus and his unscrupulous

enemies in the French Army Staff from that year, in order to

place it in proper chronological relations with other events.

As told here, the story is largely borrowed from a singularly

clear review of its complicated incidents by Sir Godfrey

Lushington, formerly Permanent Under Secretary in the British

Home Office, which appeared in the "London Times," while the

question of a revision of the Dreyfus trial was pending in the

Court of Cassation. We are indebted to the publisher of "The

Times" for permission to make use of it:

"In October, 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an artillery

officer on the staff, was arrested for treason. He belonged to

a respected and highly loyal Jewish family in Alsace, his

military character was unblemished, and he was in easy

circumstances. At this time General Mercier was Minister of

War, General de Boisdeffre Chief of the Staff (practically

Commander-in-Chief of the French army), General Gonse,

Assistant-Chief. Colonel Sandherr, well known as an

Anti-Semite, was head of the Intelligence Department, under

him were Commandants Picquart, Henry, and Lauth, also the

Archivist Griblin. Commandant Du Paty de Clam was an officer

attached to the general staff. Commandant Esterhazy was

serving with his regiment. On October 15, on the order of the

Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus was arrested by Commandant Du

Paty de Clam, and taken in the charge of Commandant Henry to

the Cherche-Midi Prison, of which Commandant Forzinetti was

governor. For a fortnight extraordinary precautions were taken

to keep his arrest an absolute secret from the public and even

from his own family. His wife alone knew of it, but dared not

speak. … So harsh was his treatment that Commandant Forzinetti

felt it his duty to take the strong step of making a formal

representation to the Minister of War and also to the Governor

of Paris, at the same time declaring his own conviction that

Captain Dreyfus was an innocent man.

{226}

On October 31 Commandant Du Paty de Clam made his report,

which has not seen the light, and on November 3 Commandant

d'Ormescheville was appointed 'rapporteur' to conduct a

further inquiry, and in due course to draw up a formal report,

which practically constitutes the case for the prosecution.

Not till then was Captain Dreyfus informed of the particulars

of the charge about to be laid against him. From this report

of Commandant d'Ormescheville's we learn that the basis of the

accusation against Captain Dreyfus was a document known by the

name of the 'bordereau' [memorandum]. Neither Commandant

d'Ormescheville's report nor the 'bordereau' has been

officially published by the Government, but both ultimately

found their way into the newspapers. The bordereau was a

communication not dated, nor addressed, nor signed. It

began:—'Sans nouvelles m'indiquant que vous désirez me voir,

je vous adresse cependant, Monsieur, quelques renseignemcnts

intéressants.' ['Without news indicating that you wish to see

me, I send you, nevertheless, monsieur, some important

information.'] (Then followed the titles of various military

documents, 1, 2, &c.) The report stated that the bordereau had

fallen into the hands of the Minister of War, but how the

Minister declined to say, beyond making a general statement

that the circumstances showed that it had been sent to an

agent of a foreign Power. It is now generally accepted that it

had been brought to the War Office by a spy—an Alsatian porter

who was in the service of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen, then the

military attache to the German Embassy in Paris. The report

contained nothing to show that Captain Dreyfus had been

following treasonable practices or to connect him in any

manner with the bordereau. The sole question for the

Court-martial was whether the bordereau was in his

handwriting. On this the experts were divided, three being of

opinion that it was, two that it was not, in his handwriting.

"The Court-martial was duly held, and Captain Dreyfus had the

aid of counsel, Maître Demange; but the first act of the Court

was, at the instance of the Government representative, to

declare the 'huis cols,' so that none but those concerned were

present. After the evidence had been taken the Court,

according to custom, adjourned to consider their verdict in

private. Ultimately they found Captain Dreyfus guilty, and he

was sentenced to be publicly expelled from the army and

imprisoned for life. Not till after his conviction was he

allowed to communicate with his wife and family. The sentence

has been carried out with the utmost rigour. Captain Dreyfus

was transported to the Isle du Diable [off the coast of French

Guiana], where he lives in solitary confinement. … The

Court-martial having been held within closed doors, the public

at large knew nothing … beyond the fact that Captain Dreyfus

had been convicted of betraying military secrets to a foreign

Power, and they had no suspicion that there had been any

irregularity at the Court-martial or that the verdict was a

mistaken one. … For two years the Dreyfus question may be said

to have slumbered. In the course of this time Colonel

Sandherr, who died in January, 1897, had been compelled to

retire from ill-health, and Commandant Picquart became head of

the Intelligence Department. … In May, 1896, there were

brought to the Intelligence Department of the War Office some

more sweepings from Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's waste-paper

basket by the same Alsatian porter who had brought the

bordereau. These were put by Commandant Henry into a packet,

and given by him (according to the usual custom) to Commandant

Picquart. Commandant Picquart swears that amongst these were

about 60 small pieces of paper. These (also according to

custom) he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together. When

pieced together they were found to constitute the document

which is known by the name of 'Petit bleu, à carte télégramme'

for transmission through the Post-office, but which had never

been posted. It was addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, and ran

as follows:

"'J'attendsavant tout une explication plus détaillée que celle

que vous m'avez donnée, l'autre jour, sur la question en

suspens. En conséquence, je vous prie de me la donner par

écrit, pour pouvoir juger si je puis continuer mes relations

avec la maison R … ou non. [I await, before anything farther, a

more detailed explanation than you gave me the other day on

the question now in suspense. In consequence, I request you to

give this to me in writing, that I may judge whether I can

continue my relations with the house of R. or not.] M. le

Commandant Esterhazy, 27, Rue de la Bienfaisance, Paris.'

"At this time Commandant Esterhazy was a stranger to

Commandant Picquart, and the first step which Commandant

Picquart took was to make inquiry as to who and what he was.

His character proved most disreputable, and he was in money

difficulties. The next was to obtain a specimen of his

handwriting in order to compare it with other writings which

had been brought by spies to the office and were kept there.

In this way it came about that it was compared with the

facsimile of the bordereau, when, lo and behold, the writings

of the two appeared identical. It was Commandant Esterhazy,

then, who had written the bordereau, and if Commandant

Esterhazy, then not Captain Dreyfus. … Commandant Picquart

acquainted his chiefs with what had been done—namely, General

de Boisdeffre in July, and his own immediate superior, General

Gonse, in September. …

"On September 15 of the same year, 1896, took place the first

explosion. This solely concerned the Dreyfus trial. On that

day the 'Éclair,' an anti-Semite newspaper, published an

article headed 'Le Traitre,' in which they stated that at the

Court-martial the 'pièce d'accusation' on which Captain

Dreyfus was tried was the bordereau; but that after the Court

had retired to the 'chamber of deliberation,' there was

communicated to them from the War Office, in the absence of

the prisoner and his counsel, a document purporting to be

addressed by the German military attaché to his colleague at

the Italian Embassy in Paris, and ending with a postscript,

'Cet animal de Dreyfus devient trop exigcant'; further, that

this document was the only one in which appeared the name

Dreyfus. This at once had removed all doubts from the minds of

the Court-martial, who thereupon had unanimously brought the

prisoner in guilty; and the 'Eclair' called upon the

Government to produce this document and thus satisfy the

public conscience. This document has, for sufficient reasons

hereinafter appearing, come to be known as 'le document

libérateur,' and by this name we will distinguish it.

{227}

As to the article in the 'Eclair,' it must have proceeded

either from a member of the Court-martial or from some one in

the War Office; but whether its contents were true is a matter

which to this day has not been fully cleared up. This much,

however, is known. We have the authority of Maître Demange

(Captain Dreyfus's advocate) that no such document was brought

before the Court-martial during the proceedings at which he

was present. On the other hand, it has now been admitted that

at the date of Captain Dreyfus's trial there was, and that

there had been for some months previously, in the archives of

the War Office a similar document, not in the Dreyfus'

dossier' proper, but in a secret dossier, only that the words

therein are not 'Cet animal de Dreyfus,' but 'Ce (sic)

canaille de D—' (initial only) 'devient trop exigeant.' … The

Government have never yet either admitted or denied that

General Mercier went down to the Court-martial and made to

them a secret communication. …

"As might have been expected, the article in the 'Eclair'

occasioned a considerable stir; both parties welcomed it, the

one as showing Captain Dreyfus to have been really a traitor

and therefore justly deserving his sentence; the other as a

proof that whether guilty or not he had been condemned

illegally on a document used behind his back. The public

excitement was increased when on the 10th of November the

'Matin'—a War Office journal—published what purported to be a

fac-simile of the bordereau, and a host of experts and others

set to work to compare it with the accused's handwriting. The

reproduction was no doubt made, not from the original

bordereau, which was in the sealed-up Dreyfus dossier, but

from a photograph of it. And the photograph must have been

obtained surreptitiously from some one in the War Office or

from some one who had attended the secret Court-martial. … The

natural sequel to these revelations was an interpellation in

the Chamber—the 'interpellation Castelin' of November 18,

1896. On that day, M. Castelin, an anti-Semite deputy, by

asking some question as to the safe custody of Dreyfus, gave

the Government an opportunity. General Billot, then Minister

of War, replied in general terms—'L'instruction de l'affaire,

les débats, le jugement, ont eu lieu conformément aux règles

de la procédure militaire. Le Conseil de Guerre regulièrement

compose, a regulièrement déliberé,' &c. ['The instructions,

the debates, the verdict, have all taken place conformably to

the rules of military procedure. The Court-martial, regularly

composed, has deliberated regularly,' etc.] … On November 14,

1896, on the eve of the Interpellation Castelin, Commandant

Picquart was sent on a secret mission, which has not been

disclosed. He left his duties as head of the Intelligence

Department nominally in the hands of General Gonse, his

superior, but practically to be discharged by Commandant

Henry, who was Commandant Picquart's subordinate. He requested

his family to address their private letters for him to the War

Office, whence they would be forwarded. His secret mission, or

missions, took him first to Nancy, then to Besançon

(permission being refused to him to return to Paris even for a

night to renew his wardrobe), later on to Algeria and Tunisia,

with instructions to proceed to the frontier. … In March,

1897, Commandant Picquart was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of

the 4th Tirailleurs, the appointment being represented to him

as a favour. He was the youngest Colonel in the service. In

his stead Commandant Henry became Chief of the Intelligence

Department. … From the first Colonel Picquart had, of course,

felt some uneasiness at being sent on these missions away from

his ordinary duties, and various little circumstances occurred

to increase it, and in May, 1897, having occasion to write

unofficially to Commandant Henry, now Chief of the

Intelligence Department, he expressed himself strongly as to

the mystery and falsities with which his departure had been

surrounded; and he received a reply dated June 3, in which

Commandant Henry said that the mystery he could well enough

explain by what had come to his knowledge after some inquiry,

and he alluded in general to three circumstances—(1) Opening

letters in the post; (2) attempt to suborn two officers in the

service to speak to a certain writing as being that of a

certain person; and (3) the opening of a secret dossier. The

first Colonel Picquart knew to refer to his having intercepted

Commandant Esterhazy's letters; the other two allusions he did

not at the time (June, 1897) fully understand; but the letter,

couched in such terms and coming from one who had until lately

been his subordinate, and was now the head of the Department,

convinced him that he was the object of serious and secret

machinations in the War Office. He immediately applied for

leave and came to Paris. There he determined, with a view to

his self-defence, to obtain legal advice from an advocate, M.

Leblois; saw him, and showed him Colonel Henry's letter, and,

whilst abstaining (according to his own account and that of M.

Leblois) from touching on the third matter, the secret

dossier, spoke freely on the other two—on the 'affaires'

Dreyfus and Esterhazy generally; also, in order to explain how

far he had acted with the sanction or cognizance of his

superiors, he placed in his hands the correspondence—not

official but confidential—about Commandant Esterhazy which he

had had with General Gonse in 1896. He left it to M. Leblois

to take what course he might think necessary, and returned to

Sousse. In the course of the autumn he was summoned to Tunis

and asked by the military authority there whether he had been

robbed of a secret document by a woman. The question seemed a

strange one and was answered by him with a simple negative.

Later on he received at Sousse two telegrams from Paris, dated

November 10. One:—'Arretez Bondieu. Tout est découvert.

Affaire très grave. Speranza.' This was addressed to Tunis and

forwarded to Sousse. The other:—'On a des preuves que le bleu est

fabriqué par Georges. Blanche.' This was addressed to Sousse.

And two days after he received a letter, likewise of November

10, from Esterhazy, an abusive one, charging him with

conspiring against him, &c. He felt certain that the telegrams

were sent in order to compromise him. … Colonel Picquart

suspected Commandant Esterhazy to be the author of the

telegrams, the more so that in Commandant Esterhazy's letter

and in one of the telegrams his own name Picquart was spelt

without a c. He at once telegraphed to Tunis for leave to come

and see the General there.

{228}

He did see him and through him forwarded to the Minister of

War the three documents, with a covering letter in which he

demanded an inquiry. He then obtained leave to go to Paris,

but the condition was imposed on him that he should see no one

before presenting himself to General de Pellieux. When he saw

the General he learnt for the first time and to his surprise

that ever since he left Paris in November, 1896, his letters

had been intercepted and examined at the War Office and he was

called upon to explain various letters and documents. …

"Before June, 1897, Commandant Esterhazy's name had not been

breathed to the public; it is now to come out, and from two

independent sources. Some little time after seeing Colonel

Picquart, in June, 1897, M. Leblois had determined, in his

interest, to consult M. Scheurer-Kestner, who was well known

to have taken an interest in the 'affaire Dreyfus,' because of

the suspicion that Captain Dreyfus had been condemned on a

document which he had never seen and because of the

discrepancies between Captain Dreyfus's handwriting and that

of the bordereau. He was Vice-President of the Senate and a

personal friend of General Billot, the Minister of War. M.

Leblois communicated to him what he knew about Commandant

Esterhazy and showed him General Gonse's letters to Colonel

Picquart. In October M. Scheurer-Kestner communicated on the

subject both with General Billot and with the President of the

Council, M. Méline. He was now to learn the name of Commandant

Esterhazy from another quarter. One afternoon in the end of

October a M. de Castro, a stock-broker, was seated in a cafe

in Paris, and a boy from the street came up with copies of the

facsimile of the bordereau, which had then been on sale for

more than a year. M. de Castro bought a copy, and at once

recognized, as he thought, the handwriting of the bordereau to

be that of Commandant Esterhazy, who was a client of his. He

took the copy home, compared it with letters of Commandant

Esterhazy, and all doubts vanished. His friends told M.

Matthieu Dreyfus, who begged him to take the letters to M.

Scheurer-Kestner, and he did so on November 12, 1897, and M.

Scheurer-Kestner advised that M. Matthieu Dreyfus should go to

General Billot and denounce Commandant Esterhazy as the author

of the bordereau. And now to turn to Commandant Esterhazy. His

own statement is this. In the month of October, 1897, when in the

country, he received a letter from 'Speranza' giving minute

details of a plot against himself, the instigator of which

was, Speranza said, a colonel named Picquart (without the c).

He at once went to Paris, saw the Minister of War, and gave

him Speranza's letter. Shortly afterwards he received a

telegram asking him to be behind the palisades of the bridge

Alexander III. at 11.30 p.m. He would there meet a person who

would give him important information. He kept his appointment,

met a veiled woman, who, first binding him over under oath to

respect her incognito, gave him long details of the plot of

the 'band' against himself. Afterwards he had three similar

interviews, but not at the same place. At the second of these

four interviews the unknown woman gave him a letter,

saying:—'Prenez la pièce contenue dans cette enveloppe, elle

prouve votre innocence, et si le torchon brûle, n'hésitez pas

it vous en servir.' ['Take the piece contained in this

envelope, it proves your innocence, and if there is trouble do

not hesitate to use it.'] This document, henceforward called

'le document libérateur,' was no other than the letter

referred to in the 'Eclair' (ce canaille de D.), which, of

course, ought to have been safe in the archives of the

Intelligence Department. On November 14 Commandant Esterhazy

returned this document to the Minister of War under a covering

letter in which he called upon his chief to defend his honour

thus menaced. The Minister of War sent Commandant Esterhazy a

receipt. The next day the Minister received a letter from M.

Matthieu Dreyfus denouncing Commandant Esterhazy as the author

of the bordereau. The letter of Speranza to Commandant

Esterhazy has not yet been divulged to the public; and the War

Office, after diligent inquiries, have not been able to find

the veiled woman. Very different was the interpretation put on

this narrative by M. Trarieux, ex-Minister of Justice, and

others interested in revision. Their suggestion was that

Commandant Esterhazy was in the first instance apprised

beforehand by his friends in the War Office of the coming

danger and was for flying across the frontier, but that

subsequently these same friends, finding that the chiefs of

the army were fearful of being compromised by his flight from

justice and would make common cause with him, wished to recall

him, and with this view, took from the archives the 'document

libérateur,' and sent it to him as an assurance that he might

safely return and stand his trial, and also with a view to his

claiming the credit of having restored to the office a

document which it was now intended to charge Colonel Picquart

with abstracting. On November 16, 1897, on a question being

asked in the Chamber, General Billot, Minister of War, replied

that he had made inquiries, and the result 'n'ébranlait

nullement dans lion esprit l'autorité de la chose jugée,' but

that as a formal denunciation of an officer of the army had

been made by the 'famille Dreyfus,' there would be a military

investigation. A fortnight or so afterwards he 'repeated that

the Government considered the 'affaire Dreyfus comme

régulièrement et justement jugée.' Here, as elsewhere, the

reader will remember that the question at issue was who was

the author of the bordereau, and that if Captain Dreyfus was,

Commandant Esterhazy could not be. Consequently, a public

declaration by the Minister of War that Captain Dreyfus had

been justly condemned was as much as to say that Commandant

Esterhazy must be acquitted. … Commandant Esterhazy was

acquitted.

"On the morrow of Commandant Esterhazy's acquittal M Zola

launched his letter of January 13, 1898, which was addressed

to the President, of the Republic, and wound up with a series

of formal accusations attributing the gravest iniquities to

all concerned in either of the Courts-martial, each officer

being in turn pointedly mentioned by name. M. Zola's avowed

object was to get himself prosecuted for defamation and so

obtain an opportunity for bringing out 'la lumière' on the

whole situation. The Minister of War so far accepted the

challenge as to institute a prosecution at the Assizes; but

resolving to maintain the 'chose jugée' as to the 'affaire

Dreyfus,' he carefully chose his own ground so as to avoid

that subject, selecting from the whole letter only 15 lines as

constituting the defamation.

{229}

In particular as to one sentence, which ran:—['J'accuse enfin

le Premier Conseil de Guerre d'avoir violé le droit en

condamnant un accuse sur une pièce restée secrète, et]

j'accuse le Second Conseil de Guerre d'avoir couvert cette

illegalité par ordre, en commettant à son tour le crime

juridiquc d'acquitter sciemment un coupable'; ['I accuse,

finally, the first Court-martial of having violated the law in

its conviction of the accused on the strength of a document

kept secret; and I accuse the second Court-martial of having

covered this illegality, acting under orders and committing in

its turn the legal crime of knowingly acquitting a guilty

person.']

"The prosecution omitted the first half of the sentence, the

part within brackets. By French law it is for the defendants

to justify the defamatory words assigned, and to prove their

good faith. But this was a difficult task even for M. Labori,

the counsel for M. Zola. There were several notable obstacles

to be passed before light could reach the Court:

1. The 'chose jugée' as applicable to the 'affaire Dreyfus.'

2. The 'huis clos'; the whole proceedings at the Dreyfus

trial, and all the more important part of the proceedings at

the Esterhazy trial, having been conducted within closed

doors.

3. The 'secret d'Etat' excluding all reference to foreign

Governments.

4. The 'secret professionnel,' pleaded not only by officers

civil and military, but even by the experts employed by the

Court for the identification of handwriting.

5. To these may be added the unwillingness of a witness for

any reason whatever.

Thus Colonel Du Paty de Clam was allowed to refuse to answer

questions as to his conduct in family affairs; and, as for

Commandant Esterhazy, he turned his back on the defendants and

refused to answer any question whatever suggested by them,

although it was put to him by the mouth of the Judge. … Of the

above-mentioned obligations to silence, three were such as it

was within the competence of the Government to dispense from.

No dispensation was given, and hence it was that the Minister

of War was seen as prosecutor pressing his legal right to call

upon the defendants, under pain of conviction, to prove the

truth of the alleged libel, and at the same time, by the

exercise or non-exercise of his official authority, preventing

the witnesses for the defence from stating the facts which

were within their knowledge and most material to the truth.

But the 'chose jugée' was a legal entity by which was meant

not merely that the sentence could not be legally disputed,

but that it was to be accepted as 'la vérité légale'; no word

of evidence was to be admitted which in any way referred to

any part of the proceedings—the whole affair was to be

eliminated. The bar thus raised was very effectual in shutting

out of Court large classes of witnesses who could speak only

to the 'affaire Dreyfus' … whatever was the rule as to the

'chose jugée,' it should have been enforced equally on both

parties. This was not always the case. One single example of

the contrary shall be given, which, as will be shown

hereafter, events have proved to be of the utmost

significance. General de Pellieux had completed his long

evidence, but having received from 'a Juror' a private letter

to the effect that the jury would not convict M. Zola unless

they had some further proof of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus,

on a subsequent day he asked leave to make a supplementary

deposition and then said:—

"'Au moment de l'interpellation Castelin [i. e., in 1896] it

s'est produit un fait que je tiens à signaler. On a eu au

Ministère de la Guerre (et remarquez que je ne parle pas de

l'affaire Dreyfus) la preuve absolue de la culpabilité de

Dreyfus, et cette preuve je l'ai vile. Au moment de cette

interpellation, il est arrivé au Ministère de la Guerre un

papier dont l'origine ne peut être contestée, et qui dit—je

vous dirai ce qu'il y a dedans—"Il va se produire une

interpellation sur l'affaire Dreyfus. Ne dites jamais les

relations que nous avons eues avec ce juif."' ['At the time of

the Castelin interpellation (1896) there was a fact which I

want to point out. The Ministry of War held—remark that I am

not speaking of the Dreyfus case—absolute proof of the guilt

of Dreyfus; and this proof I have seen. At the moment of that

interpellation there arrived at the Ministry of War a paper

the origin of which is incontestable, and which says,—I will

tell you what it says,—"There is going to be an interpellation

about the Dreyfus affair. You must never disclose the

relations which we had with that Jew."'] And General de

Pellieux called upon General de Boisdeffre and General Gonse

to confirm what he said, and they did so. But when M. Labori

asked to see the document and proposed to cross-examine the

generals upon it, the Judge did not allow him, 'Nous n'avons

pas à parler de l'affaire Dreyfus.' It may be conceived what

effect such a revelation, made by the chiefs of the French

army in full uniform, had upon the jury. They pronounced M.

Zola guilty and found no extenuating circumstances; and he was

sentenced by the Judge to the maximum penalty, viz.,

imprisonment for a year and a fine of 3,000 francs.

"On April 2 the Zola case is brought up before the Court of

Cassation [the French Court of Appeals] and the Court quashes

the verdict of the Assizes, on the technical ground that the

prosecution had been instituted by the wrong person. The

Minister of War was incompetent to prosecute; the only persons

competent were those who could allege they had been defamed—

in this instance the persons constituting the Esterhazy

Court-martial. … The officers who had sat at the Esterhazy

Court-martial were then called together again in order to

decide whether M. Zola should be reprosecuted. To put a stop

to any unwillingness on their part, M. Zola published in the

'Siècle' of April 7 a declaration of Count Casella, which the

Count said he would have deposed to on oath at the former

trial if the Judge had allowed him to be a witness. This

declaration gave a detailed history of various interviews in

Paris with Count Panizzardi, the military attaché at the

Italian Embassy, and at Berlin with Colonel von Schwarzkoppen,

who had been the military attache at the German Embassy.

According to Count Casella, both these officers had declared

positively to him that they had had nothing to do with Captain

Dreyfus, but Colonel von Schwarzkoppen much with Commandant

Esterhazy. It will be said that this declaration of Count

Casella had not been sifted by cross-examination; but it is

understood that at the end of 1896, immediately after the

'Éclair' made the revelation of 'le document libérateur,' both

the German and Italian Governments made a diplomatic

representation to the French Government, denying that they had

had anything to do with Captain Dreyfus.

{230}

At all events, in January, 1898, official denials had been

publicly made by the German Minister of Foreign Affairs to the

Budget Commission of the Reichstag and by the Italian

Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the Parliament at Home.

The officers of the Court-martial resolve to reprosecute, and

the case is fixed for the May Assizes at Versailles. When the

case comes on, M. Zola demurs to its being tried outside

Paris; the demurrer is overruled by the Court of Cassation,

and ultimately, on July 18, the case comes on again at the

Versailles Assizes. The charge, however, is now cut down from

what it had been on the first trial in Paris. Of the whole

letter of M. Zola now only three lines are selected as

defamatory—viz.:—'Un conseil de guerre vient par ordre d'oser

acquitter un Esterhazy, soufflet suprême à toute vérité, à

toute justice.' ['The Court-martial has by order dared to

acquit an Esterhazy, supreme blow to all truth, to all

justice.'] This selection was manifestly designed to shut out

any possibility of reference to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' and M.

Labori, finding that any attempt to import it would be vain,

allowed the case to go by default, and M. Zola was condemned

and, as before, sentenced to a year's imprisonment and a fine

of 3,000f. He has appealed to the Com de Cassation, and the

appeal may be heard in the course of the autumn. To secure his

own liberty in the meantime, M. Zola has avoided personal

service of the order of the Assizes by removing beyond the

frontier.

"We will now go back to Colonel Picquart. During the year 1897

he had become aware that in the Intelligence Department

suspicions were expressed that the 'petit-bleu' was not a

genuine document and insinuations made that Colonel Picquart

had forged it. … The ground on which this imputation was

rested came out clearly in the evidence which was given

subsequently in the Zola trial, to which reference may now be

made. The sweepings of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's basket had

been brought by a spy to the Intelligence Department, and were

given first into the hands of Commandant Henry, who put them into

a packet or 'cornet' and passed them on to Colonel Picquart to

examine. Colonel Picquart swore that on examination he had

found amongst the papers a large number of fragments, fifty or

sixty. These he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together and

photograph. When pieced together they were found to constitute

the 'petit-bleu' addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, who at

that time was a perfect stranger to Colonel Picquart. At the

Zola trial Colonel Henry had sworn that the pieces were not in

the 'cornet' when he gave it, to Colonel Picquart, and the

insinuation was that Colonel Picquart had forged the document,

torn it in pieces, and put the pieces into the 'cornet.' …

Commandant Esterhazy was acquitted by the Court-martial, and

on the very next day Colonel Picquart was himself summoned to

submit to a military inquiry. The Court-martial sat with

closed doors, so that neither the charges nor the proceedings

nor the findings would be known to the public, but the

findings have found their way into the newspapers. [Picquart,

cleared himself on the main charges.] … But as to the charge

(which had never been disputed) that in 1897 Colonel Picquart

had communicated General Gonse's letters to M. Leblois, this

the Court found to be proved; and for this military offence

Colonel Picquart was removed from the army upon a pension of a

little more than 2,000f., or £80, per annum. Other

chastisements have followed. …

"We now come to the famous declaration of July 7 (1898), made

by M. Cavaignac, Minister of War. On an interpellation by M.

Castelin, the Minister of War replied that hitherto the

Government had respected the 'chose jugée,' but now

considerations superior to reasons of law made it necessary

for them to bring before the Chamber and the country all the

truth in their possession, the facts which had come to confirm

the conviction of Captain Dreyfus. He made this declaration

because of the absolute certainty he had of his guilt. He

based his declaration first on documents in the Intelligence

Department, and then on Captain Dreyfus's own confessions. The

latter will here be dealt with first. The Minister relied on

two witnesses. One was Captain d'Attel, who on the day of

Captain Dreyfus's resignation had told Captain Anthoine that

Captain Dreyfus had just said in his presence, 'As to what I

have handed over, it was worth nothing. If I had been let

alone I should have had more in exchange.' Captain Anthoine

had, according to the Minister, immediately repeated these

words to Major de Mitry. But Captain d'Attel is dead, and M.

Cavaignac did not state to the Chamber at what date or on

whose authority this information came to the War Office. The

other witness was a Captain Lebrun-Renault, still alive, who

had acted as captain of the escort on the day of degradation,

January 5, 1895. … The Minister omits to specify the date at

which Captain Lebrun-Renault first communicated to the War

Office. It is believed to be in November, 1897; and against

these allegations may be set the testimony of Commandant

Forzinetti, the governor of the prison in which Captain

Dreyfus was confined, to the effect that there is no record of

confession in the official report made at the time by Captain

Lebrun-Renault, as Captain of the escort, and that within the

last year the Captain had denied to him (Commandant

Forzinetti) that there had been any confession. Further we

know that throughout his imprisonment before trial, at the

trial, at the scene of his degradation, and in his letter

written immediately afterwards to his wife, and to the

Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus protested his innocence and

that he had never committed even the slightest imprudence.

"Then as to the documents confirmatory of the conviction of

Captain Dreyfus. M. Cavaignac did not say whether by this term

'guilt' be meant that Captain Dreyfus had been guilty of

writing the bordereau, or had been guilty otherwise as a

traitor. Indeed it was remarked that he never so much as

mentioned the bordereau. Was, then, the bordereau dropped, as

a document, no longer recognized to be in the handwriting of

Captain Dreyfus? But he informed the Chamber that the

Intelligence Department had during the last six years

accumulated 1,000 documents and letters relating to espionage,

of the authorship of which there was no reasonable doubt.

{231}

He would call the attention of the Chamber to only three, all

of which, he said, had passed between the persons who had been

mentioned (Colonel von Schwarzkoppen and M. Panizzardi). Here

again it was noticed that the 'document libérateur' (ce

canaille de D.) was not mentioned. Had this, too, been dropped

as no longer to be relied upon, because' D.' did not mean

Dreyfus, or was it now omitted because it had been produced at

the Court-martial by General Mercier and therefore could not

be said to be confirmatory of his conviction? Of the three

documents which M. Cavaignac specified, the first, dated in

March, 1894, made reference to a person indicated as D.; the

second, dated April 16, 1894, contained the expression 'cette

canaille de D.,' the same as that used in the 'document

libérateur.' The third was no other than 'la preuve absolue'

which General de Pellieux had imported into his evidence in

the Zola trial as having been in the hands of the Government

at the time of the Castelin interpellation in November, 1896.

M. Cavaignac read out its contents, of which the following is

an exact transcript:—'J'ai lu qu'un député va interpeller sur

Dreyfus. Si—je dirai que jamais j'avais des relations avec ce

Juif. C'est entendu. Si on vous demande, dites comme ça, car il

faut pas que on sache jamais personne ce qui est arrivé avec

lui.' ['I read that a deputy is going to question concerning

Dreyfus. I shall say that I never had relations with that Jew.

If they ask you, say the same, for it is necessary that we

know no one who approaches him.'] M. Cavaignac went on to say

that the material authenticity of this document depended not

merely on its origin, but also on its similarity with a

document written in 1894 on the same paper and with the same

blue pencil, and that its moral authenticity was established

by its being part of a correspondence exchanged between the

same persons in 1896. 'The first writes to the other, who

replies in terms which left no obscurity on the cause of their

common uneasiness.' The Chamber was transported with the

speech of the Minister of War, and, treating it as a 'coup de

grâce' to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' decreed by a majority of 572

to two that a print of it should be placarded in the 36,000

communes of France. On the next day Colonel Picquart wrote a

letter to the Minister of War undertaking to prove that the

first two documents had nothing to do with Captain Dreyfus,

and that the third, 'la preuve absolue,' was a forgery. Within

six weeks his words as to 'la preuve absolue' come true. On

August 31 the public are startled with the announcement that

Colonel Henry has confessed to having forged it himself, and

has committed suicide in the fortress Mont Valérien, being

found with his throat cut and a razor in his left hand. The

discovery of the forgery was stated to have arisen from a

clerk in the Intelligence Department having detected by the

help of a specially strong lamp that the blue paper of 'la

preuve absolue' was not identical with the blue paper of a

similar document of 1894 which M. Cavaignac had relied upon as

a proof of its material authenticity. … As a sequel to this

confession, General de Boisdeffre, chief of the staff, has

resigned, feeling he could not remain after having placed

before the Minister of War as genuine a document proved to be

a forgery. Commandant Esterhazy has been removed from the

active list of the army, having been brought by M. Cavaignac

before a Court-martial sitting with closed doors—his offence

not disclosed, but conceived to be his anti-patriotic

correspondence with a Mme. de Boulancy. A like fate has

befallen Colonel Du Paty de Clam from a similar Court-martial

instituted by M. Cavaignac's successor, his offence likewise

not disclosed, but presumed to be improper communication of

official secrets to Commandant Esterhazy. …

"However, notwithstanding the confession of Colonel Henry, M.

Cavaignac insisted that Captain Dreyfus was guilty, and

refused consent to revision. The Cabinet not acceding to this

view, M. Cavaignac resigns the Ministry of War, and is

succeeded by General Zurlinden, then military Governor of

Paris. General Zurlinden asks first to be allowed time to

study the dossier, and after a week's study and communication

with the War Office staff he also declares his opposition to

revision, retires from the Ministry of War, and resumes his

post of Governor of Paris. With him also retires one other

member of the Cabinet. Then the Minister of Justice takes the

first formal step in referring the matter to a legal

Commission, the technical question at issue appearing to be

whether the confession by Colonel Henry—a witness in the

case—of a forgery committed by him subsequently to the

conviction with a view to its confirmation might be considered

either as a new fact in the case or as equivalent to a

conviction for forgery, so as to justify an application to the

Cour de Cassation for revision. The Commission were divided in

opinion, and the matter would have fallen to the ground if the

Cabinet had not decided to take the matter into their own

hands and apply to the Court direct. This has now been done;

the Court is making preliminary inquiries, and will then

decide whether revision in some form may be allowed or a new

trial ordered.

"With regard to Colonel Picquart, his public challenge of the

documents put forward in the speech of the Minister of War was

followed three days afterwards by an order of the Cabinet

directing the Minister of War to set the Minister of Justice

in motion with a view that he should be criminally prosecuted

in a non-military Court for communication of secret

documents—the same offence as that for which he had been

punished by the Court-martial early in the year by removal

from the active list of the army—and M. Leblois was to be

prosecuted with him as an accomplice. On the 13th of July

Colonel Picquart is put into prison to await his trial, M.

Leblois being left at large. The prison was a civil prison,

where he was allowed to communicate with his legal advisor.

… On September 21 Colonel Picquart is taken from his prison to

the Court for his trial. The Government Prosecutor rises and

asks for an indefinite postponement on the ground that the

military authorities are about to bring him before a military

Court for forgery. … The military prosecution for forgery was

ordered, and on the strength of it the Correctional Court

acceded to the application for indefinite postponement of the

other case of which it was seised; the military authorities

claimed to take the prisoner out of the hands of the Civil

authorities, and the Correctional Court acquiesced. Then it

was that Colonel Picquart broke out—'This, perhaps, is the

last time my voice will be heard in public. It will be easy

for me to justify myself as to the petit-bleu. I shall perhaps

spend to-night in the Cherche-Midi (military) Prison, but I am

anxious to say if I find in my cell the noose of

Lemercier-Picard, or the razor of Henry, it will be an

assassination. I have no intention of committing suicide.' The

same or the next day Colonel Picquart was removed to the

Cherche-Midi Prison, there to await his Court-martial, which

is not expected yet for some weeks. He is not permitted to

communicate with his legal advisor or anyone else."

G. Lushington,

The Dreyfus Case

(London Times, October 13, 1898).

{232}

Late in October (1898) the Court of Cassation decided that it

found ground for proceeding to a supplementary investigation

in the case of Captain Dreyfus, but not for the suspension

meantime of the punishment be was undergoing. On the 15th of

November it decided that the prisoner should be informed by

telegraph of the pending revision proceedings, in order that

he might prepare his defense. The Court was now endeavoring to

secure possession of the secret documents (known as the

"Dreyfus dossier") on which the conviction of the accused was

said to have been really founded. For some time the war office

seemed determined to withhold them; but at length, late in

December, the dossier was turned over, under pledges of strict

secrecy as to the documents contained. Showing still further a

disposition to check the doings of the military authorities,

the Court of Cassation, in December, ordered a suspension of

proceedings in the military court against Colonel Picquart,

and demanded all documents in his case for examination by

itself.

Attacks were now made on the Court which had thus ventured to

interfere with the secret doings of the army chiefs. Suddenly,

on the 8th of January (1899), the president of the civil

section of the Court, M. Quesnay de Beaurepaire, resigned his

office and denounced his recent colleagues as being in a

conspiracy to acquit Dreyfus and dishonor the army. This, of

course, was calculated to stimulate anti-Dreyfus excitement

and furnish ground for challenging the final decision of the

Court, if it should be favorable to a new trial for the

imprisoned Captain. It also delayed proceedings in the case,

leading to the enactment of a law requiring all cases of

revision to be tried by the united sections of the Court of

Cassation. This act took the Dreyfus case from the 16 judges

of the criminal section and committed it to the whole 48

judges of the Court.

Major Esterhazy had taken refuge in England. On the 2d of June

he went to the office of the London "Chronicle" and made the

following confession for publication: "The chiefs of the army

have disgracefully abandoned me. My cup is full, and I shall

speak out. Yes, it was I who wrote the bordereau. I wrote it

upon orders received from Sandherr. They (the chiefs of the

general staff) will lie, as they know how to lie; but I have

them fast. I have proofs that they knew the whole thing and

share the responsibility with me, and I will produce the

proofs." Immediately it was said that he had been bribed by

the friends of Dreyfus to take the crime upon himself.

On the day following this confession, the decision of the

Court of Cassation was announced. Meantime, the newspaper

"Figaro" had, by some means, been able to obtain and publish

the testimony which the Court had taken with closed doors, and

had thus revealed the flimsiness and the contradictoriness of

the grounds on which the officers of the Army Staff based

their strenuous assertions that they had positive knowledge of

the guilt of Dreyfus. This had great influence in preparing

the public mind for the decision of the Court when announced.

On grounds relating to the bordereau, to the document which

contained the expression "ce canaille de D.," and to the

alleged confession of Dreyfus,—leaving aside all other

questions of evidence,—the judgment as delivered declared that

"the court quashes and annuls the judgment of condemnation

pronounced on December 22, 1894, against Alfred Dreyfus by the

first court-martial of the Military Government of Paris, and

remits the accused to the court-martial of Rennes, named by

special deliberation in council chamber, to be tried on the

following question:—Is Dreyfus guilty of having in 1894

instigated machinations or held dealings with a foreign power

or one of its agents in order to incite it to commit

hostilities or undertake war against France by furnishing it

with the notes and documents enumerated in the bordereau? and

orders the prescribed judgment to be printed and transcribed

on the registers of the first court-martial of the Military

Government of Paris in the margin of the decision annulled."

Captain Dreyfus was taken immediately from his prison on

Devil's Island and brought by a French cruiser to France,

landing at Quiberon on the 1st of July and being taken to

Rennes, where arrangements for the new military trial were

being made.

The new court-martial trial began at Rennes on the 7th of

August. When it had proceeded for a week, and had reached what

appeared to be a critical point—the opening of a

cross-examination of General Mercier by the counsel for

Dreyfus—M. Labori, the leading counsel for the defense, was

shot as he walked the street, by a would-be assassin who

escaped. Fortunately, the wound he received only disabled him

for some days, and deprived the accused of his presence and

his powerful service in the court at a highly important time.

The trial, which lasted beyond a month, was a keen

disappointment in every respect. It probed none of the

sinister secrets that are surely hidden somewhere in the black

depths of the extraordinary case. In the judgment of all

unimpassioned watchers of its proceeding, it disclosed no

proof of guilt in Dreyfus. On the other hand, it gave no

opportunity for his innocence to be distinctly shown.

Apparently, there was no way in which the negative of his

non-guiltiness could be proved except by testimony from the

foreign agents with whom he was accused of having treasonable

dealings: but that testimony was barred out by the court,

though the German and Italian governments gave permission to

the counsel for Dreyfus to have it taken by commission.

Outside of France, at least, the public verdict may be said to

have been unanimous, that the whole case against Captain

Dreyfus, as set forth by the heads of the French army, in

plain combination against him, was foul with forgeries, lies,

contradictions and puerilities, and that nothing to justify

his condemnation had been shown. But the military court, on

the 9th of September, by a vote of five judges against two,

brought in a verdict of Guilty, with "extenuating

circumstances" (as though any circumstances could extenuate

the guilt of an actual crime like that of which Dreyfus was

accused), and sentenced him to imprisonment in a fortress for

ten years, from which term the years of his past imprisonment

would be taken out.

{233}

Mr. G. W. Steevens, the English newspaper correspondent, who

attended the trial and has written the best account of it,

makes the following comment on the verdict, which sums up all

that needs to be said: "In a way, the most remarkable feature

about the verdict of Rennes was the proportion of the votes.

When it had been over a few hours, and numb brains had relaxed

to thought again, it struck somebody that on the very first

day the very first motion had been carried by five to two. The

next and next and all of them had been carried by five to two.

Now Dreyfus was condemned by five to two. The idea—the

staggering idea—dropped like a stone into the mind, and spread

in widening circles till it filled it with conviction.

Everyone of the judges had made up his mind before a single

word of evidence had been heard. The twenty-seven days, the

hundred-and-something witnesses, the baskets of documents, the

seas of sweat and tears—they were all utterly wasted. … The

verdict was, naturally, received with a howl of indignation,

and to endeavour to extenuate the stupid prejudice—that at

least, if not cowardly dishonesty—of the five who voted

against the evidence is not likely to be popular with

civilized readers. Yet it may be said of them in

extenuation—if it is any extenuation—that they only did as

almost any other five Frenchmen would have done in their

place. Frenchmen are hypnotized by the case of Dreyfus, as

some people are hypnotized by religion; in its presence they

lose all mental power and moral sense." The army chiefs had

had their way; the stain of their condemnation had been kept

upon Dreyfus; but the government of France was magnanimous

enough to punish him no more. His sentence was remitted by the

President, and he was set free, a broken man.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898.

State of the French Protectorate of Tunis.

See (in this volume)

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April).

Lease of Kwangchow Wan from China.

Railway and other concessions exacted.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April-December).

In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May).

Demands on China consequent on the murder of a missionary.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May-November).

General Elections.

Fall of the Ministry of M. Meline.

Brief Ministry of M. Brisson, struggling with

the Dreyfus question.

Coalition Cabinet of M. Dupuy.

General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies were held

throughout France on Sunday, May 8, with a second balloting on

Sunday, May 22, in constituencies where the first had resulted

in no choice. Of the 584 seats to be filled, the Progressive

Republicans secured only 225, so that the Ministry of M.

Méline could count with no certainty on the support of a

majority in the Chamber. It was brought to a downfall in the

following month by a motion made by M. Bourgeois, in the

following words: "The Chamber determines to support only a

Ministry relying exclusively on a Republican majority." This

was carried by a majority of about fifty votes, and on the

next day the Ministry resigned. It was succeeded by a Radical

cabinet, under M. Henri Brisson, after several unsuccessful

attempts to form a Conservative government. By announcing that

it would not attempt to carry out a Radical programme in some

important particulars, the Brisson Ministry secured enough

support to maintain its ground for a time; but there were

fatal differences in its ranks on the burning Dreyfus

question, as well as on other points. M. Cavaignac, Minister

of War, was bitterly opposed to a revision of the Dreyfus

ease, which the Premier and M. Bourgeois (now Minister of

Public Instruction) were understood to favor. M. Cavaignac

soon placed himself in an extremely embarrassing position by

reading to the Chamber certain documents which he put forward

as absolute proofs of the guilt of Dreyfus, but of which one

was shown presently to have been forged, while another had no

relation to the case. He accordingly resigned (September 4),

and General Zurlinden took his place. But Zurlinden, too,

resigned a few days later, when a determination to revise the

trial of Dreyfus was reached. The government was then exposed

to a new outburst of fury in the anti-Dreyfus factions, and

all the enemies of the Republic became active in new

intrigues. The Orleanists bestirred themselves with fresh

hopes, and the old Boulangist conspirators revived their

so-called Patriotic League, with M. Déroulède at its head. At

the same time dangerous labor disturbances occurred in Paris,

threatening a complete paralysis of railway communications as

well as of the industries of the capital. The Ministry faced

its many difficulties with much resolution; but it failed of

support in the Chamber, when that body met in October, and it

resigned. A coalition cabinet was then formed, with M. Charles

Dupuy in the presidency of the council, and M. de Freycinet as

Minister of War.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (September-November).

The Nile question with England.

Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.

Demands upon China for attacks on Missions in Szechuan.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.

Demand on China for extension of settlement at Shanghai.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).

Convention with England defining possessions in West

and North Africa.

The great Empire in the Sudan and Sahara.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (February-June).

Death of President Faure.

Election of President Loubet.

Revolutionary attempts of "Nationalist" agitators.

The Ministry of M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

Felix Faure, President of the French Republic, died suddenly

on the 16th of February,—a victim, it is believed, of the

excitements and anxieties of the Dreyfus affair. The situation

thus produced was so sobering in its effect that the

Republican factions were generally drawn together for the

moment, and acted promptly in filling the vacant executive.

{234}

The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies were convened in joint

session, as a National Assembly, at Versailles, on the 18th,

and Emile Loubet, then President of the Senate, was chosen to

the presidency of the Republic on its first ballot, by 483

votes, against 279 for M. Meline, and 45 for M. Cavaignac. At

the funeral of the late President Faure, which occurred on the

23d, the pestilential Déroulède and his fellow

mischief-makers, with their so-called "League of Patriots,"

"League de Patrie Française," and party of "Nationalists,"

attempted to excite the troops to revolt, but without success.

Déroulède and others were arrested for this treasonable

attempt. During some months the enemies of the Republic were

active and violent in hostility to President Loubet, and the

cabinet which he inherited from his predecessor was believed

to lack loyalty to him. On the 4th of June, while attending

the steeple-chase races at Auteuil, he was grossly insulted,

and even struck with a cane, by a party of young royalists,

the leader of whom, Count Christiani, who struck the shameful

blow, was sentenced afterwards to imprisonment for four years.

The Ministry of the day was considered to be responsible for

these disorders, and, on the 12th of June, a resolution was

passed in the Chamber to the effect that it would support only

a government that was determined to defend republican

institutions with energy and preserve public order. Thereupon

the Ministry of M. Dupuy resigned, and a new cabinet was

formed with much difficulty by M. Waldeck-Rousseau. It

included a radical Socialist, M. Millerand, who became

Minister of Commerce, and a resolute and honest soldier, the

Marquis de Gallifet, as Minister of War. The latter promptly

cleared the way for more independent action in the government,

by removing several troublesome generals from important

commands. The new Ministry assumed the name of the "Government

of Republican Defense," and offered a front to the enemies of

the Republic which plainly checked their attacks. M. Déroulède

and some of his fellow conspirators were brought to trial

before the Court of Assizes, and acquitted.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May).

New Convention with Siam.

See (in this volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (July).

Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (December).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (August-January).

Arrest and trial of revolutionary conspirators.

In August, 1899, the government, having obtained good evidence

that treasonable plans for the overthrow of the Republic had

been under organization for several months, in the various

royalist, anti-Semitic, and so-called "Patriotic" leagues,

caused the arrest of a number of the leaders implicated, the

irrepressible Paul Déroulède being conspicuous among them. The

president of the Anti-Semitic League, M. Guérin, with a number

of his associates, barricaded themselves at the headquarters of

the League and defied arrest, evidently expecting a mob rising

in Paris if they were attacked. Serious rioting did occur on

the 20th of August; but the government prudently allowed

Guérin and his party to hold their citadel until the ending of

the excitements of the Dreyfus trial; then, on the showing of

a serious determination to take it by force, they gave

themselves up. The trial of the conspirators was begun in

September, before the Senate, sitting as a high court of

Justice, and continued at intervals until the following

January. Déroulède conducted himself with characteristic

insolence, and received two sentences of imprisonment, one for

three months and the other for two years, on account of

outrageous attacks on the Senate and on the President of the

Republic. These were additional to a final sentence to ten

years of banishment for his treasonable plotting, which he

shared with one fellow conspirator. Guérin was condemned to

ten years imprisonment in a fortified place. The remainder of

the accused were discharged with the exception of one who had

escaped arrest, and who was convicted in his absence. The

trial, wrote the Paris correspondent of the "London Times,"

"showed how strange a thing was this motley conspiracy between

men who had but one common bond of sympathy, namely, the

desire to upset the Republic,—men from whom the Bonapartist,

another variety of anti-Republican conspirators, had held

aloof. The latter fancied themselves sufficiently represented

in the conspiracy by the plebiscitary party [of Déroulède]

whose accession to office would have been tantamount to the

success of Imperialism. … The condemnation of these

conspirators of varied aspirations proved that the Nationalist

party was a mere conglomeration of ambitions which would end

in every form of violence if ever the conspirators were called

upon to share the booty. The harm that they have already done,

even before they have made themselves masters of France, shows

that the danger which they constitute to their country is

infinitely greater than the danger with which it was menaced

by Boulangism, for then at least at the moment of victory all

the ambitions would have been concentrated round a single

will, however mediocre that will, and General Boulanger would

at all events have been a rallying flag for the conspirators

visible all over France. The Nationalism condemned by the

Court in its various personifications has not even a head

around which at the moment of action the accomplices could be

grouped. It is confusion worse confounded. If it succeeded in

its aims it could only avoid at home the consequences of its

incoherent policy by some desperate enterprise abroad. The

judgment of the High Court, by restoring tranquillity in the

streets, preserved France from the dangers towards which she

was hastening, and which were increased, consciously or

unconsciously, by auxiliaries at the head of the executive

office. But owing to the verdict of the High Court France had

time to pull herself together, to breathe more easily, and to

take the necessary resolutions to secure tranquillity. The

approach of the Exhibition imposed upon everyone a kind of

truce, and M. Déroulède himself, with an imprudence of which

he is still feeling the consequences, declared that he would

return to France when once the Exhibition was over."

{235}

In a speech which he made subsequently, at San Sebastian, his

place of exile, Déroulède declared that the "coup d'état"

prepared by his party of revolutionists for the 23d of

February, 1899, on the occasion of the funeral of President

Faure (see above), was frustrated because he refused, at the

last moment, to permit it to be used in the interest of the

Duke of Orleans. "The following day," he said, "between midday

and 4 o'clock in the afternoon, a mysterious hand had upset all

the preparations made, the position of the troops, their

dislocation, their order and the officers commanding them, and

the same evening Marcel Habert and myself were arrested." The

intimation of his speech seemed to be that the hand in the

government which changed the position of the troops and upset

the revolutionary plot would not have done so if the royalists

had been taken into it.

Soon after the conclusion of the conspiracy trials, the

superior and eleven monks of the Order of the Assumptionist

Fathers, who had appeared to be mixed up in the plot, were

brought to account as an illegal association, and their

society was dissolved.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1901.

The Newfoundland French Shore question.

See (in this volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.

Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January).

Elections to the Senate.

Elections to the French Senate, on the 28th of January,

returned 61 Republicans, 6 Liberal Republicans, 18 Radicals, 7

Socialists, 4 Monarchists, and 3 Nationalists. "The Radicals

are as they were. The Socialists have just gained an entrance

to the Senate, and to this they were entitled by the large and

solid Socialist vote throughout France. The great mass of

solid and sensible Republicans have not only held their

ground, but have increased and solidified their position. The

reactionaries, whether avowed Monarchists, or supporters of

the Déroulède movement, have made one or two merely formal

gains, but have really fallen back, from the point of view of

their pretensions, and the long list of candidates they put

forward. On the whole, we may fairly say that the solid, sober

Republican vote of France has proved that it is in the ascendant.

Once more, in a deeper sense than he meant, the verdict of M.

Thiers has, for the moment at any rate, been verified,—that

France is really at bottom Left Centre. That is to say, the

nation is for progress, but for progress divested of vague

revolutionary pretensions, of mere a priori dogmas as to what

Republican progress involves. In the main the nation seems to

have supported the Government in repelling the aggressive

attacks of unbridled Clericalism, and in rejecting the

pretensions of the Army to dictate French politics. On the

other hand, the mass of the French electors do not desire a

crusade against the Roman Catholic Church, and they do not

care for an indiscriminate attack on the French Army."

The Spectator (London),

February 3, 1900.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (April-November).

The Paris Exposition.

The Paris Exposition of 1900, which exceeded all previous

"world's fairs" in extent and in the multitude of its

visitors, was formally opened on the 14th of April, but with

unfinished preparations, and closed on the 12th of November.

The reported attendance during the whole period of the

Exposition was 48,130,301, being very nearly double the

attendance at the Exposition of 1889. The total receipts of

money were 114,456,213 francs, and total expenditures

116,500,000 francs, leaving a deficit of 2,044,787 francs. But

France and Paris are thought to have profited greatly,

notwithstanding. Forty countries besides France took part in

the preparations and were officially represented. The number

of exhibitors was 75,531; the awards distributed were 42,790

in number. The buildings erected for the Exposition numbered

more than 200, including 36 official pavilions erected by

foreign governments. The ground occupied extended on each side

of the Seine for a distance of nearly two miles, comprising,

besides the quays on each side of the river, the Champ de

Mars, the Esplanade des Invalides, the Trocadero Gardens, and

part of the Champs Elysées.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (August).

Annexation of the Austral Islands.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (September).

The centenary of the Proclamation of the French Republic.

A gigantic banquet.

On the 22d of September, the centenary of the proclamation of

the French Republic was celebrated in Paris by a gigantic

banquet given by President Loubet, accompanied by his

Ministers, to the assembled Mayors of France, gathered from

near and far. Some 23,000 guests sat down to the déjeuner, for

which a temporary structure had been prepared in the Tuileries

Gardens. It was a triumphant demonstration of the culinary

resources of Paris; but it had more important objects. It was

a political demonstration, organized by the President of the

Republic, in concert with the Cabinet of M. Waldeck-Rousseau,

as a check to certain schemes of the Paris Nationalists,

against the government. It brought the municipal

representatives of the provinces to the capital to show the

array of their feeling for the Republic against that of the

noisy demagogues of the capital. It was a striking success.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (October).

Proposal of terms for negotiation

with the Chinese government.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).

The Amnesty Bill.

With the object of making it impossible for the enemies of the

Republic to find such opportunity for a revival of the

dangerous Dreyfus controversy as any new trial of its issues

would give them, the French government, in December,

accomplished the passage of an amnesty bill, which purges

everybody connected with the affair, so far as legal

proceedings are concerned. The measure was strenuously opposed

by the friends of Dreyfus, Picquart and Zola, none of whom are

willing to be left unvindicated by law, nor willing to be

barred from future proceedings against some of the army staff.

It was also fought by the mischievous factions which wish to

keep the Dreyfus quarrel alive for purposes of disorderly

excitement.

{236}

The policy of the measure, from the governmental standpoint,

was thus described at the time it was pending: The Cabinet

"felt that this affair had done great injury to France, that

it was a dangerous weapon in the hands of all the conspirators

against the Republic, that no Court-martial would agree to

acquit Dreyfus, even though convinced of his innocence, and

that, in view of the futility of any attempt to secure an

acquittal, it was necessary to avoid danger to the Republic by

reopening the affair. France had already suffered irreparable

mischief from it. … The affair has falsified the judgment and

opinion of the army, so that it has no longer a clear notion

of its duty at home. In external affairs it is still always

ready to march to the defence of the country, but as to its

duties at home it is in a state of deplorable confusion. …

Considering that the Dreyfus affair has so armed the

adversaries of the Government that it cannot be sure of the

army in internal matters, the Cabinet, it is evident, could

not allow that affair to remain open and produce anarchy. On

the other hand, there was a prosecution pending against M.

Zola, who, it was clearly proved to all, was right in his

famous letter 'J'accuse.' There was a prosecution against

Colonel Picquart, who had sacrificed a brilliant future in the

defence of truth against falsehood. There was likewise a

prosecution against M. Joseph Reinach, who had accused Henry

of having been a traitor or the accomplice of a traitor. I do

not know how far Dr. Reinach had proofs of his allegations,

but these three prosecutions were so closely connected with

the Dreyfus case that, if they had been allowed to go on, that

affair, which was so dangerous to tranquillity, security, and

order, would be reopened. Now the Government will not at any

cost allow the affair to be reopened. The whole Amnesty Bill

hinges on this question. The Government agrees to amnesty

everybody except the persons condemned by the High Court, and

who continue to defy it. … It insists on these three

prosecutions being struck off the rolls of the Tribunals. This

is the whole question. Nothing else in the eyes of the

Government is essential, but it will not allow the further

serious mischief which would result from the reopening of the

affair. The Bill will not stop the civil proceedings against

MM. Zola, Picquart, and Reinach, but such proceedings do not

cause the same excitement as criminal prosecutions. If the

latter are stopped, the dangers occasioned by the confusion in

the spirit of the army will disappear, and it may then be

hoped that the excitement will calm down."

M. Zola protested vigorously against the Amnesty Bill, and, on

its passage, wrote an open letter to the President in which he

said: "I shall not cease repeating that the affair cannot

cease as long as France does not know and repair the

injustice. I said that the fourth act was played at Rennes and

that there would have to be a fifth act. Anxiety remains in my

heart. The people of France always forget that the Kaiser is

in possession of the truth, which he may throw in our face

when the hour strikes. Perhaps he has already chosen his time.

This would be the horrible fifth act which I have always

dreaded. The French Government should not for one hour accept

such a terrible contingency."

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).

Award in the arbitration of French Guiana boundary

dispute with Brazil.

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

The Bill on Associations.

A measure to place the Religious Orders under strict

regulations of law, and to limit their possession of property.

In a speech delivered at Toulouse on the 28th of October,

1900, the French Prime Minister, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,

announced the intention of the government to bring forward, at

the next session of the Chambers, a measure of critical

importance and remarkable boldness, being no less than the

project of a law (called in general terms a "Bill on

Associations ) for the stringent regulation and restriction of

the religious orders in France,—especially for the restriction

of their acquisition and ownership of property. Forecasting

the measure in that speech, he said: "The question is the

rendering free, and subject only to the common law, all the

associations which are in themselves lawful as regards the

safety of the State. Another object of the same Bill is to

cope with the peril which arises from the continuous

development in a Democratic society of an organism which,

according to a famous definition, the merit of which is due to

our old Parliaments, 'tends to introduce into the State under

the specious veil of a religions institution a political

corporation the object of which is to arrive first at complete

independence and then at the usurpation of all authority.' I

am filled with no sectarian spirit, but merely with the spirit

which dominated as well the policy of the Revolution as the

entire historical policy of France. The fundamental statute

determining the relations between the churches and the State

should be exactly applied so long as it has not been altered,

and we have always interpreted its spirit with the broadest

tolerance. But as things are now going, what will remain of

this pact of reciprocal guarantees? It had been exclusively

confined to the secular clergy owing hierarchic obedience to

their superiors and to the State and to questions of worship,

the preparation for ecclesiastical functions and preaching in

the churches. And, now, lo and behold, we find religious

orders teaching in the seminaries, the pulpit usurped by the

missions, and the Church more and more menaced by the chapel.

The dispersed but not suppressed religious communities cover

the territory with a close network, which has been evidenced

in a recent trial, and have been so bold as to defy the Church

dignitaries not accepting their vassalage. In pointing to the

peril of increasing mortmain threatening the principle of the

free circulation of property, it is sufficient to say that we

are influenced by no vain alarms, that the value of the real

property occupied or owned by the communities was in 1880 as

much as 700,000,000f., and that it now exceeds a milliard.

Starting from this figure, what may be the value of mortmain

personalty? Yet the real peril does not arise from the

extension of mortmain. In this country, whose moral unity has

for centuries constituted its strength and greatness, two

youths are growing up ignorant of each other until the day

when they meet, so unlike as to risk not comprehending one

another. Such a fact is explained only by the existence of a

power which is no longer even occult and by the constitution

in the State of a rival power. All efforts will be fruitless

as long as a rational, effective legislation has not

superseded a legislation at once illogical, arbitrary, and

inoperative. If we attach so much importance to a Law on

Association it is also because it involves the solution of at

least a portion of the education question. This Bill is the

indispensable guarantee of the most necessary prerogatives of

modern society."

{237}

This pre-announcement of the intentions of the government gave

rise, as it must have been intended to do, to a warm

discussion of the project in advance, and showed something of

the strength of the antagonists with whom its supporters must

make their fight. At length, late in December—a few days

before the opening of debate on the bill in the Chambers—the

attitude of the Church upon it was fully declared by the Pope,

in a lengthy interview which M. Henri des Houx, one of the

members of the staff of the "Matin," was permitted to publish

in that Paris journal. "After M. Waldeck-Rousseau's Toulouse

speech, and in presence of the Associations Bill," said the

Pope, "I can no longer keep silent. It is my Apostolic duty to

speak out. French Catholics will know that their father does

not abandon them, that he suffers with them in their trials,

and that he encourages their generous efforts for right and

liberty. They are well aware that the Pope has unceasingly

laboured in their behalf and for the Church, adapting the

means to the utility of the ends. The pilot is the judge of

the manœuvre at the bar. At one moment he seems to be tacking

before the tempest; at another he is bound to sail full

against it. But his one aim ever is to make the port. Now, the

Pope cannot consent to allow the French Government to twist

the Concordat from its real intent and transform an instrument

of peace and justice into one of war and oppression. The

Concordat [see, in volume 2, FRANCE: A. D. 1801-1804]

established and regulated in France the exercise of Catholic

worship and defined, between the Church and the French State,

mutual rights and duties. The religious communities form an

integral part of the Apostolic Church as much as the secular

clergy. They exercise a special and a different mission, but

one not less sacred than that of the pastors recognized by the

State. To try to destroy them is to deal a blow at the Church,

to mutilate it, and to restrain its benefits. Such was not the

intent of the Concordat. It would be a misconstruction of this

treaty to declare illegal and to interdict whatever it was not

able to settle or foresee. The Concordat is silent as to

religious communities. This means that the regular clergy has

no share in the special rights and relative privileges granted

by the Concordat to the members of the secular ecclesiastical

hierarchy. It does not mean that religious orders are to be

excluded from the common law and put outside the pale of the

State. … There was no need of mentioning the religious

communities in the Concordat because these pious bodies were

permitted to live under the shelter of the equal rights

accorded to men and citizens by the fundamental clauses of

your Constitution. But if an exception is to be made to these

solemn declarations in the case of certain citizens it is an

iniquity towards the Church, an infraction of the intentions

of the negotiators of 1801. Look at the countries with which

the Holy See has signed no Concordat, and even at Protestant

countries like England, the United States, and many another.

Are religious communities there excluded from the liberties

recognized as belonging to other citizens? Do they not live

there without being harassed? And thither, perhaps, these

communities would take refuge, as in the evil days of the

Terror, from the iniquity of Catholic France! But since then

France has become bound by the Concordat, and she seems to

forget it. …

"Why does France figure to-day by the side of the great

nations in the concert of the Powers settling the Chinese

question? Whence have your Ministry for Foreign Affairs and

your representative in Peking the authority which gives weight

to their opinion in the assembly of plenipotentiaries? What

interest have you in the north of China? Are you at the head

there in trade and industry? Have you many traders there to

protect? No. But you are there the noblest champions of

Christian civilization, the protectors of the Catholic

missions. Your foreign rivals are envious of this privileged

situation. They are seeking to dispute your rights laid down

in treaties that assign to you the rôle of defenders of native

missions and Christian settlements. … Hitherto your

Governments had had a better notion of the importance of their

rights. It is in the name of treaties guaranteeing them that

they protested to me when the Chinese Emperor asked me to

arrange diplomatic relations directly with the Holy See. Upon

the insistence of M. de Freycinet, the then Minister, I

refused, so fearful was I that France might believe, even

wrongfully, that I wished in any way to diminish her prestige,

her influence, and her power. In the Levant, at

Constantinople, in Syria, in the Lebanon, what will remain of

the eminent position held by your Ambassador and Consuls if

France intends to renounce representing there the rights of

Christianity? …

"M. Waldeck-Rousseau, in his Toulouse speech, spoke of the

moral unity of France. Who has laboured more than I for it?

Have I not energetically counselled Catholics to cease all

conflict against the institutions which your country has

freely chosen and to which it remains attached? Have I not

urged Catholics to serve the Republic instead of combating it?

I have encountered warm resistance among them, but I believe

that their present weakness arises from their very lack of

union and their imperfect deference to my advice. The

Republican Government at least knows in what degree my

authority has been effective towards bringing about that

public peace and moral unity which is proclaimed at the very

moment when it is seriously menaced. It has more than once

thanked me. If the Pontifical authority has not been able

entirely to accomplish the union so much desired I at least

have spared no effort for it. Is there now a desire to

reconstitute the union of Catholics against the Republic? How

could I prevent this if, instead of the Republic liberal,

equitable, open to all, to which I have invited Catholics to

rally, there was substituted a narrow, sectarian Republic,

governed by an inflamed faction governed by laws of exception

and spoliation, repugnant to all honest and upright

consciences, and to the traditional generosity of France? Is

it thought that such a Republic can obtain the respect of a

single Catholic and the benediction of the Supreme Pontiff? I

still hope that France will spare herself such crises, and

that her Government will not renounce the services which I

have been able to render and can still render it.

{238}

On several occasions, for instance, and quite recently, I have

been asked by the head of a powerful State to allow disregard

of the rights of France in the East and Far East. Although

compensations were offered to the Church and the Holy See, I

resolved that the right of France should remain intact,

because it is an unquestionable right, which France has not

allowed to become obsolete. But if in your country the

religious orders, without which no Catholic expansion is

possible, are ruined and suppressed, what shall I answer

whenever such requests are renewed to me? Will the Pope be

alone in defending privileges the possessors of which prize

them so little?"

Of the seriousness of the conflict thus opening between the

French Republicans and the Roman Catholic Church there could

be no doubt.

The threatened bill was brought forward by the government and

debate upon it opened on the 15th of January, 1901. The most

stringent clauses of the measure were translated and

communicated to the "London Times" by its Paris correspondent,

as follows:

"II. Any association founded on a cause, or for an illicit

end, contrary to the laws, to public order, to good manners,

to the national unity, and to the form of the Government of

the Republic, is null and void.

"III. Any member of an association which has not been formed

for a determined time may withdraw at any term after payment

of all dues belonging to the current year, in spite of any

clauses to the contrary.

"IV. The founders of any association are bound to publish the

covenants of the association. This declaration must be made at

the prefecture of the Department or at the sub-prefecture of

the district which is the seat of the association. This

declaration must reveal the title and object of the

association, the place of meeting and the names, professions,

and domiciles of the members or of those who are in any way

connected with its administration. … The founders, directors,

or administrators of an association maintained or

reconstituted illegally after the verdict of dissolution will

be punished with a fine of from 500f. to 5,000f. and

imprisonment ranging from six days to a year. And the same

penalty will apply to all persons who shall have favoured the

assemblage of the members of the dissolved association by the

offer of a meeting place. …

"X. Associations recognized as of public utility may exercise

all the rights of civil life not forbidden in their statutes,

but they cannot possess or acquire other real estate than that

necessary for the object which they have in view. All personal

property belonging to an association should be invested in

bonds bearing the name of the owner. Such associations can

receive gifts and bequests on the conditions defined by Clause

910 of the Civil Code. Real estate included in an act of donation

or in testamentary dispositions, which is not necessary for

the working of the association, is alienated within the period

and after the forms prescribed by the decree authorizing

acceptance of the gift, the amount thereby represented

becoming a part of the association's funds. Such associations

cannot accept a donation of real estate or personal property

under the reserve of usufruct for the benefit of the donor.

"XI. Associations between Frenchmen and foreigners cannot be

formed without previous authorization by a decree of the

Conseil d'Etta. A special law authorizing their formation and

determining the conditions of their working is necessary in

the case, first of associations between Frenchmen, the seat or

management of which is fixed or emanates from beyond the

frontiers or is in the hands of foreigners; secondly, in the

case of associations whose members live in common. …

"XIV. Associations existing at the moment of the promulgation

of the present law and not having previously been authorized

or recognized must, within six months, be able to show that

they have done all in their power to conform to these

regulations."

Discussion of the Bill in the Chamber of Deputies was carried

on at intervals during ten weeks, the government defeating

nearly every amendment proposed by its opponents, and carrying

the measure to its final passage on the 29th of March, by a

vote of 303 to 220. Of the passage of the bill by the Senate

there seems to be no doubt. After disposing of the Bill on

Associations, on the 27th of March, the Chamber adjourned to

May 14.

----------FRANCE: End--------

FRANCHISE LAW, The Boer.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE); and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FRANCHISES, Taxation of public,

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

FRANKLIN, The Canadian district of.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

FRANZ JOSEF LAND: Exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896;

1897; 1898-1899; 1900-; and 1901.

FREE SILVER QUESTION, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

FREE SPEECH:

Restrictions on, in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

FREE TRADE.

See (in this volume)

TARIFF LEGISLATION.

FREE ZONE, The Mexican.

See (in this volume)

MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

FRENCH SHORE QUESTION, The

Newfoundland.

See (in this volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

FRENCH WEST AFRICA.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895;

and NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

FRIARS, Spanish, in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

{239}

G.

GALABAT, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

GALVESTON: A. D. 1900.

The city overwhelmed by wind and waves.

"The southern coast of the United States was visited by a

tropical hurricane on September 6-9, the fury of which reached

its climax at and near Galveston, Texas, 1:45 A. M., on

Sunday, the 9th. Galveston is built upon the east end of a

beautiful but low-lying island some thirty miles long and six

or seven miles wide at the point of greatest extent, though

only a mile or two wide where the city is built. The pressure

of the wind upon the waters of the Gulf was so powerful and so

continuous that it lifted the waves on the north coast many

feet above the ordinary high-tide level, and for a short time

the entire city was submerged. … The combined attack of

hurricane and tidal-wave produced indescribable horrors—the

destruction of property sinking into insignificance when

compared with the appalling loss of life. The new census taken

in June accredited Galveston with a population of 37,789. The

calamity of a few hours seems to have reduced that number by

20 per cent. The loss of life in villages and at isolated

points along the coast-line will probably bring the sum total

of deaths caused by this fatal storm up to 10,000. The

condition of the survivors for two or three days beggars

description. The water had quickly receded, and all means of

communication had been destroyed, including steamships,

railroads, telephone and telegraph lines, and public highways.

Practically all food supplies had been destroyed, and the

drinking-water supply had been cut off by the breaking of the

aqueduct pipes. The tropical climate required the most summary

measures for the disposition of the bodies of the dead. Military

administration was made necessary, and many ghoulish looters

and plunderers were summarily shot, either in the act of

robbing the dead or upon evidence of guilt. …

"Relief agencies everywhere set to work promptly to forward

food, clothing, and money to the impoverished survivors. Great

corporations like the Southern Pacific Railroad made haste to

restore their Galveston facilities, and ingenious engineers

brought forward suggestions for protection of the city against

future inundations. These suggestions embraced such

improvements as additional break-waters, jetties, dikes, and

the filling in of a portion of the bay, between Galveston and

the mainland. The United States Government in recent years has

spent $8,000,000 or $10,000,000 in engineering works to deepen

the approach to Galveston harbor. The channel, which was

formerly only 20 or 21 feet deep across the bar, is now 27

feet deep, and the action of wind and tide between the jetties

cuts the passage a little deeper every year. The foreign trade

of Galveston, particularly in cotton, has been growing by

leaps and bounds."

American Review of Reviews,

October, 1900, page 398.

GARCIA, General:

Commanding Cuban forces at Santiago.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

GENEVA CONVENTION:

Adaptation to maritime warfare.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

GEORGE, Henry:

Candidacy for Mayor of Greater New York, and death.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

GERMAN ORIENT SOCIETY:

Exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:

GERMAN EXPLORATION.

GERMAN PARTIES, in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

----------GERMANY: Start--------

GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.

Recent commercial treaties.

Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

"The new customs tariff of July 15, 1879 [see, in volume 4,

TARIFF LEGISLATION (GERMANY): A. D. 1853-1892] exhibited the

following characteristics: An increase of the existing duties

and the introduction of new protective duties in the interests

of industrial and agricultural products. The grain and wood

duties, abolished in 1864, were reintroduced, and a new

petroleum duty was adopted. Those on coffee, wine, rice, tea,

tobacco, cattle, and textiles were raised. Those on iron were

restored; and others were placed on many new articles formerly

admitted free. In 1885 the tariff was again revised,

especially in the direction of trebling the grain and of

doubling the wood duties. Those on cattle, brandy, etc., were

raised at the same time. The year 1887 saw another general

rise of duties. But, on the other hand, some reductions in the

tariff for most-favored nations came about in 1883 and in 1889 in

consequence of the tariff treaties made with Switzerland and

Spain. Other reductions were made by the four tariff treaties

of 1891 with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland,

and again in 1892 and 1893, when like treaties were

respectively made with Servia and Roumania. Increases in some

duties took place in 1894 and 1895, such as those on cotton

seeds, perfumes, ether, and honey. … In consequence of the

higher price, rendered possible at home from the protective

duty, the German manufacturer can afford to sell abroad the

surplus of his output at a lower price than he could otherwise

do. His average profit on his whole output is made up of two

parts: Firstly, of a rather high profit on the sales in

Germany; and, secondly, of a rather low profit on the sales

abroad. The net average profit is, however, only an ordinary

one; but the larger total quantity sold (which he could not

dispose of without the foreign market, combined with the extra

low price of sale abroad) enables him to produce the commodity

in the larger quantities at a lower cost of production than he

otherwise could if he had only the German market to

manufacture for. He thereby obtains abroad, when selling

against an Englishman, an indirect advantage from his home

protection, which stands him in good stead and is equivalent

to a small indirect benefit (which the Englishman has not) on

his foreign sales, which is, however, paid for by the German

consumer through the higher sale price at home.

{240}

"The customs tariff now in force provides one general or

'autonomous' rate of duty for all countries, from which

deviations only exist for such nations as have tariff treaties

or treaties containing the most-favored-nation clause. Such

deviations are 'treaty' or 'conventional' duties. At the

present moment treaties of one kind or another exist with most

European powers (excepting Great Britain, Spain, and Portugal)

and with the majority of extra-European countries. So that,

with few exceptions, the German Empire may now be said to

trade with the world on the basis of the lower 'conventional'

or 'treaty' tariff. Most of the tariff treaties existing in

Europe expired early in 1892, whereupon many countries

prepared higher customs tariffs in order to be prepared to

grant certain concessions reciprocally when negotiating for

the new treaties. Germany, therefore, under the auspices of

General Caprivi, set to work to make a series of special

tariff treaties with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and

Switzerland, which were all dated December 6, 1891. Later

additions of the same class were those with Servia in 1892,

with Roumania in 1893, and with Russia in 1894.

"Perhaps almost the greatest benefit conferred upon the

country by these seven tariff treaties was the fact of their

all being made for a long period of years and not terminable

in any event before December 31, 1903. This secured for the

mercantile classes the inestimable benefit of a fixed tariff

for most of the important commodities of commerce over a long

period of time—a very valuable factor in trade, which has in

this case greatly assisted the development of commerce. The

reductions in Germany granted by these treaties were not great

except on imported grains, and those in the various foreign

countries were not very considerable either. … The

preparations for the negotiation of the new commercial

treaties which are to replace those which expire on January 1,

1904, were begun in Germany as early as 1897. Immense trouble

has been and is being taken by the Government to obtain

thoroughly reliable data on which to work, as they were by no

means content merely to elaborate a new tariff on the wide

experience already gained from the working of the seven

commercial treaties of 1891 to 1893."

Diplomatic and Consular Reports of the British Government,

January, 1899

(quoted in Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance

of the United States, January, 1899).

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

The Emperor and the Social Democrats.

His violent and autocratic speeches.

Failure of the Anti-Revolutionary Bill.

Socialist message to France.

At the opening of the winter session of the Reichstag, in

December, 1894, the Emperor, speaking in person, declared it

to be "necessary to oppose more effectually than hitherto the

pernicious conduct of those who attempt to disturb the

executive power in the fulfilment of its duty," and announced

that a bill to that end, enlarging the penal provisions of

law, would be introduced without delay. This was well

understood to be aimed at the Social Democrats, against whom

the Emperor had been making savagely violent speeches of late.

At Potsdam, in addressing some recruits of the Foot Guards, he

had gone so far as to say: "You have, my children, sworn

allegiance to me. That means that you have given yourselves to

me body and soul. You have only one enemy, and that is my

enemy. With the present Socialist agitation I may order

you,—which God forbid!—to shoot down your brothers, and even

your parents, and then you must obey me without a murmur." In

view of these fierce threatenings of the Emperor, and the

intended legislative attack upon their freedom of political

expression and action, six members of the Social Democratic

party, instead of quitting the House, as others did, before

the customary cheers for his Imperial Majesty were called for,

remained silently sitting in their seats. For that behaviour

they were not only rebuked by the president of the Reichstag,

but a demand for proceedings against them was made by the

public prosecutor, at the request of the Imperial Chancellor.

The Reichstag valued its own rights too highly to thus gratify

the Emperor, and the demand was refused, by a vote of three to

one. His Imperial Majesty failed likewise to carry the

bill—the Anti-Revolutionary Bill, as it was called—on which

he had set his heart, for silencing critical tongues and pens.

The measure was opposed so stoutly, in the Reichstag and

throughout the Empire, that defeat appeared certain, and in

May (1895) it was dropped. The Emperor did not take his defeat

quietly. Celebrating the anniversary of the battle of Sedan by

a state dinner at the palace, he found the opportunity for a

speech in which the Socialists were denounced in the following

terms: "A rabble unworthy to bear the name of Germans has

dared to revile the German people, has dared to drag into the

dust the person of the universally honoured Emperor, which is

to us sacred. May the whole people find in themselves the

strength to repel these monstrous attacks; if not, I call upon

you to resist the treasonable band, to wage a war which will

free us from such elements." The Social Democrats replied by

despatching the following telegram to the Socialists in Paris:

"On the anniversary of the battle of Sedan we send, as a

protest against war and chauvinism, our greeting and a clasp

of the hand to our French comrades. Hurrah for international

solidarity!" Prosecutions followed. The editor of "Vorwärts"

got a month's imprisonment for saying the police provoked

brawls to make a pretext for interference; Liebknecht, four,

for a caustic allusion to the Emperor's declarations against

Socialism, and for predicting the collapse of the Empire; and

Dr. Forster, three, for lèse-majesté.

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

The Emperor's claim to "Kingship by Divine Right,"

A great sensation was produced in Germany by a speech

addressed on September 6, 1894, by the German Emperor to the

chief dignitaries and nobles of East Prussia in the Royal

Palace at Königsberg. The following are the principal

passages of this speech:

"Agriculture has been in a seriously depressed state during

the last four years, and it appears to me as though, under

this influence, doubts have arisen with regard to the

fulfilment of my promises. Nay, it has even been brought home

to me, to my profound regret, that my best intentions have

been misunderstood and in part disputed by members of the

nobility with whom I am in close personal relation. Even the

word 'opposition' has reached my ears.

{241}

Gentlemen, an Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed

against their king, is a monstrosity. Such an Opposition would

be justifiable only when the king was known to be at its head.

The history of our House teaches us that lesson. How often

have my predecessors had to oppose misguided members of a

single class on behalf of the whole community! The successor

of him who became Sovereign Duke in Prussia in his own right

will follow the same path as his great ancestor. The first

King of Prussia once said, 'Ex me mea nata corona,' and his

great son 'set up his authority as a rocher de bronze.' I, in

my turn, like my imperial grandfather, hold my kingship as by

the grace of God. … We witnessed an inspiring ceremony the day

before yesterday. Before us stands the statue of the Emperor

William, the imperial sword uplifted in his right hand, the

symbol of law and order. It exhorts us all to other duties, to

the serious combating of designs directed against the very

basis of our political and social fabric. To you, gentlemen, I

address my summons to the fight for religion, morality, and order

against the parties of revolution. Even as the ivy winds round

the gnarled oak, and, while adorning it with its leaves,

protects it when storms are raging through its topmost

branches, so does the nobility of Prussia close round my

house. May it, and with it the whole nobility of the German

nation, become a brilliant example to those sections of the

people who still hesitate. Let us enter into this struggle

together. Forward with God, and dishonor to him who deserts

his king."

Time has wrought no change in these extraordinary ideas of the

German Emperor. Speaking at Hamburg, October 19, 1899, on the

necessity of strengthening the naval forces of the Empire, in

order to afford protection to trade over the sea, he said:

"The feeling for these things is only slowly gaining ground in

the German fatherland, which, unfortunately, has spent its

strength only too much in fruitless factional strife. Germans

are only slowly beginning to understand the questions which

are important to the whole world. The face of the world has

changed greatly during the last few years. What formerly

required centuries is now accomplished in a few months. The

task of Kaiser and government has consequently grown beyond

measure, and a solution will only be possible when the German

people renounce party divisions. Standing in serried ranks

behind the Kaiser, proud of their great fatherland, and

conscious of their real worth, the Germans must watch the

development of foreign states. They must make sacrifices for

their position as a world power, and, abandoning party spirit,

they must stand united behind their prince and emperor."

Commenting on this utterance, a recent writer has said: "This

ideal of a docile nation led by a triumphant emperor whose

intelligence embraces everything throws considerable light on

the relations of imperialism to party government and

parliamentary institutions. … There are many other expressions

of the emperor which indicate an almost medieval conception of

his office, a revival of the theory of divine right. The

emperor believes that his grandfather, had he lived in the

Middle Ages, would have been canonized, and that his tomb

would have become a cynosure of pilgrimages from all parts of

the world. … In a speech delivered at Coblenz on August 31,

1897, he speaks of the 'kingship by the grace of God, with its

grave duties, its tremendous responsibility to the Creator

alone, from which no man, no minister, no parliament can

release the monarch.'"

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June).

Opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal.

The opening of the new ship canal (named the Kaiser Wilhelm

Canal) between the Baltic and the North Sea was made the

occasion of a great celebration, on the 21st of June, in which

the navies of Great Britain, Russia, France, Austria and Italy

took part, steaming in procession with the German squadron

through the canal. It was also made the occasion for an

exhibition of the newly-formed alliance between Russia and

France, the Russian and French fleets entering the harbor of

Kiel together.

See (in this volume),

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

The canal had been eight years in building, the first spadeful

of earth in the excavation having been turned by Emperor

William I. at Holtenau, near Kiel, on the 3d of June, 1887.

The canal is thus described: It is "98.6 kilometers (61.27

miles) in length. It begins at Holtenau, on the Bay of Kiel,

and terminates near Brunsbüttel, at the mouth of the River

Elbe, thus running clear through the province of

Schleswig-Holstein from northeast to southwest. Both openings

are provided with huge locks. Near Rendsburg, there is a third

lock connecting the canal with the old Eider Canal. The medium

water level of the canal will be about equal to the medium

water level of Kiel harbor. At the lowest tide the profile of

the canal has, in a depth of 6.17 meters (20 feet 6 inches)

below the surface of the water, a navigable width of 36 meters

(118.11 feet), so as to allow the largest Baltic steamers to

pass each other. For the navy, 22 meters (72.18 feet) of canal

bottom are provided, at least 58 meters (190.29 feet) of water

surface, and 8½ meters (27 feet 9 inches) depth of water. The

greatest depth for merchant vessels was calculated at 6.5

meters (21 feet 3 inches). The estimated cost was $37,128,000.

Two-thirds of the cost is defrayed by Germany; the remaining

one-third by Russia. The time saved by a steam-ship sailing

from Kiel to Hamburg via the canal, instead of through the

Skaugh (the strait between Jutland and Sweden), is estimated

at 2, days. The time of passage through the canal, including

stoppages and delays, will be about thirteen hours. In time of

peace, the canal is to be open to men-of-war, as well as

merchant vessels of every nation, but in time of war, its use

will be restricted to vessels of the German navy. Many vessels

have been wrecked and many lives lost on the Danish and

Swedish coasts, in waters which need not be navigated after

the canal is opened to traffic. Its strategic importance to

Germany will also be great, as it will place that country's

two naval ports, Kiel on the Baltic, and Wilhelmshafen on the

North Sea, within easy access of each other."

United States Consular Report,

Number 175, page 603.

{242}

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June-December).

Census of the Empire and census of Prussia.

"The results of the last census of the German Empire (the

census being taken every five years in December) … have

produced some surprise in that, notwithstanding the alleged

depression of agriculture and manufactures, the tables show an

increase greater than any census since the formation of the

Empire. The population, according to the official figures, is

52,244,503, an increase since December, 1890, of 2,816,027, or

1.14 per cent increase per year. The percentages of the previous

censuses was: In 1871-1875. 1 per cent; 1875-1880, 1.14 per

cent; 1880-1895, 0.7 per cent; 1885-1890, 1.06 per cent. A

striking illustration is given by a comparison with the

figures of the French census. The increase in France for the

same period (1890-1895) was but 124,000, an annual average of

0.07 per cent of its population, and Germans see in this

proportionally smaller increase a reason for certain classes

in France entertaining a less warlike feeling toward Germany,

and thereby assuring general European peace.

"In 1871, at the foundation of the German Empire, its

population was 40,997,000. [In 1890, it was 49,428,470.] The

percentage of increase differs vastly in northern and southern

Germany. In the former, the annual increase was 1.29 per cent;

in the latter, only 0.71 per cent. This must be attributed in

a great measure to the highly developed mining industries of

the Rhineland and Westphalia, where the soil, besides its

hidden mineral wealth, is devoted to agriculture. The southern

states—Bavaria, Baden, and Würtemberg—being more mountainous,

offer less opportunities for agricultural pursuits and are

favored with less natural riches. It is again noticeable that

those provinces which are ultra-agrarian show a very favorable

increase. It would seem that it is not the peasant, but the

great landowner, whose condition is undesirable and that this

condition is due less to the present low prices of cereals and

the customs-revenue policy of the Government than to the

heavily mortgaged estates and lavish style of living which is

not in keeping with their revenues. … "The number of

marriages, which showed a decrease from the middle of the

eighties, has increased since 1892. An unlooked-for increase

is shown in the country population."

United States, Consular Reports,

June, 1896,

pages. 245-246.

"Some of the results of the last census of Prussia, taken on

the 14th of June, 1895, with special regard to trades and

professions, have appeared in an official journal devoted to

statistics. … The entire population of Prussia, which includes

the provinces wrested from Poland, Denmark, and Saxony, as

well as the seized Kingdom of Hanover, counts up for both

sexes on the 14th of June, 1895, 31,491,209; by the last

census (December 1, 1890), it was 29,955,281, an increase of

1,335,928, or 5.13 per cent. Of males, June 14, 1895, there

were 15,475,202; December 1, 1890, 14,702,151, an increase of

773,051; females, June 14, 1895, 16,016,007; December 1, 1890,

15,253,130, an increase of 762,877. The relatively small

surplus in Prussia of females over males, viz, 540,805, may …

be ascribed in part to the stoppage of emigration to the

United States since 1892. This affects more men than women,

since men emigrate more readily than women.

"The population of Rhineland is the largest unit in Prussia.

This year it is 5,043,979, against 4,710,391 in 1890, an

increase of 333,588; that of Silesia is 4,357,555, against

4,224,458 in 1890, an increase of only 133,097,

notwithstanding the temporary harvest hands in summer. Posen,

its neighbor province, has the lowest increase of all—about

20,000 souls. All parts of Prussia, however, show some

increase. The largest increase of population—that of Rhineland

or the Rhenish provinces (333,588)—may be safely ascribed to

the flourishing manufactures of that district, while the low

figures in Posen, Silesia, and East Prussia are due to the

depression in agriculture produced by the rivalry of the

United States, Argentina, and Australia, as well as by the

unprotected state of the laborer in his relations with the

landed proprietors.

"One of the surprises of the new census is the small increase

of Berlin's population, all the more remarkable owing to the

unprecedented increase of Berlin for the years between 1870

and 1890. It is on]y 36,288, or 2.2 per cent for the past four

years and a half. By the census of 1895, it was 1,615,082;

1890, 1,578,794; increase, 36,288."

United States, Consular Reports,

January, 1896, pages 75-76.

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

The Agrarian Protectionists and their demands.

"The depression of agriculture in Germany was the subject

which most occupied German politicians throughout the year

[1895]. The policy favoured by the Agrarian League was that

advocated by Count Kanitz, of which the following were the

chief points: (1) That the State should buy and sell the

foreign grain, flour, and meal destined for consumption in

Germany; (2) that the average selling price in Germany from

1850 to 1890 should be fixed as the selling price of grain,

and that the price of flour and meal should be determined by

the proportion they bear to the unground grain and the said

selling price, provided that the buying price is covered

thereby; while in the case of higher buying prices, the

selling prices must be proportionally raised; (3) that the

profit obtained be spent, so that a part at least equal to the

amount of the present grain duty flows into the Imperial

Treasury; (4) that steps should be taken for the accumulation

of stocks to be used in extraordinary time of need, as, for

instance, in the event of war; and (5) that a reserve should

be formed when prices are higher at home and abroad, to secure

the payment of the above-mentioned annual amount to the

Treasury. The Emperor, however, repeatedly expressed his

disapproval of this policy, and Prince Bismarck is said to

have remarked that if he were a deputy he would vote for it,

but as Chancellor he would reject it. … The Agrarians now

started an agitation all over the country in favour of Count

Kanitz's proposal, and even threatened to refuse the supplies

required for the navy if the Government should not accept it.

In March, the Emperor referred the question to the committee

of the Federal State Council, which passed a resolution

declaring the proposals of Count Kanitz for establishing a

State monopoly in cereals to be incompatible with the correct

interpretation of the present position of the State in regard

to industry and international trade, and irreconcilable with

Germany's commercial treaties."

Annual Register, 1895,

pages 256-257.

{243}

"The agrarian protectionists control the Conservative party in

Parliament completely; they are strongly represented in the

Center, or Catholic, party, and are not without a considerable

following among the National Liberals. The Antisemitic party, the

Poles, and other small parties are all infected with the

agrarian protectionist ideas. The only decided opponents, as

well as the only decided free-traders, are to be found among

the three Liberal sections and the Social Democrats. The

agrarian protectionists not only wish to annul the commercial

treaties, because these hinder them from raising the

protective duties on agricultural imports (these duties are by

no means low—for instance, 35 marks per ton on rye or wheat),

but the extreme members of the party advocate the abolition of

the gold standard and the adoption of a so-called bimetallic—in

reality a silver-standard. The most rabid among them oppose

the cutting of canals, because foreign produce would thus

enter Germany on cheaper terms. In short, the agrarian

protectionists oppose the natural evolution of all economic

progress. …

"The old Prussian feudal aristocracy (Junkerthum), forming the

pith and marrow of the agrarian movement, has never been well

off; but for the last twenty years they have suffered from the

competition with the whole world, which is felt so keenly in

all old countries, in the reduction of the rent of land. They

have sunk deeper and deeper into debt, while the standard of

material comfort has risen throughout all classes in Germany.

The 'Junker' has long since given up the hope of making both

ends meet by his own industry, and while endeavoring to raise

the rent of land by various kinds of protective measures, he

is really at the same time struggling for bread-and-butter and

upholding a tradition of political supremacy.

"No government can really satisfy these claims, and hence each

in turn is compelled, sooner or later, to oppose the agrarian

movement. However, considering the strong influence the

Prussian 'Junker' exerts in the army, in the ranks of

government officials, and at court, practical statesmen deem

it advisable to avoid any open rupture with the pack of

famished wolves."

T. Barth,

Political Germany

(American Review of Reviews, April. 1898).

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (January).

Emperor William's congratulations to the President of the

South African Republic on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).

The Berlin Industrial Exposition.

See (in this volume)

BERLIN INDUSTRIAL EXPOSITION.

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).

Sugar bounty and sugar tax legislation.

"The sugar-tax amendment law, over which has been waged in the

German Parliament one of the longest and most determined

battles of recent years, was finally enacted as a concession

to the agrarian interest, and went into effect [May, 1896].

Its influence will be to increase the sugar production of

Germany, and, to that extent, exert a depressing effect upon

the general market and the interests of producers in other

beet-growing countries. The circumstances which have led to

the present situation are, briefly, these: From the time when

the Prussian Government began the systematic encouragement of

the beet-sugar industry down to 1887, the tax on sugar for

home consumption was calculated upon the quantity of beets

worked up by each separate factory, it being assumed that the

quantity of roots required to produce a given weight of sugar

would be uniform and invariable. The proportion adopted was 20

units of raw beet root to 1 unit of sugar, which, at the time

when the law was enacted: was approximately correct.

"But, under the stimulus of the export bounties provided by

the same law, the German beet growers and sugar makers worked

hard and intelligently to improve and increase their product.

By careful selection and cultivation, the beets were so

improved that from 12 to 14 tons of roots would yield a ton of

sugar. Great advance was also made in the machinery and

processes employed in the sugar factories, so that, as a final

result, the German Government, which paid nearly 12 cents per

cwt. bounty on all sugar exported, and charged 11 tax of the

same amount on all sugar for home consumption that could be

made from 20 cwts. of beets, found that the export bounties

completely absorbed the revenue derived from the sugar tax.

This tendency of the system had become apparent as early as

1869, and an attempt was made at that time to revise the law,

but the sugar-producing interest was powerful enough to resist

this effort. … Sugar growing still continued to be the most

profitable form of culture for German farmers, the area of

cultivation and number of sugar factories continued to

increase, loud complaints were heard against a system that

favored one class of farmers at the expense of the entire

population, and, in 1891, the Imperial Diet reduced the sugar

export bounty by half, that is, to 29.7 cents per 100

kilograms, and decreed that such bounty should entirely cease

on the 31st of July, 1897, provided that, in the meantime,

Austria, France, and other bounty-paying countries should

likewise reduce their bounties on exported sugar. Several

attempts have been made to reach such an international

agreement, but without successful result, and under cover of

this failure to secure a general reduction or abolition of

bounties, the German Agrarians have rallied and secured the

adoption of the present law, which restores the export bounty

of 1887 (59.5 cents per 220.46 pounds) and raises the tax on

sugar for home consumption from 18 marks ($4.28) to 21 marks

($4.99) per 100 kilograms, or about 2.2 cents per pound. This

increased tax will, of course, be added to the retail price of

sugar, already very high, and tend to still further retard the

increase of sugar consumption in Germany, which is now only

28.8 pounds per capita, against. 73.68 pounds per capita in

England and 77 pounds in the United States. …

"From the statistics that were brought out in the recent

debate, it appears that the whole system of beet culture and

sugar manufacture in Germany has reached a higher standard of

scientific perfection than has been attained in any other

European country. Every step, from the preparation and

fertilization of the land to the smallest detail in the

factory process, has been reduced as nearly as possible to

exact scientific methods. … Statistics were cited to prove

that the German sugar producers are safe from all European

competition and do not need the protection of an increased

export bounty; but nothing could withstand the demand of the

Agrarians, and their victory is one of the most significant

events in recent German legislation."

United States Consular Reports,

July, 1896, page 512.

See, also, (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897.

Industrial combinations.

Trusts.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

{244}

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).

Defeat in Prussia of a bill to restrict the right of

political association and meeting.

In July, the government in Prussia suffered a significant

defeat in the Prussian Landtag on an attempt to give the

police new powers for interference with political meetings and

associations. The bill was especially aimed at the Social

Democrats, enacting in its first clause that "agents of the

police authorities have power to dissolve meetings in which

anarchist or Social Democratic movements are manifest, having

for their object the overthrow of the existing order of state

or of society, and finding an expression in a manner which

endangers public security, and in particular the security of

the state." It passed the upper house overwhelmingly, but was

rejected in the lower by 209 votes to 205.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).

British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (September-December).

Demand for indemnity enforced against Hayti.

See (in this volume)

HAYTI: A. D. 1897.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (November-December).

Seizure and acquisition of Kiao-chau Bay.

Naval expedition to China.

Speeches of the Emperor and Prince Henry.

The murder of two German missionaries in Shantung province,

China, gave the German government a pretext, in November,

1897, for the seizure of the port of Kiao-chau, on demands for

indemnity which were not satisfied until the Chinese

government had consented to lease that port, with adjacent

territory, to Germany, for 99 years, with extensive rights and

privileges in the whole rich province of Shantung.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

To support this opening of an "imperial policy" in the East, a

German naval expedition was despatched to China, in December,

under the command of the Emperor's brother, Prince Henry, and

its departure was made the occasion for speeches by the

Emperor and Prince Henry, at a royal banquet, at Kiel, which

caused much remark, and some smiling, in Europe and America.

Said the Emperor, addressing his brother, at the end of some

remarks in a similar strain: "As a sign of imperial and of

naval power, the squadron, strengthened by your division, will

now have to act in close intercourse and good friendship with

all the comrades of the foreign fleets out there, for the

protection of our home interests against everybody who tries

to injure Germany. That is your vocation and your task. May it

be clear to every European out there, to the German merchant,

and above all, to the foreigner whose soil we may be on, and

with whom we shall have to deal, that the German Michael has

planted his shield, adorned with the eagle of the empire,

firmly on that soil, in order, once for all, to afford

protection to those who apply to him for it. May our

countrymen abroad, whether priests or merchants, or of any

other calling, be firmly convinced that the protection of the

German Empire, as represented by the imperial ships, will be

constantly afforded them. Should, however, anyone attempt to

affront us, or to infringe our good rights, then strike out

with mailed fist, and if God will, weave round your young brow

the laurel which nobody in the whole German Empire will

begrudge you."

The Prince in reply said: "Most Serene Emperor, most powerful

King and Lord, illustrious brother,—As children we grew up

together. Later on it was granted to us as men to look into

each other's eyes and stand faithfully at each other's side.

To your Majesty the imperial crown has come with thorns. I

have striven in my restricted sphere and with my scanty

strength, as man, soldier, and citizen, to help your Majesty.

We have reached a great epoch, an important epoch for the

nation—an important epoch for your Majesty and the Navy. Your

Majesty has made a great sacrifice, and has shown great favour

to myself in entrusting this command to me. I thank your

Majesty from the bottom of a loyal, brotherly and humble

heart. I well understand your Majesty's feelings. I know what

a heavy sacrifice you made in giving me so fine a command. It

is for this reason, your Majesty, that I am so much moved, and

that I so sincerely thank you. I am further deeply indebted

for the confidence which your Majesty reposes in my weak

person, and I can assure your Majesty of this—I am not allured

by hopes of winning glory or laurels, I am only animated by one

desire—to proclaim and preach abroad to all who will hear, as

well as to those who will not, the gospel of your Majesty's

anointed person. This I will have inscribed on my banner, and

will bear it wherever I go. These sentiments with which I set

out are shared by my comrades. I raise my glass and call upon

those who with me enjoy the happy privilege of being permitted

to go forth, to remember this day, to impress the person of

the Emperor on their minds, and to let the cry resound far out

into the world—Our most Serene, Mighty, Beloved Emperor, King and

Master, for ever and ever. Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!"

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

Practical operation of the state system of

workingwoman's insurance.

Enlargement of its provisions.

By a series of laws enacted in 1883, 1884, and 1889, a system

of compulsory state insurance of workingmen was established in

Germany, applying in the first instance to sickness, then to

accidents, and finally becoming a pensioning insurance for old

age and permanent invalidity. These laws establish a

compulsion to be insured, but leave freedom of choice as to

the associations in which the insurance shall be maintained,

all such associations being under the surveillance of the

state. In a report from United States Consul J. C. Monaghan,

Chemnitz, made July, 1898. the practical working of the system

to that time is thus described: "Time is proving the practical

value of the German workingmen's insurance system. … The

social and economic influence of so gigantic a system must be

very great.

"The object of the system is to alleviate the sufferings of

workmen and their families: (1) In cases of sickness (sick

insurance); (2) in cases of accidents incurred at work

(accident insurance); (3) in cases of feebleness, wasting

diseases, decreased capacity to work, and old age (invalid and

old-age insurance). In cases coming under Number 1 there is

given free medical treatment; sick money—that is, money during

period of sickness with which to obtain medicine, nourishment,

etc.—or, if desired, free treatment in a hospital and support for

the family; and money, in case of death, is supplied the

family. The fund is furnished by employers and employed—the

former paying one-third, the latter two-thirds. In cases of

accident insurance the parties receive support during

convalescence, from the fourteenth week after the accident

happens.

{245}

Money is given the wounded person from the fifth week. Rents

are paid from the first day of the fourteenth week after the

accident. The rents amount to two-thirds, and in some cases to

three-fifths, of the workman's yearly salary. The fund for burial

expenses is furnished by the employers. In cases coming under

invalid and old-age insurance, the parties receive rents from

the time they are unable to work, without regard to age;

old-age rents, from the seventieth year, even if they can work

and do not draw invalid rent; and assistance against disease

so as to prevent incapacity. In case of his death or marriage,

the full sum paid by the party is returned.

"The following amounts were paid out in the years given:

Sick          Accident      Invalid and Old Age

insurance       insurance     insurance

Year.

1885-86.   $23,905,005        $460,625         —

1887.       13,138,099       1,412,030         —

1888.       14,651,637       2,304,173         —

1889.       16,892,097       3,442,503         —

1890.       20,013,420       4,835,041         —

1891.       21,243,594       6,289,483     $3,643,089

1892.       22,433,499       7,696,967      5,344,742

1893.       24,269,264       9,082,984      6,700,509

1894.       23,702,063      10,539,044      8,312,475

1895.       24,947,731      11,929,940     10,221,647

1896.       26,114,026      13,602,747     12,293,533

1897.       26,207,417      15,252,301     14,161,000

Total.     257,517,856      86,847,842     60,696,997

"During the years from 1885 to 1897 employers had paid in

1,337,741,176 marks ($318,382,399), and workmen 1,173,449,805

marks ($279,281,053), a total of 2,511,190,981 marks

($597,663,452). Of this amount 1,702,184,100 marks

($405,121,816) have been paid out. Thus the workmen have

already received 528,700,000 marks ($125,830,600) more than

they have paid in. The annual amount paid out is increasing at

the rate of 15,000.000 marks ($3,570,000) per annum. The

reserve fund at the end of 1897 was, in round numbers,

850,000,000 marks ($202,500,000). For every twentieth person

of the Empire's population, one has been paid insurance.

"Besides this system, there are others by which workingmen are

aided. There are State and private insurance and pension

systems. One alone, the Miners' and Smelters' Union, paid out

in the years 1895-1897, inclusive, 320,000,000 marks

($76,160,000). From 1900 on, the annual amount to be paid out

will be upwards of 300,000,000 marks ($71,400,000), or 100

marks ($23.80) for every working-day in the year. Whether a

system which makes so much for paternalism is one to commend,

I can not say. Its effects here have been anything but bad.

Poverty, in spite of poor wages, is practically unknown."

United States Consular Reports,

September, 1898, page 51.

A revision of the accident insurance law in 1900 extended the

compulsory insurance to laborers in breweries and in the shops

of blacksmiths, locksmiths and butchers, and to window

cleaners. It raised the amount of assistance provided for the

injured in many cases, making it in some instances of

permanent, disability equal to the wages previously earned. It

also fixed more sharply the responsibility for carelessness on

the part of an employer.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898.

Lèse-majesté.

"In 1898 there were 246 convictions for 'lèse-majesté,' and

the punishments inflicted amounted to a total of 83 years

imprisonment, in addition to various terms of confinement in a

fortress."

Annual Register,

1899, page 273.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (March-December).

In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).

The new naval policy.

"One of the most important economic movements taking place in

Germany is the development of her maritime interests. The

mercantile marine and 'over-sea' interests had developed to

such an extent that recently the Government obtained the

consent of the nation to add largely to its navy. During the

year 1897 continuous efforts had been made to bring this

question prominently before the public, and to point out the

absolute necessity of a large increase of the navy in order to

adequately protect Germany's growing maritime interests. The

introductory statement of the bill presented to the Reichstag

in November gave great prominence to the following

considerations of general interest in connection with the new

programme, namely, that during the last twenty years the

increase of imports and exports, the rapid investment of

capital abroad, the acquisition of colonies, the flourishing

fisheries, and the rapidly increasing population had greatly

added to German 'over-sea' interests, but that at the same

time this expansion had brought with it the danger of a

conflict with the interests of foreign nations, which must be

provided against by an increase of the navy, for any injury to

these maritime interests would entail serious consequences on

the whole country.

"The bill, as eventually passed on April 10, 1898, provided

that the nonrecurring expenditure should not exceed

£20,445,000, of which £17,835,000 was to be devoted to the

construction of ships and their armaments. The German fleet

will then be brought up to a total strength of 17 battle ships

of the line, 8 coast-defense vessels, 9 large and 26 small

cruisers, besides a variety of torpedo and other small craft.

It is thought and hoped that, in consequence of the favorable

state of the revenues of the Empire, a total sum of £5,876,274

a year can easily be devoted exclusively to the annual naval

budget of the next six years, by which time the additions to

the fleet are to be completed."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,

January, 1899.

See, also, (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).

Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and

the "Concert of Europe."

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).

Elections to the Imperial Parliament, and their significance.

Elections to the Parliament of the Empire (the Reichstag) took

place in June, and resulted in the following distribution of

seats:

Conservatives,      52;

Imperialists,       22;

National Liberals,  48;

Liberal Unionists,  12;

Liberal Democrats,  29;

German Democrats,    8;

Social Democrats,   56;

Centre (Catholic), 106;

Poles,              14;

Anti-Semites,       10;

Independents,       40;

Total,             397.

{246}

"The elections as a whole show the growing power of German

manufactures and the decline of German agriculture. Germany

has become already, in far less time than it took England, a

great urban community. That appears to us the most prominent

fact in German life, and it was therefore bound to make itself

manifest in German politics. In spite of Imperial patronage,

the rural parties have lost. Both the Conservative sections

have indeed lost rather heavily; the Conservatives proper

standing in the new Reichstag at sixty-two instead of at

seventy-two, as in the Reichstag of 1893, and the Free

Conservatives at twenty instead of twenty-seven. The losses of

the National Liberals, who usually vote solidly with the

Conservatives, are smaller, but still they have lost. Though

they represent 'Particularism,' yet the Poles are a peasant

party, and they have lost, standing as they do at fourteen as

compared with nineteen in 1893. The Anti-Semites, who under

clerical guidance draw their strength largely from country

districts, have also lost. On the other hand, those parties

which have gained are the parties which hold the German

cities,—the Centre, the Radicals, and the Social Democrats.

The Centre, as we have said, represents the nascent Rhenish

and Bavarian industrialism, the Radicals have made significant

gains in Berlin, and the Social Democrats have gained in nearly

all the towns except Berlin, where they have lost seats to the

Radicals,—on what ground does not seem clear, unless it is

that the more Anarchical section, which has all along been

strong in Berlin Socialism, has rebelled against the

centralised dictatorship of the party. We imagine that the

urban professional and trading classes, dependent for their

position on the growth of industry, have mainly voted Radical,

and that the working classes have, on the whole, voted

Socialist, except in those cases where they have, as devout

Catholics, supported the Centre party. It will be seen,

therefore, that what we may call Toryism (of an extreme and

fanatical type, practically unknown in England), representing

rural proprietorial interests, has lost: and that the forces

of democracy, whether Liberal of the 'Manchester' type,

Socialist, or Catholic, but all representing the growth of

industrialism and urban life, have gained. In short, what

strikes us as the most obvious moral of the elections is that

the old forces and forms of German life are weakening, that

the ancient Conservative entrenchments are being destroyed,

and that we now have to deal with a modernised Germany.

"It may perhaps be asked why we place the Centre party in the

same category with the Radicals and Social Democrats, since

the last-named party is avowedly anti-religious, and the

Radicals are largely indifferent on the religious question. We

reply that the Centre party is essentially a democratic party,

and a party, moreover, committed to reforms only less

far-reaching than those of the Social Democrats, for whose

candidates the Catholic democratic electors have often voted

on the second ballots. The Centre party embodies to a large

extent the spirit of Bishop Ketteler of Mainz, the chief

founder of German Catholic 'Christian Socialism': its organs

in the Press are democratic in tone: and so far as the present

Pope has advanced in the direction of wide Catholic social

reform, he has had no stronger supporters than the members of

the German Centre party, with the possible exception of the

democratic American Catholic prelates, with whom the Centre

party has much in common. This being the case, it is clear

that democracy, in some or other of its varied forms, controls

a majority of votes in the Reichstag: a small majority, it is

true."

The Spectator (London),

July 2, 1898.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (July).

Death of Prince Bismarck.

Prince Otto van Bismarck, whose importance in German history

is comparable only with that of Charlemagne, Luther, and

Frederick the Great, died on the 31st of July, at the age of

83. Immediately upon his death his confidential secretary. Dr.

Moritz Busch, made public the full text of the letter of

resignation which Bismarck addressed to the Emperor, William

II., when he withdrew—practically dismissed—from the public

service, in 1890. It showed that the immediate cause of his

resignation was an order from the new sovereign which repealed

an arrangement established by the latter's grandfather, in 1852,

whereby a responsible ministry was created in Prussia, through

the giving of responsible authority to a prime minister at its

head. For nearly half a century that constitutional usage had

been maintained. William II. appears to have made his first

grasp at absolutism by setting it aside, and thereupon

Bismarck resigned, as he was undoubtedly expected to do.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (October-November).

The Emperor's visit to Palestine.

A journey made by the Emperor and Empress, with a large

retinue and considerable state, first to Constantinople, and

then to Palestine, in October and November, was suspected of

having some other motive than a love of travel and an interest

in seeing the Holy Land. Looked at in connection with some

other movements, it was supposed to indicate a policy aiming

at the establishment of German influence in the realm of the

Turk.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

Complaints from Danish Sleswick.

"It can never be anything but an encroachment and a cruelty to

insist, as is now being done in Danish North Sleswick, that

all teaching in the schools, with the exception of two

miserable hours a week of religious lessons, shall be carried

on in German, and to forbid even private instruction in the

Danish language. It can never be called anything but brutality

and meanness to punish young men who go into Danish territory

for the purpose of study by depriving their parents of their

parental rights, or by expelling innocent persons from the

country. These methods, too, are beside the purpose. The

Germans complain that Danes who have become Prussian subjects

against their will do not feel like Prussians. They are

tortured and annoyed, subjected to the most minute espionage

and the most contemptible police reports, with the persecution

connected therewith, and then it is considered amazing that

they are not changed into enthusiastic admirers of Prussia. …

The Danish language, in spite of its small area, is a language

of culture. And only the same undue self-admiration which the

Germans are in the habit of criticising in the French can look

upon the forcible extermination of Danish culture, for the

sake of spreading German, as a worthy act, an end that

justifies the means. …

{247}

"Some years ago the actors of the Royal Theatre were forbidden

to produce some innocent old vaudevilles in Sleswick towns

(although permission had already been given to the owner of a

theatre in Haderslev; indeed, they were not even allowed to

remain over night at an hotel. Intense indignation was roused

in Denmark by this narrow-minded police rule, which used as a

pretext the danger to the peace and quietness of Germany of a

scenic representation in Danish. This, however, was nothing

compared with recent events, which, however, will in South

Jutland only have a stimulating effect on the self-respect and

patriotism of the people; while in Denmark those who have

hitherto tried to bring about a better understanding between

Danes and Germans will throw up the game, and without

superfluous words take their stand on the side of the

oppressed. The Danes can and must submit to humiliations,

which the stronger nation again and again puts upon the

weaker, humiliations which itself would never stand from any

other Power. But one thing they cannot do. They cannot give up

exerting all their power to preserve their language and

culture within the Sleswick territory, which for a thousand

years has been Danish, and is so still. They would be

miserable creatures if they could. From the Danish side no

attempt has been made, nor can be made, to regain politically

what has been lost. No political agitation has been

undertaken, nor can it be undertaken, to excite the South

Jutlanders against the conditions which by ill-fate have once

been legally imposed upon them. But the alliance of hearts and

minds cannot be broken even by a great Power like Germany.

"How insecure this Prussian rule feels in North Sleswick in

spite of its mailed fist! Everything alarms it. It dares not

allow Danish actors to play an old vaudeville dating from

1830. It fears the storm of applause which would break loose

as soon as the first unimportant, but Danish, words were heard

from the stage. It feels obliged to forbid a Danish orator

from holding any discourse whatsoever on South Jutland

territory. He is not even allowed to speak on literature—not

on German literature, not even on Goethe. For one can really

never know!—One cannot be sure that the audience, in spite of

the subject being of no political significance whatever,

though even it be a German national topic, might not seize the

opportunity to applaud a speaker from Denmark. And in Heaven's

name that must not happen! On such fragile feet of clay does

the Prussian Colossus stand in Sleswick that it cannot bear a

hand-clap after a Danish lecture on Goethe. Still less can it

endure Danish reading-books and Danish song-books in the hands

of little children, or Danish colours in a lady's gown or upon

a house; Danish songs it fears even behind closed doors. What

is the use of gendarmes if not to wage war against colours and

songs? Such is the measure of the anxiety of Prussia, equipped

with all the instruments of power, as to whether German might,

German wealth, German military glory, German science and art,

and half a hundred million of German people will exercise so

great an attraction on the inhabitants of North Sleswick as

the important miniature State which bears the name of

Denmark."

G. Brandes,

Denmark and Germany

(Contemporary Review, July, 1899).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

Foreign interests of the German people.

United States Consul J. C. Monaghan wrote from Chemnitz in

1899:

"German economists are not exaggerating when they say this

Empire's people and capital are operating in every part of the

world. Not only Hamburg, Bremen, Stettin, Lübeck, and Kiel—i.

e., the seaport cities—but towns far inland, have invested

millions in foreign enterprises. In the Americas, North and

South, in Australia, in Asia, in a large part of Africa,

German settlements, German factories, German merchants, and

German industrial leaders are at work. Nor is it always in

settlements under the Empire's control that this influence is

strongest. In Senegambia, on the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast,

in Zanzibar and Mozambique, in Australia, Samoa, the Marshall

Islands, Tahiti, Sumatra, and South and Central America, there

are powerful commercial organizations aiding the Empire. From

Vladivostock to Singapore, on the mainland of Asia, and in

many of the world's most productive islands, the influence of

German money and thrift is felt. In Central America and the

West Indies, millions of German money are in the plantations;

so, too, in the plantations along the Gold Coast. In

Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Cuba,

Puerto Rico, Trinidad, Venezuela, Brazil, etc., German capital

plays a very important part in helping to develop the

agricultural and in some cases the manufacturing and

commercial interests. A consequence of this development is

seen in the numerous banking institutions whose fields of

operation show that German commerce is working more and more

in foreign parts. These banks look after and aid foreign

investment as well as the Empire's other commercial relations.

They help the millions of Germans in all parts of the world to

carry on trade relations, not only with the Fatherland, but

with other countries.

"These are the links in a long and very strong chain of gold

uniting the colonies with the Mother Country. Quite recently,

large quantities of German capital have been invested in

various industries. The Empire's capital in United States

railroads is put down at $180,000,000. In America, Germans

have undertaken manufacturing. They have used German money to

put up breweries, hat factories, spinning, weaving, and paper

mills, tanneries, soap-boiling establishments, candle mills,

dye houses, mineral-water works, iron foundries, machine

shops, dynamite mills, etc. Many of these mills use German

machinery, and not a few German help. The Liebig Company, the

Chilean saltpeter mines, the Chilean and Peruvian metal mines,

many of the mines of South Africa, etc., are in large part

controlled by German money and German forces. Two hundred

different kinds of foreign bonds or papers are on the Berlin,

Hamburg, and Frankfort exchanges. Germany has rapidly risen to

a very important place in the financial, industrial, and

mercantile world. Will she keep it? Much will depend on her

power to push herself on the sea."

United States Consular Reports,

September, 1899, page 127.

{248}

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

Military statistics.

A report presented to the Reichstag showed the total number of

men liable for service in 1899, including the surplus from

previous years, was 1,696,760. Of these 716,998 were 20 years

of age, 486,978 of 21 years, 362,568 of 22 years, and 130,216

of more than 22 years. The whereabouts of 94,224 was unknown,

and 97,800 others failed to appear and sent no excuse; 427,586

had already undertaken military duties, 579,429 cases were

either adjourned or the men rejected (for physical reasons),

1,245 were excluded from the service, 43,196 were exempt,

112,839 were incorporated in the naval reserve, 226,957 were

called upon to join the colors, leaving a surplus of 5,187;

there were 23,266 volunteers for the army and 1,222 for the

navy. Of the 226,957 who joined the colors 216,880 joined the

army as combatants and 4,591 as non-combatants, and 5,486

joined the navy. Of the 5,486 the maritime population

furnished 3,132 and the inland 2,354. There were 21,189 men

who entered the army before attaining the regulation age, and

1,480 under age who entered the navy; 33,652 of the inland

population and only 189 of the maritime were condemned for

emigrating without leave; while 14,150 inland and 150 maritime

cases were still under consideration at the end of the year.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).

Chinese anti-missionary demonstrations in Shantung.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).

Purchase of Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands from Spain.

See (in this volume)

CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-August).

Advice to the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (June).

State of German colonies.

The following report on German colonies for the year ending

June 30, 1899, was made to the British Foreign Office by one

of the secretaries of the Embassy at Berlin:

"The number of Europeans resident in the German African

Protectorates, viz., Togoland, Cameroons, South-West Africa,

and East Africa, at the time of the issue of the latest

colonial reports in the course of 1899 is given as 4,522 men,

women, and children, of whom 3,228 were Germans. The expense

to the home government of the African colonies, together with

Kiao-chao in the Far East, the Caroline and Samoa Islands in

the South Seas, and German New Guinea and its dependencies, is

estimated at close upon £1,500,000 for 1900, the Imperial

Treasury being asked to grant in subsidies a sum nearly double

that required last year. Kiao-chao is included for the first

time in the Colonial Estimates, and Samoa is a new item. The

Imperial subsidy has been increased for each separate

Protectorate, with the single exception of the Caroline

Islands, which are to be granted £5,000 less than last year.

East Africa receives about £33,000 more; the Cameroons,

£10,000; South-West Africa, £14,000; Togoland, £800; New

Guinea, £10,000; and the new items are: £489,000 for Kiao-chao

(formerly included in the Naval Estimates), and £2,500 for

Samoa. A Supplementary Vote of £43,265 for the Protectorate

troops in the Cameroons is also now before the Budget

Committee. …

"Great efforts have been made to encourage German trade with

the African colonies, and it is shown that considerable

success has been attained in South-West Africa, where the

total value of goods imported from Germany amounted to

£244,187, as against £181,961 in the previous year, with an

appreciable falling-off in the value of imports from other

countries. In East Africa the greater part of the import trade

still comes from India and Zanzibar—about £450,000 worth of

goods out of the gross total of £592,630, having been imported

thence. The export trade is also largely carried on through

Zanzibar."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series,

Number 528, 1900, pages 3-5).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (August).

Defeat of the Rhine-Elbe Canal Bill.

Resentment of the Emperor.

An extraordinary edict.

Among several new canal projects in Germany, those of "the

Dortmund-Rhine Canal and the Great Midland Canal (joining from

the east to west the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Rhine) are the

most important. The first involves an expenditure of over

£8,000,000 altogether, and the second is variously estimated

at from £10,000,000 to £20,000,000, according to its eventual

scope. The latter is intended to amalgamate the eastern and

western waterways of the nation and to join the Dortmund-Ems

Canal to the Rhine system, in order to give the latter river

an outlet to the sea via a German port, instead of only

through ports in the Netherlands. It will also place the

Rhine-Main-Danube connection in direct communication with all

the streams of North Germany."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,

January, 1899.

The Rhine-Elbe canal project is one which the Emperor has

greatly at heart, and when, in August, 1899, a bill to promote

it was defeated in the Prussian Landtag by the Agrarians, who

feared that canal improvements would promote agricultural

competition, his resentment was expressed in an extraordinary

edict, which said: "The royal government, to its keen regret,

has been compelled to notice that a number of officials, whose

duty it is to support the policy of His Majesty the King, and to

execute and advance the measures of His Majesty's government,

are not sufficiently conscious of this obligation. … Such

conduct is opposed to all the traditions of the Prussian

administration, and cannot be tolerated." This was followed by

an extensive dismissal of officials, and excited strong

feeling against the government in a class which is nothing if

not loyal to the monarchy.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).

Railway concession in Asia Minor, to the Persian Gulf.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).

Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.

Partition of the islands with the United States.

Withdrawal of England, with compensations in the Tonga

and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.

Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January).

Introduction of the Civil Code.

On the first day of the year 1900 a great revolution was

effected in the laws of Germany, by putting into operation the

new German Civil Code. "Since the close of the fifteenth

century Germany has been the land of documentary right. The

Roman judicial code was recognized as common law; while all

legal procedure distinctly native in its origin was confined

to certain districts and municipalities, and was, therefore,

entirely devoid of Imperial signification in the wider sense.

The Civil Code of the land was represented by the Corpus Juris

Civilis, a Latin work entirely incomprehensible to the layman.

{249}

This very remarkable circumstance can be accounted for only by

the weakness of mediæval German Imperialism. In England and

France royalty itself had, since the fourteenth century,

assumed control of the laws in order that a homogeneous

national code might be developed. German Imperialism of the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, however, was incapable of

such a task. …

"An incessant conflict has been waging in Germany between the

Roman Law of the Empire and the native law as perpetuated in

the special enactments of the separate provinces and

municipalities. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

the preponderance of power lay with the Roman system, which

was further supported by the German science of jurisprudence—

a science identified exclusively with the common law of Rome.

Science looked upon the native systems of legal procedure as

irrational and barbarous; and as Roman judicature exercised

complete dominion over all legislation, the consequence was

that it steadily advanced, while native and local law was

gradually destroyed. Only within the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries has the native law of Germany been aroused to the

defence of its interests, … the signal for the attack upon

Roman Law being given by King Frederick William I, of Prussia.

As early as 1713 this monarch decreed that Roman law was to be

abrogated in his dominions, and replaced by the native law of

Prussia. The movement became general; and the era of modern

legal codes was ushered in. The legal code of Bavaria was

established in 1756; Prussia followed in 1794; France, in 1804

(Code Civil); Baden, in 1809; Austria, in 1811 (Das

Oesterreichische Buergerliche Gesetzbuch); and finally Saxony,

in 1863 (the designation here being similar to that adopted by

Austria). Everywhere the motto was the same; viz.,

'Emancipation from the Latin Code of Rome.' The native code

was to supplant the foreign, obscure, and obsolete Corpus

Juris. But the success of these newly established codes was

limited; each being applicable to its own particular province

only. Moreover, many of the German states had retained the

Roman law; confining their reforms to a few modifications. …

"The reestablishment of the German Empire was, therefore,

essential also to the reestablishment of German law. As early

as 1874 the initial steps for the incorporation of a new

German Civil Code had already been taken; and this work has

now at last been completed. On August 18, 1896, the new

system, together with a 'Law of Introduction,' was promulgated

by Emperor William II. It will become effective on January 1,

1900, a day which will ever be memorable as marking the climax

of a development of four centuries. At the close of the

fifteenth century Roman law was accepted in Germany; and now,

at the end of the nineteenth, this entire system is to be

completely abolished throughout the Empire. As a means of

education, and solely for this purpose, the Roman Code will be

retained in the universities. As a work of art it is immortal;

as a system of laws, perishable. The last relic of that grand

fabric of laws, which once dominated the whole world, crumbles

to-day. The national idea is victorious; and German law for

the German Empire is at last secured."

R. Sohm,

The Civil Code of Germany

(Forum, October, 1800).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1890-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February-June).

Increased naval programme.

With much difficulty, and as the result of strenuous pressure,

the Emperor succeeded in carrying through the Reichstag, in

June, a bill which doubles the programme of naval increase

adopted in 1898.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).

"After the way had been prepared by a speech of the Emperor to

the officers of the Berlin garrison on January 7, 1900, and by

a vigorous Press agitation, this project was brought before

the Reichstag on February 8. In form it was an amendment of

the Sexennate, or Navy Law of 1898, which had laid down a six

years' programme of naval construction. By the new measure

this programme was revised and extended over a period of 20

years. Instead of the double squadron of 10 battleships, with

its complement of cruisers and other craft, it was demanded

that the Government should be authorized to build two double

squadrons, or 38 battleships and the corresponding number of

cruisers. The Bill also provided for a large increase in the

number of ships to be employed in the protection of German

interests in foreign waters. The Centre party, both through

its speakers in the Reichstag and through its organs in the

Press, at first took up a very critical attitude towards the

Bill. Its spokesmen dwelt especially upon the breach of faith

involved in the extension of the programme of naval

construction so soon after the compromise of 1898 had been

accepted, and upon the difficulty of finding the money to pay

for a fleet of such magnitude. The Clerical leaders, however,

did not persist in their opposition, and finally agreed to

accept the main provisions of the Bill, with the exception of

the proposed increase in the number of ships employed in

foreign waters. They made it a condition that the Government

should incorporate with the Bill two financial projects

designed to provide the money required without burdening the

working classes. Both the Stamp Duties Bill and the Customs

Bill were adopted by the Government, and the Navy Bill was

carried with the aid of the Centre."

Berlin Correspondent, London Times.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).

The Lex Heinze.

The Socialists won a notable triumph in May, when they forced

the Reichstag to adopt their views in the shaping of a measure

known as the Lex Heinze. This Bill, as introduced by the

Government, gave the police increased powers in dealing with

immorality. The Clericals and the Conservatives sought to

extend its scope by amendments which were denounced by the

Radicals and Socialists as placing restrictions upon the

"liberty of art and literature." After a prolonged struggle,

in which the Socialists resorted to the use of obstruction,

the most obnoxious amendments were withdrawn.

{250}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).

Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill.

A much discussed and sharply contested bill, providing for a

stringent inspection of imported meats, and aimed especially

at the obstructing of the American meat trade, was passed by

the Reichstag on the 23d of May. It prohibits the importation

of canned or sausage meat entirely, and imposes conditions on

the introduction of other meats which are thought to be, in

some cases, prohibitory. The measure was originally claimed to

be purely one of sanitary precaution. It "had been introduced

in the Reichstag early in 1899, but the sharp conflict of

interests about it kept it for more than a year in committee,

When the bill finally emerged for discussion in the Reichstag,

it was found that the Agrarian majority had distorted it from

a sanitary to a protective measure. Both in the new form they

gave the bill and in their discussions of it in the Reichstag,

the Agrarians showed that it was chiefly the exclusion of

foreign meats, rather than a system of sanitary inspection,

that they wanted. As finally passed in May the bill had lost

some of the harsh prohibitory features given it by the

Agrarians, the latter contenting themselves with the exclusion

of canned meats and sausages. To the foreign student of German

politics, the Meat Inspection Law is chiefly interesting as

illustrating the tendency of the general government to seize

upon functions which have hitherto been in the hands of the

individual states and municipalities, as well as of bringing

the private affairs of the people under the control of

governmental authority. It is another long step of the German

government away from the principle of 'laissez-faire.' The

task undertaken by the government here is itself a stupendous

one. There is certainly no other great government in the world

that would endeavor to organize the administrative machinery

for inspecting every pound of meat that comes upon the markets

of the country."

W. C. Dreher,

A Letter from Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June).

Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.

"The new Elbe and Trave Canal, which has been building five

years and has been completed at a cost of 24,500,000 marks

($5,831,000)—of which Prussia contributed 7,500,000 marks

($1,785,000) and the old Hansa town of Lübeck, which is now

reviving, 17,000,000 marks ($4,046,000)—was formally opened by

the German Emperor on the 16th [of June]. The length of the

new canal-which is the second to join the North Sea and the

Baltic, following the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, or Kiel

Canal, which was finished five years ago at a cost of

156,000,000 marks ($37,128,000)-is about 41 miles. The

available breadth of the new canal is 72 feet; breadth of the

lock gates, 46 feet; length of the locks, 87 yards; depth of

the locks, 8 feet 2 inches. The canal is crossed by

twenty-nine bridges, erected at a cost of $1,000,000. The span

of the bridges is in all cases not less than 30 yards and

their height above water level about 15 feet. There are seven

locks, five being between Lübeck and the Möllner See—the

highest point of the canal—and two between Möllner See and

Lauenburg-on-the-Elbe."

United States, Consular Reports,

September, 1900, page 8.

A memorandum by the British Charge d'Affaires in Berlin on the

Elbe-Trave Canal says that the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm

Canal injuriously affected the trade of Lübeck. This was

foreseen, and in 1894 a plan was sanctioned for the widening

of the existing canal, which only allowed of the passage of

vessels of about thirty tons. The direction of the old canal

was followed only to some extent, as it had immense curves,

while the new bed was fairly straight from Lübeck to

Lauenburg, on the Elbe above Hamburg. The memorandum states

that the undertaking is of great importance to the States

along the Elbe, as well as to Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and

Russia. It will to some extent divert traffic from Hamburg,

and possibly reduce somewhat the revenue of the Kaiser Wilhelm

Canal.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).

Government loan placed in America.

Great excitement and indignation was caused in September by

the action of the imperial government in placing a loan of

80,000,000 marks (about $20,000,000) in the American money

market. On the meeting of the Reichstag, the finance minister,

Dr. von Miquel, replying to attacks upon this measure,

explained that in September the state of the German market was

such that if they had raised the 80,000,000 marks at home the

bank discount rate would have risen above the present rate of

5 per cent. before the end of the year. In the previous winter

the bank rate had been at 6 per cent, for a period of 90 days,

and during three weeks it had stood at 7 per cent. The

government had been strongly urged to do everything in its

power to prevent the recurrence of such high rates of

discount. The London rate was rapidly approaching the German,

and there was reason to fear that there would be a serious

flow of gold from Germany. It was therefore urgently desirable

to attract gold from abroad, and there was no country where money

was so easy at the time as in the United States. This was due

to the extraordinarily favorable balance of American trade and

the remarkable increase in exports out of all proportion to

the development of imports. Another reason was the American

Currency Law, which enabled the national banks to issue as

much as 100 per cent. of their capital in loans, whereas they

formerly issued only 90 per cent. There was no doubt that the

80,000,000 marks could have been obtained in Germany, but the

public must have been aware that other loans of much greater

extent were impending. There was going to be a loan of about

150,000,000 marks for the expedition to China, and it was

certain that before the end of the year 1901 considerable

demands would be made upon the public.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).

Proposal to require leaders of the Chinese attack

on foreigners to be given up.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October).

Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

{251}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 9).

Lèse-majesté in criticism of the Emperor's speech to soldiers

departing for China, enjoining no quarter and commending the

Huns as a military example.

Increasing prosecutions for Lèse-majesté.

On the 9th of October, a newspaper correspondent wrote from

Berlin: "The Berlin newspapers of yesterday and to-day

chronicle no fewer than five trials for 'lèse-majesté.' The

most important case was that of Herr Maximilian Harden, the

editor of the weekly magazine 'Zukunft.' Herr Harden, who

enjoyed the confidence of the late Prince Bismarck, wields a

very satirical pen, and has been designated 'The Junius of

modern Germany.' In 1898 Herr Harden was convicted of

lèse-majesté and was sentenced to six months' incarceration in

a fortress. In the present instance he was accused of having

committed lèse-majesté in an article, 'The Fight with the

Dragon,' published in the 'Zukunft' of August 11. The article

dealt with the speech delivered by the Emperor at Bremerhaven

on July 27, 'the telegraphic transmission of which, as was

asserted at the time, had been forbidden by Count von Bülow.'

The article noted as a fact that the Emperor had commanded the

troops who were leaving for China to give no quarter and to

make no prisoners, but, imitating the example of Attila and

the Huns, to excite a terror in East Asia which would last for

a thousand years. The Emperor had added, 'May the blessing of

God attend your flags and may this war have the blessed

result that Christianity shall make its way into China.' Herr

Harden in his comments on this speech had critically examined

the deeds of the historic Attila and had contrasted him with

the Attila of popular story in order to demonstrate that he

was not a proper model to set up for the imitation of German

soldiers. The article in the 'Zukunft' had also maintained

that it was not the mission of the German Empire to spread

Christianity in China, and, finally, had described a war of

revenge as a mistake." No publicity was allowed to be given to

the proceedings of the trial. "Herr Harden was found guilty

not only of having been wanting in the respect due to the

Emperor but of having actually attacked his Majesty in a way

that constituted lèse-majesté. The Court sentenced him to six

months' incarceration in a fortress and at the same time

directed that the incriminated number of the 'Zukunft' should

be destroyed.

"The 'Vossische Zeitung' remarks:—'We read in the newspapers

to-day that a street porter in Marburg has been sentenced to

six months' imprisonment for insulting the Empress, that in

Hamburg a workman has been sentenced to five months'

imprisonment for lèse-majesté, that in Beuthen a workman has

been sentenced to a year's imprisonment for lèse-majesté, and

that in Dusseldorf a man who is deaf and dumb has been

sentenced to four months' imprisonment for the same offence.

The prosecutions for lèse-majesté are multiplying at an

alarming rate. We must emphatically repeat that such

proceedings appear to us to be in the last degree unsuited to

promote the principles of Monarchy. … The greater the number

of political prosecutions that are instituted the more

accustomed, under force of circumstances, does the Press

become to the practice of writing so that the reader may read

between the lines. And this attitude is to the advantage

neither of public morals nor of the Throne. … We regret in

particular that the case of yesterday (that of Herr Harden)

was tried 'in camera.' … It has justly been said that

publicity is more indispensable in political trials than in

prosecutions against thieves and murderers. … If there is no

prospect of an improvement in this respect the Reichstag will

have to devote its serious attention to the question how the

present administration of justice is to be dealt with, not

only in the interest of freedom of speech and of the Press,

but also for the good of the Crown and the well-being of the

State.'"

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 18).

Change in the Imperial Chancellorship.

On the 18th of October it was announced in the "Imperial

Gazette" that" His Majesty the Emperor and King has been

graciously pleased to accede to the request of the Imperial

Chancellor, the President of the Ministry and Minister for

Foreign Affairs, Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Prince of

Ratibor and Corvey, to be relieved of his offices, and has at

the same time conferred upon him the high Order of the Black

Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has further been graciously

pleased to appoint Count von Bülow, Minister of State and

Secretary of State to the Foreign Office, to be Imperial

Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs." Count von Bülow

is the third of the successors of Prince Bismarck in the high

office of the Imperial Chancellor. The latter was followed by

Count von Caprivi, who gave way to Prince Hohenlohe in 1894.

Prince Hohenlohe had nearly reached the age of 82 when he is

said to have asked leave to retire from public life.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November).

Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins.

"Germany has lately taken a step to clear off the haze from

her financial horizon by calling in the outstanding thalers

which are full legal tender, and turning them into subsidiary

coins of limited legal tender—a process which will extend

over ten years. At the end of that time, if no misfortune

intervenes, she will be on the gold standard as surely and

safely as England is. Her banks can now tender silver to their

customers when they ask for gold, as the Bank of France can

and does occasionally. When this last measure is carried into

effect the only full legal-tender money in Germany will be

gold, or Government notes redeemable in gold."

New York Nation,

November 29, 1900.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November-December).

The Reichstag and the Kaiser.

His speeches and his system of personal government.

In the Reichstag, which reassembled on the 14th of November,

"the speeches of the Kaiser were discussed by men of all

parties, with a freedom that was new and refreshing in German

political debates. Apart from the Kaiser's speeches in

connection with the Chinese troubles, the debates brought out

some frank complaints from the more 'loyal' sections of German

politics, that the Kaiser is surrounded by advisers who

systematically misinform him as to the actual state of public

opinion. It has long been felt, and particularly during the

past few years, that the present system of two cabinets—one of

which is nominally responsible to the Reichstag and public

opinion, while the other is merely a personal cabinet,

responsible to neither, and yet exercising an enormous

influence in shaping the monarch's policies—has been growing

more and more intolerable. This system of personal government

is becoming the subject of chronic disquietude in Germany, and

even the more loyal section of the press is growing restive

under it. Bismarck's wise maxim, 'A monarch should appear in

public only when attired in the clothing of a responsible

ministry,' is finding more and more supporters among

intelligent Germans."

W. C. Dreher,

A Letter from Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

{252}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (December).

Census of the Empire.

Growth of Berlin and other cities.

Urban population compared with that in the United States.

A despatch from Berlin, February 26, announced the results of

the census of December, 1900, made public that day. The

population of the German Empire is shown to have increased

from 52,279,901 in 1895 to 56,345,014. Of this population

27,731,067 are males and 28,613,947 females. Over 83 per cent.

of the whole population is contained in the four kingdoms; of

these Prussia comes first with (in round figures) 34,500,000

inhabitants, and Bavaria second with 6,200,000. The figures

for Saxony and Würtemberg are 4,200,000 and 2,300,000

respectively. More than 16 per cent. of the population is

resident in the 33 towns of over 100,000 inhabitants. Of these

33 towns the largest is Berlin, while the smallest is Cassel,

of which the inhabitants number 106,001.

The Prussian Statistical Office had already published the

results of the census, so far as they concern Berlin and its

suburbs. It appears that the population of the German capital

now amounts to 1,884,151 souls, as against 1,677,304 in 1895

and 826,3!1 in 1871. The population of the suburbs has

increased from 57,735 in 1871 and 435,236 in 1895, to 639,310

in 1900. The total population of the capital, including the

suburbs, is given as 2,523,461 souls, as against 2,112,540 in

1895, an increase of over 19 per cent. Some figures relating

to other cities had previously appeared, going to show "an

acceleration of the movement of population from the country

toward the great cities. The growth of the urban population in

five years has been astonishing. The population of Berlin, for

example, increased more than twice as much in the last five

years as in the preceding five. The fourteen German cities now

having a population of above 200,000 have increased more than

17 per cent since 1895. … No other European capital is growing

so fast in wealth and numbers as Berlin; and the city is rapidly

assuming a dominant position in all spheres of German life."

W. C. Dreher,

A Letter from Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

The percentage of growth in Berlin "has been far outstripped

by many other cities, especially by Nuremberg; and so far as

our own census shows, no American city of over 50,000

inhabitants can match its increase. In five years it has grown

from 162,000 to 261,000—60 per cent increase. That would mean

120 per cent in a decade.

"But though Germany has only one city of more than one

million, and one more of more than half a million, and the

United States has three of each class, Germany has, in

proportion to its population rather more cities of from 50,000

to 100,000 inhabitants, and decidedly more of from 100,000 to

500,000, than the United States. In the United States

8,000,000 people live in cities of over 500,000 inhabitants,

against some 3,000,000 in Germany; yet in the United States a

larger percentage of the population lives in places which have

under 50,000 inhabitants."

The World's Work,

March, 1901.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).

Celebration of the Prussian Bicentenary.

See (in this volume)

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).

Promised increase of protective duties.

In the Reichstag—the Parliament of the Empire—on the 26th of

January, the Agrarians brought in a resolution demanding that

the Prussian Government should "in the most resolute manner"

use its influence to secure a "considerable increase" in the

protective duties on agricultural produce at the approaching

revision of German commercial policy, and should take steps to

get the new Tariff Bill laid before the Reichstag as promptly

as possible. In response, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von

Bülow, made the following declaration of the policy of the

government, for which all parties had been anxiously waiting:

"Fully recognizing the difficult situation in which

agriculture is placed, and inspired by the desire effectively

to improve that situation, the Prussian Government is resolved

to exert its influence in order to obtain adequate protection

for agricultural produce by means of the Customs duties, which

must be raised to an extent calculated to attain that object."

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).

The Prussian Canal scheme enlarged.

The canal scheme which suffered defeat in the Prussian diet in

1899 (see above), and the rejection of which by his dutiful

agrarian subjects roused the wrath of the emperor-king, was

again brought forward, at the opening of the session of the

Diet, or Landtag, in January, 1901, with a great enlargement

of its scope and cost, and with an emphatic expression of the

expectation of his Majesty that the bill providing for it

should be passed. The bill covered no less than seven

different projects, of which the total cost to the State was

estimated at about 389,010,700 marks, or nearly $100,000,000.

These include the Rhine-Elbe Canal, which is calculated to

cost 260,784,700 marks; a ship canal between Berlin and

Stettin, to cost 41,500,000 marks; a waterway connecting the

Oder and the Vistula, of which the cost, together with that of

a channel rendering the Warthe navigable for ships from Posen to

the junction of the Netze, is estimated at 22,631,000 marks,

and a canal connecting the province of Silesia with the canal

joining the Oder to the Spree. The bill further proposed that

the State should participate in the work of improving the flow

of water in the Lower Oder and the Upper Havel to the extent

of 40,989,000 marks and 9,670,000 marks respectively, and

should contribute the sum of 9,336,000 marks towards the

canalization of the Spree.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (February).

Annual meeting of the Husbandists.

The annual meeting of the Husbandists, one of the

organizations of German agrarian interests, held at Berlin on

the 11th of February, is reported to have been attended by

some 8,000 delegates. The official report of the organization

showed a membership of 232,000, or an increase of 26,000 over

that of the previous year. Large gains were made during the

year in the southern section of the Empire. It also appeared

that no fewer than 202,000 members represented small farmers.

A resolution was adopted demanding that the Government grant

such protection to agriculture as would enable it to form

prices independent of the Bourse, fixing the duties high

enough to make it possible for tillers of the soil to reap as

large profits for their products as from 1870 to 1800. "Above

all," said the resolution, "Germany must not grant the same

tariffs to countries discriminating in their tariffs, as in

the case of the United States."

----------GERMANY: End--------

{253}

GERRYMANDERING:

Legislation against by the Congress of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

GLADSTONE, William Ewart:

Retirement from public life.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

Death and burial.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

GOEBEL, Governor William E.:

Assassination.

See (in this volume)

KENTUCKY; A. D. 1895-1900.

GOLD COAST COLONY.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI; and AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

GOLD DEMOCRATS.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1893 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

GOLD FIELDS, The Witwatersrand.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

GOLD MINING: Cape Nome discovery.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899

GOLD STANDARD.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES.

GOLDEN STOOL, King Prempeh's.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

GOSCHEN, George J.:

First Lord of the Admiralty in the British Cabinet.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

GOSPODAR.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (MONTENEGRO).

GOTHENBURG SYSTEM, The.

Dispensary Laws.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and

ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

GRASPAN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

GREAT BRITAIN.

See ENGLAND.

GREATER NEW YORK.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

----------GREECE: Start--------

GREECE:

Light on prehistoric times.

Recent explorations in Crete and Egypt.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE; and same: EGYPT.

GREECE: A. D. 1896 (April).

Revival of Olympic Games.

See (in this volume)

ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

GREECE: A. D. 1897 (February-March).

Interference in Crete.

Expedition of Colonel Vassos.

Appeal for the annexation of the island.

Action of the Great Powers.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

GREECE: A. D. 1897 (March-June).

Disastrous war with Turkey.

Appeal for peace.

Submission to the Powers on the Cretan question.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

GREECE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

GREECE: A. D. 1899-1900.

Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

----------GREECE: End--------

GREENBACKS.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);

1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY); 1896-1898; and

1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER)

GREENLAND, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895-1896, 1896, 1897, 1898-1899,

1898-, 1899, 1899-1900.

GREYTOWN:

Possession given to Nicaragua.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

GRONDWET (CONSTITUTION), of the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

GUAM, The island of: A. D. 1898 (June).

Seizure by the U. S. S. Charleston.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JUNE), THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

GUAM: A. D. 1898 (December).

Cession to the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

GUAM: A. D. 1900.

Naval station.

Work planned for the creation of an U. S. naval station at

Guam is expected to cost, it is said, about $1,000,000.

GUANTANAMO:

Capture of harbor by American navy.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

GUATEMALA.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

GUAYAMA, Engagement at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D.1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

GUÉRIN, M.:

The barricade of.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

GUIANA, British: A. D. 1895-1899.

Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA.

GUIANA, French:

Boundary dispute with Brazil.

Award of Swiss arbitrators.

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

GUINEA, French.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

GUNGUNHANA, Portuguese war with.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

{254}

H.

HABANA, or HAVANA.

See (in this volume)

CUBA.

HAFFKINE'S PROPHYLACTIC.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

HAGUE, The, Peace Conference at.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

HALEPA, The Pact of.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

HALL OF FAME, for Great Americans, The.

In the designing of new buildings for the New York University

College of Arts and Science, at University Heights, certain

exigencies of art led to the construction of a stately

colonnade, surrounding a high terrace which overlooks Harlem

River, and the happy idea was conceived by Chancellor

MacCracken of evolving therefrom a "Hall of Fame for Great

Americans." The idea has been carried out, by providing for

the inscription of carefully chosen names on panels of stone,

with a further provision of space for statues, busts,

portraits, tablets, autographs, and other memorials of those

whose names are found worthy of the place. For the selection

of names thus honored, a body of one hundred electors,

representing all parts of the country, was appointed by the

Senate of the University. These electors were apportioned to

four classes of citizens, in as nearly equal numbers as

possible, namely:

(A) University or college presidents and educators.

(B) Professors of history and scientists.

(C) Publicists, editors, and authors.

(D) Judges of the Supreme Court, State or National.

It was required of the electors that they should consider the

claims of eminent citizens in many classes, not less than

fifteen, and that a majority of these classes should be

represented among the first fifty names to be chosen. They

were, furthermore, restricted in their choice to native-born

Americans, a rule which had some reasons in its favor, though

it excluded from the Hall such shining names in American

history as those of John Winthrop, Roger Williams, and

Alexander Hamilton.

As the result of the votes given by 97 electors, in the year

1900, 29 names were found to have received the approval of 51

or more of the electors, and these were ordered to be

inscribed in the Hall of Fame. The 29 names are as follows, in

the order of preference shown them by the 97 electors, as

indicated by the number of votes given to each:

GEORGE WASHINGTON.          97

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.            96

DANIEL WEBSTER.             96

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.          94

ULYSSES S. GRANT.           92

JOHN MARSHALL.              91

THOMAS JEFFERSON.           90

RALPH WALDO EMERSON.        87

HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. 85

ROBERT FULTON.              85

WASHINGTON IRVING.          83

JONATHAN EDWARDS.           81

SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.         80

DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT.     79

HENRY CLAY.                 74

NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE.        73

GEORGE PEABODY.             72

ROBERT E. LEE.              69

PETER COOPER.               69

ELI WHITNEY.                67

JOHN JAMES AUDUBON.         67

HORACE MANN.                67

HENRY WARD BEECHER          66

JAMES KENT.                 65

JOSEPH STORY.               64

JOHN ADAMS.                 61

WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING     58

GILBERT STUART.             52

ASA GRAY.                   51

Resolutions by the Senate of the University have determined

the action to be taken for the selection of further names, as

follows: "The Senate will take action in the year 1902, under

the rules of the Hall of Fame, toward filling at that time the

vacant panels belonging to the present year, being 21 in

number." "Each nomination of the present year to the Hall of

Fame that has received the approval of ten or more electors,

yet has failed to receive a majority, will be considered a

nomination for the year 1902. To these shall be added any name

nominated in writing by five of the Board of Electors. Also

other names may be nominated by the New York University Senate

in such way as it may find expedient. Any nomination by any

citizen of the United States that shall be addressed to the

New York University Senate shall be received and considered by

that body." Furthermore: "Every five years throughout the

twentieth century five additional names will be inscribed,

provided the electors under the rules can agree by a majority

upon so many."

The Senate further took note of the many requests that

foreign-born Americans should be considered, by adopting a

memorial to the University Corporation, to the effect that it

will welcome a similar memorial to foreign-born Americans, for

which a new edifice may be joined to the north porch of the

present hall, containing one fifth of the space of the latter,

providing thirty panels for names.

Chancellor H. M. MacCracken,

The Hall of Fame

(American Review of Reviews, November 1900, page 563).

archive.org/details/sim_review-of-reviews-

us_july-december-1900_22_index/mode/

2up?view=theater&q=MacCracken

HANKOW.

See (in this volume)

SHANGHAI.

HART, Sir Robert:

Testimony as to the causes and character of the "Boxer"

movement in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

HARVARD UNIVERSITY:

Summer School for Cuban Teachers.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1900.

HAVANA.

See (in this volume)

CUBA.

Map of Hawaii and Honolulu.

HAWAII.

Names and areas of the islands.

"For practical purposes, there are eight islands in the

Hawaiian group. The others are mere rocks, of no value at

present. These eight islands, beginning from the northwest,

are named Niihau, Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, Lanai, Kahoolawe,

Maui, and Hawaii. The areas of the islands [in square miles]

are:

Niihau,      97;

Kauai,      590;

Oahu,       600;

Molokai,    270;

Maui,       760;

Lanai,      150;

Kahoolawe,   63;

Hawaii,   4,210.

Total,    6,740.

{255}

As compared with States of the Union, the total area of the

group approximates most nearly to that of the State of New

Jersey—7,185 square miles. It is more than three times that of

Delaware—2,050 square miles."

Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,

August, 1898.

HAWAII:

Annexation to the United States.

On the 16th of June, 1897, the President of the United States

transmitted to Congress a new treaty for the annexation of the

Republic of Hawaii to the United States, signed that day by

representatives of the governments of the two countries,

appointed to draft the same. With the treaty he submitted a

report from his Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, in which the

latter said: "The negotiation which has culminated in the

treaty now submitted has not been a mere resumption of the

negotiation of 1893 (see HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, in volume 3), but

was initiated and has been conducted upon independent lines.

Then an abrupt revolutionary movement had brought about the

dethronement of the late queen and set up instead of the

theretofore titular monarchy a provisional government for the

control and management of public affairs and the protection of

the public peace, such government to exist only until terms of

union with the United States should have been negotiated and

agreed upon. Thus self-constituted, its promoters claimed for

it only a de facto existence until the purpose of annexation

in which it took rise should be accomplished. As time passed

and the plan of union with the United States became an

uncertain contingency, the organization of the Hawaiian

commonwealth underwent necessary changes, the temporary

character of its first Government gave place to a permanent

scheme under a constitution framed by the representatives of

the electors of the Islands, administration by an executive

council not chosen by suffrage, but self-appointed, was

succeeded by an elective and parliamentary regime, and the

ability of the new Government to hold—as the Republic of

Hawaii—an independent place in the family of sovereign States,

preserving order at home and fulfilling international

obligations abroad, has been put to the proof. Recognized by

the powers of the earth, sending and receiving envoys,

enforcing respect for the law, and maintaining peace within

its island borders, Hawaii sends to the United States, not a

commission representing a successful revolution, but the

accredited plenipotentiary of a constituted and firmly

established sovereign State. However sufficient may have been

the authority of the commissioners with whom the United States

Government treated in 1893, and however satisfied the

President may then have been of their power to offer the

domain of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, the fact

remains that what they then tendered was a territory rather

than an established Government, a country whose administration

had been cast down by a bloodless but complete revolution and

a community in a state of political transition. Now, however,

the Republic of Hawaii approaches the United States as an

equal, and points for its authority to that provision of

article 82 of the constitution, promulgated July 24, 1894,

whereby—'The President, with the approval of the cabinet, is

hereby expressly authorized and empowered to make a treaty of

political or commercial union between the Republic of Hawaii

and the United States of America, subject to the ratification

of the Senate.'" The essential articles of the treaty thus

submitted were the following:

ARTICLE I.

The Republic of Hawaii hereby cedes absolutely and without

reserve to the United States of America all rights of

sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian

Islands and their dependencies; and it is agreed that all the

territory of and appertaining to the Republic of Hawaii is

hereby annexed to the United States of America under the name

of the Territory of Hawaii.

ARTICLE II.

The Republic of Hawaii also cedes and hereby transfers to the

United States the absolute fee and ownership of all public,

government or crown lands, public buildings or edifices,

ports, harbors, military equipments and all other public

property of every kind and description belonging to the

Government of the Hawaiian Islands, together with every right

and appurtenance thereunto appertaining. The existing laws of

the United States relative to public lands shall not apply to

such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the Congress of the

United States shall enact special laws for their management

and disposition, Provided: that all revenue from or proceeds

of the same, except as regards such part thereof as may be

used or occupied for the civil, military or naval purposes of

the United States, or may be assigned for the use of the local

government, shall be used solely for the benefit of the

inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for educational and other

public purposes.

ARTICLE III.

Until Congress shall provide for the government of such

Islands all the civil, judicial and military powers exercised

by the officers of the existing government in said Islands,

shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be

exercised in such manner as the President of the United States

shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove

said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The

existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations

shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such

treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded

between the United States and such foreign nations. The

municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for

the fulfilment of the treaties so extinguished, and not

inconsistent with this treaty nor contrary to the Constitution

of the United States, nor to any existing treaty of the United

States, shall remain in force until the Congress of the United

States shall otherwise determine. Until legislation shall be

enacted extending the United States customs laws and

regulations to the Hawaiian Islands, the existing customs

relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and

other countries shall remain unchanged.

ARTICLE IV.

The public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing

at the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this

Treaty, including the amounts due to depositors in the

Hawaiian Postal Savings Bank, is hereby assumed by the

Government of the United States; but the liability of the

United States in this regard shall in no case exceed

$4,000,000. So long, however, as the existing Government and

the present commercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands are

continued, as hereinbefore provided, said Government shall

continue to pay the interest on said debt.

ARTICLE V.

There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the

Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or

may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States, and

no Chinese by reason of anything herein contained shall be

allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

{256}

ARTICLE VI.

The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two

of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall

as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such

legislation concerning the Territory of Hawaii as they shall

deem necessary or proper."

United States, 55th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Executive Document E.

A determined opposition to the renewed proposal of Hawaiian

annexation was manifested at once, in Congress and by many

expressions of public opinion at large. It condemned the

measure on grounds of principle and policy alike. It denied

the right of the existing government at Honolulu to represent

the Hawaiian people in such disposal of their country. It

denied the constitutional right of the government of the

United States to annex territory in the circumstances and the

manner proposed. It denied, too, the expected advantages,

whether naval or commercial, that the annexation of the

islands would give to the United States. A protest against the

annexation came also from the deposed Hawaiian queen,

Liliuokalani, and another from a party in the island which

attempted to rally round the presumptive heiress to the

overturned Hawaiian throne, the Princess Kaiulani. The

government of Japan also entered a protest, apprehending some

disturbance of rights which it had acquired for its emigrating

subjects, by treaty with the Republic of Hawaii; but this

protest was ultimately withdrawn. The army of opposition

sufficed, however, to hold the question of annexation in

abeyance for more than a year. No action was taken on the

treaty during the special session of the Senate. When Congress

assembled in December, 1897, President McKinley repeated his

expressions in its favor, and the treaty was reported to the

Senate, from the committee on foreign relations, early in the

following year; but the two-thirds majority needed for its

ratification could not be obtained.

Attempts to accomplish the annexation by that method were

given up in March, 1898, and the advocates of the acquisition

determined to gain their end by the passage of a joint

resolution of Congress, which required no more than a majority

of each House. Over the question in this form the battle was

fiercely fought, until the 15th of June in the House of

Representatives and the 6th of July in the Senate, on which

dates the following "joint resolution to provide for annexing

the Hawaiian Islands to the United States" was passed. It was

signed by the President the following day:

"Whereas the Government of the Republic of Hawaii having, in

due form, signified its consent, in the manner provided by its

constitution, to cede absolutely and without reserve to the

United States of America all rights of sovereignty of

whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian Islands and their

dependencies, and also to cede and transfer to the United

States absolute fee and ownership of all public, Government,

or Crown lands, public buildings or edifices, ports, harbors,

military equipment, and all other public property of every

kind and description belonging to the Government of the

Hawaiian Islands, together with every right and appurtenance

thereunto appertaining: Therefore,

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled, That said

cession is accepted, ratified, and confirmed, and that the

said Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies be, and they are

hereby, annexed as a part of the territory of the United

States and are subject to the sovereign dominion thereof, and

that all and singular the property and rights hereinbefore

mentioned are vested in the United States of America. The

existing laws of the United States relative to public lands

shall not apply to such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the

Congress of the United States shall enact special laws for

their management and disposition: Provided, That all revenue

from or proceeds of the same, except as regards such part

thereof as may be used or occupied for the civil, military, or

naval purposes of the United States, or may be assigned for

the use of the local government, shall be used solely for the

benefit of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for

educational and other public purposes.

"Until Congress shall provide for the government of such

islands all the civil, judicial, and military powers exercised

by the officers of the existing government in said islands

shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be

exercised in such manner as the President of the United States

shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove

said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The

existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations

shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such

treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded,

between the United States and such foreign nations. The

municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for

the fulfillment of the treaties so extinguished, and not

inconsistent with this joint resolution nor contrary to the

Constitution of the United States nor to any existing treaty

of the United States, shall remain in force until the Congress

of the United States shall otherwise determine. Until

legislation shall be enacted extending the United States

customs laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the

existing customs relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the

United States and other countries shall remain unchanged. The

public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing at

the date of the passage of this joint resolution, including

the amounts due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings

Bank, is hereby assumed by the Government of the United

States; but the liability of the United States in this regard

shall in no case exceed four million dollars. So long,

however, as the existing Government and the present commercial

relations of the Hawaiian Islands are continued as

hereinbefore provided said Government shall continue to pay

the interest on said debt.

"There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the

Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or

may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; and

no Chinese, by reason of anything herein contained, shall be

allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

"The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two

of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall,

as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such

legislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they shall deem

necessary or proper.

{257}

"SECTION 2.

That the commissioners hereinbefore provided for shall be

appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent

of the Senate.

"SECTION 3.

That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much

thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of

any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to

be immediately available, to be expended at the discretion of

the President of the United States of America, for the purpose

of carrying this joint resolution into effect."

There was no strict division of parties on the passage of the

resolution; but only three Republicans in the House voted

against it. Speaker Reed, who had strenuously opposed the

measure, was absent. Two Republican senators voted against the

resolution and three who opposed it were paired. A large

majority of the Democrats in both Houses were in opposition.

The policy advocated by the opponents of annexation was set

forth in the following resolution, which they brought to a

vote in the House, and which was defeated by 205 to 94:

"1. That the United States will view as an act of hostility

any attempt upon the part of any government of Europe or Asia

to take or hold possession of the Hawaiian islands or to

account upon any pretext or under any conditions sovereign

authority therein.

2. That the United States hereby announces to the people of

those islands and to the world the guarantee of the

independence of the people of the Hawaiian islands and their

firm determination to maintain the same."

Immediately upon the passage of the resolution of annexation,

preparations were begun at Honolulu for the transfer of

sovereignty to the United States, which was performed

ceremoniously August 12. Meantime, the President had

appointed, as commissioners to recommend legislation for the

government of the Islands, Messrs. Shelby M. Cullom, John T.

Morgan, Robert R. Hitt, Sanford B. Dole, and Walter F. Frear.

In the following November the Commission presented its report,

with a draft of several bills embodying the recommended

legislation. When the subject came into Congress, wide

differences of opinion appeared on questions concerning the

relations of the new possession to the United States and the

form of government to be provided for it. As the consequence,

more than a year passed before Congress reached action on the

subject, and Hawaii was kept in suspense for that period,

provisionally governed under the terms of the resolution of

annexation. The Act which, at last, determined the status and

the government of Hawaii, under the flag of the United States,

became law by the President's signature on the 30th of April,

1900, and Sanford B. Dole, formerly President of the Republic

of Hawaii, was appointed its governor.

The fundamental provisions of the "Act to provide a government

for the Territory of Hawaii" are the following:

SECTION 2.

That the islands acquired by the United States of America

under an Act of Congress entitled "Joint resolution to provide

for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States,"

approved July seventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,

shall be known as the Territory of Hawaii.

SECTION 3.

That a Territorial government is hereby established over the

said Territory, with its capital at Honolulu, on the island of

Oahu.

SECTION 4.

That all persons who were citizens of the Republic of Hawaii

on August twelfth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, are

hereby declared to be citizens of the United States and

citizens of the Territory of Hawaii. And all citizens of the

United States resident in the Hawaiian Islands who were

resident there on or since August twelfth, eighteen hundred

and ninety-eight, and all the citizens of the United States

who shall hereafter reside in the Territory of Hawaii for one

year shall be citizens of the Territory of Hawaii.

SECTION 5.

That the Constitution, and, except as herein otherwise

provided, all the laws of the United States which are not

locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect

within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States:

Provided, that sections eighteen hundred and fifty and

eighteen hundred and ninety of the Revised Statutes of the

United States shall not apply to the Territory of Hawaii.

SECTION 6.

That the laws of Hawaii not inconsistent with the Constitution

or laws of the United States or the provisions of this Act

shall continue in force, subject to repeal or amendment by the

legislature of Hawaii or the Congress of the United States. …

SECTION 12.

That the legislature of the Territory of Hawaii shall consist

of two houses, styled, respectively, the senate and house of

representatives, which shall organize and sit separately,

except as otherwise herein provided. The two houses shall be

styled "The legislature of the Territory of Hawaii." …

SECTION 17.

That no person holding office in or under or by authority of

the Government of the United States or of the Territory of

Hawaii shall be eligible to election to the legislature, or to

hold the position of a member of the same while holding said

office. …

SECTION 55.

That the legislative power of the Territory shall extend to

all rightful subjects of legislation not inconsistent with the

Constitution and laws of the United States locally applicable.

…

SECTION 66.

That the executive power of the government of the Territory of

Hawaii shall be vested in a governor, who shall be appointed

by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate of the United States, and shall hold office for four

years and until his successor shall be appointed and

qualified, unless sooner removed by the President. He shall be

not less than thirty-five years of age; shall be a citizen of

the Territory of Hawaii; shall be commander in chief of the

militia thereof; may grant pardons or reprieves for offences

against the laws of the said Territory and reprieves for

offences against the laws of the United States until the

decision of the President is made known thereon. …

SECTION 68.

That all the powers and duties which, by the laws of Hawaii,

are conferred upon or required of the President or any

minister of the Republic of Hawaii (acting alone or in

connection with any other officer or person or body) or the

cabinet or executive council, and not inconsistent with the

Constitution or laws of the United States, are conferred upon

and required of the governor of the Territory of Hawaii,

unless otherwise provided. …

{258}

SECTION 80.

That the President shall nominate and, by and with the advice

and consent of the Senate, appoint the chief justice and

justices of the supreme court, the judges of the circuit

courts, who shall hold their respective offices for the term

of four years, unless sooner removed by the President. …

SECTION 81.

That the judicial power of the Territory shall be vested in

one supreme court, circuit courts, and in such inferior courts

as the legislature may from time to time establish. …

SECTION 85.

That a Delegate to the House of Representatives of the United

States, to serve during each Congress, shall be elected by the

voters qualified to vote for members of the house of

representatives of the legislature; such Delegate shall

possess the qualifications necessary for membership of the

senate of the legislature of Hawaii. … Every such Delegate

shall have a seat in the House of Representatives, with the

right of debate, but not of voting.

SECTION 86.

That there shall be established in said Territory a district

court to consist of one judge, who shall reside therein and be

called the district judge. The President of the United States,

by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United

States, shall appoint a district judge, a district attorney,

and a marshal of the United States for the said district, and

said judge, attorney, and marshal shall hold office for six

years unless sooner removed by the President. Said court shall

have, in addition to the ordinary jurisdiction of district

courts of the United States, jurisdiction of all cases

cognizable in a circuit court of the United States, and shall

proceed therein in the same manner as a circuit court. …

SECTION 88.

That the Territory of Hawaii shall comprise a customs district

of the United States, with ports of entry and delivery at

Honolulu, Hilo, Mahukona, and Kahului.

HAWAII: A. D. 1900.

Census of the Islands.

Progress of educational work.

"The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a

total population of 109,020, of which 31,019 were native

Hawaiians. The number of Americans reported was 8,485. The

results of the Federal census taken this year [1900] show the

islands to have a total population of 154,001, an increase

over that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per cent. The

total land surface of the Hawaiian Islands is approximately

6,449 square miles: the average number of persons to the

square mile at the last three censuses being as follows: For

1890, 13.9; 1896, 16.9; 1900,23.8.

"Education in Hawaii is making favorable progress. In Honolulu

two large schoolhouses have recently been erected at a cost of

$24,778 and $20,349, respectively. The department of education

is under the management of a superintendent of public

instruction, assisted by six commissioners of public

instruction, two of whom are ladies. The tenure of office of

the commissioners is six years, the term of two of them

expiring each year. They serve without pay. The system is the

same as that existing under the Republic of Hawaii. In the

biennial period ending December 31 there were 141 public and

48 private schools in the Hawaiian Islands; 344 teachers in

the public schools, of whom 113 were men and 231 were women,

and 200 teachers in the private schools, of whom 79 were men

and 121 were women. In the same period there were 11,436

pupils in the public schools, of whom 6,395 were boys and

5,041 were girls, and 4,054 pupils in the private schools, of

whom 2,256 were boys and 1,798 were girls. This gives a total

of 15,490 pupils, of whom 8,651 were boys and 6,839 were

girls. … Of the 15,490 pupils, 5,045 were Hawaiian, 2,721 part

Hawaiian, 601 American, 213 British, 337 German, 3,882

Portuguese, 84 Scandinavian, 1,141 Japanese, 1,314 Chinese, 30

South Sea Islanders, and 124 other foreigners. Each

nationality had its own teacher. The expenditures for the two

years ending December 31, 1899, were $575,353. Since the year

1888 nearly all the common schools, in which the Hawaiian

language was the medium of instruction, have been converted

into schools in which English alone is so employed, 98 per

cent. of the children being at present instructed by teachers

who use English."

United States, Secretary of the Interior,

Annual Report, November 30, 1900.

----------HAWAII: End--------

HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATY, The.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC:

A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER); and 1901 (MARCH).

HAYTI: A. D. 1896.

Election of President Sam.

Hayti elected a new President, General Theresias Simon Sam, to

succeed General Hippolyte, who died suddenly on the 24th of

March.

HAYTI: A. D. 1897.

Quarrel with Germany.

The government of Hayti came into conflict with that of

Germany, in September, 1897, over what was claimed to be the

illegal arrest of a Haytien-born German, named Lueders, who

had secured German citizenship. Germany demanded his release,

with an indemnity at the rate of $1,000 per day for his

imprisonment. The demand not being acceded to promptly, the

German consul at Port-au-Prince hauled down his flag. Then the

United States Minister persuaded the Haytien President,

General Simon Sam, to set Lueders free. But the demand for

indemnity, still pending, brought two German war-ships to

Port-au-Prince on the 6th of December, with their guns ready

to open fire on the town if payment were not made within eight

hours. For Hayti there was nothing possible but submission,

and $30,000 was paid, with apologies and expressions of

regret.

HEBREWS, The ancient:

Their position in history as affected by recent archæological

research.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; IN BIBLE LANDS.

HECKER, Father Isaac Thomas,

and the opinions called "Americanism."

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

HELIUM, The discovery of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT; CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

HENRY, General Guy V.: Military Governor of Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

HERVEY, or COOK, ISLANDS:

Annexation to New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

HEUREAUX, President: Assassination.

See (in this volume)

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

{259}

HICKS-BEACH, Sir Michael,

Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the British Cabinet.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

HILPRECHT, Professor H. V.:

Researches on the site of ancient Nippur.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

HINTCHAK, The.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

HINTERLAND.

A German word which has come into general use to describe

unnamed and poorly defined regions lying behind, or on the

inland side, of coast districts, in Africa more especially,

which have been occupied or claimed by European powers.

HISTORICAL DISCOVERIES, Recent.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

HOAR, Senator George F.:

Action to recover the manuscript of Bradford's History.

See (in this volume)

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

HOAR, Senator George F.:

Speech in opposition to the retention of the

Philippine Islands as a subject State.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

HOBART, Garret A.: Vice President of the United States.

Death.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (November).

HOBOKEN, Great fire at.

On the 30th of June, 1900, between 200 and 300 people lost

their lives in a fire which destroyed the pier system of the

North German Lloyd steamship line, at Hoboken, N. J. The fire

wrecked three of the large ships of the company, and is said

to have been the most destructive blaze that ever visited the

piers and shipping of the port of New York. An estimate placed

the loss of life at nearly 300, and the damage to property at

about $10,000,000, but the company's estimate of the loss of

life and the value of the property wiped out was considerably

less. The fire started in some cotton on one of the four large

piers at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In a few minutes the pier

on which it broke out was enveloped in flames, and in six

minutes the whole pier system was burning. The flames spread

so quickly that many men on the piers and on the vessels,

lighters and barges were hemmed in before they realized that

their lives were in danger.

HOBSON, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson:

The sinking of the collier Merrimac at Santiago.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

HOLLAND.

See (in this volume)

NETHERLANDS, THE KINGDOM OF THE.

HOLLS, Frederick W.:

American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the,

Its extension.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

HONDURAS.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

HONG KONG: A. D. 1894.

The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

HONG KONG: A. D. 1898.

British lease of territory on the mainland.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

HORMIGUEROS, Engagement at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The United States:

The "Spoils System" in its service.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

HOVA, The.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR.

HUA SANG, Massacre of missionaries at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

HUDSON BAY, Investigation of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897.

HUMBERT I., King of Italy: Assassination.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HUNGARY.

See ((in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

HUSBANDISTS, The.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

I.

ICELAND, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

IDAHO: A. D. 1896.

Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

On the 11th of December, 1896, an amendment of the

constitution of Idaho, extending the suffrage to women, was

submitted to the then voters of the State, and carried by

12,126, against 6,282. Though carried by a large majority of

the votes given on the suffrage issue, it did not receive a

majority of the whole vote cast on other questions at the same

election; but the supreme court of the State decided that the

amendment had been adopted.

I-HO-CH'UAN, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ILLINOIS: A. D. 1898.

Strike of coal miners.

Bloody conflict at Virden.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

ILOCANOS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

ILOILO: The American occupation of the city.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

ILORIN, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY:

Transfer of territory to the British Government.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE:

Meeting of British Colonial Prime Ministers at the Colonial

Office, London.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

IMPERIALISM:

The question in American politics.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (APRIL); and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{260}

INCOME TAX: Decision against by United States Supreme Court.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

INDIA: A. D. 1894.

The Waziri War.

A fierce attempt to interrupt the demarcation of the Afghan

boundary was made by the Waziris. The escort of 5,000 troops,

consisting mainly of Sikhs and Goorkhas, was desperately

attacked in camp at Wano, November 3. The attack was repulsed,

but with heavy loss on the British side. It became afterwards

necessary to send three strong columns into the country, under

Sir William Lockhart, in order to carry out the work.

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (March-September).

The defense and relief of Chitral.

The British frontier advanced.

At the extreme northwestern limit of British-Indian dominion

and semi-dominion, under the shadow of the lofty Hindu-Kush

mountains, lie a group of quasi-independent tribal states over

which the Amir of Afghanistan claimed at least a "sphere of

influence" until 1893. In that year the Amir and the

Government of India agreed upon a line which defined the

eastern and southern frontier of Afghanistan, "from Wakhan to

the Persian border," and agreed further as follows: "The

Government of India will at no time exercise interference in

the territories lying beyond this line on the side of

Afghanistan, and his Highness the Amir will at no time

exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this

line on the side of India. The British Government thus agrees

to his Highness the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above

it, as far as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand,

that he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur,

or Chitral, including Arnawai or Bashgal valley." Under this

agreement, the Indian Government prepared itself to be

watchful of Chitral affairs. The little state was notoriously

a nest of turbulence and intrigue. Its rulers, who bore the

Persian title of Mehtar, signifying "Greater," can never have

expected to live out their days. Changes of government were

brought about commonly by assassination. The reigning prince,

Nizam-ul-Mulk, owed his seat to the murder of his father,

Aman-ul-Mulk, though not by himself. In turn, he fell, on New

Year's day, 1895, slain at the instigation of his

half-brother, Amir-ul-Mulk, who mounted the vacant chair of

state. The usurper was then promptly assailed by two rivals,

one of them his brother-in-law, Umra Khan, a mountain

chieftain of Bajaur, the other an uncle, Sher Afzul, who had

been a refugee at Kabul. On the news of these occurrences at

Chitral, the Government of India sent thither, from Gilgit,

its political agent, Surgeon-Major Robertson, with a small

escort, to learn the state of affairs.

The result of Dr. Robertson's attempt to settle matters was an

alliance of Umra Khan and Sher Afzul in a desperate attempt to

destroy him and his small force of native troops, which had

five English officers at its head. The latter took possession

(March 1) of the fort at Chitral, a structure about 80 yards

square, walled partly with wood, and so placed in a valley

that it was commanded from neighboring hills. In this weak

fortification the little garrison held off a savage swarm of

the surrounding tribes during 46 days of a siege that is as

thrilling in the story of it as any found in recent history.

The first reinforcements sent to Dr. Robertson, from near

Gilgit, were disastrously beaten back, with the loss of the

captain in command and 50 of his men. As speedily as possible,

when the situation was known in India, an army of about 14,000

men was made ready at Peshawur, under the command of

Major-General Sir Robert Low, and relieving columns were

pushed with great difficulty through the Malakand Pass, then

filled deep with snow. A smaller force, of 600 men, under

Colonel Kelly, fought its way from Gilgit, struggling through

the snows of a pass 12,000 feet above the level of the sea.

Colonel Kelly was the first to reach Chitral, which he did on

the 20th of April. The besiegers had fled at his approach. The

beleaguered garrison was found to have lost 40 killed and 70

wounded, out of its fighting force of about 370 men. Sher

Afzul was caught by the Khan of Dir, who led 2,000 of his

followers to the help of the British. Umra Khan escaped to

Kabul, where he was imprisoned by the Amir. Shuja-ul-Mulk, a

younger brother of Amir-ul-Mulk was declared Mehtar. The

question whether British authority should be maintained in

Chitral or withdrawn was now sharply debated in England; but

Lord Salisbury and his party, coming into power at that

moment, decided that the advanced frontier of Indian Empire

must be held. The young Mehtar was installed in the name of

the Maharaja of Kashmir as his suzerain, and the terms under

which his government should be carried on were announced at

his installation (September 2, 1895) by the British Agent, as

follows:

"The general internal administration of the country will be

left in the hands of the Mehtar and of his advisers. The

Government of India do not intend to undertake themselves the

management of the internal affairs of Chitral, their concern

being with the foreign relations of the State, and with its

general welfare. It, however, has to be remembered that

Shuja-ul-Mulk is only a boy, and that, at an age when other

boys are engaged in education and amusement, he has been

called upon to hold the reins of State. Bearing this fact in

mind, the Government of India recognise the necessity of his

receiving some help during the time of his minority, and it

has consequently been decided to leave at Chitral an

experienced Political Officer upon whom the Mehtar may always

call for advice and assistance, while it is proposed to

appoint three persons, Raja Bahadur Khan, the Governor of

Mastuj, Wazir Inayat Khan and Aksakal Fateh Ali Shah, to give

him help, instruction and advice in the management of his

State and in the laws and customs of the people. Ordinarily

the entire country will be governed in accordance with their

experience and judgment; but nevertheless the Assistant

British Agent, if he thinks it necessary to do so, may, at any

time, ask the Mehtar to delay action recommended by his three

advisers, until the opinion of the British Agent at Gilgit has

been obtained, whose decision shall be final and

authoritative.

{261}

"The desirability of abolishing traffic in slaves is a matter

to which the Government of India attach much importance, and

that they have lately interested themselves with some success

in procuring the release of Natives of Kashmir and her

dependencies, including Chitralis, who are held in bondage in

Chinese Turkistan. It is in accordance therefore with the

general policy of the Government of India that in Chitral also

all buying and selling of slaves, whether for disposal in the

country or with the intention of sending them abroad, should

be altogether prohibited. Any such selling of slaves is

therefore from this time forward absolutely illegal."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:

Papers by Command, 1896 (C.-8037).

Also in:

C. Lowe,

The Story of Chitral

(Century magazine, volume 55, page 89).

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (April).

Report of the Opium Commission.

"The long-deferred publication of the report of this

commission was made in April, and the report was signed by

eight out of nine members of the commission. The commissioners

declared that it had not been shown to be necessary, or to be

demanded by the people, that the growth of the poppy and the

manufacture of opium in British India should be prohibited.

Such a prohibition, if extended to the protected States, would

be an unprecedented act of interference on the part of the

paramount Power, and would be sure to be resisted by the

chiefs and their people. The existing treaties with China in

regard to the importation of Indian opium into that country

had been admitted by the Chinese Government to contain all

they desired. The evidence led the commissioners to the

conclusion that the common use of opium in India is moderate,

and its prohibition is strongly opposed by the great mass of

native opinion."

Annual Register, 1895,

pages 337-338.

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.

Famine in northwestern and central provinces.

A failure of rains, especially in northwestern and central

India, produced the inevitable consequence of famine, lasting

with awful severity from the spring of 1896 until the autumn

of 1897. In December of the former year there were 561,800

persons employed on relief works which the Indian government

organized. In the following March the number had risen to more

than three millions, and in June it exceeded four millions.

Rain fell in July, and August, and the distress began soon

afterwards to grow less. In addition to the heavy expenditures

of the government, the charitable contributions for the relief

of sufferers from this famine were officially reported to have

amounted to 1,750,000 pounds sterling ($8,750,000).

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1900.

The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

INDIA: A. D. 1897.

Change in the government of Burmah.

See (in this volume)

BURMAH: A. D. 1897.

INDIA: A. D. 1897.

Rejection of American proposals for a

reopening of mints to silver.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

Frontier wars.

From the early summer of 1897 until beyond the close of the

year, the British were once more seriously in conflict with

the warlike tribes of the Afghan frontier. The risings of the

latter were begun in the Tochi Valley, on the 10th of June,

when a sudden, treacherous attack was made by Waziri tribesmen

on the escort of Mr. Gee, the political agent, at the village

of Maizar. A number of officers and men were killed and

wounded, and the whole party would have been destroyed if

timely reinforcements had not reached them. Over 7,000 troops

were subsequently employed in the suppression and punishment

of this revolt. The next outbreak, in the Swat Valley, was

more extensive. It was ascribed to the preaching of a

fanatical Mohammedan priest, known as "the mud mullah," who

labored to excite a religious war, and was opened, July 26, by

a night attack on the British positions at Malakand and

Chakdarra. The latter outpost, guarding the bridge over the

Swat river, on the road to Chitral, was held by a small

garrison of less than 300 men, who were beleaguered for a

considerable time before relief came. According to an official

return of "wars and military operations on or beyond the

borders of British India in which the Government of India has

been engaged," made to Parliament on the 30th of January,

1900, there were 11,826 troops employed in the operations

immediately consequent on this rising, with the result that

"the insurgents were defeated and the fanatical gatherings

were dispersed; large fines were taken in money and arms." But

other neighboring tribes either gave help to the Swats or were

moved to follow their example, and required to be subdued,

their countries traversed by punitive expeditions and "fines

of money and arms" collected. Before the year closed, these

tasks employed 6,800 men in the Mohmand country, 3,200 in the

Utman Khel country, 7,300 in the Buner country, 14,231 in the

Kurram Valley; and then came the most serious business of all.

The Afridis, who had been subsidized by the government of

India for some years, as guardians of the important Khyber

Pass, were suddenly in arms against their paymasters, in

August, destroying the Khyber posts. This serious hostility

called nearly 44,000 British-Indian troops into the field,

under General Sir William Lockhart, whose successful campaign

was not finished until the following spring. The most serious

engagement of the war with the Afridis was fought at the

village of Dargai, October 18. The final results of the

campaign are thus summarized in the return mentioned above:

"British troops traversed the country of the tribes,

inflicting severe loss on the tribesmen, who were ultimately

reduced to submission: they paid large fines in money and

arms, and friendly relations have since been restored."

Great Britain,

House of Commons Reports and Papers, 1900, 13.

INDIA: A. D. 1898.

Discovery of the birthplace and the tomb of Gautama Buddha.

See (in this volume)

BUDDHA.

INDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).

Appointment of Lord Curzon to the Viceroyalty.

In September, 1898, the Right Hon. George N. Curzon, lately

Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was appointed

Viceroy and Governor-General of India, to succeed the Earl of

Elgin. In the following month, Mr. Curzon was raised to the

peerage, as Baron Curzon of Kedleston.

INDIA: A. D. 1899-1900.

Famine again.

There was a recurrence of drought and famine in 1899, far more

extensive than that of 1896-1897; producing more death and

suffering, and calling out more strenuous exertions for its

relief. The regions afflicted were largely the same as two

years before, embracing much of northwestern and central

India. The relief measures which it demanded were carried far

into the summer of 1900. In October of the latter year Lord

Curzon, the Viceroy, addressing the Legislative Council at

Simla, and reviewing the experience through which the

government and the country had passed, made some important

statements of fact:

{262}

"In a greater or less degree," he said, "nearly one-fourth of

the entire population of the Indian continent came within the

range of the relief operations. The loss occasioned may be

roughly put in this way. The annual agricultural production of

India and Burma averages in value between 300 and 400 crores

of rupees [the crore being ten millions, and the rupee

equivalent to about one-third of a dollar]. On a very cautious

estimate the production of 1899-1900 must have been at least

one-quarter, if not one-third, below the average, or at normal

prices 75 crores, or £50,000,000 sterling. If to this be added

the value of some millions of cattle, some conception may be

formed of the destruction of property which great drought

occasions. There have been many great droughts in India, but

no other of which such figures could be predicated as these. …

"If a special characteristic can be attributed to our campaign

of famine relief in the past year, it has been its

unprecedented liberality. There is no parallel in the history

of India or any country of the world to the total of over

6,000,000 persons who, in British India and the native States

for weeks on end, have been dependent upon the charity of the

Government. The famine cost ten crores in direct expenditure,

while 238 lakhs were given to landholders and cultivators on

loans and advances, besides loans to native States. … There

has never been a famine when the general mortality has been

less, when the distress has been more amply or swiftly

relieved, or when the Government and its officers have given

themselves with more whole-hearted devotion to the saving of

life and the service of the people. It is impossible to tell

the actual mortality, but there has apparently been an excess

of mortality over the normal of 750,000. Cholera and smallpox

have accounted for 230,000, which is probably below the mark,

so that the excess in British India has equalled 500,000

during the year. To say that the greater part of these died of

starvation or even of destitution would be an unjustifiable

exaggeration, since many other contributory causes have been

at work."

Referring to the charitable help received from various parts

of the world, Lord Curzon said: "In 1896-1897 the total

collections amounted to 170 lakhs [the lakh being 100,000

rupees] of which 10 lakhs remained over at the beginning of

the recent famine. In the present year the Central Relief

Committee has received a sum of close upon 140 lakhs, not far

short of £1,000,000 sterling. To analyze the subscriptions:

India has contributed about the same amount to the fund as in

1896-1897—namely, 32 lakhs. If the contributions from the

European community are deducted, India may be considered to

have contributed less than one-fifth of the total collections

of 140 lakhs. More might have been expected from the native

community as a whole, notwithstanding individual examples of

remarkable generosity. The little colony of the Straits

Settlements, which has no connexion with India beyond that of

sentiment, has given more than the whole Punjab. A careful

observation of the figures and proceedings in each province

compels me to say that native India has not yet reached as

high a standard of practical philanthropy and charity as might

reasonably be expected. … The collections from abroad amounted

to 108 lakhs, as against 137 in 1896-1897. The United

Kingdom's contribution of 88½ lakhs compared indifferently

with its contribution of 123 lakhs in 1896-1897, but in the

circumstances of the year it is a noble gift. Glasgow has been

especially generous with a donation of 8¼ lakhs and Liverpool

with 4½, in addition to nearly 16 lakhs from the rest of

Lancashire. Australasia has given nearly 8 lakhs in place of 2

lakhs. The Straits Settlements, Ceylon, and Hong-Kong have

also been extremely generous. Even the Chinese native

officials have collected handsome sums. The liberal donation

of Germany at the instigation of the Emperor has already been

publicly acknowledged. The United States, both through direct

contributions to the fund and by means of

privately-distributed gifts of money and grain, have once more

shown their vivid sympathy with England's mission and India's

need."

INDIA: A. D. 1901.

Census of the Empire.

Decrease of population in several of the Native States.

The Indian census, begun on the 1st of March, 1901, was

completed for the entire empire in fourteen days, the result

being announced on the 15th. It showed a total population in

British territory of 231,085,000, against 221,266,000 in 1891;

in Native States 63,181,000, against 66,050,000 in 1891; total

for all India, 294,266,000, against 287,317,000 in 1891. The

Native States, it will be seen, have declined in population to

the extent of nearly 3,000,000, showing greater severity in

those states of the effects of famine and disease. In several

provinces, however, of the British territory, a decrease of

population appears: Berar declining from 2,897,000 in 1891 to

1,491,000 in 1901; Bombay (British Presidency) from 15,957,000

to 15,330,000; Central Provinces from 10,784,000 to 9,845,000;

Aden from 44,000 to 41,000; Coorg from 173,000 to 170,000. Of

the Native States the greatest loss of population was suffered

in Rajputana, which sank from 12,016,000 to 9,841,000; in

Central India, where the numbers fell from 10,318,000 to

8,501,000; and in the Bombay States, which were reduced in

population from 8,059,000 to 6,891,000. The provinces in

British India which show the greatest percentage of gain are

Upper and Lower Burma, Assam and Sind. The present population

of the greater British provinces is as follows: Bengal,

74,713,000; Madras, 38,208,000; Northwest provinces,

34,812,000; Punjab, 22,449,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).

Continued famine.

On the 24th of January, 1901, the Viceroy of India reported to

the British Government, by telegram, that the winter rainfall

had been unusually good in Upper India, Rajputana, Central

Provinces, and Central India, and agricultural prospects were

very favorable: but that in Gujarat, Deccan, and the Karnatik

districts of Bombay, through the early cessation of the

monsoon in September and the absence of rain, the crop

prospects were bad and serious distress was expected between

then and August. Relief measures would be required. The

affected district included Baroda and part of Haidarabad. On

the 14th of February the Viceroy reported further that the

number on the relief works and gratuitous relief showed little

increase, but greater pressure was expected in the affected

area after the reaping of the scanty harvests there.

{263}

In Upper

and Central India some damage by storm and damp had been done

to crops which promised to be very good. The number of persons

then in receipt of relief was:

Bombay,               176,000;

Bombay Native States,  17,000;

Baroda,                15,000;

Haidarabad,             2,000;

Madras,                 3,000;

Central India States,   1,000.

Total,                214,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).

Creation of a new administrative province on the

northwestern frontier.

A despatch from Calcutta, February 13, announced the

determination of the government of India to create "a new

frontier agency or province, formed out of the four

trans-Indus districts of the Punjab, under an Agent to the

Governor-General of similar status to the Agent in

Baluchistan, with revenue and judicial commissioners, all the

officers being under the Supreme Government and enrolled in

the Political Department. The districts which form the new

province will be Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan,

with the tribal country beyond their limits, and also the

existing political agencies of Dir, Swat, Chitral, the

Khaibar, the Kuram, Tochi, and Wana. The scheme takes as

little as possible away from the Punjab, while making a

compact charge, easily controllable by one officer."

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).

Message of King Edward VII. to the princes and people.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION, and Monetary Commission, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

INDIANS, The American: A. D. 1893-1899.

Negotiations and agreements with the Five Civilized Tribes.

Work of the Dawes Commission.

In his annual Message to the Congress of the United States,

December 7, 1896, President Cleveland made the following

reference to the work of a commission created in 1893, for

negotiating with what are known as the Five Civilized Tribes

of Indians: "The condition of affairs among the Five Civilized

Tribes, who occupy large tracts of land in the Indian

Territory and who have governments of their own, has assumed

such an aspect as to render it almost indispensable that there

should be an entire change in the relations of these Indians

to the General Government. This seems to be necessary in

furtherance of their own interests, as well as for the

protection of non-Indian residents in their territory. A

commission organized and empowered under several recent laws

is now negotiating with these Indians for the relinquishment

of their courts and the division of their common lands in

severalty, and are aiding in the settlement of the troublesome

question of tribal membership. The reception of their first

proffers of negotiation was not encouraging, but through

patience and such conduct on their part as demonstrated that

their intentions were friendly and in the interest of the

tribes the prospect of success has become more promising. The

effort should be to save these Indians from the consequences

of their own mistakes and improvidence and to secure to the

real Indian his rights as against intruders and professed

friends who profit by his retrogression. A change is also

needed to protect life and property through the operation of

courts conducted according to strict justice and strong enough

to enforce their mandates. As a sincere friend of the Indian,

I am exceedingly anxious that these reforms should be

accomplished with the consent and aid of the tribes and that

no necessity may be presented for radical or drastic

legislation."

United States,

Message and Documents

(Abridgment, 1896-1897).

The Act of March 3, 1893, by which the commission was created,

set forth its character, its duties and its powers, as

follows: "The President shall nominate and, by and with the

advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint three

commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee

Nation, the Choctaw Nation, the Chickasaw Nation, the Muscogee

(or Creek) Nation, the Seminole Nation, for the purpose of

extinguishment of the national or tribal title to any lands

within that territory now held by any and all of such nations

or tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof

to the United States, or by the allotment and division of the

same in severalty among the Indians of such nations or tribes,

respectively, as may be entitled to the same, or by such other

method as may be agreed upon between the several nations and

tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States,

with a view to such an adjustment, upon the basis of justice

and equity, as may, with the consent of such nations or tribes

of Indians, so far as may be necessary, be requisite and

suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States

of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian

Territory. …

"Such commissioners shall, under such regulations and

directions as shall be prescribed by the President, through

the Secretary of the Interior, enter upon negotiation with the

several nations of Indians as aforesaid in the Indian

Territory, and shall endeavor to procure, first, such

allotment of lands in severalty to the Indians belonging to

each such nation, tribe, or band, respectively, as may be

agreed upon as just and proper to provide for each such Indian

a sufficient quantity of land for his or her needs, in such

equal distribution and apportionment as may be found just and

suited to the circumstances; for which purpose, after the

terms of such an agreement shall have been arrived at, the

said commissioners shall cause the land of any such nation, or

tribe, or band to be surveyed and the proper allotment to be

designated; and, secondly, to procure the cession, for such

price and upon such terms as shall be agreed upon, of any

lands not found necessary to be so allotted or divided, to the

United States; and to make proper agreements for the

investment or holding by the United States of such moneys as

may be paid or agreed to be paid to such nation, or tribes, or

bands, or to any of the Indians thereof, for the extinguishment

of their [title?] therein. But said commissioners shall,

however, have power to negotiate any and all such agreements

as, in view of all the circumstances affecting the subject,

shall be found requisite and suitable to such an arrangement

of the rights and interests and affairs of such nations,

tribes, bands, or Indians, or any of them, to enable the

ultimate creation of a Territory of the United States with a

view to the admission of the same as a State in the Union."

{264}

A subsequent Act, of March 2, 1895, authorized the appointment

of two additional members of the commission; and an Act of

June 10, 1896, provided that "said commission is further

authorized and directed to proceed at once to hear and

determine the application of all persons who may apply to them

for citizenship in any of said nations, and after said hearing

they shall determine the right of said applicant to be so

admitted and enrolled. … That the said commission … shall

cause a complete roll of citizenship of each of said nations

to be made up from their records, and add thereto the names of

citizens whose right may be conferred under this act, and said

rolls shall be, and are hereby, made rolls of citizenship of

said nations or tribes, subject, however, to the determination

of the United States courts, as provided herein."

A further Act of Congress, known as the Curtis Act, June 28,

1898, ratified, with some amendments, an agreement made by the

commission with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, in April. 1897,

and with the Creeks in September of that year, to become

effective if ratified by a majority of the voters of those

tribes at an election held prior to December 1, 1898. In the

annual report, for 1899, made by the commission (of which the

Honorable Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts, is chairman, and

which is often referred to as "the Dawes Commission,") the

following account of results is given: "A special election was

called by the executives of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations

to be held August 24, and the votes cast were counted in the

presence of the Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes at

Atoka, August 30, resulting in the ratification of the

agreement by a majority of seven hundred ninety-eight votes.

Proclamation thereof was duly made, and the 'Atoka agreement,'

so called, is therefore now in full force and effect in the

Choctaw and Chickasaw nations. Chief Isparhecher of the Creeks

was slow to call an election, and it was not until November 1,

1898, that the agreement with that tribe was submitted in its

amended form for ratification. While no active interest was

manifested, the full-bloods and many of the freedmen were

opposed to the agreement and it failed of ratification by

about one hundred and fifty votes. …

"The Cherokees now began to realize the sensations of 'a man

without a country,' and again created a commission at a

general session of the national council in November, 1898,

clothed with authority to negotiate an agreement with the

United States. The earlier efforts of this commission to

conclude an agreement with that tribe were futile, owing to

the disinclination of the Cherokee commissioners to accede to

such propositions as the Government had to offer. The

commission now created was limited in its power to negotiate

to a period of thirty days. The United States Commission had

advertised appointments in Mississippi extending from December

19, 1898, to January 7, 1899, for the purpose of identifying

the Mississippi Choctaws, a duty imposed upon the commission

by the act of June 28, 1898, but on receiving a communication

from the chairman of the Cherokee Commission requesting a

conference it was deemed desirable to postpone the

appointments in Mississippi and meet the Cherokee Commission,

which it did on December 19, 1898, continuing negotiations

until January 14, 1899, producing the agreement which is

appended hereto. In the meantime the Creeks had, by act of

council, created another commission with authority to

negotiate an agreement with the United States, and a

conference was accorded it immediately upon conclusion of the

negotiations with the Cherokees, continuing to February 1,

1899, when an agreement was concluded. The agreement with the

Cherokees was ratified by the tribe at a special election held

January 31, 1899, by a majority of two thousand one hundred six

votes, and that with the Creeks on February 18, 1899, by a

majority of four hundred eighty-five.

"While these agreements do not in all respects embody those

features which the commission desired, they were the best

obtainable, and the result of most serious, patient, and

earnest consideration, covering many days of arduous labor.

The commissions were many times on the point of suspending

negotiations, there having arisen propositions upon the part

of one of the commissions which the other was unwilling to

accept. Particularly were the tribal commissioners determined

to fix a maximum and minimum value for the appraisement of

lands, while this commission was equally vigorous in its views

that the lands should be appraised at their actual value,

excluding improvements, without limitations in order that an

equal division might be made. The propositions finally agreed

upon were the result of a compromise, without which no

agreement could have been reached. The desirability, if not

the absolute necessity, of securing a uniform land tenure

among the Five Tribes leads the commission to recommend that

these agreements, with such modifications and amendments as

may be deemed wise and proper, be ratified by Congress. …

"The Choctaw and Chickasaw governments, in a limited way, are

continued, by agreement, to March 4, 1906, and certain of

their laws are therefore effective within the territory of

those tribes. A similar condition exists as to the Seminoles,

with which an agreement was concluded at the close of the year

1897. To supply needed laws to replace various tribal statutes

which had by Congress been made inoperative, the laws of

Arkansas pertaining to certain matters have been extended over

Indian Territory. The Federal laws have been made to apply to

still other subjects, and officials under the Interior

Department are charged with the enforcement of rules and

regulations governing still further matters, and so on. So

complicated and complex a state of affairs does this system of

jurisprudence present that the people are dazed and often

unable to determine what is law and who is authorized to

enforce it. Indeed, none other than an able lawyer can

reasonably hope to understand the situation, and even he must

be content to look upon certain phases of it as not being

susceptible of solution.

"Conditions are not yet ripe for the immediate installation of

a Territorial or State government. 'Tis a consummation

devoutly to be wished,' but wholly impracticable at this time

for various reasons, not the least of which is found in the

fact that there are four non-citizens in Indian Territory to

every citizen. The non-citizen does not own a foot of soil,

save as provisions have recently been made for the segregation

and sale of town sites, and with a voice in legislation, the

non-citizen would soon legislate the Indian into a state of

innocuous desuetude. On the other hand, it would be manifestly

unjust and at ill-accord with the spirit of our institutions

to deny the right of franchise to so great a number of people,

in all respects otherwise entitled to enjoy that prerogative.

{265}

Another very serious obstacle to the establishment of a

territorial form of government is the lack of uniform land

tenures. The commission indulges in the hope and belief that

at no great distant date some method may be devised whereby

the lands of all the Five Tribes may be subjected to a uniform

tenure. It will be seen that the legislative feature of the

popular form of government is not possible at this time, and

while legislation by Congress for all the petty needs of the

Territory is impracticable in the highest degree, the more

urgent requirements of the people must be met by this means

for the present. The judicial branch is well represented by

the United States courts. …

"The commission, in conclusion, most earnestly urges the

importance of adequate appropriations for pushing to an early

completion the work contemplated by the various laws and

agreements under which a transformation is to be wrought in

Indian Territory. The all-important and most urgent duty now

devolving upon the Government of the United States incident to

the translation of conditions among the Five Tribes is the

allotment of lands in severalty, and the most pressing and

essential preliminary steps toward that end are the completion

of citizenship rolls, the appraisement of lands, and the

subdivision of sections into forty-acre tracts, all of which

have been already discussed in detail in this report. The

commission believes that the enrollment of citizens is

progressing as rapidly as the nature of the work will permit,

and unless some unforeseen obstacle arises to prevent, the

rolls in four of the nations will be completed and delivered

to the Secretary during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900,

and very material progress made in the fifth."

Sixth Annual Report of the Commission

to the Five Civilized Tribes, 1899,

page 66-67, and 9-29.

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

Outbreak in northern Minnesota.

An alarming outbreak of hostility on the part of some of the

Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota

occurred in October, 1898, provoked, as was afterwards shown,

by gross frauds and abuses on the part of certain of the

officials with whom they had to deal. They had been shamefully

defrauded in the sale of their timber lands, which the

government assumed to undertake for their benefit; but the

immediate Cause of trouble appeared to be a scandalous

practice on the part of deputy marshals, who made arrests

among them for trivial reasons, conveyed prisoners and

witnesses to the federal court at St. Paul, in order to obtain

fees and mileage, and left them to make their way home again

as they could. The outbreak began on the arrest of a chief of

the Pillager band of Chippewas, on Bear Island. He was to be

taken to St. Paul as a witness in a case of alleged

whiskey-selling; but his followers rescued him. The marshal,

thereupon, called for military aid, and a company of United

States infantry was sent to the Reservation. They were

ambuscaded by the Indians and suffered a loss of 5 killed and

16 wounded. The Pillager band was joined by Indians from

neighboring tribes, and all in the region were dangerously

excited by the event, while the whites were in great dread of

a general Indian war. But reinforcements of troops were

promptly sent to the scene, and peace was soon

restored,—measures being taken to remedy the wrongs of which

the Indians complained.

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

The recent Indian policy of the government, and its results.

Indian schools and education.

Present Indian population.

"This, then, is the present Indian policy of the nation,—to

fit the Indian for civilization and to absorb him into it. It

is a national work. It is less than twenty-five years since

the government turned from the policy of keeping him on

reservations, as quiet as possible, out of the way of

civilization, waiting, with no excess of patience, for the

race to fade out of existence and to cease from troubling. It

was in 1877 that the nation made the first appropriation from

its own treasury to fit for its own citizenship this portion

of the human race living under its own flag and constitution,

but without legal status or constitutional immunities. … The

first appropriation was a mere pittance of $20,000; it was

given only after a hard struggle. But the first step met with

encouragement, and the next year the sum was increased to

$30,000, and then to $60,000, and in two years more it became

$125,000. The policy has at last so grown in public confidence

that, while there is still much discussion of the best methods

of expenditure, not a word is heard among the lawgivers for

its abandonment. It has in the meantime so broadened in its

scope that the appropriations for this work have increased

from year to year, till this year (1899) it has risen to

$2,638,390. … There are now 148 well-equipped boarding schools

and 295 day schools, engaged in the education of 24,004

children, with an average attendance of 19,671. How near this

comes to including the whole number of children of school age,

in a total population of a quarter of a million of Indians,

every inquirer can form a pretty close estimate for himself.

No one will deny that, at this rate of progress, the

facilities for the education of Indian children will soon

reach, if they have not already reached, those enjoyed by

their white neighbors in the remote regions of the West. The

results thus far are of a most encouraging character.

"But the work does not stop with the rising generation of the

race; it embraces also the adult Indian. … Soon after the

beginning of appropriations for Indian schools, Congress, in

what is called the Severalty Act, provided for every Indian

capable of appreciating its value, and who chose to take it, a

homestead of one hundred and sixty acres to heads of families,

and a smaller number to other members, inalienable and

untaxable for twenty-five years, to be selected by him on the

reservation of his tribe. If he prefer to abandon his tribe

and go elsewhere, he may take his allotment anywhere on the

public domain, free of charge. No English baron has a safer

title to his manor than has each Indian to his homestead. He

cannot part with it for twenty-five years without the consent

of Congress, nor can the United States, without his consent,

be released from a covenant to defend his possession for the

same period. This allotment carries with it also all the

rights, privileges, and immunities of an American citizen;

opens to these Indians, as to all other citizens, the doors of

all the courts; and extends to them the protection of all the

laws, national and state, which affect any other citizen. Any

Indian, if he prefers not to be a farmer, incumbered with one

of these homesteads, may become a citizen of the United

States, and reside and prosecute any calling in any part of

the United States, as securely under this law as anyone else,

by taking up his residence separate and apart from his tribe,

and adopting the habits of civilized life. Thus every door of

opportunity is thrown wide open to every adult Indian, as well

as to those of the next generation.

{266}

"This recognition of the home and family as a force in Indian

civilization became a part of the present policy of dealing

with the race only twelve years ago. These are some of its

results: 55,467 individual Indians, including a few under

former treaty stipulations, have taken their allotments,

making an aggregate of 6,708,628 acres. Of these, 30,000 now

hold complete patents to their homes, and the rest are

awaiting the perfection and delivery of their title deeds. …

Not alone in these statistics are manifest the evidences of

permanent advance of the race toward the goal of orderly,

self-supporting citizenship. Bloody Indian wars have ceased.

The slaughter of warring clans and the scalping of women and

children fleeing from burning wigwams are no longer recorded.

Geronimo himself has become a teacher of peace. The recent

unfortunate difficulty with the Chippewas in Minnesota, caused

more by lack of white than of red civilization, is no

exception. We are at peace with the Indian all along the

border, and the line between the Indian and the white

settlements is fast fading out."

H. L. Dawes, Have we failed with the Indian?

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1899).

"Indian education is accomplished through the means of

nonreservation boarding schools, reservation boarding schools,

and reservation and independent day schools, all under

complete Government control, State and Territorial public

schools, contract day and boarding schools, and mission day

and boarding schools. The Indian school system aims to provide

a training which will prepare the Indian boy or girl for the

every day life of the average American citizen. It does not

contemplate, as some have supposed on a superficial

examination, an elaborate preparation for a collegiate course

through an extended high-school curriculum. The course of

instruction in these schools is limited to that usually taught

in the common schools of the country. Shoe and harness making,

tailoring, blacksmithing, masonry work, plastering, brick

making and laying, etc., are taught at the larger

nonreservation schools, not, it is true, with the

elaborateness of special training as at the great polytechnic

institutions of the country, but on a scale suited to the

ability and future environment of the Indian. There are

special cases, however, where Indian boys are, and have been,

trained so thoroughly that their work compares favorably with

that of the white mechanic. … Phoenix, Haskell, Albuquerque,

and other institutions, have well-organized schools of

domestic science, where the girls are practically taught the

art of preparing a wholesome meal, such as appears on the

tables of persons of moderate means. …

"Nonreservation schools … are as a rule the largest

institutions devoted to Indian education. As indicated by

their designation, they are situated off the reservations and

usually near cities or populous districts, where the object

lessons of white civilization are constantly presented to the

pupils. They are recruited principally from the day and

boarding schools on the reservations. The majority are

supported by special appropriations made by Congress, and are

adapted to the teaching of trades, etc., in a more extended

degree than are schools on the reservations. The largest of

these schools is situated at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where

there are accommodations for 1,000 pupils; the next largest is

at Phoenix, Arizona, with a capacity for 700; the third, at

Lawrence, Kansas, and known as Haskell Institute,

accommodating 600 pupils. These three large schools are types

of their class, and are not restricted in territory as to

collection of pupils. Chemawa school, near Salem, Oregon, and

Chilocco school, near Arkansas City, Oklahoma, are types of

the medium-sized schools, and each has a capacity of 400

pupils. The remainder of the schools are of less capacity and

have not been developed so highly. There are altogether 25 of

these schools. …

"There are 81 boarding schools located on the different

reservations, an increase of 11 over last year. At these

institutions the same general line of policy is pursued as at

the nonreservation schools. Frequently located far from the

centers of civilization, conditions are different, and their

conduct must be varied to suit their own special environment.

Many were formerly mission schools and army posts, unsuited to

Indian school purposes, but by constant modification are being

brought into general harmony with the system. … Government day

schools are small schools with capacity for 30 or 40 pupils

each. As a rule they are located at remote points on the

reservations, and are conducted by a teacher and a

housekeeper. A small garden, some stock, and tools are

furnished, and the rudiments of industrial education are given

the boys; and the girls are taught the use of the needle in

mending and sewing, and of the washtub in cleanliness. … There

were 147 day schools in operation during the year, an increase

of 5 over last year."

The number of government schools reported for the year 1900

was 253, total enrollment, 22,124, average attendance, 17,860;

contract schools, 32, with an enrollment of 2,806, average

attendance, 2,451; public and mission schools, 22, with an

enrollment of 1,521, and an average attendance of 1,257; the

aggregate being 307 schools, with an enrollment of 26,451, and

an average attendance of 21,568. "Statistics of the schools

for the New York Indians are not included in the above, for

the reason that as they are cared for by the State of New York

this office has no jurisdiction over them. … The Indian

population of the United States under the control of the

Indian Office (excluding the Five Civilized Tribes) was

187,312 in 1899, which would give a scholastic population of

between 45,000 and 47,000. Deduct 30 per cent for the sick and

otherwise disabled, and those in white schools or away from

the direct control of the office, and it would leave about

34,000 children for whom educational facilities should be

provided. There are now 26,000 of them in school, leaving

about 8,000 unprovided for."

Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

1900, pages 15-23.

{267}

"Taking the concurrent facts of history and experience into

consideration, it can, with a great degree of confidence, be

stated that the Indian population of the United States has

been very little diminished from the days of Columbus,

Coronado, Raleigh, Captain John Smith, and other early

explorers." The number of Indians in the United States in the

year 1900, according to the report of the Indian Office, was

272,023. This excludes "the Indians of Alaska, but includes

the New York Indians (5,334) and the Five Civilized Tribes in

Indian Territory (84,750)—a total population of 90,084. These

Indians are often separated from the others in statistics

because they have separate school and governmental systems."

Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

1900, pages 47-49.

INDONESIAN RACE.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900; and

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS; UNITED STATES.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION, The United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1895-1896.

Strike of glassworkers in France.

A great strike of French glass workers, beginning in the

summer of 1895, ended the following January in a lockout of

the men, leaving thousands without means of subsistence.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.

The great dispute in the British engineering trades.

"The strike originated in an effort on the part of some of the

men employed in London to introduce the eight-hour day. As a

consequence of this movement, the Employers' Federation voted,

on July 1st, that in case the threatened movement in favor of

eight hours should be carried out 'notices will immediately be

given by the members of the associations affiliated to the

federation that a reduction of hands of 25 per cent. will take

place of the members of such unions in their employment.' This

challenge of the employers was quickly taken up by the

Unionists. The Amalgamated Society at once gave instructions

that in all cases in which notices of lockout were issued to

25 per cent. of their members, the remaining 75 per cent.

should hand in notices to cease work at the same time. The

result was the inauguration of a dispute, which took in part

the form of a lockout, in part that of a strike, but which

from the beginning was carried on with an ominous display of

bitterness and obstinacy on both sides. The membership of the

different societies concerned in the dispute was estimated, by

the Labor Gazette in July, at over 109,000. All of these were

not, of course, actually on strike. … It seems as if the

employers had been quite ready to enter into this contest with

the view of crushing the union, or at least of teaching it a

lesson; but the result is a very widespread industrial

conflict, which is producing results far beyond those

immediately concerned."

Yale Review

(November, 1897).

"The number of work people directly affected by the dispute

was about 25,000 at the outset, but as the area of the dispute

widened the number of firms and of workmen involved gradually

increased, until the lock-out involved 702 firms and 35,000

workmen directly and 12,500 indirectly. … Though the immediate

cause of the general dispute was the demand for an eight

hours' day in London, the real questions at issue between the

parties had become of a much more far-reaching kind, and now

involved the questions of workshop control and the limits of

trade union interference. During October and November

negotiations under the Conciliation Act took place between the

Board of Trade and the representatives of the parties with a

view to arrange a conference between them. As a result of the

correspondence both sides assented to the following basis for

a conference suggested by the Board of Trade:

1. The Federated Employers, while disavowing any intention of

interfering with the legitimate action of trade unions, will

admit no interference with the management of their business.

The Trade Unions on their part, while maintaining their right

of combination, disavow any intention of interfering with the

management of the business of the employers.

2. The notices demanding a 48 hours' week served on the

Federated Employers in London without previous request for a

conference are withdrawn.

3. A conference between representatives of the Federated

Employers and the Trade Unions concerned in the dispute shall

be held forthwith. …

Pending the conference the employers agreed to suspend all

pending lockout notices, and the Unions not to interfere in

any way with men in employment. …

"The sittings were held on November 24th and two following

days, and again on November 30th and three following days,

after which an adjournment took place until December 14th in

order to allow the men to vote as to the acceptance or

otherwise of the proposals made by the employers. … When the

Conference resumed its sittings on December 14th the result of

the ballot of the men was declared to be:—For the terms, 752;

against, 68,966. Discussion of the proposals was, however,

resumed and continued over four days by a sub-committee of

three representatives on each side, who consulted with their

colleagues when necessary. The terms were somewhat amended. …

On submitting these amended conditions to the vote of the men

1,041 voted in favour of their acceptance and 54,933 against.

The truce which had been arranged over the period of

negotiations was brought to an end by this vote, and fresh

notices of lock-out were given in various centres, which

considerably increased the numbers affected. …

"On January 13th, however, an important change was made in the

position of the men. The London Joint Committee, the body

which took the first actual step in the dispute by ordering

strike notices to be given in certain London shops, passed the

following resolution:—That we intimate to the Employers'

Federation that the demand for an eight hours' day, or

forty-eight hours' week be withdrawn. That before such

intimation is given the above resolution to be sent to the

Executive Councils of the Societies represented on the Joint

Committee for their approval or otherwise. … This resolution

received the approval of the trade unions concerned, and the

withdrawal of the demand for a 48 hours' week was intimated to

the Employers' Federation, which, however, still insisted on

the acceptance by the unions of the 'conditions of management

mutually adjusted at the recent Westminster Conference' as a

condition of returning to work. The men asked that the

employers' notes and explanations should be read as part of

the proposed agreement, and eventually, after renewed

negotiations between the parties, a provisional agreement was

arrived at and submitted to the votes of the men, who ratified

it by 28,588 to 13,727. The final agreement was signed in

London on January 28th, and work was resumed in the following

week. …

{268}

"Naturally, after so long a stoppage the resumption of work by

the men was a gradual process, but the number unemployed owing

to the dispute, including those indirectly affected, sank from

44,500 at the close of the lock-out to 7,500 at the end of

February, 2,000 at the end of April, 1,500 at the end of May,

and 1,000 at the end of June. … Some idea of the indirect

effects of the stoppage on trades related to those engaged in

the struggle may be formed from the fact that the percentage

of unemployed members in trade unions of the ship-building

group rose from 4.4 per cent. in July, to 14.1 per cent. in

December."

Great Britain, Board of Trade (Labour Department),

Report on the Strikes and Lock-outs of 1897.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.

Great coal miners' strike in the United States.

A general strike of the coal miners in the various districts

of the United States began in July, 1897. The territory

covered five states and involved about 157,000 men. The

strikers asked for an advance in wages on the ground that it

was their right to share in the increase of business

prosperity and advanced prices. A grievance for which redress

was asked was that of being obliged to buy at the company

stores, paying in company's orders, to be deducted from their

wages. The principal grievance was the 54-cent rate, paid by

Mr. W. P. De Armitt of the New York and Cleveland Gas Coal

Company. The men employed by Mr. De Armitt had signed a

contract to accept a rate 10 cents below that of other

operators, in return for which he had abolished company

stores, gave steady employment, and paid promptly in cash. His

men were satisfied with the arrangement, although the

prevailing price for mining coal was 64 cents a ton. Most of

them, however, were finally forced by the organization to join

the strikers. The strike lasted until September 12, when

matters were arranged in a convention at Columbus, Ohio, when

a uniform rate of 65 cents was adopted.

A tragic feature of the strike occurred at Lattimer,

Pennsylvania, where a mob of marching miners, resisting the

sheriff and handling him roughly, were fired upon by armed

deputies. Eighteen were killed and about forty wounded.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.

New England cotton mill strike.

In January a general strike, affecting 125,000 operatives,

resulted from a reduction in wages in 150 cotton mills of New

England. By April most of the strikers returned to work at the

manufacturers' terms.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.

Coal miners' strike in Illinois.

This strike, beginning in May, originated in the refusal of

the mine operators to grant the rate of 40 cents a ton, agreed

upon after the strike of 1897. The operators refused to

compromise and the miners were upheld by the United Mine

Workers. Riots arose in the towns of Pana and Virden upon the

attempt of the mine owners to import negro workers from the

south. Governor Tanner, in sending troops to restore order,

enjoined upon them to protect citizens, but on no account to

assist mine owners to operate their mines with imported labor,

The governor's attitude provoked much criticism. A serious

outbreak occurred on October 12, at Virden, when 14 persons

were killed and 25 wounded. The strike at Virden was settled

in November, the mine owners agreeing to the demands of the

miners. The trouble at Pana lasted until April, when a

settlement was arrived at.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1900.

Anthracite coal miners' strike in Pennsylvania.

A great strike of the anthracite mine workers of Pennsylvania,

which began September 17, practically ended October 17, when

the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company and the

Lehigh Valley Coal Company agreed to abolish the sliding scale

in their respective regions and to grant an advance in wages

of 10 per cent. net, the advance to remain in operation until

April 1, 1901, and thereafter till further notice. Mr. John

Mitchell, president of the Mine Workers' National Union, in a

speech soon after the end of the strike, said that of the

142,000 men concerned "at first only 8,000 men were in the

union or organized. Nevertheless, the day the strike began,

112,000 men laid down their tools; and when the strike ended,

after 39 days of non-employment, all but 2,000 of them had

joined the ranks of the union."

INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION, in the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.

INITIATIVE IN SWITZERLAND, The.

See (in this volume)

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

INTERCONTINENTAL RAILWAY, The.

See (in this volume)

RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

See (in this volume)

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL CATALOGUING, of Scientific Literature.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

An important step in promotion of the development of

international commerce was taken at Philadelphia, in October,

1899, by the assembling of an International Commercial

Congress, under the auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial

Museum and the Franklin Institute, with the co-operation, not

only of the city and the State, but also of the Congress of

the United States. Some forty governments, and a great number

of chambers of commerce and other business organizations were

represented, and much good was expected from the meeting. It

adopted resolutions urging co-operative and assimilated action

by all nations, in the registration of trade marks, in the

preparation of trade statistics and agricultural reports, and

in the establishing of the parcels post. It commended the

Philadelphia Commercial Museum as an example to be imitated;

urged the construction of an interoceanic canal, recommended

free trade in artistic works, and pleaded for the pacific

settlement of international disputes by arbitration.

At the time of the session of the Congress, a National Export

Exposition was being held at Philadelphia, under the same

auspices, with great success.

{269}

INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

INTEROCEANIC RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

INTER-STATE COMMERCE, American.

Arbitration of industrial disputes.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INVENTIONS:

Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: COMPARISON.

IRADE.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

----------IRELAND: Start--------

IRELAND: A. D. 1890-1900.

Hopeful work in the organization and systematization

of Irish agriculture.

"Can nothing be made of an essentially food-producing country

situated at the very door of the greatest market for

food-stuffs that the world has ever seen? Government has at

last moved in this matter, but, as usual, not before private

initiation had shamed them into action. Mr. Horace Plunkett

and his friends went to work ten years ago, pointing out that

Ireland had natural resources equal or superior to those of

countries which were driving her few products out of the

English market, and preached the organisation, the

co-operation, and the scientific methods of agriculture which

in those other countries were inculcated and subsidised by

state agencies. Then the Congested Districts Board, under the

auspices of Mr. Arthur Balfour, began its beneficent work.

Then came in 1895 the Recess Committee, on Mr. Plunkett's

suggestion; and finally, in 1899, the recommendations of that

Committee's invaluable Report were practically embodied in the

creation of a Board of Agriculture and Technical Instruction.

This body has scarcely as yet begun its work, but its main

business will be to do throughout the whole of Ireland what

has been done in the least hopeful districts by the Congested

Districts Board, and over a larger area, but with very

inadequate means, by the Irish Agricultural Organisation

Society, of which Mr. Plunkett has been the moving spirit.

Things are therefore only at their beginning. … The main

purpose of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society has

been not to create new industries but to organize and

systematise the one already existing—the characteristic Irish

industry of agriculture. It has done the work which in France,

Denmark, Canada, and a dozen other countries that can be

named, is being done by a State department; and the efforts of

its promoters have brought into being such a department for

Ireland also. The Society spent in nine years £15,000 of

subscriptions. This neither can last nor ought to last. It is

the business of the Department, if it does not supersede the

Society, to subsidise it."

Stephen Gwynn,

A Month in Ireland

(Blackwood's Magazine, October, 1900, page 573).

The most effective work done thus far, by the official and

private agencies above mentioned, appears to have been in the

organization of co-operative creameries and dairies.

IRELAND: A. D. 1894.

Cooling of the Liberal party towards Irish Home Rule.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

IRELAND: A. D. 1896.

A new Land Act.

"The celebrated Land Act of 1881, supplemented by Acts in the

same direction, placed the land of Ireland, as everyone knows,

under a system of perpetual leases, at State-settled rents,

renewable every fifteen years; and, in 1896, the time was at

hand for revising the rents fixed from 1881 onwards, and for

renewing the leases made during this interval of time. An Act,

accordingly, was passed through Parliament in order fully to

accomplish this end; and, incidentally, it dealt with many

other things connected with the Irish Land System, and with

the legislation inaugurated in 1881. It enlarged the sphere of

State-settled rent, bringing within it certain classes of

tenants which, hitherto, had been excluded from it; it placed

the law for exempting tenants' improvements from rent, to a

considerable extent, on a new basis; and it introduced, for

the first time, what is called the principal of 'compulsory

purchase' into the system of 'Land Purchase,' so named in

Ireland, always a favourite policy of Lord Salisbury's

Governments."

Judge O'Connor Morris,

The Report of the Fry Commission

(Fortnightly Review, November, 1898).

The new bill (59 & 60 Vict. ch. 47) was carried successfully

through Parliament by the Government, with skillful management

on the part of Mr. Gerald Balfour, the Secretary for Ireland,

after many amendments and much debate. It was a compromise

measure, reluctantly accepted and satisfying no interest or

party. The general feeling with which it was passed is

described as follows: "The practical result of the discussion

was to show that the bill did not go so far as Mr. T. W.

Russell, a member of the Government and the representative of

the Ulster farmers, wished; that the section of the

Nationalists headed by Mr. Dillon were anxious to throw cold

water upon it, but afraid to oppose it openly; and that Mr.

Healy and his friends, as well as the Parnellites, were ready

to do their best to ensure its passing. But while the

representatives of the tenants were ready to accept the bill

as an installment of their claims, they at the same time

pronounced it, to be inadequate. … The Dillonites were

unwilling to give the Healyites and the Parnellites the chance

of taunting them with having lost the bill, whilst the

landlords hoped for an improvement of the purchase clauses and

a reform of procedure in the law courts. … The debate on the

third reading, although not forced to a division, was

spirited; the landlords opposing it because it was too much of

a tenant's bill, and Mr. Davitt opposing it because it was too

much of a landlords' bill. Mr. Dillon and his followers voted

for it, but in their speeches did all they could to run it

down, while the Parnellites and Healyites did all in their

power to support it."

Annual Register, 1896,

pages 160-161.

{270}

IRELAND: 1896-1897.

Report of a Royal Commission on the Financial Relations

between Great Britain and Ireland.

"At various times since the passing of the Act of Legislative

Union between Great Britain and Ireland, complaints have been

made that the financial arrangements between the two countries

were not satisfactory, or in accordance with the principles of

that Act, and that the resources of Ireland have had to bear

an undue pressure of taxation. Inquiries into the truth of

these allegations have frequently been called for"; but it was

not until 1894 that provision was made for a thorough

investigation of the subject. In that year a Royal Commission

was appointed, with Mr. Childers, ex-Chancellor of the

Exchequer, at its head, "to inquire into the financial

relations between Great Britain and Ireland, and their

relative taxable capacity, and to report:

(1.) Upon what principles of comparison, and by the

application of what specific standards, the relative capacity

of Great Britain and Ireland to bear taxation may be most

equitably determined.

(2.) What, so far as can be ascertained, is the true

proportion, under the principles and specific standards so

determined, between the taxable capacity of Great Britain and

Ireland.

(3.) The history of the financial relations between Great

Britain and Ireland at and after the Legislative Union, the

charge for Irish purposes on the Imperial Exchequer during

that period, and the amount of Irish taxation remaining

available for contribution to Imperial expenditure; also the

Imperial expenditure to which it is considered equitable that

Ireland should contribute."

The Commission made its "Final Report" in 1896, submitting the

conclusions on which its members were unanimously agreed, and

presenting, further, no less than seven differing reports on

other points upon which agreement could not be reached. The

summary of conclusions in the unanimous joint report was as

follows:

"In carrying out the inquiry we have ascertained that there

are certain questions upon which we are practically unanimous,

and we think it expedient to set them out in this joint

report. Our conclusions on these questions are as follows:

I. That Great Britain and Ireland must, for the purpose of

this inquiry, be considered as separate entities.

II. That the Act of Union imposed upon Ireland a burden which,

as events showed, she was unable to bear.

III. That the increase of taxation laid upon Ireland between

1853 and 1860 was not justified by the then existing

circumstances.

IV. That identity of rates of taxation does not necessarily

involve equality of burden.

V. That whilst the actual tax revenue of Ireland is about

one-eleventh of that of Great Britain the relative taxable

capacity of Ireland is very much smaller, and is not estimated

by any of us as exceeding one-twentieth."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: C.—8262, pages 1-2).

The report was keenly criticised in England, and the fact that

it emanated from a Commission in which the majority were

partisans of Irish Home Rule was used by the Conservatives to

disparage its conclusions. A new investigation of the subject

was called for. The subject came before Parliament in the

session of 1897,—first in the Lords, and later in the Commons.

On the 30th of March, Mr. Blake, a member from Ireland, moved

a resolution in the House of Commons, to the effect that the

report of the Commission had established the existence of an

undue burden of taxation on Ireland and made it the duty of

the Government to propose remedial legislation at an early

day. The debate which this opened was continued during three

nights, at the end of which the motion was negatived by a vote

of 317 to 157.

IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (July).

The Local Government Act.

A bill which had great success, so far as it went, in

satisfying the representatives of Ireland in the Parliament of

the United Kingdom, was brought forward there, by the

Conservative Government, in February, 1898, and carried

through both Houses in July. It was accepted by the Irish as

"no substitute for Home Rule," but as a recognized "step in

that direction." It had been foreshadowed in the Queen's

Speech at the opening of Parliament, and described as a

measure "for the organisation of a system of local government

in Ireland substantially similar to that which, within the

last few Years, has been established in Great Britain." This

important Act established County Councils, Urban District

Councils, Rural District Councils, and Boards of Guardians,

all elected by ballot every three years, on a franchise

broader than the Parliamentary franchise, since it gave the

local suffrage to women. The same Act extended to Ireland the

provisions of the Act for the relief of agricultural land, and

contained some other welcome provisions of financial relief.

61 & 62 Vict. chapter 37.

"To understand the extent of the change which is now

determined on … it is necessary first to describe the system

of Irish Local Government which is about to pass away forever.

Broadly speaking, that system consisted of three parts, viz.:

the Grand Jury, the Poor Law Boards, and various forms of

Municipal Government in towns and cities. … The Grand Jury was

about the most anomalous and indefensible institution which

can be conceived. It consisted, usually, of a couple of dozen

persons chosen from a larger number selected by the High

Sheriff for the county or the city, as the case might be, the

High Sheriff himself being the nominee of the Lord Lieutenant,

who acted on the recommendation of the Superior Court Judges,

who, in their turn, always recommended some leading landlord

and magistrate. … The Grand Jury in every Irish county, down

even to the present year, has always consisted almost entirely

of members of the landlord class, and mainly of Protestants

also. To bodies thus constituted was entrusted the control of

all public roads and other public works of the county, the

contracts therefor, the management of the prisons, the care of

the public buildings, the power to contribute to infirmaries,

lunatic asylums and fever hospitals, the appointment of all

the paid officials of the county, and the right to levy a tax

called the county cess, which, of late years, has produced

considerably more than a million pounds sterling annually.

Associated with the Grand Juries were smaller bodies, the

members of which met at 'Presentment Sessions' once or twice a

year to initiate county works. Those bodies also were

non-elective, and represented mainly the landlords and

magistrates of the respective counties. In the old days, these

Grand Juries became—not unnaturally—not merely nests of jobbery

and corruption, but an agency of social and political

oppression. …

{271}

For many years past, indeed, the Grand Juries have not been

open to all those charges. They have not, as a rule, been the

corrupt jobbers they were forty or fifty years ago. Their

administration of the business entrusted to them has been

fairly honest and efficient. But in their constitution they

have, on the whole, continued to be what they were. …

"The Boards of Poor Law Guardians have in the course of time

become more or less popular bodies, and, besides their

original function of dispensing relief out of the rates to the

destitute poor, have been invested with the management of so

many other matters in recent years that their title is now

really a misnomer. They are, for instance, the sanitary

authorities in all rural and in some urban districts; they

have to do with the registration of births, deaths, and

marriages, and—not to go through the whole list of their

powers and duties—they have had the administration of the

Laborers' Acts, under which a good deal has been done, since

the year 1883, to improve the homes of agricultural laborers.

"It remains to notice the system of Government in the towns

and cities. In this case there has been some degree of reality

in the phrase, 'local self-government'—at least, for the last

forty or fifty years. Down to 1840 there was no really

representative system of government in any Irish town or city.

… Since the year mentioned the corporations have been more or

less representative, and since 1854 the smaller towns in

Ireland have been allowed the right to possess municipal

institutions of a less important, but still representative,

character. In respect, however, of both the corporations of

the cities and of the town boards of the smaller civic

communities, the franchise for municipal purposes has been

ridiculously restricted. In Dublin, the population exceeds

300,000; the Parliamentary electorate is upwards of 40,000;

but the municipal electorate amounts to only about 8,000 or

9,000; and the same story is true of all the other

municipalities, except a few which, like Belfast, have by

special acts of Parliament obtained extensions of the suffrage

peculiar to themselves.

"Here, then, was a state of thing's which, assuredly, required

mending, and, as I have said, innumerable efforts to mend it

had been made up to last year with no result. Last summer,

however, the reform now virtually accomplished was announced

to the House of Commons one afternoon by Mr. Arthur Balfour,

without anyone having asked for it and without any warning

whatever. The chief features of the measure may be briefly

described. In the first place, the ground is cleared by

absolutely sweeping away the Grand Juries for fiscal purposes.

Those bodies are still retained for their original

purpose—that, namely, of dealing with indictments. … With them

go the Boards of Guardians as they are at present constituted.

Bodies will still continue to exist under that name, but they

will be no longer constituted as they are now. … In the place

of the Grand Juries and the Boards of Guardians there has been

set up a rather complicated system of County Councils and

District Councils, these latter being sub-divided into two

classes—Urban District Councils and Rural District Councils;

and at this point one provision applicable to all those

bodies, and also to every Corporation and Town Board in the

country, may be conveniently mentioned. It is that which

enacts that the electorate in each case shall be the

Parliamentary electorate, in addition to peers and to such

women as would, if they were men, be qualified for the

Parliamentary franchise. Here is manifestly a great reform in

itself. … The change is a vast one, in view of the narrow

foundation on which even the most popular Irish local

institutions have hitherto rested. It means the transfer of

power from a class to the people. It means the ousting of what

used to be the English garrison in Ireland from what it had

come to regard as its inalienable heritage. It marks the entry

of the Irish Nation, after ages of weary waiting, into at

least a considerable portion of its birthright. To the County

Councils, which will thus repose on a thoroughly popular

basis, and one of which will be established in every county,

will be entrusted all the fiscal business of the Grand Juries,

with one exception. The excepted business is that of assessing

compensation for malicious injuries."

J. J. Clancy,

The Latest Reform in Ireland

(North American Review, September, 1898).

IRELAND: A. D. 1900 (April).

Visit of Queen Victoria.

For the first time in nearly forty years, Queen Victoria paid

a visit to Ireland in April, and held court in Dublin for

three weeks, being cordially received and treated throughout

with respect by well-mannered crowds. Apparently the visit

gave satisfaction to most of the Irish people.

IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

Parliamentary elections.

Triumph of the United Irish League.

Its absorption of the Nationalist party.

Its programme.

The elections to a new Parliament (see, in this volume,

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900, SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), held in October,

resulted in a sweeping victory for the United Irish League, a

new organization formed by Mr. William O'Brien, which,

according to the "London Times," "has practically absorbed the

whole of the Irish Nationalist party" and "is the successor in

title of the old Land League." "Mr. William O'Brien," says the

"Times," "returned his own followers to Parliament from

practically every Nationalist constituency in Ireland. … For

the moment at least all the other successors of Mr. Parnell

are vanquished or in captivity, and Mr. O'Brien finds himself

at the head of a party which for the first time in ten years

has the right to call itself 'united.'"

On the opening of the Parliament, in the following February,

the new League was soon brought to its attention by Mr.

O'Brien, who moved, on the 22d, to amend the Address to the

King, which was then under discussion, by adding to it the

following: "Humbly to represent to your Majesty that this

House has observed that a combination of the agricultural

classes in Ireland has been formed, under the name of the

United Irish League, with the object of accomplishing reforms

which alone, in the opinion of nine-tenths of the

constitutional representatives of Ireland, can arrest the

continued depopulation of that country and the decay of its

only great national industry.

{272}

These reforms being, first, the creation of an occupying

proprietary in substitution for the present unsettled and

vexatious system of dual ownership of land; and, secondly, the

utilization of extensive tracts, at present lying practically

waste in the congested districts, for the purpose of supplying

holdings of sufficient extent to a hard-working and deserving

population, who for want of land are compelled to live in a

condition of chronic privation and even famine on the borders

of those fertile depopulated areas; that the movement which

has been carried on for the past three years for the promotion

of these objects has been marked by the disappearance of those

crimes of violence and secret conspiracies which were used to

the discredit of all former agrarian combinations in Ireland,

and the league, basing itself on the principle that its

struggle is in the nature of a great economic industrial

dispute between the tillers of the soil on the one side and

the rent-owners, supported by a vast capital and territorial

influence, on the other, has relied for success upon those

combinations for mutual protection and appeals to public

opinion which the trade union laws have expressly authorized

in the cause of disputes between capital and labour of a

non-agricultural character; that, nevertheless, this House has

observed that the forces of the Crown have been

unconstitutionally employed, and public justice has been

polluted in the interest of one of the parties to the dispute;

that the right of public meeting has been capriciously

suppressed; that prosecutions for conspiracy and Whiteboyism

have been instituted in reference to open and advised appeals

to public opinion and measures of mutual protection, which are

indisputably within the right of trade unions in ordinary

industrial struggles; that the power of contempt of Court has

been unconstitutionally and oppressively abused for the

purpose of inflicting prolonged sentences of imprisonment

without trial; that the right of trial by jury has been

outraged by the systematic exclusion from the jury-box of all

jurors sharing the politics or creed of the accused, and the

empanelling of juries composed exclusively of sympathizers

with the territorial class, that the liberty of the Press in

Ireland has been assailed, and influential organs of opinion

prosecuted in the endeavour to silence public comment on this

iniquitous system; that grievous and vindictive fines have

been exacted from districts obnoxious to the landlord interest

by means of charges for extra police quartered upon peaceful

populations, and that the people of Ireland have been

subjected to divers others the like cruel oppressions and

provocations; and humbly to represent to your Majesty that, it

being of the highest constitutional import to encourage the

Irish people to seek the redress of their grievances by the

fullest freedom of speech and of combination which is

warranted by the example of the trade unions of Great Britain,

this House is of opinion that the attacks at present directed

by the Executive against the rights of free speech and of

combination in Ireland should cease, and that the legislation

protecting the trade unions in the exercise of their rights of

combination against capital and non-union labour should be

extended to all agricultural combinations of a similar

character in that country."

In his speech supporting the amendment Mr. O'Brien charged

that, "there being no real crime in Ireland, the Executive

there had made crime of perfectly legitimate actions, treating

the people as if the object was to goad them into conspiracy

and violence. The record of the league was virtually a

crimeless one, it had carried on its work now for three years

without any of those blood-curdling incidents which coercion

Ministers used to smack their lips over in that House. … The

league, which had been tested by time and had proved its power

at the general election, had started and carried on in Ireland

an irresistible agitation for the suppression, for the

abolition of landlordism, and had elicited in the King's first

Speech a promise, such as it was, of another land Bill,

although two years ago that House was assured that there was

no longer an Irish land question."

An extensive combination, he said, was going on in Ireland

against the taking of evicted farms, and "what form of trade

unionism could be more legitimate?" But charges of

intimidation and conspiracy; he claimed, were trumped up, and

juries were packed, for the suppression of this movement,

though it went no farther than trades unions in England could

go with no interference. "The Irish people exercised the right

of combination in the United Irish League, and they would

continue to exercise it whether the Government liked it or

not, in order to obtain the land on conditions that would give

its cultivators a living wage. In the ranks of the

organization were 500,000 farmers and labourers, representing

with their families three-fourths of the population of

Ireland. Their object was to parcel out the vast grazing lands

lying derelict among the cottagers who were starving on their

verge. A department of the Government was actually engaged in

carrying out the programme of the league, but at such a

snail's pace that it would take centuries to make any

impression upon the mass of misery which existed in the

country."

After several hours of debate the amendment to

the Address was rejected by 203 votes against 109.

----------IRELAND: End--------

IRON, Combinations in the production of.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

IRON GATES OF THE DANUBE, Opening of the.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

ISLE DU DIABLE.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

ISRAEL, The People of:

Discovery of the sole mention of them in Egyptian inscriptions.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

ISTHMIAN CANAL, The.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

ISTHMIAN RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

ITAGAKI, Count: Leader of the Japanese Liberal party.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

{273}

----------ITALY: Start--------

ITALY: Recent archæological explorations.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

Accusations against the Crispi Ministry.

Fresh offense to the Vatican.

Disastrous war with Abyssinia.

Fall of Crispi.

In elections to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, which took

place in May, 1895, the government, under Signor Crispi, was

accused of audacious practices, striking the names of opposed

electors from the voting lists, to the number, it is said, of

several hundreds of thousands, and contriving otherwise to

paralyze the opposition to itself. The result of the elections

was the return of 336 government candidates, against 98 of

other parties. An attempt to obtain an official return of all

the deputies who were receiving pay from the State, directly

or indirectly, was skilfully baffled by Signor Crispi, and

remained a matter of rumor and guess. In September, the

government gave fresh offense to the Vatican by an imposing

celebration of the 25th anniversary of the entry of the

Italian troops into Rome, with a display of the flag of

free-masonry. Hostility of France and Russia to Italy was made

acute "by the renewal, on the return of Lord Salisbury to

office in 1895, of an agreement between England, Austria and

Italy for common action in the Eastern question, originally

made in 1887. In virtue of this agreement Italy sent her fleet

to the Aegean to support Great Britain at the opening of the

Armenian question [see, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895,

and after], and the consequence was that France and Russia put

pressure on Abyssinia to renew hostilities against Italy. This

new campaign Crispi was ill-prepared to meet, as he had

detailed a corps d'armée for an expedition to Asia Minor in

conjunction with the naval preparations, and the strength of

the forces under arms did not enable the minister of war to

detach another corps to Erythrea. To complete the difficulties

of the position, a coolness arose between the Emperor of

Germany and the government of Crispi, the latter having

notified the German government that he should at the proper

time denounce the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with the

object of providing better security for Italian interests in

Africa. The Emperor in reply advised the King of Italy that

Crispi was becoming importunate and must be got rid of. This

defection probably determined the fall of Crispi. It gave such

strength to the opposition at home, that the intrigues of the

Court and military circles succeeded in paralyzing all his

military plans, and especially in preventing him from

superseding Baratieri, now recognized as incompetent for the

enlarged operations which were in view. The King refused to

consent to the suppression until it became imperative through

the increase of the force to a point at which a superior

officer was necessitated by the regulations, when Baldissera

was appointed to the superior command. But before Baldissera

could enter on his command, Baratieri, against the distinct

orders of the government, attacked with a force of 14,000 men

the impregnable positions near Adowah which Menelek held with

80,000. He was met by the most crushing defeat that Italy has

had to undergo in modern times. Out of the total force no less

than 6,000 perished.

"The history of this affair still remains more or less a

secret, the court-martial which followed being rather

calculated to bury than expose the facts of the case, but the

immediate effect was to induce the ministry to resign without

waiting for the assembling of parliament. The magnitude of the

disaster made it evident that, considering the Italian

temperament and its tendency to panic, the responsibility for

it would be visited on the ministry, though it was only

responsible in so far as it had submitted to the Royal

decision deferring the recall of Baratieri. The King,

unwilling to accept the programme of Rudini, gave the

formation of the new ministry to General Ricotti, a Senator,

Rudini taking the portfolio of home affairs (March, 1896). …

The scheme of army reorganization proposed by Ricotti, which

aimed at improving the efficiency of the force by devoting

money rather to the instruction of the rank and file than to

the maintenance of superfluous officers, was opposed, … the

law was defeated in the chamber, and Ricotti gave place to

Rudini as President of the Council. The rejection of Ricotti's

plan was a triumph for the Franco-Russian party, which had

re-assumed the direction of foreign affairs. Africa, under

this policy, being excluded from the Italian sphere of action,

peace was made with Menelek [October 26, 1896] on terms which

practically implied withdrawal from Erythrea to the port of

Massowah. This measure satisfied the exigencies of the old

Right, while the Radicals were conciliated by the exclusion

and proscription of Crispi and by the understanding with

France, as well as by the reversal of the repressive policy

towards the extreme members of their party. Thus the year 1897

saw Italy reduced to inertia abroad and apathy within."

W. J. Stillman,

The Union of Italy,

chapter 15

(Cambridge: University Press).

The peace made with King Menelek in 1896 ended the Italian

claim to a protectorate over Abyssinia, which seems never to

have had any basis of right. It started from a treaty

negotiated in 1889, known as the Treaty of Uchali, which

purported to be no more than an ordinary settlement of

friendly relations, commercial and political. But the

convention contained a clause which is said to have read in

the Amharic (the court and official language of Abyssinia),

"the King of Abyssinia may make use of the government of the

King of Italy in all matters whereon he may have to treat with

other governments." In the Italian version of the treaty, the

innocent permissive phrase, "may make use," became, it is

said, an obligatory "agrees to make use," &c., and was so

communicated to foreign governments, furnishing grounds for a

claim of "protection" which the Abyssinians rejected

indignantly. Hence the wars which proved disastrous to Italy.

ITALY: A. D. 1897.

Dissolution of the Chamber.

Election of Deputies.

Reconstruction of the Ministry.

Early in the year a royal decree dissolved the Chamber of

Deputies, and elections held in March gave the Rudini Ministry

a large majority. The Catholic party refrained almost entirely

from voting. But divisions arose in the course of the year

which brought about a reconstruction of the Cabinet in

December, Signor Rudini still being at the head. An important

event of the year was the resolution of the Italian government

to evacuate Kassala, on the Abyssinian frontier, directly

eastward from Khartum. The Italians had taken it from the

Mahdists in 1894. It now became part of the Anglo-Egyptian

territory.

{274}

ITALY: A. D. 1898.

Arbitration Treaty with Argentine Republic.

See (in this volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (March-June).

Report on charges against Signor Crispi.

His resignation from Parliament and re-election.

Change of Ministry.

In March, a special commission, appointed the previous

December, to investigate certain serious charges against the

ex-Premier, Signor Crispi, reported his culpability, but that

nothing in his conduct could be brought for trial before the

High Court. The charges were connected with a scandalous

wrecking of several banks, at Rome, Naples, and elsewhere,

which had occurred during Signor Crispi's administration, and

which was found to be due to political extortions practiced on

those institutions by members and agents of the government.

Personally, it did not appear that the ex-Premier had profited

by what was done; but his wife seemed to have been a large

recipient of gain, and moneys wrung from the banks had been

used for party political purposes and for the government

secret service fund. On the report made by the commission

Signor Crispi resigned his seat in Parliament, and was

promptly re-elected from Palermo by an overwhelming majority.

In May, the Ministry of the Marquis di Rudini, much weakened

by the troubled state of the country, was reconstructed, but

only to hold its ground for another month. On the 17th of

June, upon a threatened vote of want of confidence, it

resigned, and, on the 28th, a new Liberal Ministry took

office, with General Pelloux at its head.

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (April-May).

Bread riots in the south and

revolutionary outbreaks in the north.

"May 1898 will be remembered for a long time in Italy, and one

may wish that the eventful month may mark the turning-point in

political life of the new kingdom. The revolt was general, the

explosion broke out almost suddenly, but long was the period

of preparation. 'Malcontento' is quite a household word in

Italy—and the Italians had more than one reason to be

dissatisfied with their national government. The rise in the

price of bread, as a consequence of the Hispano-American war,

was the immediate, but by no means the only, cause of the

uprising which darkened the skies of sunny Italy for several

days. The enormous taxation imposed upon a people yet young in

its national life, in order to carry out a policy far too big for

the financial means of the country; the failure in the attempt

to establish a strong colony in the Red Sea; the economic war

with France; the scanty help Italy received from her allies in

time of need; the political corruption, unchecked when not

encouraged by those who stood at the helm of the State; the

impotence of the Chambers of Deputies to deal with the

evil-doers as the claims of justice and the voice of the

people required, all these evils have prepared a propitious

ground for the agitators both of the radical and reactionary

parties.

"The Bread Riots began towards the end of April, and in a few

days they assumed a very alarming aspect, especially in the

small towns of the Neapolitan provinces, inhabited by people

ordinarily pacific and law-abiding. The destruction of

property was wanton and wide-spread, women careless of their

lives leading the men to the assault. In many cases the riots

soon came to an end; in others the immediate abolition of the

'octroi' did not produce the desired effect. … There was no

organization in the Neapolitan provinces; the riots were

absolutely independent of one another, but they were

originated by the same cause—misery; they aimed at the same

object—a loud protest by means of devastation; they all ended

in the same way—viz., after two or three days the soldiers

restored order, the dead were buried, and the ringleaders

taken to prison to be dealt with by the military court. In the

north, at Milan, the uprising was of quite a different

character. In the south of Italy it was truly a question of

bread and bread alone. In Central Italy it was a question of

work, in Lombardy a truly revolutionary movement. The

Neapolitan mob shouted for bread and bread alone, some asking

for cheaper bread, some others for 'free bread.' In Tuscany

the cry was, 'Pane o Lavoro!' (bread or work). In Lombardy

quite another trumpet was sounded: 'Down with the Government!

Down with the Dynasty!'

"The Milanese, of all the people of Italy, have plenty of work

and bread, and it is admitted by all that bread had nothing to

do with the revolt of Milan. I have studied this movement from

its inception, and my conclusion is that the revolt broke out

long before it was expected, thus making the discomfiture more

certain. The great majority of the population of Milan was,

and is, conservative and loyal to the King, although not

pleased with the doings of the Government. Only a minority,

but a very noisy and active minority, is against monarchical

institutions. For some time past the revolutionary party of

Milan have made no mystery of their political aspirations

towards the establishment of a Milanese republic, to be called

'Republica Ambrogiana.' … Milan is also the headquarters of

Socialism and Anarchism. Socialists and Republicans once upon

a time were implacable foes. Many a battle they fought one

against the other; but since 1886 the two have come to love

each other more, or to hate each other less, whichever it may

be; and towards the end of 1895 they entered into partnership

against their common enemy—Crispi! Then the Anarchists came

in. Decent Republicans and timid Socialists were rather averse

to ally themselves with anarchy; the very name was loathsome

to them. However, this natural mistrust soon disappeared, and

the Anarchists were welcomed into the dual alliance. Still

another element was to enter—the clerical party. … The

clericals have not a special cry of their own. They satisfied

themselves by rubbing their hands and saying: 'Down it goes at

last.' Little they knew that not the dynasty, not united Italy

was then going down, but society itself. … A friend of mine,

who was in the midst of the revolt, assures me that its

importance has been very much exaggerated in the first reports

sent abroad; and from the official documents, since published,

it appears that about 90 barricades were erected, and some 20

houses ransacked to provide the necessary material to build

them. The number of the killed amounted to 72, and that of the

seriously wounded to 63. On Monday evening [May 9] order was

restored in Milan. … On Wednesday morning shops and factories

were reopened, but it will take years to undo the mischief

done on May 7, 8, and 9, 1898. All are sadder now; one may

hope that they will be wiser also. The agitators, the deluded,

the masses, the governing classes, the Government, all have

had their lesson."

G. D. Vecchia,

The Revolt in Italy

(Contemporary Review, July, 1898).

{275}

ITALY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900.

Parliamentary disorder, leading to arbitrary government.

Assassination of King Humbert.

Much feeling was excited in Italy by the agreement between

Great Britain and France which practically awarded most of the

Sahara Hinterland of Tripoli (a possession long hoped for and

expected by the Italians), as well as that of Tunis, Algiers,

and Morocco, to France (see, in this volume, NIGERIA). The

government was accused of want of vigor in opposing this, and

was held responsible, at the same time, for the humiliating

failure of an attempt to secure a share of spoils in China, by

lease of Sammun Bay. The resignation of the Ministry was

consequent, early in May; but the King retained General

Pelloux at the head of the government, and new associates in

his cabinet were found. The Chamber of Deputies became

unmanageable; obstruction, very much in the Austrian manner,

was carried to such an extent that Parliament was prorogued.

The King then, by royal decree, conferred extraordinary powers

on the Ministry, suspending, at the same time, rights of meeting

and association, to suppress political agitation, and taking,

in fact, a serious backward step, toward government outside of

constitutional law. Liberals of all shades, and, apparently, many

constitutional Conservatives, were alarmed and outraged by

this threatening measure, and, when Parliament was reconvened,

the proceedings of obstruction were renewed with more persistency

than before. The government then attempted an arbitrary

adoption of rules to prevent obstruction; whereupon (April 3,

1900) the entire Opposition left the House in a body. The

situation at length became such that the King adjourned the

Parliament sine die, on the 16th of May, and a new Chamber of

Deputies was elected on the 3d of the month following. The

Opposition was considerably strengthened in the election, and

the Ministry of General Pelloux, finding itself more helpless

in Parliament than ever, resigned on the 18th of June. A new

Cabinet under Signor Saracco was formed.

On the 29th of July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated by an

Italian anarchist, named Angelo Bresci, who went to Italy for

the purpose, from Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States,

where he had latterly been living. The King was at Monza, and

had been distributing prizes at a gymnasium. At the close of

the ceremony, as he entered his carriage, the assassin fired

three shots at him, inflicting wounds from which the King died

within an hour. The murderer was seized on the spot, tried and

convicted of the crime. He received the severest penalty that

Italian law could inflict, which was imprisonment for life.

The son who succeeds King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel III., was

in his thirty-first year when thus tragically raised to the

throne. He is weak in body, but is reputed to have an

excellent mind. He was wedded in 1896 to Princess Helene of

Montenegro.

ITALY: A. D. 1900.

Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

ITALY: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).

Exposure of the Mafia.

Circumstances came to light in the course of the year 1899

which compelled the government to enter upon an investigation

of the doings of the Sicilian secret society known as the

Mafia. This resulted in the arrest of a number of persons,

including a Sicilian member of the Chamber of Deputies, named

Palizzolo, charged with complicity in the murder, seven years

before, of the Marquis Notarbartolo, manager of the Bank of

Sicily at Palermo. The accused were brought to Milan for

trial, which took place in January, 1900, and the disclosures

then Made showed that Sicily had long been terrorized and

tyrannized, in all departments of affairs, by a few men who

controlled this murderous secret organization, Palizzolo

being, apparently, the head of the fiendish crew. One of the

ministers in the Italian government, General Mirri, Secretary

of War, was found to have had, at least, some scandalous

understandings with the Mafia, and he was forced to resign.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (July-September).

An Italian view of the state of the country.

"Appearances, it is well known, are often deceptive, and the

present condition of Italy is a case in point. Discontent is

not a new thing for the Italian mind to be agitated by, but

there is an enormous difference between being discontented

with the Government of the day and being dissatisfied with the

national institutions. Italians have a quick perception and

are extremely impulsive; they often act suddenly and on the

impression of the moment, but they are also apt to fall into a

state of lethargy, during which the will of the nation is very

weak, both as a stimulus to good government and as repressive

of that which is bad. There are, however, times in which this

will asserts itself. Italy is just passing through one of

these lucid intervals.

"The assassination of King Humbert seems to have awakened the

whole nation from a long sleep. Those who thought there was no

affection left for monarchical institutions in Italy must have

experienced a very depressing disappointment. For forty-eight

hours there was no king at all in Italy. King Humbert was dead

and his successor was somewhere on the high seas, but nobody knew

exactly where, yet not a single disorderly movement was

noticed anywhere. Clericals, Socialists, Republicans, the

three declared enemies of the monarchy, entirely disappeared

from the scene during the crisis.

{276}

If anyone of these parties, which during the last period of

national lethargy had grown more audacious and bolder, had

only attempted to assert itself, the Italian public 'en masse'

would have revolted against it, and performed one of those

acts of summary justice of which the history of Italy

furnishes abundant examples. I think this absence of disorder

of any kind is the most convincing proof that can be adduced

in favour of the present state of things in Italy. Surely, if

the people had been nursing in their hearts a general revolt,

that was the moment for action.

"Of course a few anarchists here and there have rejoiced over

the crime of their comrade; however, I venture to assert that

it is not quite correct to call Italy the hotbed of anarchy.

It is true that many of the most fierce anarchists are Italian

by birth; but anarchism did not originate in Italy, it was

imported there. France and Russia had—under another

name—anarchists long before the name of any Italian was ever

connected with anarchism. … Political education is still in

Italy of very poor quality—truthfully speaking, there is none.

Even the anarchists go elsewhere to perfect their education.

The assassins of Carnot, of the Empress Elizabeth, and of

Canovas, had their political education perfected in Paris or

in London. Italy does not export political murderers, as was

very unkindly said on the occasion of the assassination of the

Empress of Austria. Italy at the worst exports only the rough

material for the making of anarchical murderers. Even the

assassin of King Humbert belongs to this category. He left

Italy with no homicidal mania in him. He was not then a wild

beast with a human face, to make use of an expression uttered

by Signor Saracco, the Premier of Italy. The anarchist clubs

of Paris, London, and New York were his university colleges."

G. D. Vecchia,

The Situation in Italy

(Nineteenth Century Review, September, 1900).

ITALY: A. D. 1901.

Fall of the Saracco Ministry.

Formation of a Liberal Cabinet under Signor Zanardelli.

Census of the kingdom.

The Saracco Ministry, which took direction of the government

in June, 1900, was defeated on the 6th of February, 1901, and

compelled to resign. An extraordinarily heavy vote (318 to

102) was cast against it in condemnation of its conduct in

matters relating to a "Chamber of Labor" at Genoa. First, it

had ordered the dissolution of that body, as being subversive

in influence, and then, when a "strike" occurred in Genoa, as

the consequence, it receded from its action and reconstituted

the Chamber. By the first proceeding it had disgusted the

Conservatives; by the second the Radicals, and by its

indecision the Moderates. They combined to overthrow it. With

some difficulty a new Cabinet was formed containing Liberals

of various shades, with Signor Zanardelli, a veteran

republican of the Garibaldi generation, at its head. A writer

who has frequently discussed foreign politics with a good deal

of knowledge in the columns of the "New York Tribune," over

the signature "Ex-Attache," believes that Zanardelli is

committed "to anti-clerical legislation of the most drastic

and far reaching character," and "may be depended upon to

proceed against the Vatican with a vigor unprecedented in the

annals of united Italy. And there will be," he thinks, "no

attempt on the part of Victor Emmanuel to hold him in leash.

Existing laws will be enforced to the utmost against the

Papacy, while new measures may be looked for to restrict

further the activity of the Church as a factor in political

life, to extend the control of the government over all

ecclesiastical enterprises and undertakings and to emphasize

the fact that all Italians, no matter whether they form part

of the Papal Court or not, are Italian citizens, as well as

subjects of the Italian crown, and required to obey the laws

and to fulfil their obligations as such."

A Press despatch from Rome, in February, announced that "the

result of the first Italian census in 20 years has proved a

surprise. It shows that the population is 35,000,000, while it

was not expected that it would exceed 31,000,000. The ratio of

increase is greater than in any other European country. This

is ascribed to improved sanitation. The birthrate continues

high. It is estimated that 5,000,000 Italians have gone to the

United States and South America."

----------ITALY: End--------

ITO, Marquis:

Administration and political experiments.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898; 1898-1899;

and 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

J.

JACKSON-HARMSWORTH EXPEDITION, Return of the.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPEDITION, 1897.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1898.

Industrial condition.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

Financial crisis and conflict between

the Governor and the Legislative Assembly.

A crisis in the financial circumstances of the Colony,

consequent on expenditures exceeding revenue for several

years, was reached in 1899, and led to a serious conflict of

views between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly. The

latter is constituted of members partly elected and partly

appointed by the Governor. The elected members of the Assembly

had been in the majority, hitherto, but the Governor possessed

authority to add to the nominated membership, and he exercised

that authority, as a means of obtaining action on a tariff

bill which he held to be a necessary measure. He did so under

instructions from the British Colonial Secretary. Before this

occurred, an agent of the Colonial Office, Sir David Barbour,

had been sent to Jamaica to report on the financial situation.

His report, submitted in June, besides recommending financial

remedies, contained some references to the political

constitution of the colony—among them these:

{277}

"The peculiar constitution of the Government had … an

influence in bringing about, or aggravating the present

financial difficulties: When it was apparent that either more

revenue must be raised or expenditure must be reduced, the

Government was in favour of increasing taxation, while the

elected members of the Legislative Council pressed for

reductions of expenditure. From the nature of the

Constitution, the Government was practically unable to carry

proposals for increased taxation in opposition to the votes of

nine elected members, while the elected members could not in

any satisfactory manner enforce reduction of expenditure. The

present state of things shows that both increase of taxation

and reduction of expenditure were necessary, but though there

has been much friction in recent years, and great loss of time

in the Legislative Council, neither increase of taxation nor

reduction of expenditure was effected in any degree at all

adequate to avert the difficulties which were approaching. …

The Home Government are, in the last resort, responsible for

the financial condition of Jamaica, while, under ordinary

circumstances, the Colonial Office exercises at present no

real direct and immediate control over the finances. … It may

be taken for granted that under any circumstances Her

Majesty's Government would be unwilling to see the Colony sink

into a condition of insolvency without an effort for its

relief, and as the ultimate responsibility must, therefore,

rest on Her Majesty's Government it would seem better to

exercise the power of control, while it is still possible to

apply a remedy, rather than to wait until the mischief can

only be redressed at the cost of the British taxpayer. On the

other hand, as no real responsibility can be enforced on the

Elected Members, it seems necessary to give the Governor some

practicable means of enforcing his policy, and I would suggest

that this might be done by keeping the number of nominated

Members at its full strength so that in case of need the

Governor would only have to make the necessary declaration,

and would not have to go through the preliminary operation of

adding to the number of nominated Members."

On the 22d of August, the report of Sir David Barbour was

reviewed at length by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,

in a despatch to Governor Hemming, and the above

recommendations were substantially approved and made

instructions to the Governor. "Two plain facts in connection

with this matter," said the Colonial Secretary, "must force

themselves upon the attention of all who study the question,

still more of all who are called upon to find a solution of

it. The first is, that 'the Home Government,' in Sir David

Barbour's words, 'are in the last resort responsible for the

financial condition of Jamaica.' The second is that as a

'working compromise,' the existing system has failed. It is a

compromise, but it has not worked. I am not now so much

concerned with principle as with practice. As a machine for

doing the work which has to be done the present system has

failed. It is in fact impossible, except where tact and

goodwill and friendly feeling exist in an unusual degree, for

the government of a country to be carried on when those who

are responsible for it are in a permanent minority in the

Legislature. I decline to allow the Jamaica Government to

remain in that position any longer, not merely because it is

unfair to them, but also because, recognizing the ultimate

responsibility of Her Majesty's Government for the solvency of

the Colony, I must ensure that the measures which they may

consider necessary are carried out. I must instruct you,

therefore, before the Legislative Council is again summoned,

to fill up the full number of nominated members and to retain

them, using at your discretion the power given you by the

Constitution to declare measures to be of paramount

importance. You will give the Council and the public to

understand that this step is taken by my express instructions.

It is my hope that the Elected Members will recognise that my

decision is based on public grounds, and has become

inevitable, that they will loyally accept it, and co-operate

with me and with you for the good of the Colony."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command:

Jamaica, 1899 [C.-9412] and 1900 [Cd.-125]).

----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Start--------

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

Administrator of Rhodesia.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

Raid into the Transvaal.

Surrender.

Trial in England.

Imprisonment.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

The German Emperor's message to President Kruger

concerning the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

Investigation of the Raid by the Cape Colony Assembly.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

Indemnity for the Raid claimed by South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D.1897 (FEBRUARY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

British Parliamentary investigation of the Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: End--------

----------JAPAN: Start--------

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

Rise of Parliamentary parties.

Working of Constitutional Government.

"When the Emperor's nominal authority was converted into a

reality by the overthrow of the Shogun in 1868, the work was

largely due to the four clans of Satsuma, Choshu, Hizen, and

Tosa. Their aim was to destroy the Shogunate and to create an

Imperial Government, and though many other motives actuated

them, these were the two main ideas of the revolution which

grew in importance and left political results. No sooner,

however, was the Imperial Government established than it was

found that the Satsuma clan was strongly divided. There were

within it a party in favour of reform, and another party, led

by Shimazu Saburo and Saigo Takamori, who clung to old

traditions. The sword had not yet given place to the

ballot-box, and the result of a bloody contest was the

annihilation of the reactionaries. There remained, therefore,

the Satsuma men loyal to the Emperor and to the absolute

government of 1868, and with them the Choshu, Hizen, Tosa, and

other clans. Some of these clans had not always been friendly

in the past. They found it difficult to work together now.

Marquis Ito has observed that Japanese politicians are more

prone to destroy than to construct, and an opportunity to

indulge this proclivity soon presented itself.

{278}

Although the four clans were equally pledged to secure

representative government eventually, jealousy of one another

drove two of them to take up this cry as a pretext for

dissolving the alliance. The Tosa clan, now represented by

Count Itagaki, seceded accordingly in 1873, and the Hizen

clan, represented by Count Okuma, followed its example eight

years afterwards. The former organised a party called the

Fuyu-to, or Liberals, and the latter the Kaishin-to, or

Progressives. The two remaining clans of Satsuma and Choshu

were called for shortness the Sat-Cho. Such was the origin of

parliamentary parties in Japan. There was no political issue

at stake; the moving cause was simply clan jealousy, and hence

it was that Hizen and Tosa did not join hands, though both

strenuously opposed the Sat-Cho Government and each posed as

the friend of the people. Consequently, when the first Diet

met, in November, 1890, the Sat-Cho Ministry, with Marquis

Yamagata as Premier, found itself face to face with a bitter

and, it must be added, an unscrupulous opposition."

H. N. G. Bushby,

Parliamentary Government in Japan

(Nineteenth Century, July, 1899).

"The history of the Japanese Parliament [see CONSTITUTION OF

JAPAN, in volume 1], briefly told, is as follows: The first

Diet was opened in November, 1890, and the twelfth session in

May, 1898. In this brief space of time there have been four

dissolutions and five Parliaments. From the very first the

collision between the Government and the Diet has been short

and violent. In the case of the first dissolution, in

December, 1891, the question turned on the Budget estimate,

the Diet insisting on the bold curtailment of items of

expenditure. In the second dissolution, in December, 1893, the

question turned on the memorial to be presented to the Throne,

the Opposition insisting in very strong terms on the necessity

of strictly enforcing the terms of treaties with Western

Powers, the Diet regarding the Cabinet as too weak-handed in

foreign politics. The third dissolution, in June, 1894, was

also on the same question. The Cabinet, in these two latter

cases, was under the presidency of Marquis Ito (then Count),

and was vigorously pushing forward negotiations for treaty

revision, through the brilliant diplomacy of Count Mutsu, the

Foreign Minister. This strict-enforcement agitation was looked

upon by the Government as a piece of anti-foreign agitation—a

Jingo movement—and as endangering the success of the

treaty-revision negotiations. In fact, the revised treaty with

Great Britain was on the latter date well-nigh completed, it

being signed in July following by Lord Kimberley and Viscount

Aoki. It was at this stage that the scepticism of foreign

observers as to the final success of representative

institutions in Japan seemed to reach its height. … Marquis

Ito and some of the most tried statesmen of the time were out

of office, forming a sort of reserve force, to be called out

at any grave emergency. But great was the disappointment when

it was seen that after Marquis Ito, with some of the most

trusted statesmen as his colleagues, had been in office but

little over a year, dissolution followed dissolution, and it

seemed that even the Father of the Constitution was unable to

manage its successful working. … There is no question that the

Constitutional situation was at that time exceedingly critical.

"But when the war broke out the situation was "But when the

war broke out the situation was completely changed. In the

August following the whole nation spoke and acted as if they

were one man and had but one mind. In the two sessions of the

Diet held during the war the Government was most ably

supported by the Diet, and everybody hoped that after the war

was over the same good-feeling would continue to rule the

Diet. On the other hand, it was well known that the Opposition

members in the Diet had clearly intimated that their support

of the Government was merely temporary, and that after the

emergency was over they might be expected to continue their

opposition policy. Sure enough, many months before the opening

of the ninth session, mutterings of deep discontent,

especially with reference to the retrocession of the Liaotung

peninsula, began to be widely heard, and it was much feared

that the former scenes of fierce opposition and blind

obstruction would be renewed. However, as the session

approached (December, 1896), rumours were heard of a certain

'entente' between the Government and the Liberal party, at

that time the largest and the best organised in the country.

And in the coming session the Government secured a majority,

through the support of the Liberals, for most of its important

Bills.

"Now this 'entente' between Marquis Ito and the Liberals was a

great step in advance in the constitutional history of the

country, and a very bold departure in a new direction on the

part of the Marquis. He was known to be an admirer of the

German system, and a chief upholder of the policy of Chozen

Naikaku, or the Transcendental Cabinet policy, which meant a

Ministry responsible to the Emperor alone. Marquis Ito saw

evidently at this stage the impossibility of carrying on the

Government without a secure parliamentary support, and Count

Itagaki, the Liberal leader, saw in the Marquis a faithful

ally, whose character as a great constructive statesman, and

whose history as the author of the Constitution, both forbade

his ever proving disloyal to the Constitution. The 'entente'

was cemented in May following by the entrance of Count Itagaki

into the Cabinet as the Home Minister. On the other hand, this

entente' led to the formation of the Progressist party by the

union of the six Opposition parties, as well as to the union

of Count Okuma, the Progressist leader, and Count Matsugata,

leader of the Kagoshima statesmen. Their united opposition was

now quite effective in harassing the administration. At this

stage certain neutral men, particularly Count Inouye,

suggested compromise, offering a scheme of a Coalition

Cabinet. … But Count Itagaki was firm in opposing such a

compromise, saying it was tantamount to the ignoring of party

distinction, and as such was a retrogression instead of being

a forward step in the constitutional history of the country.

He finally tendered his resignation. When Marquis Ito saw that

the Count was firm in his determination, he, too, resigned,

saying that he felt so deeply obliged to the Liberals for

their late parliamentary support that he would not let the

Count go out of office alone. Thus fell the Ito Ministry after

five years' brilliant service.

{279}

"The new Cabinet, formed in September, 1896, had Count

Matsukata for Premier and Treasury Minister; Count Okuma for

Foreign Minister; and Admiral Kabayama, the hero of the Yaloo

battle, for Home Minister. There were at this time three

things that the nation desired. It wanted to be saved from the

impending business depression. It wished to see Japanese

Chauvinism installed at the Foreign Office, and the shame of

the retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula wiped off. It

hoped, lastly, to see a Parliamentary Government inaugurated

and all the evils of irresponsible bureaucracy removed. The

statesmen now installed in office aspired to satisfy all these

desires, and they were expected to work wonders. But,

unfortunately, the Cabinet lacked unity. … Early in the fall

[of 1897] Count Okuma resigned office, saying that he felt

like a European physician in consultation over a case with

Chinese doctors. … Count Okuma led away the majority of the

Progressist party, and the Government was left with but an

insignificant number of supporters. As soon as the Diet met,

the spirit of opposition manifested was so strong that the

Ministers asked the Emperor to issue an edict for dissolution.

It was expected that the government would at once appeal to

the country with some strong programme. But to the

astonishment of everybody the Ministry resigned the very next

day. In the midst of the general confusion which followed,

Marquis Ito's name was in the mouth of everybody. He was

unanimously hailed as the only man to bring order into the

political situation. In January following [1898] the new

Cabinet was announced with Ito for Premier, Count Inouye for

the Treasury, and Marquis Saionji, one of the best cultured,

most progressive, and, perhaps, also most daring of the

younger statesmen, for Education Minister."

Tokiwo Yokoi,

New Japan and her Constitutional Outlook

(Contemporary Review, September, 1898).

JAPAN: A. D. 1895.

The war with China.

Treaty of Shimonoseki.

Korean independence secured.

Part of Feng-tien, Formosa and the Pescadores ceded by China.

Relinquishment of Feng-tien by Japan.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

Affairs in Formosa.

Retirement of Marquis Ito.

Progressists in power.

Destructive sea-wave.

Serious risings of the Chinese in Formosa against the newly

established Japanese rule in that island were said to have

been caused by insolent and atrocious conduct on the part of

the Japanese soldiery. Possibly a decree which prohibited the

importation of opium into Formosa, and which placed the

medicinal sale of the drug under close restrictions, had

something to do with the discontent. In Japan, the able

statesman, Marquis Ito, was made unpopular by his yielding of

the Liao Tung peninsula (in the Fêng-tien province of

China,—see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895), under

pressure from Russia, Germany and France. He retired from the

government, and Count Matsukata became Premier in September,

with a cabinet of the Progressist (Kaishinto) party, which

advocated resistance to Russia, and opposition generally to

the encouragement of foreign enterprises in Japan. A frightful

calamity was suffered in June, when a prodigious wave, probably

raised by some submarine volcano, overwhelmed a long stretch

of northeastern coast, destroying some 30,000 people, and

sweeping out of existence a number of considerable towns.

Annual Register, 1896.

JAPAN: A. D. 1897.

New tariff.

A new tariff, regulating the customs duties levied in all

cases wherein Japan is not bound by treaty stipulations, was

adopted in March, 1897. The duties imposed range from 5 to 40

per cent., ad valorem, the higher being laid upon liquors and

tobacco. The "Japan Gazette" is quoted as saying in

explanation: "The statutory tariff fixes the duties to be

collected on every article imported into Japan from countries

that have not concluded tariff conventions with her, or that

are not entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment in

regard to the tariff. Spain, Portugal, Greece, and many other

countries have no tariff conventions with Japan and no

favored-nation clause, in regard to tariff, in their new

treaties with this country. The United States, Belgium,

Holland, Russia, and others have the favored-nation clause and

will get the benefit of the lesser duties on items named in

the different mentioned tariffs. There will, therefore, be two

columns of figures in the printed general tariff list, showing in

the first column the duties on the articles named in the

conventional tariffs, and in the second column the duties on

the same articles imported from countries that have no tariff

convention with Japan, and that are not entitled to

favored-nation treatment. For instance, most textile articles

are subject to a duty of 10 per cent in the conventional

tariff column and to a duty of 15 per cent in the statutory

column."

United States Consular Reports,

July and September, 1897,

pages 475 and 91.

JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (October).

Introduction of the gold standard.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (MARCH).

JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (November).

Treaty with the United States and Russia to suspend pelagic

sealing.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

JAPAN: A. D. 1897-1898.

Contentions with Russia in Korea.

See (in this volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

The struggle between clan government and party government.

"When, in January 1898, Marquis Ito made an attempt to win the

country back to non-party government and efficiency by forming

an independent Ministry in defiance of the Liberal demands, he

was acting no doubt from no mere clan instinct, but, as he

conceived, in the highest interests of the realm. His

experiment was not destined to succeed. In the general

election of March 1898, 109 Progressives and 94 Liberals were

returned as Representatives in a House of 300. A common hunger

for office and a common sense of humiliation at their

treatment by the greater statesmen of the clans united the two

parties under one banner as they had not been united since 1873.

At last they took up in earnest the crusade against clan

government, which, logically, they should have commenced

together exactly a quarter of a century before. They called

their coalition the 'Kensei-to,' or Constitutional Party.

Japan is a country of rapid progress, but she is lucky that

for twenty-five years the formation of the Kensei-to was

deferred while she was content to be guided through difficult

times by clansmen more skilled in statecraft than the usurient

nobodies who were kicking at the heels of Counts Okuma and

Itagaki.

{280}

"Meanwhile Marquis Ito had to decide how he would act. He had

tried to govern with the help of a party and had partially

succeeded. He had tried to govern without one, and had

discovered that it was impossible. The two parties could no

longer be played off one against the other. They were united,

and with fifty new recruits formed the Kensei-to, 253 strong.

There remained only nineteen clan government sympathisers,

calling themselves National Unionists, and twenty-eight

Independents. In these difficult circumstances Marquis Ito's

decision was a bold one, and in its consequences far-reaching.

He advised that Count Okuma, the Progressive leader of the

Kensei-to should be summoned to form a Cabinet in conjunction

with his Liberal colleague, Count Itagaki. His advice was

followed by the Emperor, but with the significant condition

that the Ministries of War and the Navy were to be retained by

clansmen. The Emperor was not disposed to allow constitutional

experiments in these departments. On the 28th of June 1898,

Marquis Ito resigned, and on the 30th the Okuma-Itagaki

Cabinet was formed.

"It now seemed to many that the death-blow had been given to

clan government, and that at last the era of government by

party had commenced. … The elements of which the Kensei-to was

composed were the two great ones of the Progressives, led by

Count Okuma, and the Liberals, led by Count Itagaki. These two

parties acted together in a condition of veiled hostility.

There was coalition without any approach to amalgamation. A

common hunger for office, a common dislike for clan

government, obscured for a little while a mutual jealousy and

distrust. Meanwhile the Kensei-to as a whole, and both wings

of it, were divided into endless clubs, cliques, and

associations. Our own Temperance, Colonial, Church, and China

parties are affable and self-effacing in comparison. Thus, to

name only a few of the political divisions of the Kensei-to,

there were the territorial associations of the Kwanto-kai (led

by Mr. Hoshi), the Hokuriku-kai (led by Mr. Sugita), the

Kyushu Kurabu (led by Mr. Matsuda), the Tohoku-dantai, the

Chugoku-kai, and the Shigoku-kai; there were the Satsuma

section, the Tosa section, the Kakushinto, the Young

Constitutionalists, the Senior Politicians (such as Baron

Kusumoto, Mr. Hiraoka, the chief organiser of the coalition,

and others), the Central Constitutionalist Club, and so forth.

Each clique had its private organisation and animosities; each

aspired to dictate to the Cabinet and secure portfolios for

its members in the House. They combined and recombined among

themselves. … Clearly, however loyally the two leaders wished

to work together, each must find it impossible in such

circumstances to preserve discipline among his own followers.

Indeed, the leaders scarcely tried to lead. … It was

impossible to carry on the Government under such conditions.

The Okuma-Itagaki Cabinet fell, and Field Marshal the Marquis

Yamagata, Premier of the first Japanese Ministry, was summoned

by the Emperor. Once more a clan Ministry, independent of

party, was formed; once more it seemed as though party

government was to be indefinitely postponed. … Marquis

Yamagata formed his Ministry in November 1898, on strictly

clan lines. … Being an old soldier, he wisely determined to

profit by experience and seek an ally. No one knew better than

himself the need of passing the Land Tax Bill, on which the

efficiency of the national defence and the future of Japan

depended. … It was natural, therefore, for him to approach the

Liberals, who had shown themselves favourable to an increase

of the Land Tax. … On the 27th of November the support of the

Liberals was assured, an event which prompted the 'Jiji' to

express its joy that Marquis Yamagata had become a party man,

leaving 'the mouldy, effete cause of the non-partisan

Ministry.' The Government party consisted now of the National

Unionists (in favour of clan government' and loyal followers

of Marquis Yamagata), the Liberals, and a few so-called

Independents (who, of course, speedily formed themselves into

a club), giving the Government a majority of about fifteen or

twenty votes in the House. …

"The first session of Marquis Yamagata's second Ministry will

always be remembered in Japan because the Land Tax Bill was

successfully passed through both Houses. … But the most

important episode of the session, from a parliamentary point

of view, was a remarkable act of self-denial on the part of

the Liberals. In March of this year [1899] they agreed not to

demand office from Marquis Yamagata for any of their number,

though they were to be free to accept such offices as he might

of his own bounty from time to time be able to offer them. If

this unprecedented pledge be loyally adhered to, it marks a

very great stride towards effective party government in the

future. … The hope of the Liberals now lies, not in the

immediate enjoyment of the sweets of office, but in winning

over Marquis Ito to their party. If he were to show the way,

it is probable that many more of the leading clan statesmen

would take sides, in which case, to adopt Mr. Bodley's phrase,

political society would be divided vertically as in England, not

horizontally as in France, and either party on obtaining a

majority in the House would be able to find material in its

own ranks for an efficient Cabinet. At present neither is in

that happy position."

H. N. G. Bushby,

Parliamentary Government in Japan

(Nineteenth Century, July, 1899).

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (July).

Release from the treaties with Western Powers

which gave them exterritorial rights.

Consular jurisdictions abolished.

"Japan has been promoted. The great sign that Europe regards a

Power as only semi-civilised is the demand that all who visit

it, or trade in it, should be exempted from the jurisdiction

of the local Courts, the Consuls acting when necessary as

Judges. This rule is maintained even when the Powers thus

stigmatised send Ambassadors, and is, no doubt, very keenly

resented. It seems specially offensive to the Japanese, who

have a high opinion of their own merits, and they have for

seventeen years demanded the treatment accorded to fully

civilised States. As the alliance of Japan is now earnestly

sought by all Europe this has been conceded, and on Monday,

July 17th, the Consular jurisdiction ceased. (Owing to some

blunder, the powers of the French and Austrian Consuls last a

fortnight longer, but the difference is only formal.) The

Japanese are highly delighted, and the European traders are

not displeased, as with the Consular jurisdictions all

restrictions on trading with the interior disappear."

The Spectator

(London), July 22, 1899.

{281}

The early treaties of Japan with Western Powers, which gave

the latter what are called rights of extra-territoriality, or

exterritoriality, for all their subjects (the right, that is,

to administer their own laws, by their own consular or other

courts, upon their own subjects, within a foreign country),

were modified in 1894. Japan then became free to extinguish

the foreign courts on her soil at the end of five years, upon

giving a year's notice, which she did as stated above. Her

government has thus attained a recognized peerage in

sovereignty with the governments of the Western world. At the

same time, the whole country has been thrown open to foreign

trade—restricted previously to certain ports.

In careful preparation of the Japanese people for this

important change in their relations with the foreign world,

the following imperial rescript was issued at the end of June,

1899: "The revision of the treaties, our long cherished aim,

is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact; a

result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities

of our Empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of our

friendship with foreign countries. It is our earnest wish that

our subjects, whose devoted loyalty in the discharge of their

duties is conspicuous, should enter earnestly into our

sentiments in this matter, and, in compliance with the great

policy of opening the country, should all unite with one heart

to associate cordially with the peoples from afar, thus

maintaining the character of the nation and enhancing the

prestige of the Empire. In view of the responsibilities that

devolve upon us in giving effect to the new treaties, it is

our will that our ministers of state, acting on our behalf,

should instruct our officials of all classes to observe the

utmost circumspection in the management of affairs, to the end

that subjects and strangers alike may enjoy equal privileges

and advantages, and that, every source of dissatisfaction

being avoided, relations of peace and amity with all nations

may be strengthened and consolidated in perpetuity."

Obedient to this command, the Minister President of State,

Marquis Yamagata, published the following instruction on the

1st of July: "The work of revising the treaties has caused

deep solicitude to His August Majesty since the centralization

of the Government, and has long been an object of earnest desire

to the people. More than twenty years have elapsed since the

question was opened by the dispatch of a special embassy to

the West in 1871. Throughout the whole of that interval,

numerous negotiations were conducted with foreign countries

and numerous plans discussed, until finally, in 1884, Great

Britain took the lead in concluding a revised treaty, and the

other powers all followed in succession, so that now the

operation of the new treaties is about to take place on the

17th of July and the 4th of August.

"The revision of the treaties in the sense of placing on a

footing of equality the intercourse of this country with

foreign states was the basis of the great liberal policy

adopted at the time of the restoration, and that such a course

conduces to enhance the prestige of the Empire and to promote

the prosperity of the people is a proposition not requiring

demonstration. But if there should be anything defective in

the methods adopted for giving effect to the treaties, not

merely will the object of revision be sacrificed, but also the

country's relations with friendly powers will be impaired and its

prestige may be lowered. It is, of course, beyond question

that any rights and privileges accruing to us as a result of

treaty revision should be duly asserted. But there devolves

upon the Government of this Empire the responsibility, and

upon the people of this Realm the duty, of protecting the

rights and privileges of foreigners, and of sparing no effort

that they may one and all be enabled to reside in the country

confidently and contentedly. It behooves all officials to

clearly apprehend the august intentions and to pay profound

attention to these points."

With still finer care for the honor and good name of Japan,

the following instruction to schools was published on the same

day by Count Kabayma, the Minister of State for Education:

"The schools under the direct control of the Government serve

as models to all the public and private educational

institutions throughout the country. It is therefore my

earnest desire that the behavior of the students at such

schools should be regulated with notably strict regard to the

canons of propriety, so that they may show themselves worthy

of the station they occupy. The date of the operation of the

revised treaties is now imminent, and His Imperial Majesty has

issued a gracious rescript. It may be expected that the coming

and going of foreigners in the interior of the country will

henceforth grow more frequent, and if at such a time students

be left without proper control, and suffered to neglect the

dictates of propriety by cherishing sentiments of petty

arrogance and behaving in a violent, outrageous, or vulgar

manner, not only will the educational systems be brought into

discredit, but also the prestige of the country will be

impaired and its reputation may even be destroyed. For that

reason I have addressed an instruction to the local governors

urging them to guard against any defects in educational

methods, and I am now constrained to appeal to the Government

schools which serve for models. I trust that those upon whom

the functions of direction and teaching devolve, paying

respectful attention to the august intention, will discharge

their duties carefully towards the students, and, by securing

the latter's strict adherence to rules, will contrive that

they shall serve as a worthy example to the schools throughout

the country."

United States Consular Reports,

October, 1899, page 285.

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (August).

Prohibition of religious instruction in the government schools.

Some important regulations for the national schools were

promulgated in August by the Minister of Education, having the

effect, probably intended, of discouraging attendance at the

Christian mission schools, and stimulating a preference for

the schools of the national system. They forbade religious

exercises or instruction in any schools that adopt the

curriculum of the national schools, while, at the same time,

they allow admission from no others to the higher schools of

the national system without examination. Students in the

middle schools of the national system are exempted from

conscription, while others are not. That the aim in this

policy is to strengthen the national schools, rather than to

interfere with religious freedom, seems probable.

{282}

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (December).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1000 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

JAPAN: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (July)

Failure of attempts to entrust the Japanese government

with the rescue of the foreign Legations at Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-JULY).

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (August-October).

The new party of Marquis Ito.

The letters of the Tokio correspondent of the London "Times"

describe interestingly the genesis of a new party of which

Marquis Ito has taken the lead, and which took control of the

government in October, 1900. Various parties, the career of

which the writer reviews, had been formed in opposition to the

veteran statesmen who continued to hold the reins of government

after constitutional forms were introduced in 1880. But very

few of the party politicians who constructed these parties,

says the writer, had held high office. "They were without the

prestige of experience. To put such men on the administrative

stage while the gallery was occupied by the greybeards—the

'Meiji statesmen,' as they are called—who had managed the

country's affairs since the Restoration, would have seemed a

strange spectacle in the eyes of the nation. The Meiji

statesmen, however, persistently declined to be drawn into the

ranks of the political parties. They gave the latter plenty of

rope; they even allowed them to administer the State, which

essay ended in a fiasco; and they took them into alliances

which served chiefly to demonstrate the eagerness of these

politicians for office and emoluments. But there was no

amalgamation. The line of demarcation remained indelible. …

"The political parties, discovering the impossibility of

becoming a real power in the State without the coöperation of

the Meiji statesmen, asked Marquis Ito to assume their

leadership. Marquis Ito may be said to possess everything that

his country can give him. He has the unbounded confidence of

his Sovereign and his countrymen; he is loaded with titles and

honours, and a word from him can make or mar a Ministry. It

seems strange that such a man should step down from his

pedestal to become a party leader; to occupy a position which

can bring no honour and must at once create enemies. Yet

Marquis Ito has consented. He issued his manifesto. It is in

two respects a very remarkable document. First, it tells the

politicians that their great fault has been self-seeking; that

they have set party higher than country; office and emolument

above public duty and political responsibility. Secondly, it

informs them in emphatic terms that Parliamentary Cabinets are

unconstitutional in Japan; that "Ministers and officials must

be appointed by the Sovereign without any reference to their

party connexions. The politicians who place themselves under

Marquis Ito's leadership must eschew the former failing and

abandon the latter heresy. It would be impossible to imagine a

more complete reversal of the tables. The men who, ten years

ago, asked the nation to condemn the Meiji statesmen on a

charge of political self-seeking are now publicly censured by

the chief of these statesmen for committing the very same sin

in their own persons; and the men who for ten years have made

Parliamentary Cabinets the text of their agitation now enrol

themselves in a party which openly declares such Cabinets to

be unconstitutional."

The new party calls itself the "Association of Friends of the

Constitution" (Rikken Seiyukai). "In its ranks are found the

whole of the Liberals, and many members of the Diet who had

hitherto maintained an independent attitude, so that it can

count on 152 supporters among the 300 members of the Lower

House. … The Opposition, the Progressists, command only 90

votes, and the remainder of the House is composed mainly of

men upon whose support the Cabinet can always reckon. In fact,

now for the first time since the Diet opened, does the

direction of State affairs come into the hands of Ministers

who may rest assured of Parliamentary cooperation."

Marquis Yamagata, who had conducted the administration for

nearly two years, resigned in October, and Marquis Ito brought

his new party into power. His Cabinet "does not include one of

the elder statesmen—the 'clan statesmen'—except the marquis

himself. Among the seven portfolios that have changed

hands—those of War and of the Navy are still held as before—

three have been given to unequivocal party politicians,

leaders of the Liberals, and four to men who may be regarded

as Marquis Ito's disciples. … The Yamagata Cabinet consisted

entirely of clan statesmen and their followers. The Ito

Cabinet has a clan statesman for leader and his nominees for

members. It may be called essentially a one man Ministry, so

far does the Premier tower above the heads of his colleagues."

JAPAN: A. D. 1900-1901.

Strategic importance of Korea.

Interest in the designs of Russia.

See (in this volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1900.

JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

Movement to erect a monument to commemorate the

visit of Commodore Perry.

A movement in Japan to erect a monument at Kurihama, the

landing place of the American expedition, commanded by

Commodore Matthew C. Perry, which visited Japan in 1853 and

brought about the opening of that country to intercourse with

the western world (see, in volume 3, JAPAN: A. D. 1852-1888),

was announced to the State Department at Washington by the U.

S. Consul-General at Yokohama, in March, 1901. The undertaking

is directed by the "American Association of Japan," of which

the Japanese Minister of Justice is President, and its purpose

is to commemorate an event which the Association, in a

published circular, declares to be "the most memorable" in the

annals of Japan. The language of the circular, in part, is as

follows: "This visit of Commodore Perry was in a word the

turning of the key which opened the doors of the Japanese

Empire to friendly intercourse with the United States, and

subsequently to the rest of the nations of Europe on similar

terms, and may in truth be regarded as the most memorable

event in our annals—an event which paved the way for and

accelerated the introduction of a new order of things, an

event that enabled the country to enter upon the unprecedented

era of National ascendancy in which we are now living.

{283}

Japan has not forgotten—nor will she ever forget—that next to

her reigning and most beloved sovereign, whose high virtues

and great wisdom are above all praise, she owes, in no small

degree, her present prosperity to the United States of

America, in that the latter rendered her a great and lasting

service already referred to. After the lapse of these

forty-eight years, her people, however, have come to entertain

but an uncertain memory of Kurihama, and yet it was there that

Commodore Perry first trod on the soil of Japan and for the

first time awoke the country from a slumberous seclusion of

three centuries—there it was where first gleamed the light

that has ever since illumined Japan's way in her new career of

progress."

----------JAPAN: End--------

JESUS, Discovery of a fragment of the Logia or Sayings of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

----------JEWS: Start--------

JEWS:

Discovery of the sole mention of the people of Israel in

Egyptian inscriptions.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

JEWS:

General results of recent archæological research as affecting

our knowledge of the ancient Hebrews.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: IN BIBLE LANDS.

JEWS: A. D. 1897:

Freedom of residence in Russia given

to the university educated.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

The Zionist movement.

"The three closing days of August [1897] saw a congress at

Basle concerning the significance of which friends and foes

alike seem already pretty well agreed. It was the Congress of

Zionists. Zionists! Until then that word was almost unknown to

the public at large. Zionism virtually made its bow to the

Gentile world at Basle, and disclosed for the first time what

its aims and its needs were. … It was in my work, 'The Jewish

State,' which appeared a year and a half ago, that I first

formulated what the Congress at Basle virtually adopted as an

axiom. In the terms of that definition: 'Zionism has for its

object the creation of a home, secured by public rights, for

those Jews who either cannot or will not be assimilated in the

country of their adoption.'

"Nothing was more instructive at the Basle Congress than the

vigour—I might almost say violence—with which the

representatives of the great Jewish strata of population

resisted any attempt to limit the guarantees for a State based

on public rights. The executive appointed to draw up a

programme had proposed 'a legally secured home.' The

delegates, however, were not satisfied, and clamoured for an

alteration to 'secured on the basis of international rights.'

It was only by adopting the intermediary expression 'public

rights' that an agreement was arrived at. The significance of

this logomachy is, that what the Jews desire is not to acquire

more tracts of land, but a country for the Jewish people, and

to emphasise that desire in terms as plain as possible without

wounding certain legitimate and sovereign susceptibilities. We

can acquire land any day in our private right everywhere. But

that is not the point with Zionists. In our case we have

nothing to do with private rights. That will come later—as

well as the land speculators—once our movement has achieved

success. What the Zionists are alone directing their attention

to is the 'public rights' idea. In that they hope to find a

remedy for the old evil. Were I to express myself

paradoxically, I should say that a country belonging to the

Jews on the basis of public rights, even though down to the

very last parcel it was the legally secured property of

non-Jews, would mean the final solution of the Jewish

question. … We have held a gathering at Basle before the whole

world, and there we saw the national consciousness and the

popular will break forth, at times like a convulsive upheaval.

To Basle came Jews of all countries, of all tongues, of all

parties, and of all forms of religious confession. There were

more than 200 representatives of the Jewish people—most of

them delegates for hundreds and thousands. Men from Roumania

alone brought over 50,000 signatures of those who had sent

them there. There surely was never such a motley assembly of

opinions in such a narrow space before. On the other hand,

there would certainly have been more conflict of opinion in

any other deliberative assembly than there was in this. …

"It would … appear to be to the interest of Turkey to come to

an arrangement with the Jews. But, what are the interests

which other Governments would have in assisting the

realisation of a legally guaranteed Jewish home? The interest

would vary with each country, but it is present in some form

or other everywhere. It would mean the drawing off of an

unhappy and detested element of population which is reduced

more and more to a condition of despair, and which, scattered

over the face of the earth, and in a state of unrest, must

perforce identify itself with the most extreme parties

everywhere. Governments and all friends of the existing order

of things cannot bring themselves to believe that, by helping

us in the solution we propose, they could give peace to an

element which has been driven to revolution and rendered

dangerous through its dispersion. That a highly conservative

people, like the Jews, have always been driven into the ranks

of revolutionists is the most lamentable feature in the

tragedy of our race. Zionism would mean an end to all that. We

should see results accrue for the general condition of

mankind, the full benefits of which we cannot even guess.

There are, of course, a great number of existing political

difficulties to be overcome, but these, given the necessary

good will, might be surmounted."

Theodor Herzl,

The Zionist Congress

(Contemporary Review, October, 1897).

{284}

"The programme of the Philo-Zionists as defined in their

printed constitution is as follows:

(a) To foster the national idea in Israel.

(b) To promote the colonization of Palestine and neighbouring

territories by Jews, by establishing new colonies and

assisting those already established.

(c) To diffuse the knowledge of Hebrew as a living language.

(d) To further the moral, intellectual, and material status of

Israel.

The English Association, known as the Chovevi Zion, is

presided over by Colonel Albert Edward Goldsmid, Assistant

Adjutant-General of Her Majesty's Forces; it has 35

established 'Tents' spread through the length and breadth of

the United Kingdom. … Similar associations have been

established in America, Germany, France, Russia, Austria,

Denmark, Switzerland, and other countries; and there is a

central committee meeting at Paris, where the organisation of

new colonies and development of existing ones in the Holy Land

is systematically carried out. Even before these associations

had been called into existence Baron Edmond de Rothschild of

Paris, encouraged by the success of the agricultural schools

at Jaffa, founded by the late Charles Netter, had devoted his

vast influence and his open purse to the work; and there is a

separate administration in Palestine charged with the control

and management of what are known as 'the Baron's colonies.'

"To-day we have in Palestine between twenty and thirty

distinct colonies or communities spreading along the coast

from Askalon in the south to Carmel in the north, and along

the Jordan from the Waters of Meron to the Sea of Galilee in

the east. The population of these colonies varies from 100 to

700 souls, and they may safely be estimated to number 10,000

souls in all, independently of the large number of Jewish day

labourers from neighbouring towns and villages, to whom they

give occasional employment. There are 50,000 more Jews—mostly

refugees—in the various Holy Cities, and the immediate problem

is to get these—or the better part of them—also on the land.

The current language of the colonists is the Hebrew of the

Bible, although many of them have acquired the native Arabic,

and also French, which is taught in their schools. They have

their places of worship, their houses of study, their modest

institutes, their public baths, and in fact the counterpart in

small of all the features of the model European village: and

they have, thanks to the Baron and the Philo-Zionists'

Associations, the most modern appliances and complete

installations for the prosecution of their agricultural

works."

Herbert Bentwich,

Philo-Zionists and Anti-Semites

(Nineteenth Century, October, 1897).

"At the beginning of March, 1898, an important Conference was

held in London, attended by delegates from nearly 50

societies, representing 10,000 English Zionists, and

resolutions were passed adopting the International programme,

and making provisions for a federation of all the English

Zionist bodies. Similar conferences were held in New York, in

Berlin, in Galatz (Roumania), and other great centres; and

local federations were everywhere formed to give greater

strength and solidity to the general organization. At the

second International Congress, which was held at Basle in

August, 1898, and was attended by an imposing body of more

than 500 delegates, the Executive Committee were able to

report that the 'Basle programme' had received the support of

913 Zionist organizations (out of which over 700 had sprung up

since the first Congress), it being calculated that these

represented at least a quarter of a million of active members.

The Congress had become the authorised representative and

exponent of the people's wishes, and the Zionists had become a

power to be reckoned with in any settlement of the Jewish

question. Prominent among the attendants at this world

gathering were the Rabbis—crown officials from orthodox Russia

and Poland, as well as the elect of reform congregations from

America—who took an active interest in the settlement of the

programme of work for the ensuing year, which was the main

business of the meeting."

H. Bentwich,

The Progress of Zionism

(Fortnightly Review, December, 1898).

At the International Zionist Congress which assembled in

London on the 13th of August, 1900, the report of the

executive committee on the progress which the movement has

made showed as follows: "In Russia there are at least 100,000

members of Zionist societies; in England the movement is

supported by 38 societies, as against 16 last year, and all

these societies have increased membership. Thanks to the work

of the English Zionist Federation Zionism has made great

headway in England. In the United States there are 135

societies, as against 102 last year. Notwithstanding the war

in South Africa, the contributions towards the expenses of the

movement have been well maintained. Having regard to the

returns received by the executive committee the reporter felt

no hesitation in saying that to-day the vast majority of the

Jewish nation were in favour of Zionism."

London Times,

August 15, 1900.

Late in December, 1900, it was announced at Vienna that the

Sultan had issued or renewed a decree, according to which the

Jews are forbidden to remain in Palestine for longer than

three months. This measure, which applies both to traders and

pilgrims, further prohibits the acquisition by Jews of landed

property. It was suggested that the wholesale exodus of Jews

from Russia and their recent emigration from Rumania gave rise

to the apprehension that they might overcrowd Palestine. This

apprehension is said to have been strengthened by the

increasing activity of the Zionists, who are suspected in

certain circles in Constantinople of pursuing distinct

political ends. According to another suggestion, Russia had

grown jealous of the Jewish colonization of Palestine, fearing

it to be in the interest of German policy, and had used

influence to check it.

"Viewed merely on its prosaic side, Zionism is by no means a

visionary scheme. The aggregation of Jews in Palestine is only

a matter of time, and it is better that they should be

aggregated there under their own laws and religion, and the

mild suzerainty of the Sultan, than under the semi-barbarous

restrictions of Russia or Roumania, and exposed to recurrent

popular outbreaks. True, Palestine is a ruined country, and

the Jews are a broken people, but neither is beyond

recuperation. Palestine needs a people, Israel needs a

country. If, in regenerating the Holy Land, Israel could

regenerate itself, how should the world be other than the

gainer? In the solution of the problem of Asia, which has just

succeeded the problem of Africa, Israel might play no

insignificant part. Already the colony of Rishon le Zion has

obtained a gold medal for its wines from the Paris Exposition,

which is not prejudiced in the Jew's favor.

{285}

We may be sure the spiritual wine of Judæa would again pour

forth likewise that precious vintage which the world has drunk

for so many centuries. And as the unscientific activities of

the colonization societies would have paved the way for the

pastoral and commercial future of Israel in its own country,

so would the rabbinical sing-song in musty rooms prove to have

been but the unconscious preparation of the ages for the

Jerusalem University.

"But Palestine belongs to the Sultan, and the Sultan refuses

to grant the coveted Judæan Charter, even for dangled

millions. Is not this fatal? No, it matters as little as that

the Zionists could not pay the millions, if suddenly called

upon. They have barely collected a quarter of a million (in

English pounds). But there are millionaires enough to come to

the rescue, once the charter was dangled before the Zionists.

It is not likely that the Rothschilds would see themselves

ousted from their familiar headship in authority and

well-doing, nor would the millions left by Baron Hirsch be

altogether withheld. And the Sultan's present refusal is

equally unimportant, because a national policy is independent

of transient moods and transient rulers. The only aspect that

really matters is whether Israel's face be, or be not, set

steadily Zionwards,—for decades and even for centuries. Much

less turns on the Sultan's mind than on Dr. Herzl's. Will he

lose patience? for leaders like Herzl are not born in every

century."

I. Zangwill,

The Wandering Jew and the New Century

(Sunday School Times, January 12, 1901).

JEWS: A. D. 1899.

In Palestine.

"In view of the impetus given the Zionist movement by the

second Zionist congress, held at Basel in September, and also

by the Palestine journey of Emperor Wilhelm II, the present

status of Jews in Palestine becomes a matter of general

interest. Out of a total population in Palestine of some

200,000 souls, about 40,000 are Jews, as against 14,000 twenty

years ago. In Jerusalem, there are 22,000 Jews, half of whom

have immigrated from Europe and America and are called

Asehkenazim to distinguish them from the oriental Israelites,

the Sephardists. Nine hundred and sixty families, numbering

about 5,000 souls, inhabit the twenty-two Jewish colonies in

Palestine which have been founded and subsidized by Europeans

—ten by Baron Edmond de Rothschild, representing the Alliance

Israélite Universelle; the rest by the Jewish Colonization

Association and by the Odessa Company.

"The idea of gathering in Palestine homeless Jews scattered

all over the globe was championed in the forties by Moses

Montefiore, but with indifferent success. In the eighties,

however, the immigration of Jews to Palestine assumed

significant proportions. Of the twenty-two present colonies,

the 'Jacob Memorial' is the largest, supporting more than

1,000 souls. It boasts a graded school (five teachers), a

synagogue, etc., and 4,000 acres of land under cultivation, on

which are raised fruit (chiefly grapes), honey, and mulberry

leaves, the rearing of silkworms being a leading industry. The

'First to Zion' is another quite important colony, owning

2,000 acres of land. Some forty two-storied stone dwelling

houses greet the eye of the approaching stranger; also a

school house with a Hebrew library, a synagogue, and a

hospital. One million five hundred thousand vines and 25,000

olive, almond, orange, and mulberry trees belong to this

colony, which also possesses famous wine cellars. The 'Hope of

Israel,' a mile beyond Yafa, in the plains of Sharon, is

perhaps best known for its agricultural school, in which one

hundred or more pupils are taught gardening. Recently, a high

school for Jewish girls was established in Yafa. The 'Head

Corner Stone,' amid the hills beyond Tiberias, with

snow-capped Hermon in the background, is another quite

prosperous Jewish colony in Palestine. Being near the source

of the Jordan, water is plentiful; and its situation, high up

above the level of Lake Gennesareth, insures fair climatic

conditions. In the 'Door of Hope,' dairy farming is profitably

followed and experiments made in tea planting. This colony is

said to have 1,000,000 vines.

"Entirely irrespective of whether or not the Zionists will

succeed in awakening in the Jewish people a national spirit

and forming a Judean monarchy or republic, with its parliament

in Jerusalem and its representation in foreign capitals, the

present agitation makes for the development of a country which

is but a shadow of its former self, and which will generously

respond to modern influences. The Sultan seems quite disposed

to grant railway, harbor, and other franchises, and it is

possible that the new Jewish Colonial Bank, the organization

of which was decided upon in Basel, will be permitted, under

certain guaranties, to play an important part in the

industrial advancement and growth of Palestine. The movement

is furthermore bringing out new qualities in the Jews residing

in Palestine. They are no longer content with studying the

Talmud and living on charity, but are waking to the fact, as

the Hebrew would put it, that to till the ground is worship of

God.

"It should not be inferred from statements here made that

peace and prosperity have suddenly become the lot of the Jews

in Palestine. Only a few days ago, Rev. William King Eddy, of

Sidon, returned from beyond the Jordan, and he informs me that

a Jewish colony situated not far from El Mzerib (on the

caravan route from Damascus to Mekka) was recently attacked by

predatory Bedouin tribes. The settlers were all driven away,

their gardens and crops destroyed. Even a road built by the

Jews to connect their frontier colony with older ones in

Galilee, west of the river, was at least partially

obliterated. Taxes are more oppressive than ever, officials

are corrupt, and prohibitive measures regarding immigration

are still in force, although inadequate. I think, however, I

am justified in saying that the prospects are brighter than

ever for the Jews in Palestine and for Palestine itself.

European influence has obtained a foothold in the country, and

the tide of modern ideas can not be long debarred. Only four

or five weeks ago, an English company announced its

determination to build a broad-gauge railway from the sea at

Haifa through the very heart of Samaria and Galilee to

Damascus and on to Bagdad, and active operations have already

commenced."

G. B. Ravndal,

United States Consul at Beirut

(United States Consular Reports, April, 1899, page 691).

{286}

JEWS: A. D. 1901.

Turkish order regulating visits to Palestine.

A Press telegram from Washington, February 16, 1901, states

that "Consul Merrill, at Jerusalem, has reported to the State

Department that the Turkish Minister of the Interior at

Constantinople has issued an order relative to Jews who visit

Palestine, which went into effect on January 29. The order

applies to an Jews who come to Palestine from other countries

as pilgrims or visitors. The conditions of the order are as

follows: On arriving at Joppa the visitor must deliver his

passport to the Turkish authorities and receive therefor a

Turkish document. The visitor is allowed to stay in the

country three months, when he must leave, surrendering the

Turkish permit and receiving his own. Foreign consuls are to

compel the Jews who overstay the three months' period to leave

Turkey."

----------JEWS: End--------

JOAN OF ARC, The Beatification of.

The beatification of Joan of Are, recommended by the

Congregation of Rites, at Rome, was pronounced by the Pope,

January 28, 1894.

JOHANNESBURG: Origin.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1895-1896.

Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1900.

Taken by the British forces.

See (in this volume))

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 MAY-JUNE).

JOINT HIGH COMMISSION, Anglo-American.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

JOLO, The Sultan of.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

JONES, Samuel M., Mayor of Toledo.

See (in this volume)

TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.

JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:

In the South African War.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:

Death.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

JUBILEE, The Diamond, of Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

JUBILEE OF THE HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

JU JU SACRIFICE.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1807.

K.

KAFIRISTAN: Its conquest by the Afghans.

See (in this volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.

KAGAYAN, or CAGAYAN, The American acquisition of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

KAIRWAN: Opened to tourists.

See (in this volume)

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

KAISER WILHELM II.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY.

KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL, The.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

KAMERUNS, The: Cost of maintenance.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1809 (JUNE).

KANG YEU-WEI, Chinese reformer.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

KAPILAVASTU, Discovery of the ruins of.

See (in this volume)

BUDDHA.

KARNAK, Fall of eleven columns of the temple of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: FALL OF KARNAK COLUMNS.

KASSALA, Italian evacuation of.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1897.

KATIPUNAN, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

KEARSARGE, Loss of the.

The United States cruiser Kearsarge, destroyer of the

Alabama, was totally wrecked, February 2. 1894, on

Roncadore Reef, off the Mosquito coast, her crew being

saved.

KENGI.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.

Political conflicts.

Assassination of Governor Goebel.

In 1895 a Republican Governor, William O. Bradley, was elected

in Kentucky by a majority of nearly 9,000 votes. In 1896 the

conflict of political parties became fierce and dangerous, on

the occasion of the election of au United States Senator to

succeed the Democratic incumbent, J. C. S. Blackburn, whose

term would expire March 3d, 1897. On joint ballot in the

Legislature the Republicans and Democrats had 68 votes each,

and the Populists had 2,—the latter thus bolding a balance of

power: But the two Populist members were divided, and the

Democrats could not act together, owing to the division in

their party on the money question. The "sound-money" Democrats

refused support to Senator Blackburn, who obtained the caucus

nomination of his party for re-election, and their votes were

scattered. The Republicans were united on a candidate, and

secured one of the Populist votes, but needed one more to give

them a majority. They attempted to win the needed vote by

unseating a Democrat in the Lower House whose seat was

contested; but the Democrats promptly neutralized their move

by unseating two Republicans in the Upper House. The passions

excited by the factious contest had by this time become so

violent and threatening that in March, 1897, the Governor of

the State deemed it necessary to call out several companies of

militia to preserve peace at Frankfort. In the end, the

Legislature adjourned without electing an United States

Senator; but a special session was called and the election

accomplished, on the 28th of April, William J. Deboe,

Republican, winning the senatorial seat.

{287}

In the following year (1898) the Democrats secured strong

majorities in both branches of the Legislature, and, under the

lead of Senator William Goebel, passed an election bill which was

bitterly denounced as a contrivance for fraud. It created a

State election board, appointed by the existing Legislature

for four years, which board should name three commissioners in

each county, by whom all election and registration officers

should be chosen. Notwithstanding this provision of partisan

returning officers, the Democrats were so divided on the

silver question in the gubernatorial election of 1899, and

further weakened by personal hostilities which Goebel, who

became their candidate for governor, had stirred up, that the

official returns of the election gave William S. Taylor, the

Republican candidate, a plurality of more than 2,000 votes

over Goebel. There had been fear of riot in Louisville on

election day, and the Governor had called out State troops to

preserve order. The defeated party claimed that military

interference in that city had made the election illegal, and

demanded that the returns from Louisville should be thrown

out. On both sides there were accusations of fraud, and a

dangerous state of political excitement ensued again. But two

of the three members (all Democrats) of the State Board of

Election Commissioners decided that Taylor, the Republican

candidate, had been lawfully elected, and he was inaugurated

Governor on the 12th of December. Goebel and his partisans,

refusing to accept the decision, determined to unseat Governor

Taylor, by authority of the Legislature, in which they

controlled a considerable majority of votes.

The Legislature met and organized on the 1st of January, 1900.

The Governor prepared to defend his possession of the office

by summoning troops of the State Guard from the strong

Republican districts of the mountain region, and 1,000 or more

armed men arrived in Frankfort on the 25th. There had been

fighting between the two parties already, and the situation

now became desperately strained. Some kind of a bloody outcome

seemed inevitable, but no one could anticipate the barbarous

tragedy which ensued. As Senator Goebel was walking to the

state house, on the 30th of January, he was shot from one of

its windows, by a hidden assassin, receiving a wound from

which he died February 3d. The Legislature at once closed its

investigation of the election, and voted to recognize the

dying William E. Goebel as Governor, with J. C. W. Beckham as

his Lieutenant and the successor to the office in the event of

his death. Governor Taylor issued an address to the people of

the State, denouncing the murder and enjoining the

preservation of order. At the same time he proclaimed an

adjournment of the Legislature, closed the State House against

it, and summoned its members to reassemble on the 6th of

February, not at Frankfort, but at the distant small mountain

town of London. Goebel, on his death-bed, took the oath of

office, and issued orders dismissing Governor Taylor's

Adjutant-General, appointing another in his place, and

commanding the force at Frankfort to return to their homes.

The President of the United States was applied to by Governor

Taylor for recognition and support, but decided that he had no

authority to interfere. The supporters of Goebel applied with

more effect to the Circuit Court of Kentucky, which issued a

writ enjoining Governor Taylor from the use of armed force to

prevent the Legislature from meeting. A clerk who succeeded in

serving the writ by tacking it on the door of the Governor's

office was seized and held prisoner by the military, and a

writ of habeas corpus requiring his deliverance was disobeyed

for several days. All authority was breaking down, and a state

of political chaos being produced. To save the State from

actual anarchy and civil war, a conference of leaders in both

parties was held at Louisville, February 5, and an agreement

reached to withdraw troops from the capital, allow the

Legislature to meet there, and abide by its action, with

promise to repeal the obnoxious election law. Governor Taylor

refused acceptance of the agreement. He dismissed the troops,

however, on the 12th, and called the Legislature to meet at

the capital. The Democratic members of that body were holding

meetings at Louisville, the Republican members at London. The

latter obeyed the call to Frankfort, while the former

continued at Louisville, both fragments claiming to be the

Legislature of the State. A petition to the United States

Circuit Court, for injunctions against the Democratic

claimants for certain of the minor State offices, was denied

by Judge Taft on the 14th.

On the 21st, Republican and Democratic leaders came to another

agreement, that the gubernatorial question should be settled

in the courts,—first in those of the State, and then carried

by appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. This

agreement prevailed, and the case, as between Governor Taylor

and Governor Beckham (declared to be Governor by a majority of

the members of the Legislature after Governor Goebel's death)

was peacefully adjudicated in favor of the latter. The Circuit

Court of the State recognized the Legislature's decision of

the election as final; the Court of Appeals, with only one of

three Republican judges dissenting, did the same, April 6. On

April 30 the case was argued, on appeal, before the Supreme

Court of the United States, and on the 21st of May that

tribunal decided that it had no jurisdiction. This ended

attempts to dispute the authority of Governor Beckham.

Strenuous efforts were being made to implicate his competitor,

Mr. Taylor, as accessory to the murder of Goebel. Several

persons had been arrested and put on trial for that crime,

including Caleb Powers, the Secretary of State in Governor

Taylor's fallen government, from the window of whose office it

was claimed that the cowardly shot had been fired. The trials

were scandalized by confessions of perjury and charges and

counter-charges of subornation on the part of witnesses. In

August, Powers was found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment

for life. Subsequently, Henry E. Youtsey received the same

sentence, while James Howard was condemned to death. Appeals

were taken in each case. Mr. Taylor, under indictment as an

accomplice, had left the State, and a requisition for his

rendition was refused by the Governor of Indiana, where he

sojourned. He indignantly denied all knowledge of the alleged

conspiracy to kill his competitor, but claimed that a fair

trial could not be secured to him if he was placed in the

power of his political enemies.

{288}

In October, a new election law was passed by the Legislature

and signed by the Governor. It provides that, of the three

State Election Commissioners, one is to be taken from each of

the dominant parties, upon the recommendation of the State

Central Committee, and the Clerk of the Court of Appeals, an

elective officer, is to act as umpire. The Commissioners are

to be appointed by the Governor. They are to appoint the

county boards, one from each party, with the Sheriff as

umpire. All the boards are to have only ministerial powers,

and the law gives the right of appeal in all cases of contests

to the courts except in the case of Governor and

Lieutenant-Governor, which must be tried by the Legislature,

as the constitution prescribes. The Goebel law made the boards

supreme. The new law also provides for an equitable division

of election officers.

KHAIBAR:

Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

KHALIFA, The.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

KHARTUM, Destruction of.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

KHARTUM, Gordon Memorial College.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

KIANG-HUNG: Cession to France.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1897.

Seizure by Germany.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1899.

Cost of maintenance.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

KIEL:

Opening of the Baltic Canal.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

KIENNING, Anti-missionary riot at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899.

KIMBERLEY, Siege of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);

and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

KINGSHIP BY DIVINE RIGHT:

German revival of the doctrine.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

KIS, The city of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):

Sirdar of the Egyptian army.

Expedition to Dongola.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):

Final campaigns against the Dervishes.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):

Dealing with the French expedition at Fashoda.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):

In the South African War.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

KLONDIKE GOLD FIELDS, The.

"Many years ago gold was known to exist on the Yukon. The

Hudson Bay Company's men tested the bars of the main river,

and found 'the color,' but not in sufficient quantity to

warrant working. The reason is, that, in the disintegration of

the rocks by the smaller streams and the action of frost and

melting snow, the metallic burden of the waters is dropped in

the causeway of the smaller tributaries; only the finest float

gold and the lighter sand and gravel being carried as far as the

Yukon itself. In 1880, after years of fruitless search on the

main stream, a body of prospectors under the protection of

Captain (now Admiral) Beardsley, United States Navy, landed at

the head of Lynn Canal, crossed the divide, and proceeded to

explore the head-waters. Not much being found at first in

Canadian territory, the prospectors descended the river to the

region near the lower end of the Upper Ramparts. In this

region lies the boundary, formed by the one hundred and

forty-first degree of west longitude from Greenwich. Here the

Yukon receives from the southwest a tributary called

Forty-Mile Creek. A few miles of the lower part of this creek,

including its mouth, are on the Canadian side of the line: the

head-waters—on which the gold is chiefly found—are, for the

most part, on the American side. In this vicinity the first

substantial deposits were discovered, many of which are still

worked. …

"The site of the new diggings—which have produced an

excitement recalling the 'Fraser River rush' of 1857—is on a

stream tributary to the Yukon from the northeast, wholly in

Canadian territory, and entering the main river about fifty

miles eastward from the boundary. Here a mining camp, called

Dawson City,—after the head of the Dominion Geological

Survey,—has been established. … The stream above referred to

has been named the Klondyke,—signifying 'reindeer': on some of

the older maps it is designated Reindeer River. It is said

however that the name should really be Throndak,—a Tinneh term

meaning 'plenty of fish.' The existence of gold on this stream

and its branches appears to have been first made known by

Indians. One of the first prospectors to locate upon it with

success was J. A. Carmich, who staked out his claim in August,

1896, and with two helpers, in a few weeks, washed out over

$14,000."

W. H. Dall,

Alaska and the New Gold-Field

(Forum, September, 1897).

KNIGHTHOOD: Victorian Order.

See (in this volume)

VICTORIAN ORDER.

KNOSSOS, Archæological excavations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

KOKANG: Cession to Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

Nominal independence of Korea.

Japanese influence supplanted by Russian.

On the 7th of January, 1893, the independence of Korea (see,

in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895) was formally

proclaimed at Seoul. For a time, Japanese influence

prevailed, and the party favorable to it controlled affairs.

But Russian jealousy gave encouragement to the opposing

faction, headed by the queen, and the latter succeeded at

length in thwarting most of the aims of the Japanese. The

result was a revolutionary conspiracy in October, carried out

by a murderous band which broke into the palace and killed

three women, one of whom was supposed to be the queen. The

assassins were dressed in Japanese costume, and were said to

belong to the "soshi," or hireling cutthroats, of that

country; but the Japanese government indignantly repudiated

the crime, recalled and arrested its Minister, who was

suspected of complicity, and forbade its subjects to enter

Korea without special permission. Russian influence,

nevertheless, became dominant soon after; the king yielded to

it completely, and obtained riddance of opposing ministers

with Russian support. In the end, Russia and Japan came to an

agreement, nominally establishing a joint protectorate over

Korea; but practically the Japanese seemed to be fairly

shouldered out.

{289}

In the later part of 1897, the Russian Minister to Korea

brought about the dismissal of an English official, Mr. Brown,

who had been the financial adviser of the Korean government

and its commissioner of customs, putting a Russian in his

place, and secured a written agreement that none but Russians

or Koreans should fill that important post in future. The

vigorous remonstrance of the British government, however,

caused this action to be reversed.

Russia and Japan came to a new understanding in 1898, more

favorable to the interests of the latter in Korea. This was

embodied in a protocol, signed at Tokyo on the 25th of April,

1898, in terms as follows:

"I. That the Governments of Japan and Russia, recognizing the

sovereignty and complete independence of Korea, shall in no

way directly interfere with the domestic government of that

country.

II. That in order to avoid misunderstandings in the future,

whenever either Japan or Russia is applied to by Korea for

advice or assistance, neither contracting party shall take any

steps toward the appointment of military instructors or

financial advisers without previous consultation with the

other.

III. That Russia, recognizing the great progress made in

commercial and industrial enterprises by Japan in Korea, and

the great number of Japanese subjects residing in the

settlements, will do nothing to injure the development of the

commercial and industrial relations between Japan and Korea."

United States Consular Reports,

August, 1898, page 591.

A reform party had begun to manifest influence at this time,

even aspiring to representative institutions in the

government. Various progressive measures were undertaken in

1898; the gold monetary standard was adopted; American

engineers were engaged to plan roads, bridges, etc., and new

ports were opened.

KOREA: A. D. 1900.

Strategic importance of Korea to Russia and Japan.

Japanese jealousy of Russian encroachments in

Manchuria and its grounds.

"Considerable as are the material interests which Japan is

building up in Korea, it is still from the strategical point

of view that she is most deeply concerned with the future of

the Korean peninsula, which, in the hands of a great military

Power like Russia, would be a permanent threat to her safety.

And the Japanese appear to be firmly convinced that, when

once Russia is firmly seated in Northern China, she must

inevitably seek to absorb Korea. In any other hands but her

own the Korean peninsula would always be a wedge

inconveniently driven in between her older acquisitions on

the Pacific seaboard and her more recent acquisitions in the

Gulf of Chi-li, nor could she regard her strategical position

in the Far East as thoroughly secured so long as she did not

command one shore of the straits through which lies the

natural waterway between her two naval bases at Vladivostok

and at Port Arthur. … Port Arthur is situated practically on

an inland sea to which the approaches can be dominated not

only by positions already in the hands of other European

Powers, such as Wei-hai-wei and Kiaochau, but by the Korean

peninsula and islands as well as by the Japanese archipelago,

from Tsushima down to Formosa. With Port Arthur as her main

base Russia's position as a naval Power in the Far East would

be subject to natural limitations not altogether unlike those

which hamper her in the Black Sea and the Baltic.

"Considered in this light the question of Russian

aggrandisement in Northern China is so closely interwoven with

that of the future of Korea that it must necessarily wear a

much more serious aspect for Japan than for any other Power

—so serious, indeed, that not a few Japanese deem the time to

be close at hand when Japan should retort upon Russia in

precisely the same terms which the latter used in 1895 and

demand the evacuation of territories where her presence must

be a permanent threat to the independence of the Chinese

Empire and the peace of the Far East."

London Times,

Tokio Correspondence, December 27, 1900.

KOTZE, Chief-Justice:

Conflict with President Kruger of the Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MARCH);

and 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

KROONSTAD:

Temporary seat of Orange Free State government.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

KRUGER: President Stephanus Johannes Paulus.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

KUANG HSU, Emperor of China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

KUMASSI, or COOMASSIE:

Occupation by the British.

Siege and relief.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

KURAM, The:

Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

KURRAM VALLEY, British-Indian war with tribes in the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

KWANGCHOW WAN, Lease of, to France.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

KWANG-SI, Rebellion in.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

{290}

L.

LABOR COLONIES: In Australia.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

LABOR CONFLICTS.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

LABOR LEGISLATION:

Compulsory insurance in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

LABOR LEGISLATION:

Eight-hours day in Utah.

See (in this volume)

UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

LABOR LEGISLATION:

New Zealand Labor Laws.

See (in this volume))

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

LABOR LEGISLATION:

Workmen's Compensation Act in Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

LABOR LEGISLATION:

The United States Industrial Commission.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

LABRADOR, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1893-1900, 1896.

LABYRINTH, The Cretan:

Its supposed discovery.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

LADRONE ISLANDS:

Sale by Spain to Germany.

See (in this volume)

CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

LADYSMITH, Siege of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);

and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

LAGAS, The ancient city of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

LAGOS.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

LA GUASIMA, Battle at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

LAKE SUPERIOR CONSOLIDATED IRON MINES:

In the United States Steel Corporation.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX.

LAND BILL, Irish (1896).

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1896.

LAND SYSTEM, The New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND; A. D. 1891-1900.

LAND TAXATION:

In Australia and New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

LANDLORDS, Irish, New League against.

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

LATTIMER,

Conflict of striking coal miners with sheriffs' deputies at.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

LAURIER, Sir Wilfrid:

Prime Minister of Canada.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and after.

LAWS OF WAR.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

LAWTON, General Henry W.:

Command at Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

LAWTON, General Henry W.:

Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

LAWTON, General Henry W.:

Death.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

LECHER, Dr.:

Twelve-hours speech.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

LEE, General Fitzhugh:

U. S. Consul-General at Havana.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY);

and (DECEMBER-MARCH).

LEE, General Fitzhugh:

Command at Havana.

Report.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

LEICHAU PENINSULA, Leases in, to France.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AuGUST).

LEO XIII., Pope,

See PAPACY.

LÈSE MAJESTÉ.

A hurt to Majesty.

Any offense or crime against the sovereign.

For lèse majesté in Germany,

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER).

LEX FALKENHAYN, The.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

LEX HEINZE, The.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

LEXOW INVESTIGATION, The.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY; A. D. 1894-1895.

LIAOTUNG PORTS: A. D. 1895.

Russo-Chinese Treaty relating to.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895.

See, also, references from PORT ARTHUR;

TALIENWAN; and FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA.

LIBRARIES, The gifts of Mr. Andrew Carnegie to.

Of neither the manifold items nor the stupendous total of the

gifts made by Mr. Andrew Carnegie for the founding or for the

assistance of public libraries in America and Great Britain is

there any authentic account; but a tentative record of them,

compiled mainly from the news columns of the "Library

Journal," and published, on the 17th of March, 1901, in the

"Buffalo Illustrated Express," is probably not far from

correct. It begins in 1881, with the founding of a public

library at Dunfermline, Scotland, the birthplace of Mr.

Carnegie, who then gave for it $40,000. Two years later, he is

said to have given $50,000 to a library at Inverness. In 1885

the New York Free Circulating Libraries were helped by him to

the extent of $5,000. In the following year his benefactions

were raised to their larger scale by his gift of $250,000 to

the Free Public Library of Edinburgh; besides which he gave

$28,000 to the Workmen's Library of the Keystone Bridge Works,

and smaller donations elsewhere. In 1889 he founded the

Carnegie Library at Braddock, Pennsylvania, at a cost of

$300,000.

{291}

In 1890 he contributed $325,000 to the founding of the

Carnegie Free Public Library at Allegheny, Pennsylvania, which

the city undertook to support; he replaced the Cambria

Library, which the great flood at Johnstown had destroyed,

expending $65,000 in that kindly work; gave $40,000 to a

library at Fairfield, Iowa, and $9,000 to another at Augusta,

Maine. Five thousand dollars to a library in Airdrie, $50,000

to one in Ayr, and $2,500 to a third at Jedburgh, all three in

Scotland, are the gifts recorded in 1893 and 1894.

In 1895 Mr. Carnegie seemed to be crowning his munificence by

the creation, at Pittsburg, of the great institution,

combining library, art gallery, and museum, on which, between

that year and 1899 he is said to have expended no less than

$3,860,000. In the same year he founded a small library at

Wick, in Scotland. In 1897 the donations appear to have been

small. In 1898 Dumfries, in Scotland, received for a public

library $50,000 from his open purse, and $250,000 went from it

to the creation of the Carnegie Library at Homestead,

Pennsylvania, the seat of the Carnegie works.

Hitherto the stream of Mr. Carnegie's bounty to public

libraries had been a rivulet: it now, in 1899, began to pour

like the fertilizing flood of the Nile, and that first

twelvemonth of the amazing tide was celebrated by American

librarians, at the annual meeting of their Association, as

"the Carnegie year." In reality, it but opened a series of

"Carnegie years," which have filled the period since, and may

still go on. As compiled by the "Express," supplemented by a

later record in the "Library Journal" for April, 1901, the

list of the library gifts and offers of Mr. Carnegie, from the

beginning of 1899 until March, 1901, includes $5,200,000,

tendered to the city of New York for branches to its Public

Library (see below); $1,000,000 tendered to St. Louis;

$350,000 to the city of Washington; $260,000 to Syracuse;

$125,000 each to Atlanta and Louisville; $100,000, or $150,000

(there seems to be uncertainty as to the sum) to Seattle;

$100,000 each to Richmond, Conneaut, Grand Rapids, Ottawa,

Ont., and the State College in Pennsylvania; $75,000 each to

Lincoln, Nebraska, Springfield, Illinois, Davenport, Iowa,

Tacoma, Washington, and the Bellevue Medical College, New

York; $50,000 each to San Diego, Oakland, Duluth Sedalia, East

Liverpool, Ohio, Steubenville, Sandusky, Connellsville,

McKeesport, Beaver, Beaver Falls, Tyrone, Pennsylvania,

Clarion, Oil City, Fort Worth, Dallas, Cheyenne, Dubuque,

Ottumwa, Emporia College, East Orange, York, Coal Center and

Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania, Chattanooga, Houston, San Antonio,

Vancouver, British Columbia., Aurora, Illinois, Lewiston,

Maine, Niagara Falls, Yonkers, Canton, Ohio, Montgomery,

Alabama, Marion, Indiana, Galesburg, Illinois, Schenectady,

New York, and Hawick, Scotland; besides a great number of

lesser sums, ranging from a few hundred dollars to $40,000.

The total of the library gifts and proffers of Mr. Carnegie,

from the beginning to March, 1900, is thought to exceed

$23,000,000.

To many other educational institutions Mr. Carnegie has been

munificently generous, giving, for example, $500,000 for the

Manual Training School of Cooper Institute, New York; $250,000

to Birmingham University; $50,000 to the engineering

laboratory of Stevens Institute, Hoboken; $50,000 to the

Edinburgh Technical School, and making other gifts of like

kind.

LIBRARY,

New York Public, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

Andrew Carnegie's offered gift.

"The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden

Foundations, was formed by the consolidation, on the 23d of

May, 1895, of the three corporations, 'The Trustees of the

Astor Library,' originally incorporated January 18, 1849, 'The

Trustees of the Lenox Library,' originally incorporated

January 20, 1870, and 'The Tilden Trust,' originally

incorporated March 26, 1887. … In the agreement for

consolidation it was provided that the name of the new

corporation should be 'The New York Public Library, Astor,

Lenox and Tilden Foundations'; that the number of its trustees

should be twenty-one, to be selected from the thirty-three

members of the separate boards; and that 'the said new

corporation shall establish and maintain a free public library

and reading room in the city of New York, with such branches

as may be deemed advisable, and shall continue and promote the

several objects and purposes set forth in the respective acts

of incorporation of 'The Trustees of the Astor Library,' 'The

Trustees of the Lenox Library,' and the 'Tilden Trust.' … In

December, Dr. John Shaw Billings, United States Army

(retired), was chosen Director, but he did not enter fully

upon his duties until June, 1896. …

"At the time of the consolidation the Astor library owned its

site and buildings, had an endowment fund of about $941,000,

producing an annual income of about $47,000, and contained

267,147 volumes. The Lenox library owned its site and

building, had an endowment fund of $505,500, producing an

annual income of $20,500, and contained about 86,000 volumes.

The Tilden Trust possessed Mr. Tilden's private library,

containing about 20,000 volumes, and an endowment fund

estimated at $2,000,000, making the total number of volumes in

the New York Public Library 373,147, and the total endowment

fund about $3,446,500. … The joint libraries now contain about

500,000 volumes and 175,000 pamphlets."

Immediately upon the completion of the consolidation of the

three libraries, the city of New York was asked to provide a

suitable building for the great institution contemplated, and

the ground covered by the old reservoir, on Fifth Avenue,

between Fortieth and Forty-second Streets, was suggested as an

advantageous site. "The result of this appeal, which met with

cordial public support, was that an act was passed by the

legislature and approved May 19, 1897, giving the necessary

authority to the city to issue bonds for the construction of a

library building, the result of which was that on November 10,

1897, the plans prepared by Messrs. Carrère & Hastings, of New

York City, were selected and approved, and were laid before

the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City of New

York on December 1, 1897. These plans were approved by the

Board of Estimate and on December 8 a contract was entered

into between the City of New York and the New York Public

Library, by which the library building to be erected upon

Bryant Park was leased to the New York Public Library. … The

sketch plans provide for a building about 350 feet in length

and about 250 feet in width from east to west, giving shelving

for about 1,500,000 volumes and seating capacity for about 800

readers in the main reading room. …

{292}

"Plans and specifications for the removal of the Forty-second

Street reservoir and laying the foundations for the new

building having been approved the contract for this work was

awarded to Mr. Eugene Lentilhon, and the work of removing was

begun on June 6th, 1899."

Handbook to the New York Public Library, 1900.

In October, 1900, it was stated in the newspapers of the city

that Mayor Van Wyck, Controller Coler, and the other members

of the Board of Estimate had come to an understanding

regarding the consolidation of all the libraries of the

Greater New York under the New York Public Library. "It was

announced officially that all the smaller libraries would be

allowed about the same amount of money for maintenance this

year as was allowed last year. A practical plan of

consolidation will be perfected, and when the matter comes up

before the Board of Estimate next year it was agreed that the

libraries would be put under one head. … It is proposed to

spend $5,000,000 on the New York Public Library now in course

of erection in Bryant Park on the site of the old reservoir.

It will be four years before the building can be completed.

Controller Coler's idea is to gradually merge the smaller

libraries so that when the new building is completed New York

will have the largest and best equipped library for sending

out books of any city in the world."

On the 12th of March, 1901, Mr. Andrew Carnegie addressed the

following letter to Dr. Billings, the Director of the New York

Public Library, making a proposal of unparalleled munificence:

"Dear Dr. Billings: Our conferences upon the needs of greater New

York for branch libraries to reach the masses of the people in

every district have convinced me of the wisdom of your plans.

Sixty-five branches strike one at first as a very large order,

but as other cities have found one necessary for every sixty

thousand or seventy thousand of population, the number is not

excessive. You estimate the average cost of these libraries

at, say, $80,000 each, being $5,200,000 for all. If New York

will furnish sites for these branches for the special benefit

of the masses of the people, as it has done for the central

library, and also agree in satisfactory form to provide for

their maintenance as built, I should esteem it a rare

privilege to be permitted to furnish the money as needed for

the buildings, say, $5,200,000. Sixty-five libraries at one

stroke probably breaks the record, but this is the day of big

operations, and New York is soon to be the biggest of cities.

Very truly yours, ANDREW CARNEGIE."

In communicating this extraordinary proposal to the New York

Public Library Board, Dr. Billings made the following

statement of the plan contemplated in the suggestions he had

made:

"In the conferences referred to by Mr. Carnegie the

suggestions which I have made have related mainly to a free

public library system for the boroughs of Manhattan and The

Bronx. I have stated that such a system should include the

great central reference library in Forty-second street and

Fifth avenue, about forty branch libraries for circulation,

small distributing centres in those public school buildings

which are adapted to such purpose, and a large travelling

library system operated from the central building. Each of the

branch libraries should contain reading rooms for from 50 to 100

adults and for from 75 to 125 children, and in these reading

rooms should be about 500 volumes of encyclopædias,

dictionaries, atlases and large and important reference books.

There should be ample telephone and delivery arrangements between

the branches and the central library.

"To establish this system would require at least five years.

The average cost of the branch libraries I estimated at from

$75,000 to $125,000, including sites and equipment. The cost

of maintaining the system when completed I estimated at

$500,000 a year. The circulation of books for home use alone

in these boroughs should amount to more than 5,000,000 of

volumes a year, and there should be at least 500,000 volumes

in the circulation department, with additions of new books and

to replace worn out books of at least 40,000 a year.

"With regard to the other boroughs of greater New York I have

made no special plans or estimates, but have said that about

twenty-five libraries would be required for them."

LIBRARY, The Temple, of ancient Nippur.

See (in this vol.)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

LIBRARY, The U. S. House of Representatives:

Its management under the spoils system.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, at Washington.

The new building.

"By the act of April 15, 1886, the present site, one-quarter

of a mile south of east from the Capitol, was selected, its

acquisition by the United States provided for, and the

construction of a building authorized. During this long period

of discussion many schemes for attaining the desired end,

including a variety of plans for enlarging and occupying the

Capitol and many different sites in the city of Washington,

were considered. Several times did the legislation reach an

advanced state and fail through the pressure of more absorbing

interests. Finally the law referred to adopted sketch plans that

had been prepared by Messrs. Smithmeyer and Pelz, a firm of

Washington architects, but it fixed no limit of cost, nor did

it specify the materials of construction or character of

execution of the design other than to stipulate that the

building should be fireproof. A commission, composed of the

Secretary of the Interior, the Librarian of Congress, and the

Architect of the Capitol, was designated to conduct the

construction of the building. The site, comprising two city

squares—nearly nine acres, within the city building lines and

with the included streets—was purchased of the private owners,

the ground cleared of some seventy buildings occupying it, and

by the summer of 1888 about one-half of the foundation

footings for the building were laid. During that year,

however, Congress became dissatisfied with the progress that

had been made and the uncertainties involved in the operation

of the inadequate original law, and accordingly, on October 2,

modified it and lodged the entire control of the work, including

the preparation of new plans at a limited cost, in the hands

of Brigadier General Thomas Lincoln Casey, Chief of Engineers

of the United States Army. He immediately placed the writer in

local charge.

{293}

On March 2, 1889, Congress enacted that the building should be

erected at a total cost of $6,500,000, including previous

expenditures, according to a plan that had been prepared and

submitted by General Casey, pursuant to the previous act of

October 2, 1888. This plan was based on that adopted by the

original act, and provided a building of similar form,

dimensions, and architecture. The project embodied the

principal materials of construction and a detailed estimate of

the cost. Under these auspices operations were begun in the

spring of 1889 where the operations had left off the year

before, and the construction thence proceeded without

interruption until the building was finally completed, in the

spring of 1897. It was 470 feet in length by 340 feet in

width, having three stories and a subbasement, and fronts

west—toward the Capitol. … The foundations of the building are

of hydraulic cement concrete, 6 feet deep in ground which is a

mixture of clay and sand of very uniform character. The cellar

walls are of hard red brick; the exterior face of the

superstructure of a fine grained light blue granite from

Concord, New Hampshire; the stone of the rotunda and the

trimmings of the court walls a light blue granite from near

Woodstock, Maryland; the facing of the court walls enameled

brick from Leeds, England; and the backing and interior walls

as well as all of the vaulting of the basement and first

stories are of hard red brick. Most of the floors that are

flat ceiled are of terra cotta, and this material also forms

the covering and filling of the roofs and main dome, of which

the supporting members are of rolled steel in beams, girders,

and trusses. All of the floors are leveled up with concrete

and surfaced with tiles, terrazzo, or mosaic in the public

spaces, while in the office and working rooms they are covered

with a carpet of southern pine boards. The most important of

the strictly useful features of the building are the book

stacks, of which the design is largely original. The problem

was new, not only through the capacity to be provided but the

numerous other conditions to be met, such as light,

ventilation, adjustability to several uses, communication,

immunity from fire, cleanliness, durability, and simplicity.

It was also necessary that rapid mechanical transmission of

books between the shelving and the reading room should be

provided, coupled with a quick and reliable means of

communication, both written and oral. … The book carrier is a

pair of parallel, endless chains, running in a vertical shaft

in the middle of the stack; thence in a horizontal duct in the

cellar to a point below the central desk of the reading room,

where it turns upward and ascends vertically to the delivery

outlet at the desk. A series of equidistant book trays,

eighteen in number, are suspended between the chains. The

machine runs continuously and automatically takes on and

delivers books of the size of a quarto or less at its reading

room terminal and at each of the stack stories. The speed of

the carrier is about 100 feet per minute. The pneumatic

message tube is also convenient as a speaking tube. The great

rotunda or public reading room of the building, the main

staircase hall or foyer, the private reading rooms for the

members of Congress, the Librarian's office, the corridors

communicating with these, and the exhibition halls as well as

many portions of the exterior walls, especially the west main

pavilion, have received a good degree of artistic treatment

and embellishment, but all within strict architectural

requirements. Some forty sculptors and mural painters, about

equally divided in numbers, furnished the principal works of

art under the architects' supervision and direction. Many

appropriate quotations and names are inscribed on the walls in

the architectural tablets, friezes and panels, adding to the

general impressiveness and interest of the building. In all

ways and from all points of view the library building is

eminently instructive as an example of good design, good

appointment for its great purpose, good building and good

administration in the execution, and therefore the more

appropriate to house the nation's library. The unusual success

of the undertaking under Government auspices is almost wholly due

to the selection of a known competent, sturdy, and faithful

individual such as General Casey was, and giving him the sole

charge directly under Congress without an executive superior

liable to interfere and cause delays. The work went on

quietly, but with energy; and was completed within the

originally estimated time and well within the legal limit of

cost. The total cost of the building was $6,344,585.34—that of

the site, $585,000."

Bernard R. Green,

The Building for the Library of Congress

(Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1897, page 625).

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Negotiation of peace with Japan.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Tour in Europe and America.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1896.

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Charged with being in Russian pay.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Acting Viceroy at Canton.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (DECEMBER).

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Attempt to open negotiations with allied Powers.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

LI HUNG-CHANG:

Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

LIKIN, The Chinese taxes called.

"Chinese tariff rates, where they exist, average about 5 per

cent ad valorem. Many articles are admitted free of duty, and

on some the rates are higher than 5 per cent, but in general

terms this is about the average rate. To this, however, there

is a material addition where the goods are intended for

interior points. The Chinese Government, while it collects a

part of its revenue from customs, relies largely upon the

provinces to supply revenue, and arbitrarily names each year

the sum which each province must supply, leaving to the

officers of that province the methods by which this is

obtained. The consequence is that each province is permitted

to collect a tax on goods entering it from the adjacent

provinces, and this custom has been extended to the

subdivision of the provinces, so that goods in transit are

frequently compelled to pay taxes every few miles. As a

consequence, the interior taxes, known as 'likin,' became not

only the terror of importers, but sometimes almost

prohibitory. So serious was this system in its effects upon

attempts to introduce foreign goods that, upon the insistence

of foreign ministers, the Chinese Government announced that an

addition of 50 per cent to the rates paid at the custom-houses

would insure passage of the goods to any point in the interior

without the exaction of likin taxes.

{294}

This was gladly accepted by foreigners desiring to do business

in the interior of China. The additional 50 per cent on duties

was paid and 'transit passes' issued for the goods in question,

purporting to authorize their free transit to any point in the

Empire. Actual experience, however, shows that these transit

passes do not always accomplish what was expected. … Every 8

or 10 miles along the principal waterways or caravan routes a

likin station is found, where a tax is levied upon some

article or articles carried through by boat, pack animal, or

wheelbarrow. At some points every article is taxed. This is

the usual rule at the gates of cities. In some cases the tax

is as little as 2 per cent ad valorem; in others, such as

silk, satin, and native opium, much more, amounting at times

to 6, 8, or even 10 per cent. Between Shanghai and Soochow, a

distance of 84 miles, there are 8 likin stations. At the first

and last stations all goods are dutiable; at the rest all

goods must be examined, and there is scarcely a single article

that does not in that distance pay at least three taxes. It is

easily seen that under such a system foreign goods cannot be

carried very far from the coast before their prices become

prohibitive for ordinary people."

United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,

March, 1899, pages 2188, 2231.

LINCOLN PARTY, The.

See (in this volume).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER),

SILVER REPUBLICAN.

LIQUID AIR, The production of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

LIQUOR SELLING, The regulation of.

Abolition of the Army Canteen.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

LIQUOR SELLING:

Dispensary Laws.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and

ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

LIQUOR SELLING:

International convention respecting the

liquor traffic in Africa.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

LIQUOR SELLING:

The question in American politics.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

LIQUOR SELLING:

The Raines Liquor Law.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

LISCUM, Colonel Emerson H.:

Death.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

A name given by its opponents to the section of the Liberal

party in Great Britain which condemns the boundless

enlargement of British annexations, protectorates and spheres

of influence in all parts of the world, and which is critical

of expansive and imperialistic wars.

LIU KUN-YI, Viceroy at Nanking:

Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

LOCH, Sir H. B.:

British High Commissioner in South Africa.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

LOCKOUTS.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER, The so-called.

See (in this volume)

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

LOGIA, Discovery of a fragment of the.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT; DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

LOMBOK.

See (in this volume)

DUTCH EAST INDIES.

LONDON: A. D. 1894.

The Tower Bridge.

The Tower Bridge was formally opened on the 30th of June,

eight years after the beginning of the work. Its cost was

£1,250,000.

LONDON: A. D. 1897.

Great fire.

On November 19, 1897, occurred one of the largest fires in

London since 1606. Beginning in Aldersgate, it spread over six

acres of a densely populated quarter, destroying over 100

warehouses and buildings. The loss was estimated at

£2,000,000.

LONDON: A. D. 1899.

The London Government Act.

"The London Government Act is the most important measure

passed by Lord Salisbury's Government during the year 1899;

indeed, in some respects it is the most valuable reform

carried by the Parliament which [expired in 1000]. There was

urgent need for such a measure. The machinery of London

Government was hopelessly out of gear. It was both cumbrous

and intricate; it was controlled by a network of small local

authorities whose duties were ill-defined and often clashed

with each other. There was no uniformity or harmony in the

system." The old Roman wall, "built somewhere between A. D.

350 and A. D. 370 … played a most important part in the

history of London; and, indeed, it had a large share in

creating the problems with which Mr. Balfour had to deal in

1899. Little did its unknown builder dream that his wall, so

admirable in itself, would cause us trouble fifteen centuries

after his death. But such is the fact. He was a wise man, this

nameless benefactor of the infant municipality; he took care

that the wall should be thoroughly well built; and he allowed,

as he thought, ample room for later growth. The exact position of

this wall is well known to antiquaries. Many portions of it

still remain; it included in its ambit about a square mile of

territory, with wells and trees, gardens and pastures,

bordering on the great Roman roads. For a thousand years or

more this area was sufficient for all purposes. … So far as we

now can guess, it was not till the 16th century that any

Londoner felt cramped within the wall and craved more

elbow-room. Gradually the City expanded, and at first it

incorporated its extra-mural parishes, such as Bishopsgate and

Farringdon Without. The borough of Southwark was supposed for

some purposes to be annexed to the City; it was till last year

by a fiction regarded as a ward of the City—the ward of Bridge

Without. To this extent, then, the City spread outside its

wall. But here its natural expansion stopped. … The City

proper remained a compact town, well organized and well

governed, but the suburbs were treated as mere country

villages; their only local authority was the parish vestry,

and its only officers the churchwardens and the overseers.

{295}

"This state of things obviously could not last. It soon became

impossible for the parishioners to assemble in the vestry; no

room, indeed, would hold them. First one parish and then

another applied to Parliament for an Act creating what was

called a 'select vestry,' and many representative bodies were

thus formed with diverse and very miscellaneous powers. …

Where the parishes were small, instead of a select vestry a

district board was formed, under which several small parishes

were grouped. And so when the London Government Act was passed

there were 78 parishes and extra-parochial places within the

county, but outside the City of London. … These vestries and

boards were the sanitary authorities for their respective

areas: they superintended the removal of nuisances, and the

lighting, paving, watering, and cleansing of the streets; they

also attended to some minor works of drainage, ancillary to

the main system. … In 1855, the Metropolitan Board of Works

was created to control the main drainage, to carry out

improvements, to regulate the streets and bridges, and to

maintain and manage the Fire Brigade. But its members were

elected on a vicious system—by the various vestries and

boards, and not directly by the ratepayers. … Its place was

taken [in 1888] by the London County Council. But besides

these vestries, local boards, district boards, and the

Metropolitan Board, it was deemed necessary from time to time

to create many minor authorities to meet various pressing

needs; such were the Metropolitan Asylums Board, the Thames

Conservators, the Lee Conservators, the commissioners of baths

and washhouses, the commissioners of free libraries, the

burial boards, &c., in addition to 30 boards of guardians and

the London School Board. As the population of London outgrew

its existing institutions, the defects and shortcomings were

remedied by patchwork. …

"From this position of affairs we have been rescued by two

important measures, … the Local Government Act, 1888, and the

London Government Act, 1899. … The Local Government Act of

1888 abolished the Metropolitan Board of Works: it created the

administrative county of London; it called into existence the

London County Council. The London Government Act of 1899 has

done still more for London. It has abolished some 127 local

authorities, whose place will be taken by the 28 borough

councils which must be elected on November 1. The London

County Council, the City Corporation, the Metropolitan Asylums

Board, the boards of guardians, and the London School Board

remain practically untouched. But 73 vestries, 12 district

boards, the Woolwich Local Board of Health (the last of its

race), 12 burial boards, 19 boards of library commissioners,

and 10 boards of baths and washhouses commissioners, for all

purposes of civic government, cease to exist."

London Times, October 16, 1900.

LONDON CONVENTION (British-Boer), of 1884.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

LONGEVITY, Human:

The Nineteenth Century increase of.

See (in this vol.)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE LENGTHENED AVERAGE.

LOOTING, in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16, and 15-28).

"LOS VON ROM" MOVEMENT, The.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

LOUBET, Émile: Election to the Presidency of the French Republic.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.

New State Constitution.

An educational qualification of the suffrage which applies

to all negroes and few whites.

The framing of a new constitution for the State was completed

in May. Its distinctive feature is an educational

qualification of the suffrage which does not apply to men who

were qualified in any State to vote at the beginning of the

year 1867, nor to the sons and grandsons of such men, nor to

foreigners naturalized before the 1st of January, 1898. The

amendment is as follows:

"SECTION 3.

He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and shall

demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for

registration, by making, under oath administered by the

registration officer or his deputy, written application

therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which

application shall contain the essential facts necessary to

show that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be

entirely written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of

the registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or

suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the

form of application hereinafter set forth: Provided, however,

That if the applicant be unable to write his application in

the English language, he shall have the right, if he so

demands, to write the same in his mother tongue from the

dictation of an interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to

write his application by reason of physical disability, the

same shall be written at his dictation by the registration

officer or his deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The

application for registration, above provided for, shall be a

copy of the following form, with the proper names, dates, and

numbers substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit:

"I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is --. I

was born in the State (or country) of --, parish (or county)

of --, on the -- day of --, in the year --. I am now -- years

-- months and -- days of age. I have resided in this State

since --, and am not disfranchised by any provision of the

constitution of this State.

"SECTION 4.

If he be not able to read and write, as provided by section 3

of this article, then he shall be entitled to register and

vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the

bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a

valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the

current year, if the roll of the current year shall then have

been completed and filed, and on which, if such property be

personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid.

"SECTION 5.

No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any date

prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or

statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then

resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less

than 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this

constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was

naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be

denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason

of his failure to possess the educational or property

qualifications prescribed by this constitution: Provided, He

shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding

the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall

have registered in accordance with the terms of this article

prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to

register under this section after said date."

{296}

LOW, Seth:

Citizens' Union candidate for Mayor of Greater New York.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER.)

LOW, Seth:

American commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

LÜBECK: A. D. 1900.

The Elbe and Trave Canal.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

LUDLOW, General William:

Military Governor of Havana.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

LUEGER, Dr.:

Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

LUXEMBOURG: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

LUZON.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

LYNCH LAW, in the United States.

Statistics, compiled by the "Chicago Tribune," of the cases of

mob-murder, called "lynchings," which were reported in the

newspapers as having occurred in the United States during the

year 1899, showed a total of 107, being 20 less than a similar

record for 1898 had shown. Of the reported cases, 3 were in

Kansas, 1 in Pennsylvania, and 103 in Southern States. Georgia

led in the latter list, being credited with 20 executions

under lynch law. Mississippi followed with 14, Louisiana with

13, Arkansas with 11, and other States of the South with

lesser numbers. Of the victims (mostly colored) 44 were

accused of murder; 11 of complicity in murder; 11 with rape or

attempted rape; 1 with rape and murder.

The "Political Science Quarterly," in its Record of Political

Events between November 11, 1897, and May 10, 1898, cites 31

incidents of lynching, exclusive of a mob-murder committed at

Lake City, South Carolina, where a negro postmaster and one of

his children were killed, his wife and three other children

wounded, and their house burned down. Of these incidents, 23

were reported from the South, the victims in every case being

black; 8 were from northwestern States, the victims being

white.

For 1897, the "Buffalo Express" compiled statistics of

reported lynchings from its news columns, which showed 38

between January 1 and June 8, and 77 during the remainder of

the year, making a total of 115.

M.

MACARTHUR, General:

Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

MACDONALD, Sir Claude:

British Minister at Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY), and after.

MACEDONIA, Impending revolt in.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MACEO, Antonio:

Death of the Cuban leader.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

MACHADADORP:

Temporary seat of Transvaal government.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

MACKENZIE, The district of.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

MCKINLEY, William:

Election and reelection to the Presidency of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MCKINLEY, William:

Administration.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH), and after.

MCKINLEY, William:

Message on the condition of Cuba in 1897.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

MCKINLEY, William:

Message on the destruction of the battleship Maine.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MCKINLEY, William:

Message asking for power to intervene in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

MCKINLEY, William:

Message announcing state of war with Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

MCKINLEY, William:

Civil Service order in 1899.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

MCKINLEY, William:

Negotiation of peace with Spain.

Instructions to and correspondence with Commissioners at Paris.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MCKINLEY, William:

Instructions to the military commander and

to the two commissions in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:

A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY);

1899 (JANUARY); and 1900 (APRIL).

MADAGASCAR.

The island of Madagascar, which stretches through more than

thirteen degrees of latitude, in close neighborhood to the

eastern African coast, opposite Mozambique, though often

called "the great African island," is more Malayan than

African in its population. The dominant tribe is the Hova. For

more than a century the French have been covetous of the

island, and since 1883, when they opened a war with its Hova

rulers, they have pursued a steady policy toward the end of

making it their own. The result of the war of 1886 was a

treaty under which the French claimed a certain protectorate

or control of Malagasy foreign relations,—a claim concerning

which there remained much dispute. In 1890 the British

government recognized the French protectorate, but the native

government continued steadily to refuse acknowledgment that

the treaty had given any such rights.

{297}

MADAGASCAR:

Subjugation of the island by the French.

Anti-foreign and anti-Christian risings.

Revival of idolatry.

Final possession of the island by France proclaimed.

Submissive Declaration of the Queen.

In 1894 the French government took decisive measures looking

toward the subjugation of the island, and, early in 1895, a

strong expedition under General Duchesne was landed on the

coast. The Malagasy were much divided among themselves, and

they were poorly prepared for war. They made feeble resistance

to the invaders; but the latter had a difficult and costly

campaign, notwithstanding, on account of the nature of the

country and the absence of roads, which they were obliged to

construct as they advanced. They are said to have lost only 20

men killed in action, but 6,000 by disease. They reached

Antananarivo, the Hova capital, at the end of September.

"Immediately on the arrival of General Duchesne a treaty was

signed by the Malagasy authorities, by which the whole power

of the country was ceded to the French. The queen remained in

her place, and the Hova Prime Minister was also allowed to be

nominally at the head of affairs. Part of this arrangement was

found impracticable after a short time; the Prime Minister had

enjoyed unlimited power for too long a period to accept a

subordinate position, and General Duchesne was forced to

remove him. According]y, he was taken to a house of his own at

a short distance from the capital, where he was kept under

surveillance for two or three months, but as he was still

supposed to be plotting he was deported to Algiers, in which

country he died after a very short exile.

"It seemed at first as if the change of masters in the island

was to be accomplished without any serious disturbance. … In

the early part of November (1895), however, this satisfactory

state of affairs was rudely interrupted. A paltry quarrel

between two clans about a piece of ground, which each claimed,

gradually developed into a serious rising. The two parties

came to an understanding by agreeing to make an attack upon

the Europeans. As soon as General Duchesne was informed of

what had been happening to the south-west of the capital, he

sent a column … with orders to punish the insurgents and to

pacify the district. … The resistance on the part of the

natives was vigorous, and for a time well sustained. …

Discipline and Lebel rifles, however, were more than a match

for all their efforts, and after a loss of about 150 men they

desisted. … One distressing feature in the insurrection was

the revival of idolatry, which was thought to be extinct in

Imerina, but which evidently has been scotched and not killed.

Almost the first move on the part of the rebels had been to

reinstate a local idol called Ravololona, and the performance

of certain acts of worship in the presence of the idol was

considered the mark of a good patriot. Naturally under these

circumstances the teachers and the more prominent Christians

in the various churches and chapels were objects of dislike

and hatred, and in the disaffected district these men with

their wives and families had to fly for their lives. It is

useless to shut one's eyes to facts; a considerable number of

those who were held in esteem by the missionaries failed to

stand the test of persecution, and if not guilty of actually

worshipping idols were actively in league with those who did

so. … After the suppression of this first outbreak matters

remained quiet in Imerina for some months. …

"The next serious event in the island was an outbreak of a

different character. With the exception of the Hova, few if

any of the tribes were thought to be opposed to French rule. …

The Hova were as much hated as they were feared, and, from

whatever quarter it might come, release from their rule would

be welcome. The arrival of the French was the long-wished-for

moment; but news spreads slow]y in Madagascar, and though the

Hova power came to an end at the beginning of October, it was

not realised on the coast until the new year [1896]. When,

however, it was known that the French were masters of the

country the explosion came. The two large tribes of the

Betsimisaraka and the Taimoro on the east rose against the

Hova, and ruthlessly killed them wherever they could catch

them. … The buildings used as churches and schools were also

burnt, for, as the greater part of the teachers came from

Imerina, religion and education were associated with the Hova.

In one or two instances Europeans were murdered, but only when

they were mixed up with the Hova."

F. A. Gregory,

The French in Madagascar

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1897).

Formal possession of the island was now proclaimed, and, on

the 18th of January, 1896, the submissive queen signed the

following "Declaration": "Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar,

having been made acquainted with the Proclamation taking

possession of the Island of Madagascar by the French

Government, declares her acceptance of the following

conditions:

"ARTICLE I.

The Government of the French Republic shall be represented at

the Court of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar by a

Resident-General.

"ARTICLE II.

The Government of the French Republic shall represent

Madagascar in all relations with foreign Powers. The

Resident-General shall be intrusted with the conduct of

relations with the Agents of foreign Powers; and all questions

affecting foreigners in Madagascar shall be dealt with through

him. The French Diplomatic and Consular Agents abroad shall be

charged with the protection of Malagasy subjects and

interests.

"ARTICLE III.

The Government of the French Republic reserve to themselves

the right of maintaining in Madagascar the armed forces

necessary for the exercise of their authority.

"ARTICLE. IV.

The Resident-General shall control the internal administration

of the island. Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar undertakes

to introduce such reforms as the French Government shall deem

expedient for the economic development of the island, and for

the advancement of civilization.

"ARTICLE. V.

The Government of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar

undertake to contract no loan without the authorization of the

Government of the French Republic.

(Signed) RANAVALOMANJAKA, Mpanjakany Madagascar."

On the 11th of February the following "Notification" was

officially communicated to all the Powers: "In consequence of

difficulties which have arisen in Madagascar, the Government

of the Republic, in the exercise of their Protectorate, have

been obliged to intervene by force of arms in order to make

their rights respected, and to obtain guarantees for the

future. They have thus been obliged to occupy the island with

their troops, and to take final possession thereof."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Africa, No.8, 1897).

{298}

About this time, "M. Laroche, the first Resident-General,

arrived at the capital and began to organise the government of

the country. A new Prime Minister was appointed, in whose name

laws might be issued, for it had been settled that the

administration should be indirect, that is to say conducted

through the medium of the natives. A considerable number of

regulations were promulgated, affecting the development of the

industries of the country, the granting of concessions, and

the education of the natives. Most of these were much too

elaborate to be useful, and up to the present time nearly all

of them have remained a dead letter. Some may be useful when

the insurrection has been quelled, when the country is such as

to invite capitalists, and when schools have been

re-established. In March there were again signs of trouble,

though at first these were faint and perhaps too far off to

attract the serious attention of the authorities. …

"A petty disturbance in the beginning, fomented for private

purposes and fostered by an appeal to patriotic feeling, has

developed into a formidable insurrection. I say formidable,

but I do not mean to give the idea that the insurrection is

formidable from a military point of view. … But from

industrial, educational, and religious points of view, the

rebellion has been a complete success, and however soon it may

be suppressed, the progress of the country in some parts has

been thrown back for years, a large tract reduced to

desolation, and the inhabitants to little better than savages.

This destruction has been effected in five months, for,

beginning in May, it has spread over the whole of Avaradrano,

Vonizongo, part of Imarovatana, and Vakin Ankaratoa, four out

of the six divisions of Imerina. … To mark the, anti-European

character of the rising, the churches were burnt without

distinction, and in some places leper hospitals were

destroyed, and their unhappy inmates rendered houseless. The

English and Norwegian missions have suffered the most

severely. It is impossible to estimate correctly the number of

churches and chapels that have been burnt, but at the lowest

computation it must amount to 600. … As in the West,

idol-worship was practised, the idol in this case being

Ramahavaly, the war-god or goddess; the pillaging of houses

and property became almost universal, and soon it came to pass

that no one was safe unless he either joined the insurgents or

paid them to leave him unmolested. …

"The greatest move in the organisation of the country is the

abolition of slavery throughout the island. This was

proclaimed in the official gazette issued on the 27th of

September [1896] by decree of the Resident-General. It was

wholly unexpected at the time, though there had been rumours

two or three months previously to the effect that the step was

contemplated, but would be effected gradually. Naturally, it

fell upon the Hova like a clap of thunder, and, as the law was

published on a Sunday, some worthy folk found themselves, on

their return from service, without a slave to cook the dinner.

… It would have been better to have proceeded more slowly to

the desired end; to have made an children born after a fixed

day free; and to have made the redemption of the rest, either

by themselves or by others, cheap and easy. However, it has

been decided otherwise, and certainly the state of the country

is such as to justify any measure, for, when everything is in

a state of upheaval the exact amount of pressure is of small

importance. In addition to this it must be remembered that in

consequence of the outbreak Madagascar has been declared a

French colony, and that this carries with it the abolition of

the status of slavery. While, then, the greater number of

Europeans who know Madagascar would have preferred that

slavery should have been abolished by degrees, few would be

prepared to say that it was altogether a mistake."

F. A. Gregory,

The French in Madagascar

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1897).

An Act for the annexation of Madagascar was passed by the

French Chamber and Senate in the early summer of 1896, with a

declaration for the immediate abolition of slavery. In the

following year Queen Ranavalomanjaka was banished to the

French Island of Reunion, and in 1899 she was removed to a

more distant and more cruel exile in Algiers.

MAFEKING, Siege of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

MAFIA, Exposure in Italy of the.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

MAHAN, Captain Alfred T.:

American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

MAHDI, The death of the.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

MAINE, The battle-ship:

Destruction in Havana harbor.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MAJESFONTEIN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

MALAGASY, The.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR.

MALAKAND, Attack by Swat tribes on.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

MALARIA, Discovery of the secret of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

MALAYAN RACE.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

MALOLOS:

The seat of Aguinaldo's government in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MANCHESTER SHIP CANAL.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, MANCHESTER SHIP.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1895-1900.

Trans-Siberian Railway.

Russo-Chinese Treaty.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895; and

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

{299}

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Chinese Boxer attack on the Russians and

savage Russian retaliation.

Russian occupation of Niu-chwang.

Russo-Chinese negotiations concerning the province.

Distrust of Russian designs.

The Boxer outbreak in and around Peking, in the early summer

(see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1900-MAY-JUNE, and after),

was followed, in July, by an attack on the Russians in

Manchuria, along the line of the Manchurian branch of their

Trans-Siberian Railway (see, in this volume, RUSSIA IN ASIA),

and on the Amur. The retaliation of the Russians appears to

have been simply ferocious. Professor G. Frederick Wright, who

was travelling in Manchuria at the time, gives a sickening

account of what he saw on the Amur, above Blagovestchensk, in

a letter written, August 6, from Stretensk, Siberia, to "The

Nation," of New York. The Chinese fort at Aygun, on the

Manchurian side of the Amur, began, without warning, on the

14th of July, he writes, "to fire upon passing steamboats,

and, on the 15th, fire was opened upon Blagovestchensk, and

some Russian villages were burned opposite the fort. The

actual injury inflicted by the Chinese was slight; but the

terror caused by it was indescribable, and it drove the

Cossacks into a frenzy of rage. The peaceable Chinese, to the

number of 3,000 or 4,000, in the city were expelled in great

haste, and, being forced upon rafts entirely inadequate, were

most of them drowned in attempting to cross the river. The

stream was fairly black with their bodies. Three days after,

we counted hundreds of them in the water. In our ride through

the country to reach the city on Thursday, the 19th, we saw as

many as thirty villages and hamlets of the Chinese in flames.

One of them was a city of 8,000 or 10,000 inhabitants. We

estimated that we saw the dwellings of 20,000 peaceable

Chinese in flames that awful day, while parties of Cossacks

were scouring the fields to find Chinese, and shooting them

down at sight. What became of the women and children no one

knew; but there was apparently no way for them to escape to a

place of safety. On our way up the river for 500 miles above

the city, every Chinese hamlet was a charred mass of ruins.

The large village of Motcha was still smoking, and we were

told that 4,000 Chinese had been killed. We do not mention

these facts to excite prejudice against the Russian

authorities or against the Cossacks. This work of devastation

has not been ordered by those high in authority. It is rather

the result of mob violence such as instigates the promoters of

lynch law in the Southern States, or, more nearly, such as has

from time immemorial animated the pioneers in America against the

Indians. The wholesale destruction, both of property and of

life, was thought to be a military necessity. The wives and

children of the Cossacks were in terror."

Russian troops were poured into Manchuria in vast numbers, and

however much or little there may have been of the Boxer

movement, it was crushed with merciless rigor. A letter from

the Manchurian treaty port of Niu-chwang, on the Liao-tung

Gulf, written August 13, to the "London Times," describes the

Russian occupation of that town and region, in the previous

week. After some 1,500 or 2,000 Chinese soldiers and

civilians, in flight from the town, had been intercepted and

killed, "the Russian general," says the writer, "was about to

order a general assault on the town when the foreign residents

interceded, as there were no longer any soldiers or 'Boxers'

left. He declared his intention was to kill all, as it was

impossible to distinguish between soldiers, 'Boxers' and

civilians. Some foreigners then went down into the city and

brought up the principal merchants, who were given until 10 a.

m. to deliver up all the guns in the town. This, of course,

they could not and did not do, so some foreign residents

offered to enter the city with the Russian soldiers, and

guaranteed peaceful occupation. This offer was accepted, and

the town was spared enormous loss of life, though there was a

certain amount of looting, and a few people were bayoneted in

the outlying houses. Outside the walls men, women, and

children were killed, and from all sides came reliable reports

of violation of women. There is no possible doubt about the

truth of these reports. The Russians are carrying out a policy

of destruction of property and extermination of the people.

Kai-chau, the district city, 24 miles south of this port, and

nearly all the villages have been burnt and the inhabitants

killed. The soldiers, both infantry and Cossacks, have been

allowed to do what they like for some days."

The same correspondent goes on to say: "The Russians hoisted

their naval flag over the Custom-house at 7.30 p. m. on August

4. Neither in the attack and bombardment of the town nor in

hoisting their flag did they consult any of the foreign

Consuls or the commanders of the two Japanese gunboats in

port. Admiral Alexeieff arrived on the 5th and issued a

circular announcing the occupation of the treaty port by

Russian military forces. … What the other Powers will say to

the seizure of a treaty port and hoisting of only one flag

remains to be seen." The "one flag" seems to have been still

waving over Niu-chwang as late as the 15th of February, 1901,

since a member in the British House of Commons, on that day,

arraigning his government for want of vigor in China, said

that "though British people traded with Niu-chwang to the

extent of three millions sterling a year, the port was now

under the civil and military administration of Russia alone.

He should like to know what undertaking his Majesty's

Government had obtained that Russia would speedily evacuate

Niu-chwang, and that the administration of the port would

revert to the hands of the Chinese Government.

A few days later, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs, Viscount Cranborne, said in reply to this statement:

"We made proper inquiry from our representative, and he

assured us that any agreement which exists between Russia and

China in respect to Manchuria is in the nature of a 'modus

vivendi,' consisting merely in the simultaneous presence of

the Russian and Chinese forces in Manchuria, and in order to

prevent disturbances on their frontier. He assured us that the

occupation of the railway is of a purely temporary character,

and that, although a guarantee is expected by the Russian

Government that upon their withdrawal the disturbances shall

not breakout again, yet that guarantee will not take the form

of an acquisition of territory or of a virtual or actual

protectorate in Manchuria. … In respect to Niu-chwang we have

received assurances at least equal to those which have been

given us in respect to the province of South Manchuria. We

understand the Russians are prepared to restore Niu-chwang at

the end of their occupation precisely to its former

condition."

{300}

For the time being, however, the Russians seem to have

established in practice a very real protectorate over the

province of Fêng-tien, in Southern Manchuria, by an agreement

between the Russian governor of the territory leased from

China in the Liao-tung peninsula and the Chinese Tartar

general of Fêng-tien, signed on the 11th of November, 1900.

The general terms of this agreement were reported late in

December, and excited much uneasiness as to Russian designs.

The full text was communicated to the "London Times," in the

February following, by its Peking correspondent, with the

information that the Tartar general who signed it, in

transmitting a copy to Li Hung-chang, "states that grief

pierces his very soul, but what alternative has he?" The

agreement required the Tartar general to disband his troops

and disarm them, on account of the rebellions which had

occurred among them; to deliver up all munitions of war and

dismantle all forts and defences, and to give full information

of all important measures taken by him to a Russian resident

who should be stationed at Mukden, with "general powers of

control."

Late in February, 1901, it was ascertained that the Russian

Minister at Peking, M. de Giers, was negotiating a more

definite and binding convention relative to Manchuria with the

Chinese imperial government, as represented by Li Hung-chang;

and, on the 7th of March, the Peking correspondent of the

"London Times" telegraphed to that journal what claimed to be

a translation of the full text of the treaty, as follows:

"I. The Emperor of Russia, being desirous to manifest his

friendly feelings, agrees to restore Manchuria completely to

China without keeping in mind the fact of the recent warfare

in that province. The Chinese administration shall be restored

in all respects to the 'status quo ante.'

"II. China granted to the railway company, as stipulated in

Article VI. of the Eastern China Railway Concession, the right

of guarding the line with troops, but the country being still

in disorder and the number of troops being insufficient, it

has been found necessary to station a body of troops in the

province, which will be withdrawn as soon as peace and order

are restored and the provisions of the last four articles of

the present convention are carried out.

"III. In case of emergency, the Russian troops stationed in

the province shall render all possible assistance to China to

suppress any disturbances.

"IV. The recent attacks against Russia having been conducted

principally by regular troops, China agrees not to organize

any army before the completion of the railway and the opening

thereof for traffic. When China subsequently organizes her

military forces, the number of troops shall be fixed in

consultation with Russia. The importation of arms and

ammunition into Manchuria is prohibited.

"V. In order to safeguard the province, China shall

immediately dismiss such Governors-General and high local

officials as have committed improper acts in connexion with

foreign relations against which Russia would protest. China

can organize infantry and cavalry in Manchuria for police

purposes, but the number shall be fixed in consultation with

Russia. Artillery should be excluded, and arms given to no

subjects of any other Power employed in connexion with the

exercise of functions.

"VI. China, as previously agreed, shall not employ the

subjects of any other Power for training her naval and

military forces in the northern provinces.

"VII. In order to maintain peace and order, the local

authorities, residing in the vicinity of the neutral zone

provided for by the fifth article of the convention relating

to the lease of the territory of Leao-tong, shall establish

special regulations suitable to the circumstances, and shall

relinquish the administrative autonomy of Kin-chau, which is

reserved to China by Article IV. of the special convention.

"VIII. China shall not grant, without the consent of Russia,

to any other Power or their subjects advantages relative to

mines, railways, or other matters in the Russo-Chinese

Frontier provinces—namely, Manchuria, Mongolia, Kashgar,

Yarkand, Khotan, and Turkestan; neither shall she construct

her own railways in those provinces without the consent of

Russia. Leases of land outside Niu-chwang shall not be granted

to the subjects of any other Power.

"IX. China being under obligations to pay the war expenses of

Russia and the claims of the various other Powers, the amount

of Russia's indemnity, and the terms of payment and the

security for it, shall be adjusted conjointly with the other

Powers.

"X. Indemnities shall be paid and compensation granted for the

destruction of railway property and to the employés of the

company. Losses accruing from delay in the work shall be

adjusted between China and the railway company.

"XI. When the indemnities for the various damages shall have

been agreed upon between China and the company the whole or

part of the amount of such indemnities should be met by

advantages other than pecuniary compensation—that is, either

by revision of the existing agreement relating to the railway

or by the grant of new advantages.

"XII. China shall, as previously agreed, grant to Russia a

concession for the construction of a railway from the main or

branch line of the Manchuria Railway towards Peking and to the

Great Wall."

Notwithstanding the very positive agreement contained in the

first article of this treaty, that the Emperor of Russia will

"restore Manchuria completely to China," the publication of

its terms excited new and greater distrust of the designs and

the action of the Muscovite Power. It was seen that Chinese

authority, for the time being, would be pushed out of

Manchuria so completely, and that of Russia would be

established so firmly, that any future restoration of the

former was improbable, to say the least. Moreover, the entire

exclusion of all people except Russians from any share in the

development of Manchurian resources was exceedingly offensive

to the money-making desires with which the whole western world

is looking toward the great decaying empire of the East. That

such an exclusion should extend beyond Manchuria, even to

Mongolia, Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan and Turkestan, as set forth

in the above report of the pending treaty, was an idea at

which capitalistic circles in Europe and America stood aghast.

{301}

Very soon there was denial that the exclusiveness asked for by

the modest Russian went farther than the bounds of Manchuria;

but, even as thus limited, it roused strenuous protest from

the Press of the western world, if not from the governments.

What diplomatic action was taken by the Powers in general is

not known at the time of this writing; but the United States

remonstrated to China (see CHINA: A. D. 1901, MARCH-APRIL,),

and, as stated by the British Foreign Minister, Lord

Lansdowne, in Parliament, on the 28th of March, the British

and German governments did the same. The Chinese government

was nerved accordingly to resist the Russian demands, though

Li Hung-chang appears to have urged submission to them. The

contemplated treaty was not signed.

Before and after this determination the Russian government

maintained that it had no ulterior designs in the arrangement

it sought with China. Lord Lansdowne, in the speech to

Parliament referred to above, spoke as follows of the

assurances he had received from Count Lamsdorff, the Russian

Foreign Minister: "He told us that it was the object of the

Russian Government 'to arrange with the local civil

authorities the terms of a "modus vivendi" between them for

the duration of the simultaneous presence of Russian and

Chinese authorities in Southern Manchuria, the object being to

prevent the recurrence of disturbances in the vicinity of the

Russian frontier and to protect the railway from the Russian

frontier to Port Arthur.' And he told us that his government

had 'no intention of seeking this guarantee in any acquisition

of territory or of an actual or virtual protectorate over

Manchuria.'"

Similar assurances are reported to have been given to the

American government, on the 4th of April; and, for the time

being at least, the Manchurian question has ceased to be

disturbing to the "Concert of the Powers."

MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

The following information concerning Manchuria and Mongolia is

taken from notes made in 1897 by Colonel Browne, Military

Attache to the British Legation at Peking: "The area of

Manchuria is computed to contain no less than 362,310 square

miles, or just three times as large as that of Great Britain

and Ireland. It is divided into three provinces, of which the

most southerly, Feng-tien or Shên-king, with its capital at

Mukden, has for several hundred years formed an integral part

of the Chinese Empire, and is consequently more opened up and

more densely inhabited than the two northern provinces, which

were regarded until the beginning of this century as waste

lands, outside the pale of civilization, fit only for the

transportation of criminals. Though the old palisades have

long disappeared, their trace still marks the boundary between

Manchuria and Mongolia, and the gateways on the main roads are

still used as posts for the collection of transit dues. These

places may be recognized by the termination 'mên' (a gate),

such as Fa-k'u-mên, Fa-ta-ha-mên. The province of Kirin and

its capital bear the same name, while the huge northern

province of Hei-lung-chiang has its seat of government at

Tsi-tsi-har. It is generally said that the Governor of

Fêng-tien (Mukden) occupies somewhat the position, as regards

the two northern provinces, as a viceroy in China holds

towards the provinces comprised in his Viceroyalty, but this

does not appear to be so, except in his capacity as High

Commissioner for the defence of the three Manchurian

provinces. The Governors of the three provinces are styled in

the official Gazette by the same title of Military Governor of

the Provincial Capital and Tartar General of the Province, but

the Governor of Fêng-tien holds the more honourable post,

because Mukden is an Imperial city, within its walls is an

Imperial Palace, without its walls the tombs of the founders

of the Manchu dynasty. It has also, in miniature, Boards

similar to those at the capital for regulating ceremonies,

punishments, and civil appointments; in short, all the

theoretical paraphernalia to carry on the government of the

country, should the Emperor visit this quarter of his

dominions. … The great grain and bean producing area in the

three provinces is contained in a strip of country, extending

from the Treaty Port of Newchwang to 30 miles north of

Pei-tuan-lin-tzu. To the west of this belt of arable are the

Mongolian steppes, all in grass, but fading away into sand as

they merge in the great desert of Gobi; to the east is a hilly

or mountainous region, in which the only large cultivated area

is that watered by the River Hwei-fa, an affluent of the Upper

Sungari; elsewhere the cultivated areas are small, such as

those at Mergen, Tsi-tsi-har, the Valley of the Yen, and at

Sansing, Ninguta, Hun-chun, and Omoso. Exclusive of patches of

cultivation in remote districts and valleys, the great

cultivated area may be estimated to amount to 16,000 square

miles, or about one twenty-fourth of the total area of the

country. To what extent under improved communications,

drainage, and more favourable conditions generally, the

cultivated area is capable of expansion, it is difficult to

say. … The population of Manchuria has been variously

estimated from a few millions by the Chinese to as much as

25,000,000 by Europeans. A Russian engineer, who has travelled

all over the country, estimates it as between 10,000,000 and

15,000,000. … Before I received these figures I had arrived at

a somewhat similar result by taking the cultivated area at 700

per square mile which gives a population of 11,250,000, and

assuming 2,500,000 scattered throughout the more remote

districts, or a population in all of about 14,000,000. What

proportion of these are Manchus is also a vexed question to

which no definite answer can be given. Certainly the Manchus

are in the minority, for though there are several towns almost

wholly Chinese, I know of no town in which it is not

acknowledged that the Chinese form more than half the

population. The Manchus are nearly all concentrated in towns;

there are Manchu villages, but they are small, possibly their

numbers amount to between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000, or about 20

per cent. of the population. The chief appointments in

Manchuria are, without exception, held by Manchus, the

descendants of the conquerors of China. In four centuries of

ease and sloth they have lost the wild courage, the spirit of

adventure that inspired them to overrun China, and the

hardihood and skill at arms that brought success to their

venture. But if they have lost the warlike instincts of their

savage ancestors, they have retained all their pride, their

ignorance, their cruelty, and their superstition. All these

qualities a Manchu possesses far in excess of the liberal

share that nature has bestowed on the Chinese.

{302}

It is true that skill at arms still nominally opens the door

to military preferment, but such arms and such skill! Shooting

arrows from a moderately strung bow when cantering on a pony

is a test which displays neither skill, strength, nor

endurance. Even according to Chinese ideas they are ignorant.

… As regards their privileges, the Manchus pay no land tax;

but in so far as I have been able to ascertain, the opinion

generally held, that they are all pensioned by Government, is

erroneous. … But though the mass of the Manchus receive no

pension, nearly all are in pay as hangers-on at Yamêns,

body-guard to officials, soldiers, care-takers at the Palace

or Imperial tombs, and similar posts. The emoluments are

small, just sufficient to enable the man to support his family

without working, or making his way in the world as an ordinary

Chinese must do. Formerly the Manchus did not intermarry with

Chinese women, but at the present time this custom is

frequently broken through, though of course no Chinese would

be permitted to marry a Manchu woman. The Manchus, especially

the dependents, hangers-on, and soldiers, are great opium

smokers, and a very worthless class; probably intermarriage

with the Chinese will prevent the extinction of the race,

which, were the present dynasty to fall, would be speedily

absorbed, for, without being propped up with State assistance,

it could not on its merits hold the position it does at

present. As regards the Chinese, few of the rich merchants

make Manchuria their home. They come to the country for a

definite number of years, and the same applies to their

agents, managers, and staff generally, who leave their

families in China. The settlers, on the contrary, have made

the country their home. They are a fine, healthy, and vigorous

race. Driven from China by poverty or famine, they regard

Manchuria as a land flowing with milk and honey. … Whether it

be the rigour of the climate which softens their manners, or

the absence of the Chinese Mandarin, or living under the sway

of an alien race which humbles their pride, or a combination

of all these elements, it is difficult to say, but the people

are far less hostile to the foreigner than those in China

proper. …

"Mongolia extends for 1,500 miles along the northern frontier

of China, and as its eastern border is coterminous with

Manchuria, a few words regarding the Mongols may not be out of

place in these notes. The race is said to come with the Manchus

from a common Tartar stock, but, except in colour and

features, there is little resemblance between the two races.

The Mongol is essentially a nomad, hating towns and houses. He

prefers to wander about the steppes, pitching his 'yourt,' or

felt tent, wherever water and pasture are for the time most

plentiful. As the nature of the country they inhabit prohibits

agriculture, the art is unknown among his people, who are

entirely engaged in tending their flocks and herds, ponies,

and camels. They are mere children in the hands of the

Chinese, who can outwit them as easily as a member of the

'confidence trick' fraternity outwits a rustic from the

shires. … A small portion of their territory is rented by the

Chinese on the west of the Provinces of Kirin and Fêng-tien,

of which it has now become an integral part. Kuan-cheng-tzu

was originally in Mongolia, and so are all the towns and

villages to the west of the palisade, of which the principal

are Mai-mai-kai (Fenghua), Ch'ang-tu, and Cheng-chia-tun.

Mongolia is the great breeding land for horses and cattle. At

first sight when travelling through the country one is

astonished at the enormous size of the troops of ponies; but

when one considers that this territory supplies Siberia,

China, and Manchuria with animals, it is easy to see that the

supply is not greater than the demand. … The Mongols are

governed by their hereditary Princes, Chinese authority being

maintained by Imperial Residents at Ching-hai, in Western

Mongolia (Ko-ko-nor), and at Urga, in the north."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, China,

Number 1, 1899, pages 34-37).

MANCHUS:

Increasing ascendancy in Chinese Government.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (APRIL).

MANETHO, Vindication of the list of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; EGYPT: RESULTS.

MANHATTAN BOROUGH.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

MANILA:

The capital city of the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

MANILA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).

Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

Blockade and siege.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

MANILA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).

Capture by the Americans.

Relations of Americans with Filipino insurgents.

General Merritt's report.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MANILA: A. D. 1900.

Regulation of the sale of liquors.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION.

See (in this volume)

CANADA; A. D. 1890-1896; and 1898 (JANUARY).

MARCHAND'S EXPEDITION.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

MARCONI, Guglielmo:

Development of wireless telegraphy.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

MARIANNE ISLANDS:

Sale by Spain to Germany.

See (in this volume)

CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

MARITIME CANAL COMPANY.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

MARITIME POWERS.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES; and WAR BUDGETS.

MARITIME WARFARE, Convention relative to.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

MARRIAGE LAWS, Hungarian.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

{303}

MARYLAND:

New election law, establishing a qualification of the suffrage.

A new election law, said to have been driven through the

Legislature by partisan pressure, and for the purpose of

disfranchising the majority of colored citizens, was passed by

both houses on the 20th of March, 1901. It is said to be

"considerably more fair than the North Carolina and similar

laws in States farther south. It disfranchises by means of

regulations which practically make it necessary for a voter to

be able to read his ballot. The illiterate are denied any

assistance when they go into the booths, and all emblems are

omitted from the ticket. The color line is not drawn. It is

believed that there are about 32,000 negroes and 16,000 whites

who will not be able to vote under this law. Practically all

of the negroes are supposed to be Republicans, while it is

estimated that the whites are divided about evenly between the

parties."

MASHONALAND:

Embraced in Rhodesia.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895.

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

Recovery of the original manuscript of Governor Bradford's

History of Plymouth Colony, sometimes called "The Log of the

Mayflower."

"It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and

left behind him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It

was quoted by early chroniclers. There are extracts from it in

the records at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he

compiled his annals, Hubbard depended on it when he wrote his

'History of New England,' Cotton Mather had read it, or a copy

of a portion of it, when he wrote his 'Magnalia,' Governor

Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his

history in 1767. From that time it disappeared from the

knowledge of everybody on this side of the water. All our

historians speak of it as lost, and can only guess what had

been its fate. …

"In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward

Bishop of Winchester, One of the brightest of men, published

one of the dullest and stupidest of books. It is entitled 'The

History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America.' It

contained extracts from manuscripts which he said he had

discovered in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham.

The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve years

later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton … happened to pick up a

copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book store. He

read the bishop's quotations, and carried the book to his

office, where he left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was

then writing his 'History of Massachusetts,' with passages

marked, and with a note which is not preserved, but which,

according to his memory, suggested that the passages must have

come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the claim for

Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry

that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr.

Thornton's note, but in reading the book when he got it an

hour or so later, the thought struck him for the first time

that the clue had been found to the precious book which had

been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles Deane, then

and ever since, down to his death, as President Eliot

felicitously styled him, 'the master of historical

investigators in this country.' Mr. Deane saw the importance

of the discovery. He communicated at once with Joseph Hunter,

an eminent English scholar. Hunter was high authority on all

matters connected with the settlement of New England. He

visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond question

the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford's

history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been

sent over for comparison of handwriting.

"How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was

carried over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was

taken as spoil from the tower of the Old South Church in 1775;

whether, with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the

time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in America,

just before the Revolution, to establish an episcopate here,

—nobody knows."

George F. Hoar,

address, May 26, 1897,

on the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts.

After the discovery of the manuscript, several attempts to

bring about its return to America were made: by Justin Winsor,

in 1860, and again in 1877; by Mr. Motley, in 1869; and by

others. At length, Senator Hoar, after delivering an address

at Plymouth, in 1895, on the anniversary of the landing of the

Pilgrims, went abroad, with his interest in the matter warmly

stirred up, and took steps, in concurrence with Ambassador

Bayard, which led to the enlistment of potent influences on

both sides of the sea in favor of the restoration of the

precious piece of writing to its proper home. There were many

difficulties in procuring the necessary legal authority for

the surrender of the manuscript by the Bishop of

London,—difficulties not created wilfully, but by questions

and processes of law; but they were all overcome, with kindly

help from everybody concerned, and, on the 12th of April,

1897, the coveted manuscript book was formally delivered to

the United States Ambassador, Mr. Bayard, for conveyance to

the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. It was

delivered by Mr. Bayard in person, on the 26th of May

following, in the presence of the Senate and the House of

Representatives of Massachusetts, sitting together in the

chamber of the latter, with many guests invited for the

occasion. The ceremonies of the occasion included the address

by Senator Hoar from which the above account is taken.

The manuscript volume is now deposited in the State Library of

Massachusetts at Boston. A new edition, carefully reproducing

the text of the history from it, with a full report of the

proceedings incident to its return to Massachusetts, was

printed in 1900, under the direction of the Secretary of the

Commonwealth, by order of the General Court. The following

remarks on the manuscript are from the Introduction to that

edition:

"By very many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the

'Mayflower.' Indeed, that is the title by which it is

described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London.

The fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its

preparation long after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it

cannot be properly considered as in any sense a log or daily

journal of the voyage of the 'Mayflower.' It is, in point of

fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of

annals, extending from the inception of the colony down to the

year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856, put forth

through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical

Society, which secured a transcript of the document from

London, and printed it in the Society's Collections of the

above-named year."

{304}

MASSACRES:

Of Armenians in Constantinople.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

MASSACRES:

Of Chinese by the allied troops.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16).

MASSACRES:

Of Chinese in Manchuria by the Russians.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

MASSACRES:

Of Christian missionaries and converts in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA:

A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);

1898 (MAY);

1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);

1899;

1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE); and

1901 (MARCH).

MATABELES.

Matabeleland.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895; and

(RHODESIA); 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

MATTHEW, The Gospel of:

Discovery of a fragment of an early copy.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MAYFLOWER, The so-called Log of the.

See (in this volume, page 303)

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

MAZET INVESTIGATION, The.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

MEAT INSPECTION BILL, The German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

MEDICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

MEHTAR OF CHITRAL, The.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

MEIJI STATESMEN.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

MENA, The tomb of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MENELEK II., King of Shoa and Negus of Abyssinia.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

MERENPTAH I., The funeral temple of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MERRIMAC, The sinking of the collier, at Santiago.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

MERRITT, General: Report of capture of Manila.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MESOPOTAMIA, Recent archæological research in.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

MESOPOTAMIA:

Projected railways.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and

JEWS: A. D. 1899.

MEXICAN FREE ZONE, The.

"The Department of State has received through Consul-General

Barlow a report of the Free Zone, compiled by the Secretary of

the Treasury of Mexico, giving a history of the original

creation of the zone and defining its limits, and the

privileges and restrictions applicable thereto. The Free Zone

is a narrow strip of territory extending along the northern

border from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, with a

latitudinal area of about 12½ miles to the interior, and

embracing a portion of the States of Tamaulipas, Coahnila,

Chihuahua, Sonora, and the territory of Lower California. It

was established many years ago [1861] by the Central

Government, as a compromise or concession to the States

bordering the Rio Grande, as a protection against smuggling

from the United States. The principal cities of the zone are

Matamoras, Camargo, Mier, Guerrero, Laredo, Porfirio Diaz

(Piedras Negras), Juarez, and Nogales. The total population

does not exceed 100,000 people. According to the official

reports, there exist within the limits of the free zone no

industries worth mentioning, which is explained by the fact

that all industrial products manufactured in the zone when

sent into the interior of the country are required to pay the

regular duties charged on imports into the country; and, on

account of the protective tariff of the United States, it is

impracticable to export such products to that country. Thus

the manufacturing industries would have to depend upon the

home consumption, which is not sufficient to maintain them.

All merchandise imported into the zone destined for

consumption therein is admitted on a basis of 10 per cent of

the regular tariff duties, but such merchandise when reshipped

into the interior of Mexico is required to pay an additional

duty of 90 per cent, making, in connection with the 10 per

cent already paid, the regular tariff duty of Mexico. In his

report the secretary of the treasury, Senor Limantour, makes

this statement: 'Many distinguished financiers and eminent

statesmen are opposed to the Free Zone, but all recognize the

fact that, on account of existing circumstances in the

northern frontier, its sparse population, without resources in

agriculture, industry, or mining, the privilege could not be

abolished without compensation, and the problem lies in

choosing some other advantage without prejudice to the rest of

the country.'"

Bulletin of the American Republics,

August, 1898.

"The franchise granted the Free Zone consisted, in the

beginning, in not levying any duty upon imported articles;

afterwards, however, some small duties, purely local, were

established, and the ordinance of 1887 established as a fixed

basis 3 per cent on the value of the duties according to

tariff—a basis which was raised to 10 per cent by the

ordinance of 1891. By subsequent decrees the duties were

raised l½ per cent for the municipality and 7 per cent for

stamps for internal revenue, the result of all this being that

the merchandise introduced into the Free Zone from abroad now

paid 18½ per cent upon the importation duties according to

tariff. … As the records of the frontier custom-houses of the

north make no distinction in the duties, those for the Free

Zone as well as those for the interior appearing in the same

classification, it is impossible to know exactly what the

treasury loses by the 90 per cent rebate on the duties of the

merchandise destined for consumption in the Free Zone; but,

admitting as an exaggerated estimate that the total

consumption of the Free Zone represents in duties $400,000

($177,600) a year, with the 10 per cent charge on this amount,

the average annual loss would be $365,000 ($162,060).

{305}

"The institution of the Free Zone obliges the Mexican

Government, in order to prevent the introduction clandestinely

into the interior of merchandise proceeding therefrom, to

maintain a body of fiscal guards at an annual expense of

$562,525.95 ($249,762). The guards of the custom-houses must

not be reckoned in this account; for these, with or without

the Free Zone, are necessary to prevent the smuggling which

would be carried on from the United States, and which is even

now done. In case of abolishing the Free Zone, it would not be

possible to completely suppress the fiscal guards; lessened in

number and with a distinct organization, they would have to be

maintained, especially since in case of their abolition the

entire duties would be charged (that is to say, 90 per cent

more than is now levied), and this would be inducement enough

to provoke attempts at smuggling. This body of guards, fiscal

as well as administrative, supplies the place of an interior

custom-house (although it does not levy duties), as it reviews

in certain instances the merchandise shipped through the

frontier custom-houses and in a military capacity guards the

roads leading to and from the frontier to prevent smuggling.

It has a system of fixed sections situated at convenient

locations between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and of

flying detachments continually patrolling the strip of

territory named. Experience has demonstrated the usefulness of

the body, for instances of smuggling by wagons, carts, or

animals can be said to no longer exist."

Of smuggling, "there are two divisions to be made, as follows:

Smuggling to the interior of the Republic and smuggling to the

United State, of America. The first was at one time of

importance, since it was practiced on a large scale. Bands of

smugglers, resorting at times to violence, conducted

merchandise to the interior, but since the Republic entered

the period of peace the Government has been able to take

measures to end this illegal traffic. The custom-houses, which

formerly scarcely produced enough to pay the employees, now

render from $4,000,000 to $5,000,000 annually from import

duties.

"Smuggling from Mexico to the United States of America has

never been practiced to any great extent."

United States Consular Reports,

August, 1898, page 619.

----------MEXICO: Start--------

MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.

Boundary surveys.

The international commission which had been engaged since 1892

in resurveying the incorrectly marked boundary between Mexico

and the United States from San Diego, California, to El Paso,

Texas, finished its work in 1895. Another commission began in

the same year to resurvey the remainder of the boundary, along

the Rio Grande from El Paso to the Gulf.

MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

Boundary dispute with Guatemala.

There was a quite serious threatening of war between Mexico

and Guatemala in 1895, consequent upon a disputed boundary

line. The mediation of the United States brought about a

settlement, which gave the disputed district to Guatemala, and

provided for an arbitration of indemnities, the United States

Minister to Mexico being selected as arbitrator.

MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

Census of population.

Its distribution.

"The population of Mexico appears to be, from our … census …

in 1895, 12,570,195, which would give 16.38 for each square

mile; but from my personal knowledge of the country, I am

quite sure that it is not less than 15,000,000. It is very

difficult to take a correct census in Mexico, because there is

not the proper machinery in operation for that purpose, and

especially because a great many districts are inhabited by

Indians, who are impressed with the fear that if they inscribe

themselves in the census they will be taxed or drafted into

the military service, and they try to avoid registration.

"A great many of our people live in such remote districts that

they are practically cut off from communication with other

portions of the country, and in fact are almost isolated; and

this constitutes still another difficulty in the way of taking

a correct census. … The upper lands being the healthiest, most

of the population in Mexico is settled in the central plateau;

a relatively small portion lives in the temperate zone, while

the torrid zone is very thinly populated. I imagine, at a

rough calculation, that about 75 per cent. of the population

make their abode in the cold zone, from 15 to 18 per cent. in

the temperate zone, and from 7 to 10 per cent. in the torrid

zone.

"From the synopsis of our censuses, … it appears that the

population in Mexico has duplicated during the last century,

and although that increase does not keep pace with the

increase in the United States, because this has been really

wonderful, it compares favorably with the increase in other

countries."

M. Romero,

Mexico and the United States,

volume 1, pages 89-90

(New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

MEXICO: A. D. 1896.

Amendments to the Constitution.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1896.

Re-election of President Diaz.

By a popular election held on the 28th of June, 1896, followed

by a vote of "electors" cast July 13, Porfirio Diaz was chosen

President of the Republic of Mexico for a fifth term of four

years, to begin December 1, 1896.

MEXICO: A. D. 1896 (July).

Abolition of inter-state taxes.

The following announcement was reported in May, 1896, by the

United States Consul-General at the City of Mexico: "'All the

States and Territories having approved the amendment to the

constitution prohibiting any interstate tax on commerce

(alcabalas), Congress has passed the bill, the President has

signed it, the Diario Official has published it, and it will

soon be promulgated by "bando." as the Vice-Presidency was the

other day. The law takes effect July 1.' This tax has been in

existence for many years in Mexico, and has been a source of

much embarrassment to internal and external trade. Its repeal

meets with general approval, although some of the States will

be compelled to seek other modes of taxation to replace the

money heretofore obtained by this interstate tax."

United States Consular Reports,

June, 1806, page 354.

{306}

MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

Revolts of the Yaquis.

The Yaquis, one of the native tribes of northwestern Mexico,

taking their name from the river, in Sonora, on which they

dwell, have been in frequent revolt. In 1896, and again in

1899, some of the tribe were fiercely in arms, excited, it was

said, by a religious enthusiast, Teresa Urrea, who claimed a

divine mission and obtained boundless influence over her

tribe, as a saint. She was expelled from the country by the

Mexican government, but stayed on the border, in United States

territory, and continued to stir up hostilities. Though

repeatedly beaten by the government troops, with heavy loss,

their late rising was obstinately persisted in for many

months; but early in 1900 their chief, Tetabiate, was slain,

and a few sharp engagements after that time seems to have

brought the revolt, practically, to an end. A writer in the

California magazine, entitled "The Land of Sunshine" (July,

1899), says of the Yaquis that they are "the backbone of the

population of Sonora. They are the best workmen in the

republic, commanding from 10 to 20 per cent. higher wages in

many localities than Mexican or other Indian labor. There is

not a lazy bone in the Yaqui body. They are a peaceable,

law-abiding people when justly treated. From time immemorial

they have been hunters, miners, and tillers of the soil. They

have the nomad instinct in less degree than almost any other

Indian tribe."

Another writer makes this statement: "There are about three

hundred wild and rebellious Yaqui Indians hidden in the

fastnesses of the Bacatete Mountains, and some thirty thousand

peaceful Yaquis working all over Sonora—among the best workers,

the most successful farmers, and the quietest citizens in the

whole state. … There are few things in the history of the

native races of North America of such absorbing interest as

the career of the Yaqui Indians. The Spanish conquistadores

found them living in this country three hundred and fifty

years ago. They were a strong and stalwart race. Put a Yaqui

by the side of an Iroquois and you can hardly tell them apart.

Put a Yaqui and an Iroquois by the side of any other Indians

in North America, and their physical superiority is seen at

once. Compare them physically with all the other races of the

earth and you will find that they have few, if any, superiors.

The Yaquis were not, however, like their prototypes, the

Iroquois, dependent upon the chase for their food. From the

beginning they were not woodsmen, but farmers. Cabeza de Vaca,

after his long, romantic and perilous journey across the

continent, found great fields of Indian corn waving on the

Yaqui River as far back as 1636. When the early Spanish

missions were established in the Californias they obtained

their supplies from the agricultural Indians in the Yaqui

Valley, and many are the Spanish armies that have been saved

from starvation in times past by the Yaqui corn fields."

W. S. Logan,

Yaqui, the Land of Sunshine and Health,

pages 15, 17.

MEXICO: A. D. 1898.

Completion of the great drainage tunnel and canal

of the City of Mexico.

"Mexico is finishing a great work, the drainage of the valley

where the capital city is located, which has required for its

completion nearly three hundred years and many millions of

dollars, and has cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of

men. … The Valley of Mexico is an immense basin, of

approximately circular shape, with one extreme diameter of

about 60 miles, completely bounded by high mountains, and

having only two or three quite high passes out of it. No water

drains out of the basin. The surface of this valley has a mean

altitude above the sea of 7,413 feet and an area of about

2,220 square miles. Mountain ranges rise on every side, making

a great corral of rock containing dozens of villages and

hamlets, with the ancient capital in the centre. … Evaporation

is so excessive at certain periods of the year that malaria,

consequent on drouth, was far more dreaded by the inhabitants

than the periodical floods, and thousands perished annually,

so that proper drainage was an absolute necessity for the

preservation of health. Nearly fifty years before the

discovery of America, which took place in 1492,

Netzahualcoyotl saw the necessity for a drainage canal, and

commenced the work in 1450." The Spaniards, throughout their

rule, labored at projects to the same end, and sacrificed the

lives of vast numbers of the natives in the work, without much

result.

"Frequent floodings of the old Aztec city and of the Spanish

capital, situated almost at the lowest point of the valley,

were sure to come in times of unusually heavy rains. In early

days, when the Aztecs lived in the middle of Lake Mexico, when

their temples and wigwams were built on piles and the streets

were often only canals, the periodical overflows from the

upper lakes were a matter of small concern, though even then

the Nahua engineers were called upon to protect the city by

dykes. But when by evaporation, by filling in at the site of

the city, by lessened waters, due to the fissures caused by

earthquakes, Lake Mexico had disappeared, and the city had

come to be built on the spongy soil, above all, when the

short-sighted choice of Cortez had been confirmed and the

capital of New Spain had come to stand on the ruins of the

Aztec town, increasing rapidly in population and wealth,—it

became a serious matter that on an average of once in

twenty-five years the streets should be from two to six feet

under water for an indefinite time. …

"In 1866 the works now [1895] nearing completion were

commenced. A project proposed by Señor Don Francisco de Garay,

a well-known engineer of the city of Mexico, was pronounced

the most feasible. But the revolutionary struggle succeeded,

and for many years the work was relegated to the background. …

The present gigantic work cannot have been considered to have

been seriously undertaken, with a view of completion at any

cost, until the year 1885, when the City Council of Mexico

submitted a project to the Government to which they offered to

contribute largely in the event of its being adopted. A

special commission, with ample authority to deal with the

funds set aside for the work, was appointed by President

Porfirio Diaz. …

"The drainage works, when carried out, will receive the

surplus waters and sewage of the City of Mexico and carry them

outside of the valley, and will also control the entire waters

of the valley, affording an outlet, whenever found necessary,

to those which might otherwise overflow fields and towns,

rendering the soil stagnant and marshy. The work consists of

three parts—1st, the tunnel; 2d, a canal starting from the

gates of San Lazaro, and having a length of 47½ kilometres, or

43 miles; … and 3d, the sewage of the City of Mexico. …

{307}

As this paper goes to press, the drainage works of the Valley

of Mexico are practically finished, as the waters of the

valley have been for several years passing through the canal

and the tunnel to their outlet in the river which takes them

to the Gulf of Mexico, and the company with whom the canal was

contracted is now giving the finishing touches to the sides

and bottom of the canal and will deliver it to the Government

Board of the Drainage Directors in January, 1898. …

"The canal and six-mile tunnel through the mountain range have

a total length approaching 37 miles. The present works will

take rank with the great achievements of modern times, just as

the immense 'cut' of Nochistongo, their unsuccessful predecessor,

was the leader among ancient earthworks in all the world. The

completed system will have cost $20,000,000."

M. Romero,

Mexico and the United States,

pages 266-280

(New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

The results of twenty years of the presidency of Porfirio Diaz.

The wonderful advance of the Republic.

In his interesting book on Mexico, entitled "The Awakening of

a Nation," written in 1898, Mr. Charles F. Lummis expresses

the opinion that, under the Presidency of Porfirio Diaz, that

country "has graduated to be the most compact and unified

nation in the New World"; that "she has acquired not only a

government which governs, but one which knows how to govern—

and contemporaneously a people which has learned how to be

ruled"; and he characterizes its government as "logical

paternalism—a scheme frightfully dangerous under a bad father,

incalculably beneficial under a good one." Two years later, in a

contribution to an elaborate "Review of the Nineteenth

Century," by many writers, which was published by the "New

York Evening Post," January 12, 1901, Mr. Lummis wrote:

"Before Diaz, the rich and ancient capital had spent two and a

half centuries and ten millions in vain attempts to relieve

its recurrent Hoods. Sewerage was unknown. Today the valley is

drained and sewered by a system nowhere surpassed. Electric

lighting, transit, and power-transmission are in vogue. Law

and order are of a proportion we may well envy. Public

education and individual scholarship have no call to blush in

any fair comparison with any land. Business is prosperous,

almost without individual exceptions. Factories of all sorts—

and some of the costliest and finest factories in the

world—have sprung up by the thousand. The comminuted bones of

a national spirit have knit as they never were before.

Nowadays, it is not Mexico, but we, who are 'fooled' when we

omit her from the category of the nations that count. She does

count; she will count far more. She has mastered anarchy, she

has triumphed even over free silver. She is busily engaged in

practising one of the first gospels and mottoes of the

American colonies—'Mind Your Own Business'—and is making a

magnificent success at it. It is a curious problem in the

philosophies of history, what shall be the outcome of a nation

which instead of being born rugged and growing old and easy, was

born old and in the last quarter-century has come into the

heritage of sturdy youth. For it is as a young nation, with

muscles still growing, that we must think of new Old Mexico."

Honorable John W. Foster, writing to the "New York Tribune,"

on the 9th of January, 1901, from the City of Mexico, where he

formerly resided for some years as United States Minister, has

borne similar testimony to the astonishing progress of the

country. "Since the advent of General Porfirio Diaz to power

in 1876," writes Mr. Foster, "there has been no foreign war

and no serious disturbance of an internal character, the only

exception being the outbreak of certain semi-independent

Indian tribes. In the previous fifty years of the existence of

the republic there had been as many presidents, the majority

of whom owed their existence to revolutionary movements. The

wretched story of Mexican history of that period is too

familiar to be repeated here. … In his inaugural address to

Congress last month, on being again installed as President, he

[president Diaz] referred to the achievements of Mexico in the

last twenty-five years, and modestly said that in it there

were no brilliant deeds to chronicle. From that notable

address I make this extract: 'If it were true that a peaceful

and laborious people have no history, the administration

period I am about to review would almost be devoid of history.

But, on the contrary, those nations that deserve to be called

happy in the only intelligible sense of the word, far from

being without a history, have a very glorious and interesting

one, if, besides being peaceful and laborious, they are also

progressive. That history is the history of their progress,

their achievements, their growing prosperity, of the

improvements of every kind which they have introduced—a

history which, in this modern age and the present constitution

of civilized societies, is as interesting as that of their

past and just as deserving of attention.'"

A report for 1900 by the British Consul at Vera Cruz is to the

same effect. The result of the recent elections he describes

as an assurance of prosperity and a guarantee of the foreign

capital invested in the country. Few countries, the Consul

observes, can boast of such rapid and beneficial reforms as

Mexico; these have, in a short time, prepared the way for the

development of her extensive resources, which are themselves a

sufficient assurance of the future. The finances have of

recent years been brought to a high state of excellence, and

commerce throughout the Republic has flourished. Foreign

capital has flowed in steadily, railway construction has

progressed, and other modes of communication have improved,

the telegraph and postal service have been reformed. The

improvement of inter-oceanic communication across the

Tehuantepec isthmus, with the harbors now being constructed on

both coasts, will revolutionize the foreign trade of Mexico.

It will take more than three years to complete the

reconstruction of the railway and to put the ports in a

condition to enable freight to be taken from the ship's side

at one port and placed alongside the ship at the other within

24 hours. The Consul thinks the route is destined to become

one of the principal thoroughfares of the world, competing

with all other routes between Europe and the Far East.

{308}

Of what has been done for public education in Mexico under the

Diaz government the following account is given in one of the

publications (1900) of the Bureau of the American Republics:

"Education in Mexico has been for many years the subject of

serious consideration on the part of the Government, on

account of the difficulty experienced in combating the

conservative ideas prevailing in the Republic. The main

obstacles have, however, been overcome, and the country to-day

enjoys the benefit of a liberal system of education, which is

administered under three branches—gratuitous, lay, and

obligatory. … The law making education compulsory was

promulgated March 23, 1888, but its enforcement was not

decreed at that time, and the first Congress of Public

Education was convened for the purpose of adopting such

measures as should tend to establish an efficient and uniform

system of education. This congress met on December 1, 1889,

and closed its sessions on March 31, 1890. … A second congress

was convened on December 1, 1890, which solved certain

problems on compulsory elemental education, fixed the methods

to be followed in the schools of superior primary education,

and settled matters pertaining to normal schools, preparatory

education, and special schools. As the result of this

congress, the law of March 21, 1891, was enacted, regulating

compulsory education in the Federal District and the

Territories of Tepic and Lower California, which law became

effective on January 17, 1892. …

"On May 19, 1896, the law of public education was promulgated,

its salient points being as follows:

Official primary elemental education in the Federal Districts

and Federal Territories was placed under the exclusive control

of the Executive; primary superior education was organized as

an intermediate educational system between elementary and

preparatory instruction. A general board of primary education

was created, charged to develop and maintain the same under a

scientific and administrative plan. Preparatory education was

decreed to be uniform for all professions, its extent being

limited to the study of such matters as are necessary to the

development of the physical and intellectual faculties and the

morals of youth, it being further directed that professional

education be reorganized, limiting it to technical matters

which pertain to the profession or professions to which each

particular school is devoted.

"By virtue of this law public education ceased to be in charge

of the Board of Aldermen (ayuntamientos) of the

above-mentioned sections. At the time of its promulgation the

municipality of Mexico contained 113 schools, supported by the

Board of Aldermen, 14,246 students being entered on the rolls,

with an average attendance of 9,798. Each State defrays the

expenses of public education, either with funds specially

appropriated for that purpose or with the municipal funds.

"According to statistical data, in 1876, there were throughout

the country 8,165 primary schools, with 368,754 students of

both sexes. In 1895 Government schools reached the number of

4,056, of which 2,189 were for males, 1,119 for females, and

748 for both sexes; municipal schools numbered 3,394—for

males, 1,754; females, 932; both sexes, 708. These comprised

7,380 primary, 32 secondary, and 35 professional schools, the

number of students enrolled being 310,496 males and 181,484

females (a total of 491,980), and the mean attendance 338,066.

The total cost to the Government and the municipalities for

the maintenance of these institutions was $3,973,738. In the

same year private schools to the number of 1,816 were being

conducted, 659 for males, 460 for females, and the remainder

under a coeducational system. In addition, 276 were supported

by the clergy and 146 by associations, the total number of

students enrolled being 68,879, of which 40,135 were males and

38,744 females. The total number of private schools was

accordingly 2,238, of which 2,193 were devoted to primary

education, 34 to secondary instruction, and 11 to professions.

"The statistics for 1897, which are the latest available, give

the following figures:

SCHOOLS.                           1896.   1897.

Federal and State Governments.     5,852  6,141

Municipal.                         3,218  1,953

Private institutions.              1,953  1,797

Supported by the clergy.             303    285

Supported by associations.           186    122

"Using the figures given in 1896 for Vera Cruz and the Federal

District as identical for 1897, it may be safely assumed that

on December 31, 1897, the public schools in Mexico (Federal,

State, and municipal) stood as follows:

Number of schools.             9,065

Students enrolled.           666,787

Average monthly attendance.  458,035

Private institutions.          2,361

Number of students.           92,387

Average attendance.           75,857

"The total expenditures for the support of Federal, State, and

municipal schools amounted in 1897 to $6,291,000. In addition

to the normal and primary schools, the Government also

supports the following institutions:

School of jurisprudence,

school of medicine,

school of agriculture and veterinary instruction,

school of engineers,

school of fine arts,

school of arts and trades for men,

and a similar institution for women,

school of commerce and administration.

National conservatory of music,

preparatory school,

schools for the blind, for deaf-mutes;

reform schools, etc.,

also 9 museums, and 17 libraries containing from 400 to

159,000 volumes. Beside the Government institutions above

mentioned, there are throughout the country 26 museums, 83

libraries, 32 scientific and literary associations, and 457

periodical publications."

Bureau of American Republics,

Mexico: a Geographical Sketch,

page 313.

MEXICO: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (January).

Re-election of President Diaz.

President Porfirio Diaz was reelected on January 1, for

a sixth term of four years.

MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (October).

Census of the Republic.

Gains shown in five years.

Announcement was made from Washington, on the 24th of

February, 1901, that "complete official returns of the census

taken on October 28, 1900, received by the Bureau of American

Republics, shows that the population of Mexico is 13,570,545,

against a population of 12,632,427 [given by M. Romero as

12,570,195—see above] in 1895. The gain in five years was

938,118, or 7.43 per cent. due in part to the greater accuracy

of the latest enumeration. The Federal District, in which is

located the City of Mexico, is the most densely populated

portion of the republic, and contains 530,723 people.

{309}

The City of Mexico increased about 20,000 in five years, and

now has nearly 357,000 inhabitants. The population of seven

States, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Puebla. Vera Cruz, Oaxaca,

Michoacan and Mexico, is 6,995,880, or a little more than

one-half of the entire population of the country. The

population of the States of Sonora, Tamaulipas, Tlaxcala,

Morelos, Tabasco, Aguas Calientes, Campeche, Colima, and the

territories of Tepic and Lower California, the total area of

which is more than one-fourth the entire country, is slightly

in excess of 1,380,000, or a density of only about 2.7

inhabitants to the square kilometre. The central and southern

portions of the republic are the most thickly populated, the

Western and Northern States being the most sparsely settled,

and the Gulf region, or eastern coast, contains a larger

number of inhabitants than the Pacific Coast region. … The

greatest percentage of increase is noted in the northern

States. These States, in addition to being good agricultural

districts, are enormously rich in mineral wealth, and the

large increase in population in this part of the country is

chiefly due to the rapid development of the mines of the

republic, the erection of smelters and manufacturing plants,

and to the general stimulus given to trade and commerce by the

construction of railroads and the heavy investments of foreign

capital in the republic."

----------MEXICO: End--------

MIDDLE-OF-THE-ROAD POPULISTS, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-November); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MILAN, Ex-King:

His later years and death.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

MILAN: A. D. 1898.

Revolutionary outbreak.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

MILES, General Nelson A.:

Operations against Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

MILES, General Nelson A.:

Commanding expedition against Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

MILES, General Nelson A.:

Charges against the Commissary Department, U. S. Army.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS:

Armies of Europe and America and their cost.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

MILLENNIUM, The Hungarian.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

MILNER, Sir Alfred:

Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY), and after.

MILNER, Sir Alfred:

Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH COLONIES): A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

MINDANAO.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

MINERS, Strikes among.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

Constitutional amendments.

Use of the Referendum.

Several constitutional amendments were submitted to the voters

of the State and adopted; among them one requiring citizenship

of the United States for three months and residence in the

State for six months before permitting a new-comer to vote;

another vesting the pardoning power in a Board of Pardons;

another empowering cities to frame their own charters, subject

to the State laws. At the same time, the Referendum was

brought into practical use, by the submission of several

legislative acts to the popular vote. One of the acts thus

submitted, providing for the holding of a constitutional

convention, was rejected.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1898.

Outbreak of Pillager Indians.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

MINOS, The Palace of:

Its supposed discovery.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

MISSIONARIES, Christian:

The outbreak against in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);

1898 (MAY);

1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);

1899; 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE);

and 1901 (MARCH).

MISSIONARIES, Christian:

Outbreak against in Madagascar.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR.

MISSIONS, Christian:

The Ecumenical Conference of 1900 in New York.

Statistics of the Protestant foreign missionary

work of the world.

The third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant foreign missions

(the second having been held in London in 1888) was assembled

at New York on the 21st of April, 1900, under circumstances

related as follows in volume I. of the official report: "The

immediate origin of the Ecumenical Conference of 1900 was the

discussion of a question put in the 'question box' at the

Annual Conference of Foreign Missions Boards of the United

States and Canada, which met in New York in January, 1896, as

to whether it would be advisable to invite the secretaries or

representatives of societies from the other side of the

Atlantic to meet with the Annual Conference of the American

societies as it was then held, consisting chiefly of the

officers of the Boards. The Reverend F. F. Ellinwood. D. D.,

speaking to the question, said: 'I have had a hope that in the

year 1898, ten years from the great London Conference, we

might invite our brethren from all lands to a great Ecumenical

Conference on Missions.'

"Following this suggestion, a committee of five, consisting of

the Reverend Drs. Judson Smith, F. F. Ellinwood, A. B.

Leonard, S. W. Duncan, and William S. Langford was appointed

'to consider the advisability of calling an Ecumenical

Missionary Conference, to meet in this country within the next

four years, to make preliminary preparation therefor, if

deemed advisable, and to report at the Conference of the

following year.' This committee corresponded with missionary

societies throughout the world, and at the next Annual

Conference recommended that such a Conference be held in New

York City in April of the year 1900; that this recommendation

be communicated to the societies, and a final date agreed

upon. In January, 1898, after further correspondence, the

place and date were finally decided." Measures were taken to

raise a guarantee fund of $30,000 for expenses, and other

preparations were made. Then "under date of June 1, 1899, a

general invitation was sent to every missionary whose name and

address could be secured, to attend the Conference and

participate in the discussions."

{310}

The Conference was opened in Carnegie Hall, New York, on the

21st of April, 1900, and continued its sessions, there and in

neighboring churches, until the 1st of May. "The personnel of

the Conference was broadly representative. It consisted

(1) of delegates appointed by organizations conducting foreign

missions outside of Europe and America;

(2) the missionaries of such organizations, and

(3) members elected by the Executive Committee.

The British and Continental and other foreign societies were

invited to send as many delegates as possible. The American

and Canadian societies were limited in the number of their

delegates; the total from both countries, being fixed at

1,666, was apportioned among the societies on the basis of

their expenditures in foreign missions. All foreign

missionaries in active service or retired were received as

full members. Some of the honorary members and vice-presidents

who were unable to attend desired to have their names

connected with so historic a gathering. Members of committees

and speakers, who were not already delegates, were by a

general act of the Executive Committee, constituted 'special

members.' In addition to the members of the Conference a large

number of persons came from far and near to attend the

meetings. Over fifty thousand tickets to the Carnegie Hall and

alternate meetings were distributed among this class of

visitors. Many thousands more attended the sectional and

overflow meetings where no tickets were required. The

Honorable Benjamin Harrison, for four years President of the

United States of America, occupied the chair, and made an

opening speech."

The magnitude of the organizations of missionary work, all the

interests, needs and fruits of which were discussed in the

Conference, is most succinctly represented in the subjoined

tables, prepared by Dr. James S. Dennis, which are given in

the appendix to the official report (pages 424-426, volume 2).

The classification appearing in the tables is explained as

follows:

"The Bible Societies, the Tract and Literature Societies, the

United Society of Christian Endeavor, the Epworth Leagues, and

similar organizations, philanthropic specialties like that of

the Pundita Ramabai in India, with a considerable number of

organizations, foreign missionary in title and purpose, but

simply rendering financial or other aid to existing

societies—demand recognition, and yet should they be counted

as strictly and technically foreign missionary societies? It

was chosen for the present purpose, to differentiate and

classify, naming three classes of societies as follows;

Class I. Societies directly engaged in conducting foreign

missions.

Class II. Societies indirectly co-operating or aiding in

foreign missions.

Class III. Societies or Institutions independently engaged in

specialized effort in various departments of foreign

missions."

MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.

New State Constitution.

Qualification of the suffrage.

A new State Constitution, framed and put in force in 1890 by a

constitutional convention, without submission to the people,

established a qualification of the suffrage which heavily

diminished the negro vote by its effect. It imposed a pool tax

of two dollars per head, to which any county might add a

further tax not exceeding one dollar per head, which poll tax

for the year every voter must have paid before his ballot

would be received at any election. A further clause of the

Constitution on the subject was as follows: "On and after the

first day of January, A. D. 1892, the following qualifications

are added to the foregoing: Every qualified elector shall be

able to read any section of the Constitution of this State, or

he shall be able to understand the same when read to him, or

to give a reasonable interpretation thereof. A new

registration shall be made before the next ensuing election

after these qualifications are established. Electors in

municipal elections shall possess all the qualifications

herein prescribed, and such additional qualifications as may

be prescribed by law." In 1892 the Supreme Court of the State

affirmed the validity of the Constitution, which had been

challenged on two grounds, namely: that it had not been

submitted to the vote of the people, and that it was in

conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of

the United States.

So far, the disfranchisement of the mass of blacks seems to

have had an unlooked for evil effect. "The Negro eliminated,

only one political party remains, and political stagnation has

followed. In Mississippi, the requirement that a poll tax be

paid long before the election deprives many white men also of

their votes. But it does not bar them out of nominating

conventions. Many communities are ruled by a mere handful of

whites who cannot even cast a ballot. For instance, there are

320,000 males of voting age in Mississippi, but the whole vote

cast in the State in November was only 59,000. This is 11,000

votes less than were cast four years ago under the same

restrictions of suffrage. In other words, the whole State of

Mississippi cast practically 110 more ballots to elect seven

members of Congress than were cast in a single congressional

district in New York. (The fourteenth New York district cast

58,000 votes.) In the town of Eudora, where a mayor, a

marshal, a treasurer, and four aldermen were elected, only

eight votes were cast, and of the eight voters seven are said

to have been candidates for office.

"'The same men,' says a trustworthy despatch from New Orleans,

'were voters, candidates for office, and judges of election to

pass as judges on their own votes as voters for themselves;

and in spite of all their efforts they could get only one

outsider to come to the polls and cast his ballot.' This is an

extreme case; but in every State that has disfranchised the

Negro (making a discrimination between him and the ignorant

white man, in the white man's favor) political activity has

constantly disappeared, the vote has shrunk, public spirit in

politics has died. In Louisiana the total vote in November

fell from 99,000 in 1896 to 61,000; of Mississippi, from

69,000 to 59,000; of South Carolina, from 68,000 to 50,000—the

shrinkage in four years in these three States being nearly

68,000 votes, in spite of the increase of population."

The World's Work,

February, 1901.

MODDER RIVER, Military operations on.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and

1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

{311}

{312}

{313}

{314}

MODUS VIVENDI, Alaskan Boundary.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

MODUS VIVENDI, The Newfoundland.

See (in this volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

MOMBASA-VICTORIA RAILWAY, The.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA RAILWAY.

----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: Start--------

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895.

The situation of the Treasury of the United States.

Contract for replenishing its gold reserve.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895-1896.

The gold reserve in the U. S. Treasury again imperilled.

Refusal of relief by the Senate.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES:

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1900.

The Silver Question in the United States

Presidential elections.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and

1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1898.

Movements for monetary reforms in the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897.

Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

The privileges of the Bank of France, as the fiscal agent of

the French Government, expired with the close of the year

1897, and renewal of them was opposed by the Radicals and

Socialists, who demanded the creation of a State Bank. The

government succeeded, however (June, 1897), in carrying the

measure necessary for continuing the existing system, on terms

somewhat more favorable to the state than before.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (March).

Adoption of the gold standard in Japan.

By a law of the Japanese Parliament, passed in March, 1897, to

come into force October 1, a gold monetary standard was

adopted, at the ratio of 32½ to 1, the silver dollar to be

legal tender until six months after notice given of its

withdrawal.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (April-October).

Negotiation by American Commissioners in Europe for an

international bi-metallic agreement.

In fulfilment of the pledge given by the Republican party, at

its national convention, in 1896, that it would use efforts to

bring about an international agreement for free coinage of

gold and silver at some common ratio, the following Act was

passed by the two Houses of Congress in January and February,

1897: "That whenever after March 4, 1897, the president of the

United States shall determine that the United States should be

represented at any international conference called by the

United States or any other country with a view to securing by

international agreement a fixity of relative value between

gold and silver as money by means of a common ratio between

these metals, with free mintage at such ratio, he is hereby

authorized to appoint five or more commissioners to such

international conference; and for compensation of said

commissioners, and for all reasonable expenses connected

therewith, to be approved by the secretary of state, including

the proportion to be paid by the United States of the joint

expenses of any such conference, the sum of $100,000, or so

much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated. That

the president of the United States is hereby authorized, in

the name of the government of the United States, to call, in

his discretion, such international conference, to assemble at

such point as may be agreed upon. And he is further

authorized, if in his judgment the purpose specified in the

first section hereof can thus be better attained, to appoint

one or more special commissioners or envoys to such of the

nations of Europe as he may designate, to seek by diplomatic

negotiations an international agreement for the purpose

specified in the first section hereof. And in case of such

appointment so much of the appropriation herein made as shall

be necessary shall be available for the proper expenses and

compensation of such commissioners or envoys." Pursuant to

this Act, President McKinley, on the 12th of April, appointed

Senator Edward O. Wolcott; of Colorado, ex-Vice-President

Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, and General Charles J. Paine,

of Massachusetts, to be commissioners for the purpose which

the bill describes. The commissioners first visited Paris, and

there obtained assurances from the French government of

cordial cooperation and support. They then proceeded to

London, for negotiation with the British authorities, on whose

attitude towards the movement for international action in the

matter its success was well known to depend. Some members of

the British government, conspicuously Mr. Balfour, were

outspoken advocates of bi-metallism, and much was hoped from

the discussion to be opened with them. The American

commissioners were cordially received, and they were invited

to a formal meeting, on the 12th of July, with Lord Salisbury,

the Prime Minister, Mr. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury, Sir

Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord

George Hamilton, Secretary of State for India. The American

Ambassador, Mr. Hay, accompanied them to the conference, which

was held at the Foreign Office. A memorandum of the

conversation at this meeting, and at a second one held on the

15th, together with a correspondence which followed, were

published later in a parliamentary "blue book," from which the

following account is drawn. Mr. Wolcott explained the wish of

the American envoys to obtain the views of several

governments, preliminary to the inviting of an international

bi-metallic conference. He added that they expected to have,

in England, the full cooperation of the Ambassador of the

French Republic, who happened, for the moment, to be absent

from the country, but who had requested them to proceed with

the meeting in his absence. "Mr. Wolcott then presented some

reasons which, in the opinion of the Special Envoys, rendered

it desirable that some international agreement for the

restoration of bimetallism should be reached, and explained

why, in their opinion, the success of this effort depended

upon the attitude which England would take regarding the

question. He then stated that the Special Envoys requested

that England should agree to open English mints as its

contribution to an attempt to restore bimetallism by

international agreement, and dwelt upon the importance of the

fact that France and the United States were together engaged

in an attempt to bring about such an agreement, and were

cooperating together to that end. Lord Salisbury desired to

know if the French Government would co-operate upon the basis

of opening their mints to the free and unlimited coinage of

silver.

{315}

Mr. Wolcott answered in the affirmative. Lord Salisbury then

asked at what ratio, and was informed by Mr. Wolcott that the

French Government preferred the ratio of 15½ to 1, and that

the United States were inclined to yield this point and accept

this as a proper ratio. Considerable discussion on the

question of the ratio and the method by which it should be

settled then took place. … It was then suggested that further

proceedings should be deferred until the French Ambassador

might be also present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in

further conversation, said that if the suggestion of opening

the English mints was to be made, he thought an answer in the

negative would undoubtedly be given. The First Lord of the

Treasury asked whether, assuming this request for opening

English mints to be refused, it was desired that the subject

be discussed upon the basis of something different and less

than the opening of English mints. Upon a mutual understanding

that in the absence of the French Ambassador, anything said

should be considered as said informally, a discussion then

took place as to the concessions that England might make

towards an international solution of the question, if it

should refuse to open English mints. Mr. Wolcott, for the

Special Envoys, presented the following as a list of

contributions which, among others, England might make towards

bimetallism if an international agreement could be effected:

1. Opening of the Indian mints. Repeal of the order making the

sovereign legal tender in India.

2. Placing one-fifth of the bullion in the Issue Department of

the Bank of England in silver.

3.

(a.) Raising the legal tender limit of silver to, say, £10.

(b.) Issuing the 20s. notes based on silver, which shall be

legal tender.

(c.) Retirement, gradual or otherwise, of the 10s. gold

pieces, and substitution of paper based on silver.

4. Agreement to coin annually £ … of silver [present silver

coinage average for five years about £1,000,000, less annual

withdrawal of worn and defaced coin for recoinage, £350,000].

5. Opening of English mints to coinage of rupees, and for

coinage of British dollar, which shall be full tender in

Straits Settlements and other silver standard Colonies, and

tender in the United Kingdom to the limit of silver legal

tender.

6. Colonial action, and coinage of silver in Egypt.

7. Something having the general scope of the Huskisson plan.

Some general conversation followed in regard to the preceding

suggestions, and the interview terminated, to be resumed on

the 15th July, 1897, when it was understood that the French

Ambassador would also be present."

At the second meeting, July 15, Baron de Courcol, Ambassador

of the French Republic, and M. L. Geoffray, French Minister

Plenipotentiary, were present, and the former spoke at length,

stating the position of the French government on the question

of the free coinage of silver. He said: "'Our population,

notably the agricultural population, finds that it has not at

its disposition sufficient resources in currency, in metallic

money. On the other hand, if the Government in the actual

state of affairs reopens the mints to the free coinage of

silver, we would be flooded by the abundance of this metal

coming from all other countries of the world, and we could not

resist the even greater evil of the inevitable depreciation of

one of our precious metals, that is to say, of the effective

destruction of the legal ratio upon which our monetary system

is based. … In other words, we think that the production of

silver, more active in certain quarters of the globe in the

last quarter of a century, is not of itself considerable

enough to change in an enduring manner the normal ratio

between gold and silver after these two metals will have been

scattered over the entire surface of the world among all

nations who are called upon to absorb them. There is, then, in

our eyes, a need which is perhaps transitory, but which is

actually common to all the commercial nations, of taking

measures adequate for assuring, by a common understanding, the

re-establishment of the normal ratio of 15½ between silver and

gold. If measures of this kind should be adopted by all the

commercial nations, we would be able to reopen our mints to

the free coinage of silver without fear of being submerged by

an excessive influx of this metal. The reopening of the mints

of all the commercial countries to the free coinage of silver

in the ratio of 15½ with gold would be the most natural and

the most efficacious means of arriving at the result sought

for. This is the desideratum which I am instructed to bring

forward here, and which I am particularly to urge upon the

English Government as a primordial condition of the success of

the common understanding. If the Government of the Queen, even

in consenting to reopen the mints in India, should refuse to

adopt the same measure for England, at least would they not be

able to take certain measures which would be, up to a certain

point, equivalent, in order to maintain the full value of

silver, and to prevent India from being the victim of a

depreciation of this metal in consequence of an unlimited

coinage? … By way of suggestion, I would indicate, as one of

the measures which the English Government might usefully

adopt, the annual purchase of a certain quantity of silver

metal, which might afterwards be disposed of as seemed

best-either it might be preserved in ingots, or it might be

used for regular consumption, or it might be sent to India.

This quantity might be fixed approximately, at least, for a

number of years, at a sum of £10,000,000 in nominal value.

This is, perhaps, only a palliative; it is, in any event, only

one of the expedients which would be deemed necessary. But I

am to urge strongly that the English Government determine to

take measures of this kind, or other equivalent measures, if,

as I believe, it recognizes with us the necessity of improving

the monetary situation in a great part of its Empire—I may

say, in a great part of the entire world.' Lord Salisbury then

asked whether the French Government would decline to open its

mints unless England would also open her mints. The French

Ambassador replied that he preferred to discuss the subject

upon the basis that France would go to open mints if England

would consent to open her mints, but that he would not exclude

from his view the question of contributions by England towards

maintaining the value of silver, short of open mints. The

Chancellor of the Exchequer, in response to this, stated

definitely that the English Government would not agree to open

English mints to the unlimited coinage of silver, and that,

whatever views he and his colleagues might separately hold on

the question of bimetallism, he thought he could say they were

united upon this point. …

{316}

The suggestions made by the Special Envoys at the interview on

the 12th July were again read, and the Special Envoys accepted

also as important and desirable the proposal that the English

Government should purchase annually, say, £10,000,000 of

silver, with proper safeguards and provisions as to the place

and manner of its use. The French Ambassador expressed his

approval generally of the suggestions of the Special Envoys,

as being serviceable in the consideration of the question. It

was then understood that the proposals submitted by the French

Ambassador and by the Special Envoys of the United States

should be considered, and due notice given when a reply could

be made."

The proposal for the reopening of the Indian mints to silver

was submitted at once by the home authorities of the India

Office, at London, to the government of India, and the reply

of the latter was not received until the following October.

When the reply came, it extinguished hopes of the arrangement

which the American and French governments desired. In a long

despatch, the Indian government explained with clearness the

monetary situation in that country, and discussed the effect

which a return to the unrestricted mintage of silver would

have upon it, under the circumstances and prospects of the

time. "The currency system of India," said the despatch, "is

in a transition state; the Government of India in 1893 decided

to establish a gold standard, and the first step towards that

object was the closing of the mints to silver by Act VIII of

1893. The silver rupee is still the sole legal tender coin,

though the Government has by Executive orders undertaken to

receive gold and sovereigns under certain restrictions, … the

rate of exchange adopted being 16d. the rupee or 15 rupees=£1.

The measures to be taken when the transition period has passed

have not been laid down, but it is probable that the Indian mints

will be opened to gold, and gold coins will be made legal

tender to an unlimited amount; silver rupees would also

continue to be legal tender to an unlimited amount, and the

ratio between the rupee and the gold coins as legal tender

would at the same time be finally settled. The system towards

which India is moving is thus a gold standard of the same kind

as that which now exists in France and the United States, but

with a different ratio for legal tender; but for the present

the mints are closed both to gold and silver. The transition

period has lasted for more than four years, but there is

ground for hope that it is now drawing to a close. The changes

which are involved in the arrangements proposed to Her

Majesty's Government are the following. France and the United

States are to open their mints to the free coinage of silver,

continuing the free coinage of gold and the unlimited legal

tender of coins of both metals, the ratio remaining unchanged

in France and being altered to the French ratio of 15½ to 1 in

the United States. India is to open her mints to silver, to

keep them closed to gold, and to undertake not to make gold

legal tender. France and the United States would thus be

bimetallic: India would be monometallic (silver); while most

of the other important countries of the world would be

monometallic (gold). The object which the proposers have in

view is the establishment of a stable relation between the

values of gold and of silver. This would include the

establishment of a stable exchange between the rupee and

sterling currency, which was the object of the Government of

India in the proposals made in our financial despatch of the

21st June, 1892, which proposals ultimately resulted in the

adoption, in view to the attainment of that object, of the

policy of a gold standard, and in the closing of the mints to

the free coinage of silver. If, then, it were certain that the

suggested measures would result in the establishment of a

stable ratio, the Government of India might well consider

whether their adoption would not be preferable to the policy

to which they committed themselves in 1893 in the hope of

attaining the same result by isolated action on the part of

India alone. The principal questions therefore for us to

consider are whether the measures are more likely to succeed

than the policy of 1893, and what consequences to India may be

apprehended if the measures should fail of success after being

brought into operation. … The first result of the suggested

measures, if they even temporarily succeed in their object,

would be an intense disturbance of Indian trade and industry

by the sudden rise in the rate of exchange, which, if the

ratio adopted were 15½ to 1, would be a rise from about 16d.

to about 23d. the rupee. Such a rise is enough to kill our

export trade, for the time at least. If the public were not

convinced that the arrangement would have the effect intended,

or believed that it would not be permanent, the paralysis of

trade and industry would be prolonged and accompanied by acute

individual suffering, none of the advantages expected would be

attained, and the country would pass through a critical period

which would retard its progress for years. How long the crisis

would last before normal or stable conditions were restored it

is not possible to conjecture. It would be long even if the

mercantile and banking community saw that silver was being

steadily maintained at the prescribed ratio, while any

indication of unsteadiness would greatly prolong the period by

giving foundation for doubt. If the doubt should happen to be

justified by the results, the position would be disastrous

alike to the State, to individuals, and to trade generally. …

We cannot help seeing that if the policy of 1893 is now

abandoned, and if the triple union now proposed as a

substitute should fail in its operation or should terminate,

and in its failure subject Indian trade to the violent shocks

we have described, the Government of India could not, as a

responsible Government, call upon the commercial public to

face another prolonged period of doubt, suspense, agitation,

and difficulties. For it must be clearly and fully recognized

that if India joins in the proposed measures, we shall be left

dependent, as the sole means of attaining stability in

exchange, on the success of those measures, and that if they

should fail, India must be content to remain permanently under

the silver standard with all its admitted disadvantages. … We

have given very careful consideration to the question whether

France and the United States are likely, with the help of

India, to be able to maintain the relative value of gold and

silver permanently at the ratio they intend to adopt, and have

come to the conclusion that while we admit a possibility of

the arrangements proposed resulting in the permanent

maintenance of the value of gold and silver at the ratio of

15½ to 1, the probability is that they will fail to secure

that result, and that it is quite impossible to hold that

there is anything approaching a practical certainty of their

doing so.

{317}

One reason for this conclusion is, that the arrangement would

rest on too narrow a basis. A union consisting of two

countries, with a third lending assistance, is a very

different thing from the general international union of all or

most of the important countries of the world, which was

advocated by the Government of India in the despatches of

March and June 1892 and of February and September 1886. To

afford a hope that a monetary union will succeed in

establishing stability in the relative value of gold and

silver, it is essential that the nations adhering to it should

be of such number and importance that the metallic currency of

the whole body shall be of sufficient extent to allow of the

exercise of adequate influence on the value of the two metals.

We doubt whether any two, or even three, nations in the world,

unless, indeed, one of them was Great Britain, could comply

with this condition, and we have no hesitation in saying that

France and the United States and India certainly could not. …

We have no hesitation in recommending your Lordship to refuse

to give the undertaking desired by the Governments of France

and the United States. We are quite clearly of opinion that

the interests of India demand that her mints shall not be

opened as part of an arrangement to which two or three

countries only are parties, and which does not include Great

Britain." Immediately on receiving this reply, Lord Salisbury

informed Ambassador Hay that "Her Majesty's Government feel it

their duty to state that the first proposal of the United States

Representatives is one which they are unable to accept," and

expressing a wish to know "how far the views of the American

and French Governments are modified by the decision now

arrived at, and whether they desire to proceed further with

the negotiations at the present moment."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Commercial, Number 8, 1897).

In the view of the American envoys, it seemed useless to

proceed, with no hope of cooperation from Great Britain, and

they returned to America with a discouraging report.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (December).

Adoption of the gold standard in Russia.

An imperial ukase declared the adoption of the gold standard

in Russia, authorizing the issue of a new five-rouble gold

piece.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900.

Settlement of the monetary system in the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900 (November).

Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: End--------

MONGOLIA.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

MONOPOLIES.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

MONROE DOCTRINE, The:

As emphasized in the Treaty of International Arbitration.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

MONROE DOCTRINE, The:

Its discussion as involved in the Venezuela Boundary Question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA; A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

MONTAUK POINT, Removal of troops from Santiago de Cuba to.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

MONTENEGRO.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MOROS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS; THE NATIVE INHABITANTS;

and A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

MORTMAIN, Proposed restrictions on, in France.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:

Conflicts in Armenia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:

Conflicts in Crete.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MOSQUITO, The, as a carrier of disease.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL, AND SURGICAL.

MUKDEN.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA; also,

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

MUNICIPAL EVENTS, Notable.

See (in this volume)

BOSTON, CHICAGO, NEW YORK, TOLEDO, LONDON.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:

Institution in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:

Institution in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

MUSIC: In the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE MUSICAL CENTURY.

N.

NABONIDOS, Discovery of an inscription of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:

DISCOVERY OF AN INSCRIPTION.

NANSEN'S EXPEDITION, Return of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896.

NASHVILLE EXPOSITION.

See (in this volume)

TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.

NATAL.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF 1896.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER.)

NATIONAL PARTY, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and

1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

NATIONAL SILVER PARTY.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

{318}

NATIONAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

NATIONALISTS, FRENCH, Revolutionary conspiracy of.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

NAVAL POLICY, German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS: A. D. 1900.

The following tables are compiled from a return issued by the

British Admiralty in the spring of 1900, showing the state of

the fleets of Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Italy,

the United States, and Japan, including vessels then built and

in progress of construction.

Of battle-ships, there were built and building in the several

navies:

Count   with a displacement of

Great Britain.      70          821,605

France.             35          339,599

Russia.             24          262,912

Germany.            25          191,259

Italy.              19          193,001

United States.      16          184,144

Japan.               7           92,420

Of armored and protected cruisers, there were built and

building:

Count   with a displacement of

Great Britain.     147          827,430

France.             60          297,486

Russia.             23          144,673

Germany.            22          107,844

Italy.              25           93,673

United States.      26          140,274

Japan.              23          114,479

Of unprotected cruisers, armored coast-defence vessels,

and special vessels there were built and building:

Count   with a displacement of

Great Britain.      31          104,250

France.             29           93,385

Russia.             26           66,886

Germany.            35           59,617

Italy.               3           13,821

United States.      30           77,150

Japan.              13           24,065

Of torpedo vessels and torpedo-boat destroyers

the number built and building was:

Count   with a displacement of

Great Britain.     238           70,311

France.            305           34,002

Russia.            233           37,735

Germany.           130           20,094

Italy.             180           24,863

United States.      50           12,121

Japan.              71            9,537

A consolidation of the above figures shows a

total of ships in the principal navies as follows:

Great Britain,   486;

France,          429;

Russia,          306;

Germany,         212;

Italy,           227;

United States,   122;

Japan,           114.

A writer in the "Fortnightly Review," discussing the above

returns, points out the imperfectness of the representation

which such gross figures give of the actual naval strength of

the several Powers, and he has undertaken to correct them by a

calculation of what he calls the "fighting weight" of the

ships, based on the age of each and its displacement in tons.

He says: "The scale of depreciation for age that I have used

is as follows: Ships, built and now building, that were

launched, or which will be launched, during 1895-1899 (and

later), are reckoned at their full value of fighting weight;

i. e., at 100 per cent. Ships launched during 1890 1894 are

reckoned as now worth only 80 per cent. of their fighting

weight. The other depreciations being: Ships launched

1885-1889 are valued at 60 per cent. of their nominal fighting

weight; 1880-1884, at 40 per cent.; before 1880, at 20 per

cent."

By this mode of reckoning, the table of battleships is

converted to the following exhibit of estimated "naval

strength":

Count   adjusted fighting weight

Great Britain.      70          604,141

France.             35          220,635

Russia.             24          221,988

Germany.            25          152,929

Italy.              19          112,899

United States.      16          176,708

Japan.               7           88,088

This method of depreciating the tonnage on the basis of the

age of a ship causes the respective proportions of Great

Britain, France and Italy, in battle-ships, to become smaller,

while the respective proportions of Russia, Germany, United

States and Japan become larger. The United States lose but 4

per cent. of the nominal value of their battle-ships; Japan, 5

per cent.; Russia, 16; Germany, 20; Great Britain, 26; France,

35; Italy, 42.

Applying the same arithmetic to the returns of armored and

protected cruisers, the writer shows that Japan suffers a loss

of 10 per cent. of their nominal fighting weight, France 14,

United States 14, Italy 18, Great Britain 21, Russia 23,

Germany 24.

Reducing in like manner all the remaining returns, he arrives

at the following summary of "the seven navies arranged in the

order of their strength"—taking the navy of Japan as the unit:

Degree of strength.

Great Britain,    6.38

France,           2.57

Russia,           1.88

United States,    1.65

Germany,          1.34

Italy,            1.03

Japan,            1.00.

Stated in "tons of fighting weight," his comparison stands:

Great Britain,   1,347,000

France,            543,000

Russia,            397,000

United States,     349,000

Germany,           282,000

Italy,             218,000

Japan,             211,000.

Turning next to the consideration of armaments, the writer has

compiled the following table, which shows "for each class of

gun separately, and for all classes of guns combined, the

number of these guns that are possessed by the seven naval

powers":

POWER            Breech   Quick   Muzzle   Torpedo  All Classes

Loading  Firing  Loading  Tubes    of Guns

Guns     Guns    Guns

Great Britain.    912     7,454    340     1,534     10,240

France.           471     3,653      -       928      5,052

Russia.           393     2,589      -       625      3,607

Germany.          258     1,995      -       611      2,864

Italy.            140     1,791      4       573      2,508

United States.    303     1,791      -       230      2,324

Japan.            110     1,168      -       314      1,592

----------

All the Powers

combined.       2,587    20,441    344     4,815     28,187

In this comparison the United States drops from the fourth

rank to the sixth. For a comparison of the naval expenditure

of the Powers,

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

NEBUCHADREZZAR, Exploration of the ruins of the palace of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA; GERMAN EXPLORATION.

NEELY EXTRADITION CASE, The.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.

{319}

NEGRITOS.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

NEGRO, Disfranchisement of the.

See (in this volume)

MARYLAND, MISSISSIPPI, NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896;

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898; and

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

NEGROS, The island of:

American occupation.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

Acceptance of American sovereignty.

Establishment of provisional government.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

NEMI, Lake: Sunken Roman vessels found in.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1894.

War in Lombok.

See (in this volume)

DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.

-------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): Start------

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1896.

Electoral Reform Act.

A notable extension of the franchise was accomplished by an

Act passed this year by the States General, to have effect in

the elections of 1897. It made voters of all Dutch citizens

not under 25 years of age who present "certain outward and

positive signs of capacity and well-being. The chief sign is

the fact of payment of one or more direct State taxes (for the

land tax an amount of 1 florin is sufficient). Besides these,

the Reform Act admits as electors all those who can prove that

they are householders, and have paid rent of houses or

lodgings during a fixed term, or that they are owners or

tenants of boats of not less than 24 tons capacity, or that

they have been during a fixed term in employment with an

annual wage or salary of at least £22 18s. 4d., or possess a

certificate of State interest of at least 100 florins, or a

State savings bank deposit of at least 50 florins, or the

legal qualifications for any profession or employment."

Statesman's Year-Book,

1899, page 807.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1897.

First election under the new Franchise Law.

The first election in Holland under the new franchise law,

held June 15-25, 1897, returned to the Chamber 47 Liberals, 22

Catholics, 22 Protestant anti-Revolutionists, 4 Radicals, and one

deputy who is styled an Historic Christian.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1898.

Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina.

Queen Wilhelmina, who succeeded to the crown on the death of

her father, William III., in 1890, reached the age of 18 on

the 31st of August, 1898, and received the reins of government

from her mother, Queen Emma, who had acted as Regent until

that time. The young Queen was enthroned September 6 in the

New Church at Amsterdam, where she delivered, with a

simplicity and fervor which impressed those present, her

address to the States-General and took her oath of allegiance

to the Constitution. "I am happy and thankful," the Queen

said, "to rule over the people of the Netherlands, who,

although small in numbers, are great in virtue and strong by

nature and character. I esteem it a great privilege that it is

my life's task and duty to dedicate all my powers to the

prosperity and interests of my dear fatherland; and I adopt

the words of my beloved father,—'Yes, Orange can never do

enough for the Netherlands.'" After the Queen and the

Queen-Mother, the most striking figures at the ceremony were

the Princes from the Dutch Indies.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (April).

Invitation to the Peace Conference to be held at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See,(in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-August).

Advice to President Kruger of the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1901.

Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina.

Queen Wilhelmina was married, on the 7th of February, to Duke

Henry of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who received the title of

Prince of the Netherlands by proclamation on the same day.

Both civil and religious ceremonies of marriage were

performed.

--------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): End------

NEW BRUNSWICK.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

NEWEL, Stanford:

American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1895.

Union with Canada refused.

Terms proposed for the union of Newfoundland with the Dominion

of Canada were rejected, and negotiations abandoned.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897.

Conference of colonial premiers with the

British Colonial Secretary.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900.

The Reid contract.

The question in politics.

In the fall of 1897 a line of narrow-gauge railway, with

branches over six hundred miles in total length, was completed

and opened to traffic. The main line of rail extends from the

capital, St. Johns, to Port aux Basques, at the southwestern

extremity of the island, and is expected to produce an

important development of resources from the forests and mines,

as well as from agricultural lands. The railway was

constructed by a contractor, Mr. Reid, who agreed to operate

it for seven years at his own expense, receiving therefor a

land grant of 5000 acres per mile. In 1898 a new contract was

made with Mr. Reid, which placed most of the resources of the

island under his control. For an additional land-grant of 2500

acres per mile of road he undertook to operate the road for

fifty years. By a present cash payment of $1,000,000 to the

colony treasury, he purchased the reversion of its right to

the possession of the road at the end of that period. At the

same time he secured the right to purchase from the government

its telegraph lines and the dry-dock at St. Johns, for half a

million of dollars, and was given a monopoly for 30 years of

the coast mail steam service, with an annual subsidy of

$150,000, he undertaking to maintain in it eight steamers,

well equipped. This remarkable contract was bitterly denounced

by a large party in the island, and the Imperial government was

strongly petitioned to nullify the whole transaction: but the

British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, while he

characterized the contract as representing "the most

unparalleled abrogation of its functions by a responsible

government," decided that he could not properly interfere.

{320}

The "Reid Deal," as it was known, then became a burning issue

in Newfoundland politics, and the Ministry responsible for it,

led by Sir James Winter, was ousted from the government in

February, 1900. Mr. Reid was then arranging to transfer his

Newfoundland contract and franchises to a company, which

required the sanction of the colonial government. The new

(Liberal) Ministry, of which Mr. Robert Bond was Premier,

refused consent to the transfer unless Mr. Reid would amend

his bargain with the colony in several very important

particulars. He offered some concessions, but not to the

extent demanded; and so the question between him and the Bond

Ministry went into the canvass of 1900, for the election of a

new Assembly, and the Conservatives, heavily backed by Mr.

Reid, were defeated overwhelmingly, winning but 4 seats out of

36 in the Lower House of the Legislature. On this result of

the elections the "London Times" of November 26, 1900,

comments as follows: "The course which the victorious Bond

Ministry will now take must be awaited with interest. … A

policy of compromise would certainly appear to be the wisest

and the safest for all parties. Mr. Reid, it seems to be

acknowledged, has carried out his part of the bargain of 1898

fully and even generously, and the colony, it is stated, has

profited largely in consequence. In the absence of actual

fraud or corruption it would be difficult in these

circumstances to justify the rescission or even the material

modification of the agreement, on the faith of which he has

spent his money, without his assent. A repeal of the Act of

1898 against his will would savour of repudiation. It would

assuredly damage the credit of the colony very seriously."

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

The French Shore Question.

The Modus Vivendi.

"At the period of the negotiation of the Treaty of Utrecht, in

1713, by which the rights of the French fishermen were regulated

[see, in volume 4, NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1713], thousands of

French fishing vessels availed themselves of the inshore

fisheries about the island; and that they might be not

altogether without facilities for the drying and curing of

their fish, they were granted under the Treaty the 'right to

use a strip of the coast seven hundred miles long and half a

mile wide.' Accompanying the Treaty, but, be it noted, not a

part of it, was a declaration of King George, that British

subjects on the island were not to interfere with these French

coast rights by erecting permanent structures upon it,

calculated to obstruct the operations of the French fishermen.

This Royal declaration was harmless and unimportant when the

population of the island was very small, and the French

fishermen resorted to the inshore fisheries of Newfoundland.

But to-day, a different condition exists. The French fishermen

no longer use the inshore fisheries of the island, but

prosecute, instead, their fishing operations on the Grand

Banks, several hundred miles distant, drying their product

either at the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, which

are more adjacent to the Banks, or transporting the fish

direct to France. … The need for which the French shore right

was granted has practically ceased to exist; and inasmuch as

the prohibition to the people of the island from erecting

permanent structures on the island was merely a mandate

emanating from the King, and not an integral part of the

Treaty itself; and because the reason for the observance of

the mandate has thus ceased to exist, it is imperative that,

in the interests of the prosperity of the island, this Royal

concession should be revoked. … But what, it may be asked, on

a perusal of the whole case, has caused the Newfoundland

question to suddenly become paramount? Why is its urgency

greater in 1899 than it was in 1889? Is there not some

concentrated force, some propelling power, at work behind the

scenes? There is—and that power is a millionaire. The name of

this millionaire is Robert Gillespie Reid, who, having

voluntarily assumed, by means of the measure known as the Reid

contract, the responsibility of developing the island's

resources, finds himself, at the outset, confronted by a

situation which precludes all present enterprise. This

gentleman has acquired, in fee simple, some three or four

million acres of land in Newfoundland; and where the islanders

were content to wait patiently for justice, he, as a

business-man, eager to exploit his mines and timber, can

hardly be expected to pin his faith to assurances so frail,

and of fulfilment so remote."

B. Wilson,

Newfoundland's Opportunity

(Fortnightly Review, February, 1899).

A royal commission which lately investigated the situation of

affairs on the Treaty Coast of Newfoundland found that the

coast "is 800 miles in extent, with a permanent population of

13,300, all but 76 of whom are native-born, while the total of

French frequenting the territory during the fishing season

does not exceed 600 men. The French, last year, according to

the official reports furnished to the Admiralty, occupied only

eight cod and nine lobster stations, with a personnel as

above, while their catch of cod was but 18,000 qtls., worth

about 36,000 dollars, and their pack of lobsters about 7,000

cases, of about equal value. And is it not monstrous that, in

order to satisfy vexatious French claims and perpetuate

obsolete treaty claims, the people of the Treaty Coast should

he coerced and victimised, and the development of the whole

colony retarded, as has been the case? The Commissioners

found that, despite the liberal bounties given by France for

fishing on the Treaty Coast, the allowance of 50 francs per

head by the St. Pierre municipality for the same purpose, and

the special appropriation the past two seasons in the French

colonial grant 'for extending operations on the Newfoundland

coast, 4,000 francs,' the number of men frequenting there and

the number of stations operated are steadily declining every

year, and in ten years' time it is doubtful if there would be

a Frenchman on the coast. Still, so powerful is the French

fetish that the shore is tabooed as far as industrial

development is concerned, and the hinterland likewise. No

grant of land can be given there except with the stipulation

that it is subject to French rights. No permanent building can

be erected within half a mile of high-water mark, because the

French claim the strand for drying their fish. No wharves can

be built by which to load minerals, because they will

interfere with the French fishery. (Only last year they

stopped the erection of one which was twenty-two miles from

their nearest station, and Mr. Reid, the railway contractor,

when he wanted to build a wharf at Bay St. George to land

construction materials, had to seize the opportunity of the

French warship in the Bay leaving to coal and renew stores,

and put an army of men to work, who built it in seventeen

days, so that it was completed when the Frenchmen returned.)

{321}

No mineral developments are permitted because they may hamper

the French. Competition on near-by fishing grounds is

prohibited for the same reason. Illicit (?) lobster packers

are hunted like malefactors for disregarding a 'modus vivendi'

as unjust as it is ridiculous. Bait-selling is only possible

by permission of the French and on their terms. The railway

was deflected 120 miles out of its proper course because of

French objection to a terminus on the shore. In fact, fishing

is only pursued with the greatest difficulty, while the land

is closed to agricultural settlement and mining enterprise.

And that, too, in the face of the fact that the French 'army

of occupation' consists of about one vessel, one station, and

about sixty fishermen on every 100 miles of coast, whose

annual catch is worth about 10,000 dollars."

P. T. McGrath, France in Newfoundland

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1899).

In 1890, a temporary agreement ("modus vivendi") concerning

the lobster packing and other questions, was arranged between

the British and French governments, which has been extended

from time to time, very much to the dissatisfaction of the

Province. The last extension expired at the end of the year

1900, and the Newfoundlanders showed a strong disposition to

resist any renewal of it. A letter from St. Johns, in

December, 1900, stated the feeling of the colony as follows:

"Last year the term of the 'modus vivendi' was allowed to run

out, and a deadlock, such as now seems inevitable, would

doubtless have been created; but when the end of December came

the reverses in South Africa appealed to our patriotism as the

oldest British colony, and the Legislature unanimously passed

at one sitting a Bill renewing the arrangement for another

year. The colony was unable to afford any more substantial aid

at the time, as her naval reserve had not then been

inaugurated, but this course on her part testified to her

sympathy with the Imperial mother, and her readiness to

relieve her from other difficulties. This year Newfoundland is

taking the bit between her teeth, and the result must be a

complication which, however unwelcome to the Imperial Cabinet,

cannot but have been regarded as inevitable sooner or later.

If our case is as strong as we are led to believe that the

Royal Commission represents it to be, there is certainly good

ground for our insisting upon remedial measures. It must not

be forgotten that the French now keep up less than 15 cod and

lobster stations altogether on the treaty coast, and that

about 550 men is the number they had there last season. As

against this the resident population is nearly 14,000, and the

objections which they urged against the 'modus vivendi' in its

early days apply with equal strength now. These people are

shamefully treated, the colony as a whole is humiliated, and

the recognition of such conditions by England without making

an attempt to get rid of them is a cause of reproach which she

should remove without delay."

Much newspaper discussion of the subject has been going on in

both England and France, with an apparent showing of readiness

on the part of the latter country to bargain with the British

for cessions in West Africa or elsewhere. How much of a price

Great Britain is willing to pay for release from the treaty of

Utrecht is a question the answer to which cannot be forever

postponed.

Despite its reluctance, the Newfoundland Legislature was

prevailed upon, in February, 1901, to pass an Act renewing the

"modus vivendi" for another year. Several members who

supported the measure declared that they did so for the last

time, and only because of an unwillingness to embarrass the

British government during the continuance of the South African

war.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1901.

Change of Government.

Early in the year, Sir Henry McCallum was transferred from the

governorship of Newfoundland to that of Natal, and Sir

Cavendish Boyle was appointed to succeed him.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.

Constitutional Amendments.

On the 28th of September, several proposals of constitutional

amendment were voted on in New Jersey. One prohibitory of

gambling was adopted by a small majority. Another, that would

give the suffrage in school elections to women, was rejected

by about 10,000 majority.

NEW SOUTH WALES.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

The Lexow Investigation of Tammany government.

Election of Mayor Strong.

"On the second Sunday in February 1892 the minister of a

wealthy Presbyterian church, Dr. Charles Parkhurst, startled

his congregation by preaching an outspoken political sermon,

in which he attacked the Tammany administration in most

unmeasured language. 'The mayor and those associated with him

are polluted harpies [he declared]. Under the pretence of

governing this city they are feeding day and night on its

quivering vitals. They are a lying, perjured, rum-soaked, and

libidinous lot. … Every effort to make men respectable,

honest, temperate, and sexually clean is a direct blow between

the eyes of the mayor and his whole gang of lecherous

subordinates, in the sense that while we fight iniquity they

shield and patronise it; while we try to convert criminals

they manufacture them, and they have a hundred dollars

invested in the manufacturing business to every one invested

in converting machinery. … Police and criminals all stand in

with each other. It is simply one solid gang of criminals, one

half in office and the other half out.' This sermon was the

starting point of the new anti-Tammany movement. Dr. Parkhurst

was called before the grand jury to prove his words, but he

was obliged to admit that all he knew was the repeated

accusations that appeared in almost every local newspaper.

Thereupon the grand jury publicly rebuked him, and sent a

formal presentment to the Recorder declaring their

'disapproval and condemnation' of the sermon. Everyone at once

concluded that no more would be heard of Parkhurst in

politics, but they did not know the man. The clergyman called

a couple of detectives to his aid, and personally visited the

lowest resorts, to obtain the necessary evidences of

corruption. A month later he preached a second political

sermon, and this time he took into the pulpit with him a

bundle of affidavits. He repeated and emphasised his former

accusations, and again he was summoned before the grand jury.

This time the result was different. 'The police are either

incompetent or corrupt,' the jury declared, and citizens

generally agreed. …

{322}

"In 1894, the State Senate … appointed a committee, this time

under Senator Lexow, to inquire into New York municipal

affairs. Soon after the committee was appointed Mr. Croker

found it convenient to hastily resign the leadership of

Tammany and go to Europe. The worst accusations of the

bitterest enemies of Crokerism were almost all more than

substantiated by the evidence given before the committee. It

was found that the police were utterly corrupt, that they

extorted blackmail from gambling house keepers, women of ill

fame, saloon keepers, and others, and in return gave them

their protection. Even thieves, in some instances, were found

to be regularly paying their police dues in return for

immunity from arrest. One police justice had to admit that he

received a hundred dollars from a keeper of a disorderly

house. Everywhere that the Lexow Committee probed, or that

other competent critics examined, the same thing was found.

For several years New York had been living under a system of

universal blackmail. Saloon keepers had to pay Tammany to be

allowed to evade the Sunday closing law, merchants to be

granted the simplest conveniences for getting their goods into

their premises. But in the case of Mr. Croker no dishonesty

could be proved. It was known that he had in a few years risen

from a poor man to a millionaire, but in no instance could it be

shown that he had acquired this wealth by corruption. His

friends said he had made his money by horse-racing and real

estate speculation, but unfortunately Mr. Croker did not go

before the witness stand to finally clear up the matter. While

the committee was sitting he remained in Europe.

"The usual storm of indignation followed the 'Lexow' exposure,

and most reputable citizens united once more to overthrow

Tammany. Colonel Strong, a well-known banker, was chosen

reform candidate for mayor, and secured a majority of fifty

thousand. In 1895 he began his administration, and initiated a

vigorous reform movement. The police force was entirely

reorganised; municipal offices were given for merit rather

than political reward; the streets, for the first time in the

memory of the oldest inhabitant, were really kept clean, and

the whole local government was taken out of politics. Mayor

Strong's time of office has not been without its faults, but

among those faults dishonesty has not been one. Rather the

mistake has been to enforce all laws too rigidly, and make too

few allowances for the weaknesses of human nature in a

cosmopolitan resort. Police President Roosevelt's strict

enforcement of the Sunday closing and social purity laws was

only his duty, but yet it cost the reformers many votes.

Although the report of the 'Lexow' Committee did Tammany much

temporary harm, it recovered quickly. After the mayoral defeat

of 1894 it pulled its forces together again, and rallied

around it all the ambitions men who were disappointed in Mayor

Strong's bestowal of his patronage. In the autumn of 1895 it was

able to score a minor victory at the polls, and it carefully

nursed its strength for the election of November 1897. Mr.

Croker, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that he was

'out of politics,' came back to New York, and at once took

over command of his party."

F. A. McKenzie,

Tammany

(Nineteenth Century, December, 1897).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1895.

Consolidation of the Astor, Lenox and Tilden foundations

to form the New York Public Library.

See (in this volume)

LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

Consolidation of New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring towns,

in the Greater New York.

"The project of uniting the cities of New York, Brooklyn, and

the cities, towns and villages contiguous to the same, into

one great municipality, although long mooted before 1890,

first took definite form in that year, by the passage on May

8th, by the Legislature, of Laws 1890, Chapter 11, entitled

'An Act to create a commission to inquire into the expediency

of consolidating the various municipalities in the State of

New York, occupying the several islands in the harbor of New

York.' …

Pursuant to the provisions of this act, a commission

consisting of the following members was appointed, viz.:

Andrew H. Green, Frederick W. Devoe, John L. Hamilton, J.

Seaver Page of New York; J. S. T. Stranahan, Edward F. Linton,

William D. Veeder of Brooklyn; John H. Brinkerhoff of Queen's

county; George G. Greenfield of Richmond county; Charles P.

McClelland of Westchester county; and Campbell W. Adams, State

Engineer and Surveyor, ex officio, and Albert E. Henschel

acting as secretary. In 1893, the commission presented to the

Legislature a bill providing for the submission of the

question of consolidation to a vote of the residents of the

various municipalities proposed to be united into one city.

The following year the Legislature provided for the referendum

suggested by the commission. … The following vote was cast

upon the question of consolidation in the ensuing election on

November 6, 1894:

for consolidation;  against;

New York,       96,938;            59,959;

Kings,          64,744;            64,467;

Queens,          7,712;             4,741;

Richmond,        5,531;             1,505;

Mount Vernon,      873;             1,603;

Eastchester,       374;               260;

Westchester,       620;               621;

Pelham,            261;               153.

At the opening of the Legislature in 1895, the Commission of

Municipal Consolidation Inquiry presented a report with a

proposed bill declaring the entire district before mentioned

(with the exception of the city of Mount Vernon) consolidated

with the city of New York. The bill, however, failed of

passage because of the addition of an amendment of referendum

in the last hours of the session of 1895, too late for further

action. The Legislature, as a result no doubt of this vote on

consolidation, did annex to New York city the towns of

Westchester, Eastchester, Pelham and other parts of

Westchester county.

"Early in January, 1896, the Legislature appointed a joint

sub-committee of the Cities Committees of both Houses to

inquire into the subject of the proposed consolidation and

report March 1, 1806. The committee made a report and

submitted a bill favoring consolidation. The bill as reported

was passed by the Legislature and was submitted to the Mayors

of the cities of New York and Brooklyn, and to the Mayor and

Common Council of Long Island City pursuant to the provisions

of the Constitution.

{323}

The bill was returned to the Legislature without the

acceptance of the cities of New York and Brooklyn. The

Legislature repassed the bill over the vetoes of the Mayors of

New York and Brooklyn, and it became a law May 11, 1896, with

the approval of the Governor. This act (L. 1896, ch. 488) is

entitled, 'An Act consolidating the local governments of the

territory within the city and county of New York, the counties

of Kings and Richmond and Long Island City and the towns of

Newtown, Flushing and Jamaica and part of the town of

Hempstead, in the county of Queens, and providing for the

preparation of bills for enactment into laws for the

government thereof.' … Pursuant to the act of consolidation,

the Governor (Levi P. Morton) appointed on June 9, 1896, the

following members of the commission to draft the proposed

charter, viz.: Seth Low, Benjamin F. Tracy, John F. Dillon,

Ashbel P. Fitch, Stewart L. Woodford, Silas B. Dutcher,

William. C. De Witt, George M. Pinney, Jr., Harrison S. Moore.

Mr. Fitch having resigned from the commission, the Governor

appointed Thomas F. Gilroy in his place. By virtue of the act,

the following gentlemen were members of the commission: Andrew

H. Green, president of the commission appointed by L. 1890,

ch. 311; Campbell W. Adams, State Engineer; Theodore E.

Hancock, Attorney-General; William L. Strong, Mayor of New

York; Frederick W. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; and Patrick

Jerome Gleason, Mayor of Long Island City. The commission

organized on June 25, 1896, appointed Benjamin F. Tracy as

president and George M. Pinney, Jr., as secretary, and named

William C. De Witt, John F. Dillon, Thomas F. Gilroy, Seth

Low, Andrew H. Green, Benjamin F. Tracy, and George M. Pinney,

Jr., as a committee on draft of proposed charter."

M. Ash,

The Greater New York Charter,

introduction.

The committee submitted a draft charter to the commission on

the 24th of December, with a report in which a fundamental

feature of its plan is thus set forth: "It is clear that the

work of administering all of the Departments over so large a

space of territory, situated on three islands and partly on

the main land, must be subdivided in order to be successfully

done. The draft, therefore, proposes to divide the city into

the five Boroughs which nature and history have already

formed; that is to say:

(1.) Manhattan, which consists of the island of Manhattan and

the outlying islands naturally related to it.

(2.) The Bronx; that is to say, all that part of the present

City of New York lying north of the Harlem, a territory which

comprises two-thirds of the area of the present City of New

York.

(3.) Brooklyn.

(4.) Queens, consisting of that portion of Queens County to

be incorporated into the Greater New York.

(5.) Richmond, that is, Staten Island.

Power is given to the Municipal Assembly to subdivide these

Boroughs still further, in case of need. The Greater New York

will start with these five Boroughs for administrative

purposes. Your Committee have reconstructed the Borough

system, as submitted in the tentative draft, upon lines which

we are of one accord in believing to be a better and more

appropriate development of the plan for the Greater New York.

These lines give to each Borough various boards through which

the prosecution of local improvements may be facilitated

within the limits of small districts, but reserve to the

Municipal Assembly the right to incur indebtedness and to

authorize the making of contracts."

The draft thus prepared was subjected to criticism in the

commission and in public hearings, and, after amendment and

revision, was reported to the Legislature in February, 1897,

as the charter recommended by the Commission for the

consolidated city called "The Greater New York." It received

some amendment and was passed. On submission, as required by

the State constitution, to the mayors of New York and Brooklyn

and the mayor and Common Council of Long Island City, it was

approved in Brooklyn and Long Island City, but returned

without approval by the mayor of New York. The Legislature

then re-enacted the bill, and it was made law, by the

governor's signature, on the 4th of May, 1897.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (September-November).

Election of the first Mayor of Greater New York.

The first municipal election in Greater New York excited a

passion of interest that was natural in the city itself, but

extraordinary in the degree and the extent to which it spread,

not only throughout the United States, but widely in the

foreign world. The election was looked upon as the test of a

vastly important experiment in the democratic government of an

enormous city. The charter of the great consolidated

municipality had lodged tremendous, unprecedented power and

responsibility in the office of its mayor. The people were

given an opportunity to determine by a single act of suffrage—

by their choice of a single man—the character of their

government. Would they choose that man, at the beginning of

the new system, in the interest of the corrupting organization

in party politics which had misruled the old city of New York

for years, or would they rise to the grand opportunity

afforded them, and set a strong, free, independently honest

man at the head of their local government. Democracy in

municipal affairs, at least, had never been put on trial so

sharply before. To a great number of the citizens of New York

the duty of the hour was plain, and they promptly set their

hands to it. Many months before the election they began the

organization of a Citizens' Union, in which men of all

political parties, sinking every other difference, should join

for the defeat of Tammany and "Boss" Croker, and for the

election to the mayor's office of the best mayor to be found.

With remarkable unanimity, their thought of the man turned to

Seth Low, President of Columbia University, but one time mayor

of Brooklyn, where his vigor, his firmness and his

independence had been conspicuously proved. An extensive

canvass of the city showed so widely spread a feeling in favor

of Mr. Low that he was named at the beginning of September as

the candidate of the non-partisan Citizens' Union. It was

hoped that the whole opposition to Tammany Hall could be

united in support of Mr. Low, representing as he did no

partisan hostility to any organization in national or state

politics. It was especially hoped and believed that the

Republican party organization would endorse the choice of the

Citizens' Union and make Mr. Low (himself a strong Republican)

its own candidate. By nothing less than a general combination

could the compact forces of Tammany Hall be overcome, and that

fact was well understood.

{324}

It was a fact so plain, indeed, that when the head of the

Republican organization in New York persisted in setting a

party candidate in the field, to divide the opposing voters of

the city, there seemed to be small doubt of the intention with

which it was done. The master politicians of the party were

evidently more willing that the vast powers of the mayoralty,

in the organization of the government of Greater New York,

should be wielded by their prototypes of Tammany than that

they should be given to independent hands. The party was

obedient to them, and General Benjamin F. Tracy was put

forward, by a Republican convention held September 28, in

opposition to Mr. Low. The night previous, another candidate

had appeared, in the person of Mr. Henry George, author of the

economic doctrine of the "single tax," supported ardently by a

large following, especially in the Democratic party. A section

of that party, organized under the name of the United Democracy,

had nominated Mr. George, and his nomination was endorsed a

week later by a great assembly which claimed to represent the

Jeffersonian Democracy of New York. On the 30th of September

the nomination of the Tammany Democracy was given to Judge

Robert A. Van Wyck. Between these four principal candidates,

the result of the election was only put in doubt by some

question as to the strength of the Democratic vote which Mr.

George would draw away from Judge Van Wyck. It was a question

extinguished sadly, three days before the election, by the

sudden death of Mr. George. He had not been in good health,

and the strain of the exciting canvass broke him down. His

followers made a hasty nomination of his son, Henry George,

Jr., in his place; but the personal prestige which might have

carried a large vote with them was lost. Of the triumph of

Tammany there was no longer any doubt, and no surprise was

felt (though abundant grief and anger found expression) when

the returns of the voting on November 2d were announced. Judge

Van Wyck was elected by the ballots of 233,997 citizens, against

151,540 cast for Mr. Low, 102,873 for General Tracy, 21,693

for the younger Mr. George. Tammany would have been beaten if

the Republican vote had gone to Mr. Low. Besides the four

principal candidates here named, there were four other

nominees who received small numbers of votes. Lucien Sanial,

put forward by the Social Democrats, received 14,467; William

T. Wardwell, named by the Prohibitionists, received 1,359;

Patrick J. Gleason and Alfred B. Cruikshank, running with

little more than some personal support, received a few

hundreds of votes each.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (April-December).

The Mazet Investigation.

An investigation of charges against the city government, by a

committee of the Legislature, Mr. Robert Mazet, chairman, was

opened in April, 1899, the examination of witnesses being

conducted by Mr. Frank Moss. The investigation followed lines

much the Same as those pursued by the Lexow committee, in

1894, and revealed much the same foul state of things,

especially in the department of police. But there was

evidently less earnestness in the committee; the probing of

iniquities was fill less thorough, and the whole proceeding

was stopped with suspicious suddenness as soon as it drew near

to prominent members of the party by which it was controlled.

It called fresh attention to the rottenness in municipal

politics, and it led to the creation of a new commission for

the revision of the Greater New York charter; but otherwise it

was most unsatisfactory.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.

The Ramapo Water Contract.

In August, 1899, Bird S. Coler, Controller of the City,

exposed a gigantic scheme of plunder involved in a contract

with the Ramapo Water Company, which Tammany officials,

assisted, it was said, by some interested Republicans, were

attempting to crowd through the Board of Public Improvements.

The contract would have bound the city for forty years to pay

to the Ramapo Company $70 per million gallons for 200,000,000

gallons of water daily. In his Message to the State

Legislature, January 2, 1901, Governor Odell thus referred to

the matter: "Under chapter 985 of the laws of 1895, as

amended, the Ramapo Water Company was given the power of

condemnation for the purpose of securing to it the water and

lands necessary for its purposes. During the year 1899 an

attempt was made to enter into a contract with this company by

the municipal board empowered to make such contracts. This

proposition, when presented to the citizens of New York, was

severely criticised by them, and the question of continued

municipal ownership of their water supply was thus brought to

their attention. The Legislature of 1900 enacted a law which

made the consummation of such a contract impossible without

the unanimous consent of those empowered to make such

contract. The ownership of water rights sufficient to provide

the city of New York with an ample supply of pure and

wholesome water should be entirely under the control and

direction of the municipality." Action on the subject was

taken by the Legislature, which, in March, repealed the Act of

1895, thus stripping the Ramapo Company of its extraordinary

powers.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (January-September).

The Rapid Transit Tunnel Contract.

Projected Tunnel to Brooklyn.

"The great project of underground rapid transit is now an

assured thing. A few months ago the prospect seemed very dark.

It is true that the rapid transit commissioners, a very able

and upright body of men, with the invaluable aid of a

distinguished engineer, Mr. Parsons, had a good while ago

decided on the route and the plans; but the way seemed blocked

by a series of semi-political and semi-legal difficulties. …

Suddenly these difficulties began to disappear. … The

financial plan adopted was that the city should provide the

money which a contractor would expend in building the road,

the contractor following the plans furnished by the city,

submitting to municipal inspection, and agreeing upon his part

to pay the interest on the bonds sold by the city to obtain

the money, and also to pay enough into a sinking fund to

provide for the ultimate redemption of the bonds. Bids were

called for on November 15, to be opened on January 15. … It

turned out that two well-known contractors were the only

bidders, and the award was given to Mr. John B. McDonald. His

bid was $35,000,000. The theory of this contract is that the

road is to be the property of the city, leased for fifty years

to the contractor, who is to pay a rental that will be large

enough so that the taxpayers will not have expended a penny. …

{325}

The main trunk line will start at the post-office (City Hall

Square) on the south and proceed northward along the spine of

Manhattan Island, following the general direction of Broadway

to Kingsbridge, a distance from the point of beginning of

twelve or thirteen miles. Near the upper end of Central Park,

at a distance of six or seven miles from the point of

beginning, a branch of the tunnel road will take a

northeasterly direction, terminating at Bronx Park, which is

about the same distance north as Kingsbridge, but several

miles further east. The road will have four tracks for six

miles of main line, two of which will be used for local trains

and two for express trains."

American Review of Reviews,

February, 1900.

Work on the great undertaking was begun promptly, and had made

great progress within the first twelve months.

In September, 1900, preliminary steps were taken toward the

construction of a connecting tunnel, under the East River, to

Brooklyn, and through the congested districts of the latter

borough. "At least three years will be necessary for the

preliminary work and actual construction before trains are

running. … Tentative estimates have been made, and these are

said to be from $8,000,000 to $10,000,000. … The route as

contemplated … starts in connection with the Manhattan

proposed tunnel at a point at or near the intersection of

Broadway and Park Row; thence under Broadway and Bowling Green

to Whitehall Street; under Whitehall Street to South Street;

thence under South Street to the East River, and under the

river, striking the Brooklyn shore at a point in Joralemon

Street between the East River and Furman Street, under

Joralemon Street to Fulton Street, to the Borough Hall, out

Fulton Street to Flatbush Avenue, and under this thoroughfare

to the railroad station. On the New York side the route

includes a loop to be built whose debouching point shall lie

between Bowling Green and Exchange Place in Broadway, running

under Broadway to Bowling Green, and thence under Bowling

Green to State Street, to and under Battery Park to Whitehall

Street, thence returning under Whitehall Street and Battery

Park to State Street and to Broadway. The construction calls

for two tracks, and avoids all grade crossings, each track to

have a separate tubular tunnel."

New York Times,

September 28, 1900.

On the 25th of January, 1901, announcement was published that

the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners had adopted a

resolution definitely providing for the extension of the Rapid

Transit Railroad to Brooklyn. The original plan of route in

Brooklyn had been chosen. The only change made was in

Manhattan. The trains would be run through State St. instead

of Whitehall, as formerly planned, with a loop at the Battery

for Manhattan trains.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (April-May).

Ecumenical Conference on Missions.

See (in this volume)

MISSIONS.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (June).

Great fire at the Hoboken piers.

See (in this volume)

HOBOKEN.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1901.

Revision of the charter.

Carefully as the Greater New York charter had been drawn, it

proved unsatisfactory in the working, in various respects, and

a commission to revise it was appointed in 1900. The report of

the commission was submitted to the Governor on the 1st of

December, and transmitted, with his approval, to the

Legislature in the following month. In the hands of the

Legislature, the bill embodying the revised charter underwent

considerable amendment, very much, it would seem, to its

detriment. It was passed by the Senate on the 3d of April and

by the Assembly on the 4th, and went to the Mayor of New York

for the submission to his judgment which the State

Constitution of New York requires. Some of the more important

changes in the charter made by the revision, as passed, are

the shortening of the mayor's term of office from four years

(which the revision commission had advised retaining) to two

years, with eligibility for re-election (which the commission

had advised against); an increase of the administrative powers

of the presidents of boroughs; abolition of the municipal

Council and creation of a Board of Aldermen of 73 members;

reorganization of various departments of the municipal

administration.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901 (March).

Offered gift of $5,200,000 to the Public Library

by Andrew Carnegie.

See (in this volume)

LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1894.

The revised Constitution.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

Passage of the Raines Liquor Law.

An Act for the regulation of the liquor traffic, which was and

is the subject of much controversy, was passed in March, 1896,

by the Legislature of the State of New York. From its author,

Senator John Raines, it has borne the name of the Raines Law.

It heavily increased the tax on the selling of liquor, raising

it to $800 on common "saloons" in the city of New York; to $650

in Brooklyn; to $500 in other cities having more than 50,000

and not more than 500,000 inhabitants; and to rates in lesser

cities and towns which ranged from 8100 to $350. It forbade

the licensing of any liquor shop within 200 feet of a

schoolhouse or a church, and also forbade the opening of any

new shop of that character in a residence district without

consent of two-thirds of the property owners. It prohibited

the sale of liquor on Sundays, except in hotels and clubs; but

this provision furnished a means of evasion which was speedily

brought into use. "Raines hotels" and "Raines Clubs," as they

were called, sprang into existence everywhere, sufficiently

answering the requirements of the law to escape its penalties.

These and other defects were considerably remedied by

amendments of the Act in April, 1897. It survived a powerful

attack in the Legislature at that time, the whole strength of

the leading cities in the State being brought against the law.

The country districts were generally united in supporting it,

partly on principle, and partly because of the extent to which

it lightened the burdens of taxation. By apportioning

two-thirds of the enormous revenue raised under the Act to the

towns, counties and cities in which it is collected, and

one-third to the state treasury, the Raines Law fortified

itself strongly in more than the moral sentiment of the

people. Under the Raines Law all local excise boards are

abolished, and the whole licensing and regulating of the

liquor traffic is placed under the supervision of a State

commissioner.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1897.

The Black Civil Service Law.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

{326}

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.

Primary Election Law.

An Act which aims to make the political party caucus for

nominating candidates, and for choosing delegates to

nominating conventions, a "primary election," conducted under

strict regulations of law and guarded by registration, was

passed by the New York State Legislature and signed by the

Governor March 23, 1898.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899.

New Civil Service Enactment.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (May).

Taxation of public franchises.

A measure of great importance, introducing a new and eminently

just principle in taxation, was carried through the

Legislature of New York in May, by the energetic influence of

Governor Roosevelt. Recommended by the Governor in a special

message on the 27th of March and passed in an unsatisfactory

form, a bill to provide for the taxing of public franchises

which did not promise successful working was being left on his

hands when the Legislature adjourned. He promptly called a

special session and renewed to it his urgent recommendations.

"I recommend," he said, "the enactment of a law which shall

tax all these franchises as realty, which shall provide for

the assessment of the tax by the Board of State Tax

Commissioners, and which shall further provide that from the

tax thus levied for the benefit of each locality, there shall

be deducted the tax as now paid by the corporation in

question. Furthermore, as the time for assessing the largest

and wealthiest corporations, those of New York and Buffalo,

has passed for this year, and as it will be preferable not to

have the small country corporations taxed before the larger

corporations of the city are taxed, I suggest that the

operations of the law be deferred until October 1, of this

year."

Within a few days, the desired bill was passed by both Houses

of the Legislature, signed by the Governor and became a law.

The public franchises to which it relates are defined in its

first section, as follows:

"The terms 'land,' 'real estate,' and 'real property,' as used

in this chapter, include the land itself above and under

water, all buildings and other articles and structures,

substructures, and superstructures, erected upon, under or

above, or affixed to the same; all wharves and piers,

including the value of the right to collect wharfage, cranage,

or dockage thereon; all bridges, all telegraph lines, wires,

poles, and appurtenances; all supports and inclosures for

electrical conductors and other appurtenances upon, above, and

underground; all surface, underground, or elevated railroads,

including the value of all franchises, rights, or permission

to construct, maintain, or operate the same in, under, above,

on, or through streets, highways, or public places; all

railroad structures, substructures, and superstructures,

tracks, and the iron thereon, branches, switches, and other

fixtures permitted or authorized to be made, laid, or placed

on, upon, above, or under any public or private road, street,

or grounds; all mains, pipes, and tanks laid or placed in,

upon, above, or under any public or private street or place

for conducting steam, heat, water, oil, electricity, or any

property, substance or product capable of transportation or

conveyance therein, or that is protected thereby, including

the value of all franchises, rights, authority, or permission

to construct, maintain, or operate in, under, above, upon, or

through any streets, highways, or public places, any mains,

pipes, tanks, conduits, or wires, with their appurtenances,

for conducting water, steam, heat, light, power, gas, oil, or

other substance, or electricity for telegraphic, telephonic,

or other purposes; all trees and underwood growing upon land,

and all mines, minerals, quarries, and fossils in and under

the same, except mines belonging to the state. A franchise,

right, authority, or permission, specified in this

subdivision, shall, for the purpose of taxation, be known as a

special franchise. A special franchise shall be deemed to

include the value of the tangible property of a person,

co-partnership, association, or corporation, situated in,

upon, under, or above any street, highway, public place, or

public waters in connection with the special franchise. The

tangible property so included shall be taxed as a part of the

special franchise."

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY:

The Hall of Fame for Great Americans.

See (in this volume)

HALL OF FAME.

----------NEW ZEALAND: Start--------

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

Democratic experiments.

Labor laws and the land system.

Compulsory industrial arbitration and its working.

"I have been a studious observer of every phase of social life

and legislative change that has taken place in this colony

during the past seven years," wrote U. S. Consul Connolly, at

Auckland, in July, 1896. "I arrived at the very beginning of

the experimental era—and it is no misnomer to call much of the

legislation of the past few years experimental in the truest

sense [see, also (in this volume), AUSTRALIA: RECENT

EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY]. But while it is so, there is a most

gratifying feature which compensates for the violence done to

the feelings of those whose motto has been 'let us permit

matters to remain as they are, they suit us well enough.' That

the legislative innovations of the immediate past have shocked

the sensibilities of a large number of prominent and

well-to-do colonists is unquestionably true, but, at the same

time, as against any inconvenience they may have experienced

on this account, there is the fact of increased prosperity in

nearly every branch of trade and industrial life throughout

the country, farm products are fetching satisfactory prices,

manufacturing industries are running full time and paying good

wages and fair interest on the capital invested, labor is

remuneratively employed, interest on money has fallen from 6

and 7 per cent to 4 and 5 per cent (this of itself, is

sufficient to prove that money is abundant). Millions of

English capital are flowing in for the development of the gold

fields of the colony, and the credit of the country at no

period of its history stood so high on the English market as

it does to-day.

{327}

I may also mention that, through the genuine encouragement

given by the Government to the small-farmer class, the waste

lands of the country are being rapidly taken up wherever land

is found suitable for farming or grazing purposes.

Notwithstanding the admitted prosperity of the colony and the

fact that the Government have had a substantial surplus over

expenditure now for a number of years, the national debt

continues to increase. But the increased indebtedness is not

of the usual character, for the reason that the country has

security for nearly all the money borrowed in recent years.

Money had to be borrowed under Government guaranty to save the

Bank of New Zealand from closing its doors. This was done to

avert financial disaster. …

"Money has been borrowed to purchase large estates for the

purposes of settlement. Those who take up land under this

system, as already stated, pay an annual rental sufficient to

cover the interest on the purchase money and the cost of

administration. The land is always vested in the Government

and this must be regarded as a good asset. One million and a

Half sterling was borrowed last year in England at 3 per cent

per annum. This £1,500,000 loan is called the ' advances to

settlers loan.' This money is lent out to farmers at 4 per

cent per annum. … I need scarcely add that the large

landholders, the mortgage companies, and the money lenders

generally did not favor this kind of legislation, particularly

the cheap advances to settlers, but their opposition was utterly

futile. With the advent of the one-man-one-vote and the

extension of the franchise to women, the power of corporate

wealth in this country appears to have been irrevocably

destroyed. Whether this be for good or evil, I am not, of

course, in a position to say. I can say, however, that no ill

effects of the change are apparent up to the present; on the

contrary, the country is more prosperous and at least as

honestly and as economically administered as it was under the

old régime.

"To say that this country is, in my opinion, more truly

democratic than any country in the world would be merely

stating a simple truth; and to say that the present Government

is a workingman's Government is equally true. A great deal of

the legislation of recent years, however, is in advance of the

requirements and ideas of the people, with the result that

some of it has proved to be annoying and irksome to many. This

is especially true of some of the labor laws. The Government

are honestly endeavoring to place the masses in possession of

their legitimate rights with as little friction as possible,

and at the same time with due regard to vested interests and

the propriety of things generally. But while struggling thus

with the duties and responsibilities of their official

positions, the members of the Ministry are torn asunder by the

clamorous and impracticable demands of the unreasonable and

irresponsible. The sympathies of the Government are

unmistakably with the people, but the honor, the dignity, and

the welfare of the country will not permit them to depart from

a course too inconsistent with the sense of obligation, fair

dealing, integrity, and responsibility which are the admitted

characteristics and duty of all civilized governments. The

great danger at the present moment is too much legislation in

one direction. This is the one thing wherein the Government

find it really hard to resist the demands of organized labor.

There is, however, a very gratifying disposition manifesting

itself among the more reasonable members of the labor

societies to let well enough alone for the present—a

disposition it is much to be hoped may extend throughout the

whole body of the workers. If not, I have no hesitation in

predicting a serious revulsion of public sentiment and

sympathy within the next few years."

United States Consular Reports,

January, 1897, page 35.

"Australian experience seems in many ways to prove the value

of our system of written constitutions, to be construed and

enforced by the courts. The effect on the minds of

ill-informed legislators of the knowledge that they can do

anything for which they can get a majority, is naturally to

beget extravagance and an overweening sense of power, and lead

to excessive experimentation. … It is in devices for the

protection of labor that most of this experimentation occurs.

New Zealand affords the best example of it. It provides

elaborate legal protection for the eight-hour day. A workman

cannot consent to work overtime without extra pay. The state

sees that he gets the extra pay. It looks closely after the

condition of women and children in the factories. It sees that

servant girls are not overcharged by the registry offices for

getting them places. It prescribes one half-holiday a week for

all persons employed in stores and offices, and sees that they

take it. It will not allow even a shopkeeper who has no

employees to dispense with his half-holiday; because if he

does not take it, his competition will injure those who do.

The 'labor department' of the government has an army of

inspectors, who keep a close watch on stores and factories,

and prosecute violations of the law which they themselves

discover. They do not wait for complaints; they ferret out

infractions, so that the laborer may not have to prejudice

himself by making charges. The department publishes a

'journal' once a month, which gives detailed reports of the

condition of the labor market in all parts of the colony, and

of the prosecutions which have taken place anywhere of

employers who have violated the law. It provides insurance for

old age and early death, and guarantees every policy. It gives

larger policies for lower premiums than any of the private

offices, and depreciates the private offices in its documents.

It distributes the profits of its business as bonuses among the

policy-holders, and keeps a separate account for teetotalers,

so that they may get special advantages from their abstinence.

The 'journal' is, in fact, in a certain sense a labor manual,

in which everything pertaining to the comfort of labor is

freely discussed. The poor accommodation provided for servants

in hotels and restaurants is deplored, and so is the

difficulty which middle-aged men have in finding employment.

More attention to the morals and manners of nursemaids is

recommended. All the little dodges of employers are exposed

and punished. If they keep the factory door fastened, they are

fined. If housekeepers pretend that their servants are

lodgers, and therefore not liable to a compulsory

half-holiday, they are fined. If manufacturers are caught

allowing girls to take their meals in a workshop, they are

fined.

{328}

"As far as I can make out, too, without visiting the country,

there is as yet no sign of reaction against this minute

paternal care of the laborer. The tendency to use the powers

of the government chiefly for the promotion of the comfort of

the working classes, whether in the matter of land settlement,

education, or employment, seems to undergo no diminution. The

only thing which has ceased, or slackened, is the borrowing of

money for improvements. The results of this borrowing have

been so disastrous that the present generation, at least, will

hardly try that experiment again."

E. L. Godkin,

The Australian Democracy

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1898).

NEW ZEALAND:

Labor Laws.

Compulsory industrial arbitration.

"There is not in any other country in the world a more

valuable or more enlightened body of Labour laws than those

now upon the statute book of this progressive colony. They

cover almost every risk to life, limb, health, and interest of

the industrial classes. They send the law, as it were,

everywhere a worker is employed for daily wages to fling the

shield of the state over him or her in the labour of

livelihood. The bare enumeration of these laws will indicate

the far-reaching ground they cover:—The Coal Mines Act, the

Master and Apprentices Act, the Conspiracy Law Amendment Act,

the Trade Union Act, the Servant's Registry Offices Act (for

the protection of servant girls against the risks of dishonest

offices of that kind), Contractors and Workmen's Lien Act,

three amended Employer's Liability Acts, three amended

Shipping and Seamen's Acts, two Shops and Shop-assistants

Acts, the Factories Act, and the Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act of 1894. … The Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act, passed in 1894 … has attracted much attention

outside New Zealand. An Act with a similar purpose, but

permissive in its operations, was passed … in the New South

Wales Legislature in 1892. It was limited in duration to four

years, and was not a success. The New Zealand bill was more

skilfully drawn, and, possessing the element of a gentle

compulsion, has so far achieved its aim. The Act begins by

inviting all parties to join 'in lawful association for the

purpose of protecting or furthering the interests of employers

or workmen in, or in connection with, any industry in the

colony.' Such parties as accept the legal invitation are

allowed to register themselves as 'an industrial union,' and

this step once taken they are enticed on through a network of

solicitations, provisions, and safeguards, until they find

themselves, almost without knowing it, agreeing to everything

that follows. Trades Unions, or any other labour organization,

or any combination of employers, can register as individual

bodies without a mixed association of workers and employers.

Once registered, they are in the network of arbitration:—'The

effect of registration shall be to render the industrial

union, and all persons who may be members of any society or

trade union, so registered as an industrial union at the time

of registration, or who after such registration may become

members of any society or trade union so registered, subject

to the jurisdiction by this Act given to a Board and the Court

respectively, and liable to all the provisions of this Act,

and all such persons shall be bound by the rules of the

industrial union during the continuance of the membership.' …

'Every industrial agreement duly made and executed shall be

binding on the parties thereto, and on every person who at any

time during the term of such agreement is a member of any

industrial union, trade union, or association party thereto,

and on every employer who shall in the prescribed manner

signify to the Registrar of the Supreme Court where such

agreement is filed concurrence therein, and every such

employer shall be entitled to the benefit thereof, and be

deemed to be a party thereto.' … 'In and for every district

there shall be established a Board of Conciliation, to have

jurisdiction for the settlement of industrial disputes

occurring in such district, which may be referred to it by one

or more of the parties to an industrial dispute, or by

industrial agreement.' … 'Every Board shall consist of such

equal number of persons as the Governor may determine, being

not more than six nor less than four persons, who shall be

chosen by the industrial unions of employers and of workmen in

the industrial district respectively, such unions voting

separately, and electing an equal number of such members.' …

Should this body itself be unable to come to a satisfactory

decision it may refer the matter in question to a small

committee of its members fairly representing each side. If a

settlement or reconciliation be unattainable in this way,

either party to the dispute can appeal to the Court of

Arbitration, which is constituted as follows:—'There shall be

one Court of Arbitration for the whole colony for the

settlement of industrial disputes pursuant to this Act. … The

Court shall consist of three members to be appointed by the

Governor, one to be so appointed on the recommendation of the

councils or a majority of the councils of the industrial

associations of workmen in the colony, and one to be so

appointed on the recommendation of the councils or a majority

of the councils of the industrial associations of employers of

the colony.' … 'No recommendation shall be made as to the

third member, who shall be a Judge of the Supreme Court, and

shall be appointed from time to time by the Governor, and

shall be President of the Court.'"

M. Davitt,

Life and Progress in Australasia,

chapter 68.

Honorable W. P. Reeves, lately Agent-General of New Zealand in

England, but who was Minister of Education and Labor in New

Zealand from 1891 to 1896, and who is looked upon as the

principal author of the industrial arbitration laws in that

colony, wrote, during the summer of 1900, on the working of

those laws, in an article contributed to the "London Express,"

as follows:

"The arbitration law has been in constant use in New Zealand

for about four years and a half. During those years there has

never been a time when there has not been a dispute pending

before one or other of the Conciliation Boards or the Central

Arbitration Court. Writing, as I do, at some distance from

London, I cannot say from memory what the exact number of

disputes finally adjusted has been; but, so far, they cannot

be less than sixty or seventy. Most of these have been

carried, on appeal from some Conciliation Board, to the

Arbitration Court and settled there. In about two cases out of

seven the Conciliation Boards have been able successfully to

arrange the disputes. Even where they have not done so, it by

no means follows that their labors have been useless. Very

often the appeal to the Arbitration Court is merely on one or

two points out of many involved, and the advice of the

Conciliation Board is accepted on the others. Often, too, most

of the parties to a dispute have been ready to accept a board's

suggestions, but it has needed the firm hand of the

Arbitration Court to bring one or two stubborn men to

acquiescence.

{329}

"The process may be tedious, but it is not costly. Lawyers are

not employed as counsel before either the boards or the court

unless all parties to the action agree thereto, and they very

seldom do agree. A firm of employers may appear by a manager

or accredited representative, a trade union is usually

represented by its Secretary or other official. During the

hearing, of course, the factories concerned remain open, and

work goes on as usual. Employers are secured not only against

a dead stop of business, but against the meaner kinds of

competition of undercutting rivals. In the organized trades

all the shops of a district have to keep the same hours and

pay the same wages. No man may filch trade from a neighbor by

sweating his own people. The fair-minded employer now knows

where he is, and is freed from many anxieties.

"For six years there has virtually been neither strike nor

lockout in New Zealand. All these, except the first, have been

years of remarkable and increasing prosperity. During the time

of depression which came before them, wages had fallen. With

improving times employers would have been faced by resolute

demands from trade unions for a return to former high rates of

pay, and had there been no arbitration system in working order

a series of very bitter conflicts must have ensued. This has

been avoided. Workmen and workwomen have gained notable

advances of pay, and also improved conditions as to hours of

labor and otherwise. But this has come about gradually, and

only after careful and painstaking inquiry. Many of the

demands of labor have been refused; many more have been

modified. In no case has an industry been throttled or

crippled. Not only can we claim that no factory has been

closed for a single day in New Zealand by labor war, but we

can claim that the peace thus obtained has not been bought at

the dear price of hampered industry and discouraged

enterprise.

"When the Arbitration act came into operation the number of

hands returned as employed in the registered factories was

about 26,000. It is now not far short of 50,000. A percentage

of this striking increase may be due to more thorough

registration. Far the larger part of it represents an actual

increase of industry. During these years the imports and

exports of the colony have grown apace. The revenue received

from the customs, from the income tax, from the stamps, and

the railways has risen in each case rapidly. Employment from

being scarce has grown plentiful. Building has been brisk in

all centres of population. The marriage rate has gone up. In a

word, New Zealand shows all the signs which we connect with a

highly prosperous country. It would be too much to claim that

this is chiefly due to the working of the Arbitration act. It

is perfectly fair, however, to claim that the Arbitration act

and the improved condition of labor, and of confidence which

it has brought about, have had some share in leading up to

this happy state of things.

"It is frequently asked, How could you possibly enforce an

award of the Arbitration Court upon an employer or a union

stubbornly determined to go to all lengths rather than obey

it? In the first place, for nearly five years the law has been

in constant use without a single exhibition of this desperate

resistance. That alone should be evidence of some weight that

such a duel is not likely in a British community. It is quite

true that an employer could go out of business rather than

obey an award, and that the court could not prevent him from

doing so. But employers are not given to ruining themselves

merely because they may not like the decision of an impartial

tribunal. It is suggested that the decision itself might be

ruinous. There need be no fear of that. Experience has shown

that if arbitrators err at all it is almost invariably in the

direction of overcaution. They may show too great a desire to

'split the difference'; they are not in the least likely to

impose intolerable conditions either upon masters or men. An

employer who has the choice between accepting a legal decision

arrived at after painstaking inquiry, and being taken into

court and fined, will almost always accept the decision. In a

very few cases he may run the risk of being fined once, but he

will not lay himself open to a second penalty. That is the New

Zealand experience.

"On the other hand, it has been flatly declared that the court

cannot coerce trade unions. Vivid pictures have been painted

of the tragic absurdity of endeavoring to collect fines from

trade unionists by distraining on the goods of poor workmen

whose union is without funds, and who are themselves

penniless. The answer to that is that poverty-stricken unions,

composed of penniless workers, are only too thankful to accept

the decision of a State tribunal. They cannot strike against a

powerful employer; much less can they hope to starve out a

court of arbitration. Its decision may not altogether please

them, but it is all they are likely to get. The Arbitration

Court, therefore, is as potent to deal with trade unions as

with employers. Wealthy unions it can fine. Penniless unions

are helpless to fight it. Finally, at its back is the mighty

force of public opinion, which is sick of labor wars and

determined that the experiment of judicial adjustment shall

have a full and fair trial."

The full text of the New Zealand "Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act" is published in pamphlet form by the United

States Department of Labor, and appeared also in one of the

Bulletins of the Department, in 1900.

NEW ZEALAND:

Land system.

"The Crown lands of New Zealand are administered under 'the

land act, 1892,' and the regulations made thereunder. The

distinguishing features of the present land system are the

outcome of ideas which have been gradually coming to maturity

for some years past in this colony. These features involve the

principle of State ownership of the soil, with a perpetual

tenancy in the occupier. This, whatever may be the difference

in detail, is the prevailing characteristic of the several

systems under which land may now be selected. In New Zealand,

this tendency to State ownership has taken a more pronounced

form than in any other of the Australasian colonies, and the

duration of the leases has become so extended as to warrant

the name, frequently given to them, of 'everlasting leases.'

In point of fact, most of the Crown lands are now disposed of

for terms of 999 years. The rentals are based on the assessed

value of the land at the time of disposal, without increase or

recurring valuations.

{330}

Under this system there is a fixity of tenure practically

equal to freehold, and which, like freehold, necessarily

carries with it the power of sale, sub-lease, mortgage, or

disposition by will. Since all lands held under the Crown 'by

lease in perpetuity' are subject to the land tax, the

necessity for the periodical revaluations under the

perpetual-lease system is done away with, the State reaping

the advantage of the unearned increment through the

before-mentioned tax. At the same time, the improvements made

in the soil by cultivation, etc., are secured to the tenant.

"The advantages of this system to the selector are manifest.

When it is taken into consideration that, with few exceptions,

the Crown lands are, in their prairie condition, incapable of

producing anything until brought into cultivation, the

advantage to the settler of setting free his capital to

develop the capabilities of the soil, rather than having to

expend it in the purchase of a freehold, is very apparent. One

of the most striking benefits of this system is the advantage

it gives to the poor man, who, with little more capital than

his strong right arm, is enabled to make a home for himself,

which, under the freehold system, he is frequently unable to

accomplish. The values placed on the Crown lands are, as a

rule, low, for the State does not so much seek to raise a

revenue directly therefrom as to encourage the occupation of

the lands by the people; this secures indirectly an increased

revenue, besides other advantages, resulting from a numerous

rural population.

"Again, underlying the whole of the New Zealand land system is

a further application of the principle of 'the land for the

people,' viz, the restriction in area which any man may hold.

This subject has been forced upon the attention of the

legislature by defects in former systems, under which one

individual with means at his command could appropriate large

areas, to the exclusion of his poorer fellow-settler. Under

conditions where the price at which the land is offered is

fixed and where choice of selection is by ballot, the poor

settler has the same chance as the rich one and may, should he

wish it, hold as much land. The limit that a selector may hold

is so fixed as to encourage the class of small farmers, and up to

that limit the amount he may select is left entirely to

himself. The act defines the amount of land anyone may select

at 640 acres of first-class or 2,000 acres of second-class

land, inclusive of any land he may already hold. These limits

apply to lands which are thrown open for 'free selection,' as

it is termed, but in some cases, where found desirable, the

limit is by regulation made much smaller.

"In addition to the many advantages offered by the

'lease-in-perpetuity' system, the land act provides others to

meet the wants of different classes. The rule is almost

invariable that land thrown open for so-called 'free

selection' is offered to the public under three different

tenures, and the choice left entirely to the would-be settler.

The three tenures are:

(1) For cash, in which one-fourth of the purchase-money is

paid down at once, and the remainder within thirty days. The

title does not issue until certain improvements have been made

on the land.

(2) Lease with a purchasing clause, at a 5-per-cent rental on

the value of the land; the lease being for twenty-five years,

with the right to purchase at the original upset price at any

time after the first ten years.

(3) Lease in perpetuity, at a rental of 4 per cent on the

capital value, as already described above.

"The present [1895] land laws have been in force since the 1st

of November, 1892, and, therefore, the returns of the

Department of Lands and Survey for the year ending the 31st of

March, 1895, will give a fair idea of the proportions in which

lands are selected under the three tenures above described

during the past two and a half years. The figures given below

include the 'special settlements,' all of which must by law be

held on lease in perpetuity:

(1) Selected for cash, 1,542; area, 110,570 acres.

(2) Occupation with right of purchase, 1,060; area, 236,270

acres.

(3) Lease in perpetuity, 3,224; area, 634,086 acres.

"'The land act, 1892,' provides for a special class of

settlement, which has found favor with the public to a very

considerable extent during the last two years. This is known

as the 'small-farm association' system. It provides that,

where not less than twelve individuals have associated

themselves together for mutual help, such an association can,

with the approval of the Minister of Lands, select a block of

land of not more than 11,000 acres, but there must be a

selector to each 200 acres in the block. The extreme limit

that one person may hold is fixed at 320 acres. Settlements of

this class are held on 'lease in perpetuity' for 999 years, in

the same way as lands under the same tenure when thrown open

for free selection. The conditions of residence and

improvements are the same."

S. Percy Smith,

in New Zealand Official Year-Book, 1895

(reprinted in United States Consular Reports,

January, 1897, page 4).

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899.

Old-Age Pension Act.

In the winter of 1899 an old-age pension act was added to the

radical legislation of New Zealand. The Agent-General for New

Zealand in England has described the measure in a review

article, as follows: "As finally licked into shape, the act is

one for giving a small pension to the poorest section of aged

colonists without any contribution on their part whatever.

Briefly summarized, its effect will be that any New

Zealander—man or woman—who has come to the age of sixty-five,

after living not less than twenty-five years in New Zealand,

shall be entitled to 6s. 11d. a week, or £18 a year. The full

pension is to be paid to those whose income from any source is

less than £34. When the private income is above £34 a year £1

is deducted from the pension for every £1 of such excess

income. When, therefore, the private income is large enough to

be £18 a year in excess of £34 no state pension is paid. In

other words, no one who has an income of £52 a year is

entitled to even a fraction of the pension. A rather more

elaborate portion of the act deals with deductions to be made

from the pension where the applicant for it is possessed of

accumulated property. Under this the applicant's real and

personal property are assessed, and his debts, if any, are

subtracted from the total value thereof. Then he is allowed to

own £325 without suffering any deduction therefor. After that

he loses £1 of pension for every £15 worth of accumulated

property. The result is that any one possessed of £600 worth

of accumulated property ceases to be entitled to any allowance

whatever. Men and women are equally entitled to the pension, and

where a husband and wife are living together their property or

income is divided by two for the purpose of the calculations

above mentioned. That is to say, their united income must

amount to £104 or their united property to £1,200 before they

are altogether disentitled to any part of the pension. They

may have, between them, an income of £68, or as much as £650

of property, and yet be entitled to draw their respective

pensions in full."

{331}

The government is only authorized to pay the required amounts

during three years from the passage of the Act, after which

Parliament will have to decide on its continuance or

amendment. Mr. Reeves expects that "the opposition will, more

or less in unison, submit a rival old-age pension scheme to

the constituencies. One of their prominent members, Mr. George

Hutchison, indicated in the debate on the third reading of the

measure scheme which some think will be generally adopted by

his party. This is to draw a distinction between the older

poor of the colony now living and the younger generation of

colonists. All now over fifty years of age are to be permitted

as they attain sixty-five to take advantage of Mr. Seddon's

act without let or hindrance. But for the younger people a

contributory scheme is to be drawn up, under which they would

have to pay some such sum as sixpence a week, to go in aid of

a substantial pension in their old age. Whatever may be

thought of the economic merits of such a scheme, it might

conceivably be expected at election-time to disarm the

hostility of the aged poor to any such interference with their

prospects under the present system as would be entailed by a

complete repeal of the Seddon act."

National Review, February, 1899.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (March).

Looking towards federation with Australia.

New Zealand did not take part in the movements which led to

the federation of the Australian colonies in the Commonwealth

of Australia, but watched them with evident interest and a

final wakening of inclination to be joined in union with them.

When the Act of the Imperial Parliament "to constitute the

Commonwealth of Australia" was under discussion in England

(see, in this volume, AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900), the

Agent-General for New Zealand in London addressed to the

Colonial Office (March 30, 1900) the following Memorandum,

which explains the attitude of that colony towards the

federation movement in Australia: "The Government of New

Zealand desires to secure the insertion of certain amendments

in the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Bill shortly to

be laid before the Imperial Parliament. These amendments are

three in number. The first of them is, in effect, that New

Zealand should preserve the right of joining the proposed

Commonwealth of Australia on the same terms as the original

States now about to be united in such Commonwealth. The second

is, that while New Zealand remains outside the Commonwealth,

litigants in her higher Courts, though reserving the right

they now possess to appeal to the Queen in Council, should, as

an alternative, have the right to appeal to the High Court of

Australia on paying the fees and complying with the rules of

that tribunal. The third amendment is, that the Australian

Commonwealth and the Colony of New Zealand should be empowered

to make the necessary arrangements to employ their naval and

military forces for mutual aid and defence, including

operations outside their own boundaries, and for that purpose

to co-operate in forming a homogeneous Australasian force.

"The importance of the first amendment to New Zealand is

great. The Colony is divided from Australia by 1,200 miles of

unbroken sea. It still takes from four to five days for

persons quitting New Zealand to reach any port in Australia.

Though a large and valuable trade is carried on between the

two countries, and though New Zealand is linked to Australia,

not merely by financial ties, but by bonds of intercourse,

cordial friendship, and sympathy, she has also vital and

separate interests. Many, also, of the leading matters on

which the discussions on Federation in Australia during the

last 12 years have turned are topics with which the New

Zealand people is almost unacquainted. It is therefore only to

be expected that the Colony should watch the Federal movement

with caution and reserve. It is also true that, until June of

last year, New Zealand was unable to judge as to the

intentions of the great Colony of New South Wales with regard

to the Commonwealth Bill. It was not until the month of

September that Queensland decided to enter the Commonwealth;

Western Australia has not even yet done so. And it was

directly after the decision of Queensland had become known

that, in response to a request from Sir John Forrest, the

leading statesmen of Australia intimated that, in their

opinion, it was impossible to consider any further amendments

of the Commonwealth Bill. From that moment the only course

left open to New Zealand has been that now taken. About that

time there appeared in New Zealand evidences of the growth of

a feeling in the Colony in favour of a closer union with

Australia. This was on the eve of the general elections, and

Mr. Seddon, the Prime Minister, then defined his position,

stating that the future relations of New Zealand with

Australia were a matter for education and careful examination:

that for himself he kept an open mind, but that prudent

deliberation was advisable. At the general elections which

took place in December last, Mr. Seddon was returned to power

with an unusually large majority. It may therefore very safely

be assumed that this cautious but not hostile attitude fairly

represents the present view of the people of the Colony. Some

stress may be laid on the foregoing facts in view of the

possible objection that New Zealand's action now comes too

late. The Colony virtually asks that, in view of its position

of distance and difficulty, it should have more time given it

to make up its mind than has been found necessary by colonies

which are contiguous or almost so. If it should be proposed to

fix a limit of time to this, that would clearly be a matter

for reasonable consideration.

"In so far as the second amendment would give certain New

Zealand litigants a right of resort to the High Court of

Australia, it is scarcely likely to meet with objection in

Australia unless on the general ground that no amendment

whatever of the Commonwealth Bill is now desirable. In the

event of the amendment being admitted, it is obvious that

certain precautions might have to be taken to conserve the

existing rights of New Zealand litigants, and also to prevent

clashing of appeals, but doubtless these could be provided

for. The third amendment, that providing for a species of

partial federation for purposes of defence and mutual

assistance, seems not only desirable but unobjectionable in

every way.

{332}

It does not propose that any kind of compulsion should be

applied to either the Commonwealth or New Zealand: it merely

empowers them to make such arrangements as may be deemed

mutually advantageous. At present it seems more than doubtful

whether either the Commonwealth or the Colony has the power to

make simple, binding and effective arrangements which would

involve operations and expenditure outside their own

boundaries, and under which each would have to act so as to

affect colonists not subject to their respective

jurisdictions. Recent events have clearly shown that the time

has passed by for regarding the military forces of a colony as

something never to be employed outside of its own boundaries. I

need not point out that such a co-operation would be of value

not only to Australia and New Zealand, but to the Empire which

both are so anxious to serve."

The reply of the Colonial Office to this Memorandum set forth

that its suggestions had been submitted to the delegates of

the federating colonies and did not meet their approval. "They

pointed out that during the period of grace proposed to be

allowed circumstances might arise which would cause grave

embarrassment to the Commonwealth if it were open to New

Zealand to claim admission on the same terms as the original

States, and that Article 121 of the draft Bill provided

sufficiently for the admission of New Zealand at any time upon

such conditions as might be found mutually acceptable to the

Colony and the Commonwealth." It was added that "the suggested

amendments as to the appeal from New Zealand Courts to the

High Court of Australia, and the arrangements for mutual

defence, would, if undertaken now, lead to great delay, and

involve a fresh referendum to the people of the Federating

Colonies, while there does not appear to be any probability

that the Federation would not favourably entertain any

proposals of the kind, if put forward after Federation."

In the Constitution Act as passed, however, New Zealand is

mentioned specifically among the "States" to which its

provisions may apply, though not included in what relates to

the "Original States."

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command:

Cd. 158, 1900, pages 30-31, and 51).

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (October).

Annexation of the Cook Islands.

A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from Rarotonga,

the largest of the Cook (or Hervey) Islands, on the 10th of

October, 1900, reported the arrival there of the Earl of

Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, for the purpose of

effecting the annexation of the islands to that colony, in

accordance with the expressed wish of the natives. "Lord

Ranfurly," he writes, "landed this morning, and, as the

representative of her Majesty, addressed the Arikis, or high

chiefs, on the question of annexation, for which they had

asked. This is his second visit to the island, and he

congratulated the people on now finding such a satisfactory

condition of affairs in Rarotonga. He expressed pleasure at

their liberality in subscribing so large a sum of money for

the relief of those families who, in the fortunes of the war

in South Africa, might lose their main support, and in sending

one of their representative residents to represent them on the

field of battle. All this and much more about the interest

they took in the British Empire the Queen was aware of, and

their petition for annexation had been laid at the foot of the

Throne and duly considered. He urged them, however, to

consider carefully their decision in this matter, and,

further, that it should be arrived at of their own free and

untrammelled will. He had heard from the British Resident that

the high chiefs and all the people wanted annexation, but he

wished to hear it from their own lips. It would then remain

but for them to perform the act of cession to her Majesty, and

for him formally to annex the group, hoisting the British

flag, and proclaiming that from henceforth they were part of

the British Empire whose prestige and honour they would from

that moment share. The high chiefs unanimously agreed to

annexation. … There are 2,300 Maoris on this island and 70

Europeans. All are intensely loyal to Queen Victoria. The

island was discovered in 1823 by Messrs. Williams and Bourne,

two officers of the London Mission Society, which for many

years has had its headquarters for the Eastern Pacific located

here. The volcanic soil of the island is marvellously fertile,

coffee, cocoa, cotton, oranges, limes, cocoanuts and many

other tropic fruits and trees growing without almost any

cultivation. A British protectorate was declared over the

group by Captain Bourke, of H. M. S. Hyacinth, in 1888. Since

1892 the interests of the protectorate have been guarded and

directed by a British Resident, paid by the New Zealand

Government, so that the islands will now probably be included

within the boundaries of that colony. Nearly the whole of the

trade is with New Zealand. There are six islands in the group

annexed [700 miles southeast of Samoa] the total population of

which is about 4,500." The "Times," commenting on the

annexation, remarked: "The New Zealand Legislature has passed

resolutions expressing its desire that the Suwaroff Island, to

the north of the Cook group and about half-way to the Penrhyn

group, should also be annexed to the colony. This island,

although thinly inhabited, is said to possess one of the best

ports in that part of the Pacific. The only quarter from which

any protest against the acquisition of the Cook Islands has

come so far seems to be New South Wales, which fears the

influence of the introduction of the New Zealand tariff on its

trade with that place."

----------NEW ZEALAND: End--------

NIAGARA, Electric power at.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

NICARAGUA.

Nicaragua Canal.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA; also,

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC; and

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

NICHOLAS II. OF RUSSIA:

Coronation.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (MAY-JUNE).

NICHOLSON'S NEK, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

NIFFER,

NUFFAR, Explorations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

{333}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

History of the formation of the Niger Coast Protectorate.

Conventions of Great Britain with Germany and France.

Settlement of the boundary of the French Sudan and

Sahara Sphere.

The following "Notes on the Niger Districts and Niger Coast

Protectorates, 1882-1893," tracing the several steps by which

the existing Protectorate was formed, appear in a paper

"presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her

Majesty, 1899 (C.—9372)":

"In 1882 a Company, entitled the 'National African Company,

Limited,' was formed to take over the business of the 'United

Africa Company, Limited,' in Central Africa and in the Niger

Regions. In October, 1884, the Company purchased the business

and objects of the 'Compagnie Française de l'Afrique

Equatoriale.' In the same year various treaties were concluded

between Consul Hewett and native chiefs of the Niger Districts,

by which these territories were placed under British

protection. On the 26th February, 1885, the General Act of the

Berlin Conference was signed, Chapter V. of which contained an

'Act of Navigation for the Niger,' which applied, generally,

to the Niger and its affluents the free navigation articles of

the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 1815. In

April-June, 1885, the British and German Governments entered

into an Agreement, by an exchange of Notes, defining their

respective spheres of action in the Gulf of Guinea. By this

Agreement Germany engaged not to make acquisition, accept

Protectorates, or interfere with the extension of British

influence in that part of the Gulf of Guinea lying between the

right river bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey entering the

sea between 8° 42' and 8° 46' longitude east of Greenwich and

the British colony of Lagos, nor in the interior, to west of a

line following the right river bank of the Rio del Rey from

the said mouth to its source, thence striking direct to the

left river bank of the Old Calabar or Cross River, and

terminating, after crossing that river, at the point about 9°

8' of longitude east of Greenwich, marked 'Rapids' on the

English Admiralty chart.

"On the 5th June, 1885, a Notification was inserted in the

'London Gazette' to the effect that a British Protectorate had

been established over the Niger Districts; the territories

comprised within the Protectorate were defined to be—the line

of coast between the British Protectorate of Lagos, and the

right or western bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey; and

also the territories on both banks of the Niger, from its

confluence with the River Benué at Lukoja to the sea, as well

as the territories on both banks of the River Benué, from the

confluence up to and including Ibi. On the 10th July, 1886, a

Royal Charter was granted to the 'National African Company,

Limited.' In July-August, 1886, a Supplementary Agreement was

entered into between the British and German Governments

defining their respective spheres of action in the Gulf of

Guinea from the Rio del Rey to a point to the east and near to

Yola. On the 18th October, 1887, another Notification was

inserted in the 'London Gazette,' in which it was stated that

the British Protectorate of the Niger Districts then comprised

the following territories:—On the line of coast between the

British Protectorate of Lagos and the right or western river

bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey, and all territories in

the basin of the Niger and its affluents, which were or might

be for the time being subject to the government of the

'National African Company, Limited' (then called the 'Royal

Niger Company'), in accordance with the provisions of the

Charter of the said Company, dated 10th July, 1886.

"On the 5th August, 1890, a Declaration was signed by the

British and French Governments, which contained the following

clause:—'The Government of Her Britannic Majesty recognises

the sphere of influence of France to the south of her

Mediterranean Possessions up to a line from Say on the Niger

to Barrawa on Lake Tchad, drawn in such manner as to comprise

in the sphere of action of the Niger Company all that fairly

belongs to the kingdom of Sokoto; the line to be determined by

Commissioners to be appointed.' On the 1st July, 1890, another

Agreement was entered into between the British and German

Governments defining their spheres of influence in the Gulf of

Guinea and in other parts of Africa. On the 18th June, 1892,

that portion of the Niger Protectorate which lies on, or to

the north of, the 7 degree of north latitude was, by

notification to the Signatory Powers of the Brussels Act,

placed under the terms of Article 91 of that Act, within the

zone of prohibition of alcoholic liquors. On the 14th April,

1893, an agreement was signed between the British and German

Governments, in which it was declared that the right bank of

the Rio del Rey waterway should be the boundary between the

Oil Rivers Protectorate and the Colony of the Cameroons.

"On the 13th May, 1893, a Notification was inserted in the

'London Gazette,' announcing that the portion of the British

Protectorate of the Niger Districts which was under the

administration of Her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul would,

from the date of that Notification, be administered under the

name of the 'Niger Coast Protectorate,' and would cease to be

known as the 'Oil Rivers Protectorate.' And on the 15th

November, 1893, a further Agreement was signed between the

British and German Governments defining the boundary between

their respective spheres of influence in the region extending

from the Rio del Rey to 'a point to the east of, and close to

Yola,' and on Lake Chad.

"Between 1884 and 1893 numerous Treaties were concluded by the

National Africa Company and by the Royal Niger Company with

native Chiefs and others possessing territories in the basin

of the Niger districts, by which they engaged to make no

cession of territory or to enter into any Treaty negotiations

with Foreign States without the previous consent of the

British Government, and in return for which they were placed

under British protection."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, C.—9372).

{334}

In October, 1897, after a number of threatening collisions

between English and French claims and undertakings had

occurred in the Niger region, representatives of the two

nations met in Paris to negotiate an agreement concerning

boundaries. The result of their work was embodied in a

convention signed June 14, 1898, but not ratified by both

governments until June 13, 1899. By this agreement, the

frontiers separating the British colony of the Gold Coast from

the French colonies of the Ivory Coast and Sudan, and the British

colony of Lagos from the French colony of Dahomey, were

defined with precision, and the British and French possessions

east of the Niger were then in the IVth article of the

Convention, delimited as follows: Starting from a point on the

left bank of the Niger which is fixed by the median line of

the Dallul Mauri at its mouth, "the frontier shall follow this

median line until it meets the circumference of a circle drawn

from the centre of the town of Sokoto with a radius of 100

miles (160,932 metres). From this point it shall follow the

northern are of this circle as far as its second intersection

with the 14th parallel of north latitude. From this second

point of intersection it shall follow this parallel eastward

for a distance of 70 miles (112,652 metres); then proceed due

south until it reaches the parallel of 13° 20' north latitude,

then eastward along this parallel for a distance of 250 miles

(402,230 metres); then due north until it regains the 14th

parallel of north latitude; then eastwards along this parallel

as far as its intersection with the meridian passing 35° east

of the centre of the town of Kuka, and thence this meridian

southward until its intersection with the southern shore of

Lake Chad. The Government of the French Republic recognizes,

as falling within the British sphere, the territory to the

east of the Niger, comprised within the above-mentioned line,

the Anglo-German frontier, and the sea. The Government of Her

Britannic Majesty recognizes, as falling within the French

sphere, the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Lake

Chad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of

the 14th degree of north latitude, with the western shore of

the lake and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake

of the frontier determined by the Franco-German Convention of

the 15th March, 1894."

On the 21st of March, 1899, the following Declaration was

added to the Convention, and ratified with it in the following

June: "The IVth Article of the Convention of the 14th June,

1898, shall be completed by the following provisions, which

shall be considered as forming an integral part of it:

"1. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engages not to acquire

either territory or political influence to the west of the

line of frontier defined in the following paragraph, and the

Government of the French Republic engages not to acquire

either territory or political influence to the east of the

same line.

"2. The line of frontier shall start from the point where the

boundary between the Congo Free State and French territory

meets the water-parting between the watershed of the Nile and

that of the Congo and its affluents. It shall follow in

principle that water-parting up to its intersection with the

11th parallel of north latitude. From this point it shall be

drawn as far as the 15th parallel in such manner as to

separate, in principle, the Kingdom of Wadai from what

constituted in 1882 the Province of Darfur; but it shall in no

case be so drawn as to pass to the west beyond the 21st degree

of longitude east of Greenwich (18° 40' east of Paris), or to

the east beyond the 23rd degree of longitude east of Greenwich

(20° 40' east of Paris).

"3. It is understood, in principle, that to the north of the

15th parallel the French zone shall be limited to the

northeast and east by a line which shall start from the point

of intersection of the Tropic of Cancer with the 16th degree

of longitude east of Greenwich (13° 40' east of Paris), shall

run thence to the southeast until it meets the 24th degree of

longitude east of Greenwich (21° 40' east of Paris), and shall

then follow the 24th degree until it meets, to the north of

the 15th parallel of latitude, the frontier of Darfur as it

shall eventually be fixed.

"4. The two Governments engage to appoint Commissioners who

shall be charged to delimit on the spot a frontier-line in

accordance with the indications given in paragraph 2 of this

Declaration. The result of their work shall be submitted for

the approbation of their respective Governments.

"It is agreed that the provisions of Article IX of the

Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall apply equally to the

territories situated to the south of the 14° 20' parallel of

north latitude, and to the north of the 5th parallel of north

latitude, between the 14° 20' meridian of longitude east of

Greenwich (12th degree east of Paris) and the course of the

Upper Nile."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 15, 1899.

Of the territorial partition in West Africa which this

important treaty as first signed in 1898 determined, and of

the magnitude of the empire which it conceded to France, a

striking English view was given at the time in the following

article:

"Though we are perfectly satisfied with the agreement, and

though we believe that the country as a whole will be

perfectly satisfied, we do not disguise from ourselves the

fact that under the Convention France receives the full

title-deeds for the most magnificent piece of empire obtained

this century by any European Power,—a dominion which, though

'in partibus infidelium,' is yet within easy reach of both the

western and the southern shores of France. We do not grudge

France the great possession that was finally rounded off and

consolidated on Tuesday; nay, rather we are glad to see it in

her hands, for we want monopoly neither in trade nor in

empire. We see, however, no good in pretending that she has

not obtained the most magnificent opportunity for over-sea

development which has fallen to any Power within recent times.

The best way of understanding the Convention is to realise

what it is that France now possesses in West Africa. Let our

readers look at a map of Africa, and first fix their eyes on

Algiers and Tunis, with their rich soil and splendid harbours

and their remains of an ancient and splendid

civilisation,—Phœnician, Greek, Roman, Christian, and Arab.

Then let them allow their eyes to travel downwards to the

right bank of the greatest river of Africa, the Congo. From

Constantine, with its great memories and its scenery almost

European in charm and splendour, to Brazzaville and Stanley

Pool, with their tropical vegetation and savage life, there is

a continuous and uninterrupted stretch of French territory. As

they say in our country districts, the French President might now

ride on his own land from Tunis to Loango. The French dominion

of West Africa (as says an official 'communique' to the Paris

Press with very natural exultation) now extends over a space

as great as that from Paris to Moscow. From Algeria to the

Congo, from Senegal to Lake Chad—i. e., almost to the centre

of Africa—stretches this vast tract of French territory. 'At

the present moment,' to quote the words of the 'communique,'

'all our West African colonies—Algeria, Tunis, Senegal,

Futa-Jallon, the Ivory Coast, the Soudan, and the Congo—are in

communication by their respective Hinterlands.'

{335}

"But probably this will not convey much to the ordinary

English reader. Perhaps we can best make him realise the

immensity of the French West African Empire by pointing out

that, with the exception of certain great German and English

and other 'enclaves' the whole of the huge piece of Africa

which bulges out on the map towards the west now belongs to

France. She has all the connecting links, all that does not

specifically belong to some one else, and she cuts off short

the Hinterlands of all the Powers with possessions on the West

African coast. Let us begin at the most western point of the

coast-line of Tripoli in the Mediterranean, and travel round

the coast, marking off all that is not French.

"First, we come to Tunis,—that is in the possession of France

just as Egypt is in our possession. Algiers comes next,—that

is French. Then Morocco. Morocco is at present independent,

but at the back of Morocco all the land, be it desert or

cultivable, is French. Next comes a strip of Spanish coast,

but it goes only a very little way inland, and all the back

country is French. Next come the great French colonies of

Senegambia and Futa-Jallon, with two little colonies embedded

in them, one belonging to us—the Gambia—and the other

belonging to Portugal. Next come our Sierra Leone and

independent Liberia, but here again the Hinterlands are all

French. Next comes the French Ivory Coast colony, then the

British Gold Coast, then German Togoland, and then French

Dahomey. Here again all the Hinterlands beyond, say, four

hundred miles inland, belong, since the signing of the

Convention, to France. After that comes our Colony of Lagos,

then the German Cameroons, and finally the French Congo—the

last French possession in West Africa. Here, too, the

Hinterlands have been cut off by the French, and our Colonies

have been made into 'enclaves' in the mighty French dominion.

It is true that the Niger or Lagos 'enclave' is a very vast

one, and stretches now up to Lake Chad, which becomes

henceforth as international a sheet of water as the Lake of

Constance. Still, it is an 'enclave,' for, as we read the

Convention, he who embarks upon Lake Chad from the British

shore and steers eastward will land on French territory. In

other words, Nigeria cannot now cross Lake Chad and expand

beyond it. We should be glad to hear that this is not the true

reading of the Convention, but we fear it is. We have

travelled, then, round the map of Africa, from Tunis to the

Congo, and found that France is everywhere the chief owner,

—that hers is the great estate, and that the other Powers only

have odd bits of land here and there. We do not say this in

any grumbling spirit, for our odd bit—Nigeria—is very possibly

worth as much as the great estate if Algiers and Tunis are not

counted. We merely wish to make the public understand clearly

that West Africa as a political and geographical expression

has finally passed to France, though we no doubt have carved

one very valuable piece out of it."

The Spectator (London)

June 18, 1898.

Nine months later, when the agreement embodied in the

Declaration of March 21, 1899, had been added to the Original

convention, the "Spectator" explained its effect as follows:

"It will be remembered that last year we and the French agreed

upon a delimitation of 'spheres' in West Africa which extended

as far as Lake Chad. As to the country east of Lake Chad

nothing was said. It was left as a kind of No-man's Land. What

has now been done is to extend the area of the French 'sphere'

eastward beyond Lake Chad till it reaches Darfur and the

Bahr-el-Ghazel. Darfur and the region of the Bahr-el-Ghazel

are declared to be in the English 'sphere.' All the rest of

Northern Central Africa is to become French. France, that is,

is to have the great Mahommedan State of Wadai as well as

Baghirmi and Kanem. In the territory between Lake Chad and the

Nile each Power, however, is to allow the other equality of

treatment in matters of commerce. This will no doubt allow

France to have commercial establishments on the Nile and its

affluents, but it will also allow us to have similar

privileges for trade on the eastern shore of Lake Chad. But as

our system of giving equal trading rights to all foreigners

would in any case have secured commercial rights to France, we

are not in the least hampered by this provision, while the

concession to us of equal rights on the eastern shore of Lake

Chad will improve our position in the face of French Colonial

Protection. …

"The first thing that strikes one in considering the French

possessions in Africa, after this latest addition, is their

vastness. Practically, France will now have all North-Western,

and all Northern, and all North Central Africa, except

Morocco, our West African Colonies, Tripoli, Darfur, and the

Valley of the Nile,—giving that phrase its widest

interpretation, and regarding it as the whole of the country

whence water flows into the Nile. … That, if she plays her

cards properly, she ought to make a success of her African

Empire we cannot doubt, for she starts with immense

advantages. To begin with, she is nearer her African

possessions than any other Power. You can go in a couple of

days from Marseilles to Algiers and Tunis. Next, in Algiers

and Tunis she has rich colonies with a temperate climate which

may be made the basis for great developments in the way of

railway extension. Lastly, her African possessions are

conterminous, or, at any rate, connected with each other by

land. She owns, that is, Northern Africa, and the rest of the

Powers have only, as it were, enclaves—very large enclaves, no

doubt, in many cases—in her territory. At present this

advantage may not seem very great owing to the vast distances

and the desert character of many of the French Hinterlands,

but if and when France completes her Soudan railways, the

strength of this continuity of territory will become apparent.

But though France has many advantages, it would be foolish to

deny that she has also many serious problems to solve. We

shall perhaps be stating the most dangerous of them when we

say that France now becomes the undisputed master of the great

sect of El Senoussi. There are reported to be over twenty

million followers of El Senoussi in North Africa, and, except

in Tripoli, an these may now be said to be within the French

'sphere of influence.' The Sultanate of Wadai—which, be it

remembered, is a very formidable State, and one which has

never yet come into contact with any European Power—is a

Senoussi State. But the followers of the Senoussi, besides

being numerous, are extremely fanatical. Though practising a

much purer form of Mahommedanism than the Dervishes, they hate

Europeans quite as ardently, and if once their religious zeal

were to be thoroughly roused they would prove most formidable

foes. We do not envy the French their task if they attempt to

conquer Wadai."

The Spectator, March 25, 1899.

{336}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:

Massacre of British officials near Benin.

Capture of Benin.

An unarmed expedition from the Niger Coast Protectorate,

going, in January, on a peaceful mission to the King of Benin,

led by Acting Consul-General Phillips, was attacked on the way

and the whole party massacred excepting two, who were wounded,

but who hid themselves in the bush and contrived to make their

way back. The Consul-General had been warned that the king

would not allow the mission to enter Benin, but persisted in

going on. A "punitive expedition" was sent against Benin the

following month, and the town was reached and taken on the

18th, but the king had escaped.

"The city presented the most appalling sight, particularly

around the King's quarters, from which four large main roads

lead to the compounds of the bigger Chiefs, the city being

very scattered. Sacrificial trees in the open spaces still

held the corpses of the latest victims[of 'Ju Ju'

sacrifice]—seven in all were counted—and on every path a

freshly-sacrificed corpse was found lying, apparently placed

there to prevent pursuit. One large open space, 200 to 300

yards in length, was strewn with human bones and bodies in all

stages of decomposition. Within the walls, the sight was, if

possible, more terrible. Seven large sacrifice compounds were

found inclosed by walls 14 to 16 feet high, each 2 to 3 acres

in extent; against the end wall in each, under a roof, was

raised a daïs with an earthen (clay) sacrificial altar about

50 feet long close against the wall on which were placed the

gods to whom sacrifice is made—mostly being carved ivory

tusks, standing upright, mounted at base, in hideously

constructed brass heads. In front of each ivory god was a

small earthen mound on which the victim's forehead would

apparently be placed. The altars were covered with streams of

dried human blood and the stench was too frightful. It would

seem that the populace sat around in these huge compounds

while the Ju Ju priests performed the sacrifices for their

edification. In the various sacrifice compounds were found

open pits filled with human bodies giving forth most trying

odours. The first night several cases of fainting and sickness

occurred owing to the stench, which was equally bad

everywhere. In one of the pits, partially under other bodies,

was found a victim, still living, who, being rescued, turned

out to be a servant of Mr. Gordon's, one of the members of Mr.

Phillips' ill-fated expedition. At the doors and gates of

houses and compounds were stinking goats and fowls, sacrificed

apparently to prevent the white man entering therein. The

foregoing is but a feeble attempt to describe the horrors of

this most terrible city, which after five days' continuous

fatigue, working with about 1,000 natives, still presents most

appalling and frightful sights. In the outlying parts of the

city the same sights are met and the annual expenditure of

human life in sacrifice must have been enormous. Most of the

wells were also found filled with human bodies."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: Africa, Number 6, 1897, page 28.

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:

Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899:

Transfer to the British Crown.

The Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the

crown in July, 1899, receiving the sum of £865,000. It was

announced to Parliament that three governments would be

formed, named North Nigeria, South Nigeria, and Lagos.

NILE, Barrage and reservoir works on the.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

NILE VALLEY: The question of possession.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

NINETEEN HUNDRED, The Universal Jubilee of.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1900.

----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Start--------

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The date of the ending of the Century.

Controversy as to whether the Nineteenth Century came to its

end at the ending of the year 1899 or the year 1900 seems

nearly incomprehensible to one who takes the trouble to begin

a counting of years from the beginning of the Christian Era,

and so reaches in his reckoning the fact that the first

century did not end until the 100th year was ended. That seems

to clear all confusion from the question, since the 200th,

300th, 400th, and so on up to the 1900th, must be the closing

years of the successive centuries, just as certainly as the

100th is the last year of the first century. Arithmetically,

there is no question left; but some minds refuse to recognize

the century as a merely arithmetical fact. They see in it an

entity of time with which the counting of years has little to

do. Their somewhat mystical view is set forth in the

following, which we quote from a communication that appeared

in the "New York Times":

"The centurial figures are the symbol, and the only symbol, of

the centuries. Once every hundred years there is a change in

the symbol, and this great secular event is of startling

prominence. What more natural than to bring the century into

harmony with its only visible mark? What more consonant with

order than to make each group of a hundred years correspond

with a single centennial emblem? Be it noticed that, apart

from the centennial emblems, there is absolutely nothing to

give the centuries any form. The initial figures 18 are time's

standard which the earth carries while it makes 100 trips around

the sun. Then a new standard, 19, is put up. Shall we wait now

a whole year for 1901, at the behest of the abacists? No, we

will not pass over the significant year 1900, which is stamped

with the great secular change, but with cheers we will welcome

it and the new century. The 1900 men, who compose the vast

majority of the people, say to their opponents: 'We freely

admit that the century you have in your mind, the artificial

century, begins in 1901, but the natural century (which we

prefer) begins in 1900.'"

{337}

A consistent application of this view to the defining and

naming of the centuries would seem to require that the years

which carry the initial figures 18 should make up the

Eighteenth, not the Nineteenth Century, and that we should

turn back our centurial nomenclature a whole round.

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The epoch of a transformation of the world.

In the last years of the Eighteenth Century a new epoch in

history was entered,—an epoch marked by many distinctions, but

most strikingly by what may be called the transformation of

the world. The earlier great ages had been ages of simple

expansion,—of a widening theatre for the leading races,—of a

widening knowledge of the earth and the heavens,—of a widening

range for human thought; but those expansive movements in

civilization led up, at last, to more wonderful processes of

transformation, which were just in their beginning when the

Nineteenth Century dawned. For all the generations of mankind

that had lived before this century, the earth, as a dwelling

place, remained nearly unchanged. They had cleared some

forests from its face, and smoothed some paths; but, in every

substantial feature, the France, for example, of Napoleon was

the unaltered Gaul that Julius Cæsar knew. Everywhere the

material conditions of life were essentially the same for the

man of the Eighteenth Century that they had been for the man

of the First. Then began the amazing work of the brain and

hand of man, by which he has been refashioning and refitting

the planet he inhabits, and making a new world for his

dwelling. As a habitable earth, to-day, it bears no likeness

to the earth on which the first day of this century dawned.

Its distances mean nothing that they formerly did; its

dividing seas and mountains have nothing of their old effect;

its pestilences have lost half their terror; its very storms

are sentinelled and rarely surprise us in our travels or our

work. Netted with steam and electric railways, seamed with

canals, wire-strung with telegraphic and telephonic lines, its

ocean-voyages made holiday excursions, its every-day labors,

of the forge, the plough, the sickle, the spindle, the loom,

the needle, and even of the pen, done with magical deftness by

machines, which its coal mines and its waterfalls lend forces

to move, it is nothing less than a new world that men are

making for themselves, out of that in which they lived at the

beginning of the era of mechanism and electricity and steam.

"Yet these are but outward features of the transformation that

is being wrought in the world. Socially, politically, and

morally, it has been undergoing a deeper change. A growth of

fellow-feeling which began in the last century has been an

increasing growth. It has not ended war, nor the passions that

cause war, but it is rousing an opposition which gathers

strength every year. It has made democratic institutions of

government so common that the few arbitrary governments now

remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful to the

people who endure them so long. It has broken old yokes of

conquest, and revived the independence of long subjugated

states. It has swept away unnatural boundary lines, which

separated peoples of kindred language and race. It is pressing

long-neglected questions of right and justice on the attention

of an classes of men, everywhere, and requiring that answers

shall be found.

"And, still, even these are but minor effects of the

prodigious change which the Nineteenth Century has brought

into the experience of mankind." Beyond them all in importance

are the new conceptions of the universe, and of the method of

God's working in it, which can, with no exaggeration, be said

to have imparted a wholly new spirit and quality to the human

mind. By what it learned from Copernicus, it was given a new

standpoint in thinking. By what it learned from Newton, it was

given a new and larger grasp. By what it has learned from

Darwin and Spencer it has been equipped with a new insight,

and looks at even the mystery of life as a problem to be

solved. "If we live in a world that is different from that

which our ancestors knew, it is still more the fact that we

think of a different universe, and feel differently in all our

relations to it."

J. N. Larned,

History of England for the Use of Schools,

page 561.

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Comparison of the Century with all preceding ages,

as regards man's power over Nature.

"No one, so far as I am aware, has yet pointed out the

altogether exceptional character of our advance in science and

the arts, during the century which is now so near its close.

In order to estimate its full importance and grandeur—more

especially as regards man's increased power over nature, and

the application of that power to the needs of his life to-day,

with unlimited possibilities in the future—we must compare it,

not with any preceding century, or even with the last

millennium, but with the whole historical period,—perhaps even

with the whole period that has elapsed since the stone age."

Such a comparison is made in the following lists of "the great

inventions and discoveries of the two eras":

"Of the Nineteenth Century."

1. Rail ways.

2. Steam-ships.

3. Electric Telegraphs.

4. The Telephone.

5. Lucifer Matches.

6. Gas illumination.

7. Electric lighting.

8. Photography.

9. The Phonograph.

10. Röntgen Rays.

11. Spectrum-analysis.

12. Anæsthetics.

13. Antiseptic Surgery.

14. Conservation of energy.

15. Molecular theory of Gases.

16. Velocity of Light directly measured

and Earth's Rotation experimentally shown.

17. The uses of Dust.

18. Chemistry, definite proportions.

19. Meteors and the Meteoritic Theory.

20. The Glacial Epoch.

21. The Antiquity of Man.

22. Organic Evolution established.

23. Cell theory and Embryology.

24. Germ theory of disease and

the function of the Leucocytes.

"Of all Preceding Ages."

1. The Mariner's Compass.

2. The Steam Engine.

3. The Telescope.

4. The Barometer and Thermometer.

5. Printing.

6. Arabic numerals.

7. Alphabetical writing.

8. Modern Chemistry founded.

9. Electric science founded.

10. Gravitation established.

11. Kepler's Laws.

12. The Differential Calculus.

13. The circulation of the blood.

14. Light proved to have finite velocity.

15. The development of Geometry.

{338}

"Of course these numbers are not absolute. Either series may

be increased or diminished by taking account of other

discoveries as of equal importance, or by striking out some

which may be considered as below the grade of an important or

epoch-making step in science or civilization. But the

difference between the two lists is so large, that probably no

competent judge would bring them to an equality. Again, it is

noteworthy that nothing like a regular gradation is

perceptible during the last three or four centuries. The

eighteenth century, instead of showing some approximation to

the wealth of discovery in our own age, is less remarkable

than the seventeenth, having only about half the number of

really great advances."

A. R. Wallace,

The Wonderful Century,

chapter 15

(copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, New York,

quoted with permission).

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Difference of the Century from preceding ages.

"In the last 100 years the world has seen great wars, great

national and social upheavals, great religious movements,

great economic changes. Literature and art have had their

triumphs and have permanently enriched the intellectual

inheritance of our race. Yet, large as is the space which

subjects like these legitimately fill in our thoughts, much as

they will occupy the future historian, it is not among these

that I seek for the most important and the most fundamental

differences which separate the present from preceding ages.

Rather is this to be found in the cumulative products of

scientific research, to which no other period offers a

precedent or a parallel. No single discovery, it may be, can

be compared in its results to that of Copernicus; no single

discoverer can be compared in genius to Newton; but, in their

total effects, the advances made by the 19th century are not

to be matched. Not only is the surprising increase of

knowledge new, but the use to which it has been put is new

also. The growth of industrial invention is not a fact we are

permitted to forget. We do, however, sometimes forget how much

of it is due to a close connection between theoretic knowledge

and its utilitarian application which, in its degree, is

altogether unexampled in the history of mankind. I suppose

that, at this moment, if we were allowed a vision of the

embryonic forces which are predestined most potently to affect

the future of mankind, we should have to look for them not in

the Legislature, nor in the Press, nor on the platform, nor in

the schemes of practical statesmen, nor the dreams of

political theorists, but in the laboratories of scientific

students whose names are but little in the mouths of men, who

cannot themselves forecast the results of their own labors,

and whose theories could scarcely be understood by those whom

they will chiefly benefit. …

"Marvellous as is the variety and ingenuity of modern

industrial methods, they almost all depend in the last resort

upon our supply of useful power; and our supply of useful

power is principally provided for us by methods which, so far

as I can see, have altered not at all in principle, and

strangely little in detail, since the days of Watt. Coal, as

we all know, is the chief reservoir of energy from which the

world at present draws, and from which we in this country must

always draw; but our main contrivance for utilizing it is the

steam engine, and, by its essential nature, the steam engine

is extravagantly wasteful. So that, when we are told, as if it

was something to be proud of, that this is the age of steam,

we may admit the fact, but can hardly share the satisfaction.

… We have, in truth, been little better than brilliant

spendthrifts. Every new invention seems to throw a new strain

upon the vast but not illimitable, resources of nature. Lord

Kelvin is disquieted about our supply of oxygen; Sir William

Crookes about our supply of nitrates. The problem of our coal

supply is always with us. Sooner or later the stored-up

resources of the world will be exhausted. Humanity, having

used or squandered its capital, will thenceforth have to

depend upon such current income as can be derived from that

diurnal heat of the sun and the rotation of the earth till, in

the sequence of the ages, these also begin to fail. …

"After all, however, it is not necessarily the material and

obvious results of scientific discoveries which are of the

deepest interest. They have affected changes more subtle and

perhaps less obvious which are at least as worthy of our

consideration and are at least as unique in the history of the

civilized world. No century has seen so great a change in our

intellectual apprehension of the world in which we live. Our

whole point of view has changed. The mental framework in which

we arrange the separate facts in the world of men and things

is quite a new framework. The spectacle of the universe

presents itself now in a wholly changed perspective. We not

only see more, but we see differently. The discoveries in

physics and in chemistry, which have borne their share in thus

re-creating for us the evolution of the past, are in process of

giving us quite new ideas as to the inner nature of that

material whole of which the world's traversing space is but an

insignificant part. Differences of quality once thought ultimate

are constantly being resolved into differences of motion or

configuration. What were once regarded as things are now known

to be movement. … Plausible attempts have been made to reduce

the physical universe, with its infinite variety, its glory of

color and of form, its significance and its sublimity, to one

homogeneous medium in which there are no distinctions to be

discovered but distinction of movement or of stress. And

although no such hypothesis can, I suppose, be yet accepted,

the gropings of physicists after this, or some other not less

audacious unification, must finally, I think, be crowned with

success. The change of view which I have endeavored to

indicate is purely scientific, but its consequences cannot be

confined to science. How will they manifest themselves in

other regions of human activity, in literature, in art, in

religion?"

A. J. Balfour,

The Nineteenth Century

(Address before the University Extension Students

at Cambridge, August 2, 1900).

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The intellectual and social trend of the Century.

"The two influences which have made the nineteenth century

what it is seem to me to be the scientific spirit and the

democratic spirit. Thus, the nineteenth century, singularly

enough, is the great interpretative century both of nature and

of the past, and at the same time the century of incessant and

uprooting change in all that relates to the current life of

men. It is also the century of national systems of popular

education, and at the same time of nation-great armies; the

century that has done more than any other to scatter men over

the face of the earth, and to concentrate them in cities; the

century of a universal suffrage that is based upon a belief in

the inherent value of the individual; and the century of the

corporation and the labor union, which in the domain of

capital and of labor threaten to obliterate the individual. …

{339}

"The mind has been active in all fields during this fruitful

century; but, outside of politics, it is to science that we

must look for the thoughts that have shaped all other

thinking. When von Helmholtz was in this country, a few years

ago, he said that modern science was born when men ceased to

summon nature to the support of theories already formed, and

instead began to question nature for her facts, in order that

they might thus discover the laws which these facts reveal. I

do not know that it would be easy to sum up the scientific

method, as the phrase runs, in simpler words. It would not be

correct to say that this process was unknown before the

present century; for there have been individual observers and

students of nature in all ages. … But it is true that only in

this century has this attitude toward nature become the

uniform attitude of men of science. …

"One of the chief results of the scientific method as applied

to nature and the study of the past is the change that it has

wrought in the philosophic conception of nature and of human

society. By the middle of the century, Darwin had given what

has been held to be substantial proof of the theory of the

development of higher forms out of lower in all living things;

and since then, the doctrine of evolution, not as a body of

exact teaching, but as a working theory, has obtained a

mastery over the minds of men which has dominated all their

studies and all their thinking. …

"Every public educational system of our day, broadly speaking,

is the child of the nineteenth century. The educational system

of Germany, which in its results has been of hardly less value

to mankind than to Germany itself, dates from the reconstitution

of the German universities after the battle of Jena. Whatever

system France may have had before the Revolution went down in

the cataclysm that destroyed the ancient regime, so that the

educational system of France also dates from the Napoleonic

period. In the United States, while the seeds of the public

school system may have been planted in the eighteenth, or

perhaps even in the seventeenth century, it has only been in

the nineteenth century, with the development of the country,

that our public school system has grown into what we now see;

while in England, the system of national education, in a

democratic sense, must be dated from 1870. … Out of the growth

of the democratic principle has come the belief that it is

worth while to educate all the children of the state: and out

of the scientific method, which has led to the general

acceptance of the evolutionary theory, has been developed the

advance in educational method which is so marked a feature of

the last decades of the century. …

"Not only has the scientific method furnished a philosophy of

nature and of human life, but, by the great increase in man's

knowledge of natural law to which it has led, it has resulted

in endless inventions, and these, in turn, have changed the

face of the world. … The rapid progress of invention during

the century has been coincident with one far-reaching change

in the habits of society, the importance of which is seldom

recognized. I refer to deposit banking. Of all the agencies

that have effected the world in the nineteenth century, I am

sometimes inclined to think that this is one of the most

influential. If deposit banking may not be said to be the

result of democracy, it certainly may be said that it is in

those countries in which democracy is most dominant that

deposit banking thrives best. … Some one has said that it

would have been of no use to invent the railroad, the

submarine cable, or the telephone at an earlier period of the

world's history, for there would have been no money at command

to make anyone of them available before this modern banking

system had made its appearance. If this be so, then indeed the

part that has been played by deposit banking in the

developments of the century cannot be overestimated.

"During the century the conditions of the world's commerce

have been radically altered. It is not simply that the

steamboat and the locomotive have taken the place of the

sailing-ship and the horse; that the submarine cable has

supplanted the mails; nor even that these agencies have led to

such improvements in banking facilities that foreign commerce

is done, for the most part, for hardly more than a brokerage

upon the transaction. These are merely accidents of the

situation. The fundamental factors have been the opening up of

virgin soil in vast areas to the cultivation of man, and the

discovery of how to create artificial cold, which makes it

possible to transport for long distances produce that only a

few years ago was distinctly classed as perishable. The net

result of these influences has been to produce a world

competition at every point of the globe. …

"Democracy, as a political theory, emphasizes the equality of

men and the equal rights and privileges of all men before the

law. The tendency of it has been, in this country, to develop

in multitudes of men great individuality and self-reliance.

Side by side with this tendency, however, we see the

corporation supplanting the individual capitalist, and the

trade union obliterating the individual laborer, as direct

agents in the work of the world. Strange as this contrast is,

both tendencies must be consistent with democracy, for the

corporation and the trade union flourish most where democracy

is most developed. Indeed, they seem to be successful and

powerful just because democracy pours into them both its vital

strength. …

"The tendency to democracy in politics is unquestionably the

dominant political fact of the century. … Outside of Russia,

and possibly even there, monarchical government in Europe is

obliged to depend for its support upon the great body of the

nation, instead of upon the power of the great and the noble.

… In the United States, the century, though it began with a

limited suffrage, ends with universal manhood suffrage, and

even with woman suffrage in some of the Western States. …

Undoubtedly, universal suffrage and the large immigration of

people without any experience in self-government have given

form to many of our problems; but I often think there is far

too great a disposition among us to magnify the difficulties

which these conditions present. …

{340}

The fact is, in my judgment, that our problems arise not so

much from universal suffrage as from the effect of the

multiplication table applied to all the problems of life. …

Anyone building a house in the country, when he has dug a well

has solved the problem of his water supply; but to supply

water for a great city calls for the outlay of millions of

dollars, and for the employment of the best engineering talent

in the land. Yet nothing has happened except that the problem

has been magnified. Thus the difficulties created by the

multiplication table are real; so that the very enlargement of

opportunity that democracy has brought with it has faced

democracy with problems far harder than were formerly

presented to any government. …

"To sum up, therefore, I should say that the trend of the

century has been to a great increase in knowledge, which has

been found to be, as of old, the knowledge of good and evil;

that this knowledge has become more and more the property of

all men rather than of a few; that, as a result, the very

increase of opportunity has led to the magnifying of the

problems with which humanity is obliged to deal; and that we

find ourselves, at the end of the century, face to face with

problems of world-wide importance and utmost difficulty, and

with no new means of coping with them other than the patient

education of the masses of men."

Seth Low,

The Trend of the Century

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1898).

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Dominant lines in the intellectual development of the Century.

"The future historian of thought will no doubt regard the

promulgation and the rapid triumph of evolutionist doctrines

as the most remarkable phenomenon in the intellectual

development of the nineteenth century."

Leslie Stephen,

Evolution and Religious Conceptions

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

"In the briefest sketch of what the nineteenth century has

done in literature, it is absolutely imperative to mention the

publication of 'The Origin of Species' [Darwin, 1859] and

'Principles of Psychology' [Spencer, 1855], because, although

neither work is written with an attractive elegance, each is

the starting point of an intellectual and moral revolution so

vast that every branch of life is affected by it, and

literature itself—in its lightest forms—can no longer ignore

the germinal forces with which evolution has quickened all our

emotions."

Edmund Gosse,

A Century of English Literature

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

"To an earlier age knowledge was power, merely that and

nothing more; to us it is life and the 'summum bonum.'

Emancipation from the bonds of self, of one's own

prepossessions, importunately sought at the hands of that

rational power before which all must ultimately bow—this is

the characteristic that distinguishes all the great figures of

nineteenth century science from those of former periods."

Professor Charles S. Peirce,

The Century's Great Men in Science

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

"The mark of the century has been a continuous attempt at a

comprehensive understanding of nature, after the manner of

Newton, but not limited or governed solely by his dynamical

ideas. … The Newtonian laws of dynamics as applied to matter

still hold, and will always hold, but they may no longer be

fundamental or ultimate, they may be derivatives from a still

deeper scheme; and it is towards this deeper scheme that

physicists at present are groping. The realization of a need

for some such scheme constitutes the chief philosophic feature

of the latter part of the century."

Oliver J. Lodge.

The Scope and Tendencies of Physics

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The failures of the Century.

Its sinful mismanagement of the powers which Science has

given it.

"The Nineteenth Century … has been characterised by a

marvellous and altogether unprecedented progress in knowledge

of the universe and of its complex forces; and also in the

application of that knowledge to an infinite variety of

purposes, calculated, if properly utilized, to supply all the

wants of every human being, and to add greatly to the

comforts, the enjoyments, and the refinements of life. The

bounds of human knowledge have been so far extended that new

vistas have opened to us in directions where it had been

thought that we could never penetrate, and the more we learn

the more we seem capable of learning in the ever-widening

expanse of the universe. …

"But the more we realize the vast possibilities of human

welfare which science has given us, the more we must recognise

our total failure to make any adequate rational use of them.

With ample power to supply to the fullest extent necessaries,

comforts, and even luxuries for all, and at the same time

allow ample leisure for intellectual pleasures and æsthetic

enjoyments, we have yet so sinfully mismanaged our social

economy as to give unprecedented and injurious luxury to the

few, while millions are compelled to suffer a lifelong

deficiency of the barest necessaries for a healthy existence.

Instead of devoting the highest powers of our greatest men to

remedy these evils, we see the governments of the most

advanced nations arming their people to the teeth, and

expending much of their wealth and all the resources of their

science, in preparation for the destruction of life, of

property, and of happiness.

"With ample knowledge of the sources of health, we allow, and

even compel, the bulk of our population to live and work under

conditions which greatly shorten life; while every year we see

from 50,000 to 100,000 infants done to death by our criminal

neglect. In our mad race for wealth, we have made gold more

sacred than human life; we have made life so hard for the

many, that suicide and insanity and crime are alike

increasing. With all our labour-saving machinery and all our

command over the forces of nature, the struggle for existence

has become more fierce than ever before; and year by year an

ever-increasing proportion of our people sink into paupers'

graves.

"Even more degrading, and more terrible in its consequences,

is the unblushing selfishness of the greatest civilized

nations. While boasting of their military power, and loudly

proclaiming their Christianity, not one of them has raised a

finger to save a Christian people, the remnant of an ancient

civilization, from the most barbarous persecution, torture,

and wholesale massacre. A hundred thousand Armenians murdered

or starved to death while the representatives of the great

powers coldly looked on—and prided themselves on their

unanimity in all making the same useless protests—will surely

be referred to by the historian of the future, as the most

detestable combination of hypocrisy and inhumanity that the

world has yet produced, and as the crowning proof of the utter

rottenness of the boasted civilization of the Nineteenth

Century.

{341}

When the brightness of future ages shall have dimmed the

glamour of our material progress, the judgment of history will

surely be, that the ethical standard of our rulers was a

deplorably low one, and that we were unworthy to possess the

great and beneficent powers that science had placed in our

hands.

"But although this century has given us so many examples of

failure, it has also given us hope for the future. True

humanity, the determination that the crying social evils of

our time shall not continue; the certainty that they can be

abolished; an unwavering faith in human nature, have never

been so strong, so vigorous, so rapidly growing as they are

to-day."

A. R. Wallace,

The Wonderful Century,

chapter 21

(copyright, Dodd, Mead &; Company, New York,

quoted with permission).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Expansion of the European races during the Century.

Changes in the distribution of political power.

Dominance of the Anglo-American peoples.

Rise of the United States of America to the highest rank.

At a dinner given by the Manchester Statistical Society,

October 17, 1900, Sir Robert Giffen, the eminent statistician,

made a notable speech on the political ideas which the

statistics of the Nineteenth Century suggest. "The first of

these was the prodigious rate at which the civilized world—

the community of European nations and nations of European

origin—was growing. The population of Europe and of nations of

European origin like the United States might now be put at

something over 500,000,000. The United States themselves might

be put at nearly 80 millions; Russia in its recent census

showed a population which must already have grown to about 135

millions; Germany about 55 millions; the United Kingdom, with the

self-governing colonies of Canada and Australasia and the

white population of South Africa, 55 millions;

Austria-Hungary, 45 millions; France, 40 millions; Italy, 32

millions; Spain and Portugal, 25 millions; Scandinavian

countries, ten millions; Holland and Belgium, ten millions;

and other European countries, 20 millions. A century ago the

corresponding figure to this 500,000,000 would not have been

more than about 170,000,000. The economic development of the

people had been even more marvellous. The wealth of the people

all told, which would probably not have been reckoned at more

than £5,000,000,000 at the beginning of the century, must be

reckoned now by tens of thousands of millions.

"Again the development was for the most part not uniform among

the European populations. It was most marked in the

Anglo-American section. The increase here was from a

population of not more than about 20 millions, which was the

population of the United States and the United Kingdom

together 100 years ago, to a population of not less than 130

millions at the present time. Russia and Germany also showed

remarkable increases, but nothing like this. This astonishing

growth of population meant a great change in the relative

position of the European nations in the world—their relative

weight in international politics. Practically the non-European

races of the world had all the time been stationary, except in

India, where the 'pax Britannica' had permitted the native

population to expand. The result was that the forces of

civilization, as against those of the black and yellow races,

had become practically irresistible. The numbers were

relatively far greater than ever they were before, and the

economic force was indefinitely greater. A great change in the

distribution of political power among European nations

themselves was also indicated. The existence alone of the

United States implied an immense change. If we considered that

an empire like that of Britain had its strength rather

diminished than increased by the possession of territories

like India, then the United States having a larger European

population than that of the British Empire might be considered

the most powerful State in the world as far as population and

resources were concerned. No doubt Russia had a much larger

population, but the inferiority of the units was so great that

the preeminence of the United States was not in question.

Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom had all grown, while

France and Austria had by comparison remained stationary, so

that now the great world Powers were four only—the United

States, Britain, Russia, and Germany, with France a doubtful

fifth. The extent of the revolution that had taken place in a

century was evident, and obviously accounted for much that was

going on in international politics.

"If the forces now in existence continue to operate as they

had done in the past century for only a few more generations,

the close of the coming century must witness a further

transformation, whose beginnings would be apparent in the

lifetime of some amongst us. It was a reasonable probability

that unless some great internal change should take place in

the ideas and conduct of the European races themselves, the

population of 500 millions would in another century become one

of 1,500 to 2,000 millions. The black and yellow races still

remaining, as far as one could see, comparatively stationary,

this would make a greatly changed world. The yellow peril, for

instance, of which we heard so much, would have vanished,

because the yellow races themselves would be so much

outnumbered. What would be the 400 millions of China compared

with 1,500 to 2,000 millions of European race? Further

progress must also be made in the redistribution of power

among European nations. International politics would be more

and more limited to the affairs of what were already the four

great Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany,

and Russia. The most serious problem would of course be

whether the dilemma stated by Malthus and hitherto put aside

by the occupation of new lands, would at length become an

urgently practical question. It was impossible not to wonder

which of the two forces—the growth of population and the

increase of the needs of the growing population on the one

side, and the growth of invention and mechanical power in

supplying human wants on the other side—would gain as time

went on. Referring to the desire to secure new markets abroad,

Sir Robert Giffen said that the figures with which he had been

dealing pointed to quite another source of new markets. Surely

there could be no lack of new customers if the 500 millions of

the advanced races themselves were to be doubled in from 30 to

50 years and trebled or quadrupled in a century."

London Times, October 18, 1900.

{342}

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The lengthened average of human life.

"What has been the chief characteristic of the nineteenth

century? No two critics agree, nor can they, because each

prefers a different quality. One singles out science, another,

invention, as the dominant trait. A third, who looks mainly at

the political aspect of life, says democracy. Others, again,

say pessimism, philanthropy, doubt, or toleration. So many

features, so much diversity, argue at least for

many-sidedness.

"There is one characteristic, however, which distinguishes the

nineteenth century from all previous centuries—a

characteristic which has become too common to attract the

attention it deserves, although it really measures all the

rest: this is longevity. During the past one hundred years the

length of life of the average man in the United States and in

the more civilized parts of Europe has increased from a little

over 30 to about 40 years. A multitude of causes, mostly

physical, have contributed to this result. Foremost among

these should be placed

(1) whatever may be included under the general term sanitation;

(2) improved methods in medicine; and

(3) the more regular habits of living which are the direct

outcome of industrial life on a large scale.

"These are some of the evident means by which life has been

lengthened. Inventions, which have made production cheap and

the transportation of all products both cheap and easy, have

had an influence too great to be computed. And no doubt much

has been due to a general improvement in methods of

government; although, in the main, there has been much less

progress in practical government than is commonly supposed. No

great railroad company or banking house or manufacturing

corporation could prosper if its officers and employees were

chosen and kept in office according to the system by which

political offices, almost everywhere, are filled. 'None hut

experts wanted,' is the sign written over the entrance to

every profession, trade, and occupation—except government.

"But, whatever governments have done or left undone, the fact

to be insisted on here is, that the average man to-day lives

almost ten years longer than his grandfather lived."

W. R. Thayer,

Longevity and Degeneration

(Forum, February, 1900).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Musical Century.

"Music is the only one of the fine arts of which it can be

said that it reached its highest development in the nineteenth

century. It is the modern art par excellence; and while

everybody has been told that it is the youngest of the arts,

few realize how much is implied in that assertion."

Henry T. Finck,

The Musical Century

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Woman's Century.

"Victor Hugo predicted that the nineteenth century would be

known as Woman's Century. The comparison of the woman of 1800

and the woman of 1900 offers abundant proof of the correctness

of the prophecy."

Mrs. Carrie C. Catt,

Women in the Industries and Professions

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

"In 1900 a third of all the college students in the United

States are women. Sixty per cent. of the pupils in the

secondary schools, both public and private, are girls—i. e.,

more girls are preparing for college than boys. Women having

in general more leisure than men, there is reason to expect

that there will soon be more women than men in our colleges

and graduate schools. The time, too, has passed when girls

went to college to prepare themselves solely for teaching or

for other bread-winning occupations. In considerable numbers

they now seek intellectual resources and the enrichment of

their private lives. Thus far between 50 and 60 per cent. of

women college graduates have at some time taught. In the

country at large more than 70 per cent. of the teaching is

done by women, in the North Atlantic portion over 80 per cent.

Even in the secondary schools, public and private, more women

than men are teaching, though in all other countries the

advanced instruction of boys is exclusively in the hands of

men. Never before has a nation intrusted all the school

training of the vast majority of its future population, men as

well as women, to women alone."

Mrs. Alice F. Palmer,

The Higher Education of Women

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Age of Steel succeeding the Age of Iron.

"The age of iron, which passed away during the last century,

was succeeded by the age of Bessemer steel, which enjoyed a

reign of only thirty-six years, beginning, as it did, in 1864,

and is in turn now passing away to be succeeded by the age of

Siemens open-hearth steel. Already the product of open-hearth

is far beyond that of Bessemer in Britain, and such the writer

ventures to predict will soon be the case in the United

States."

Andrew Carnegie,

The Development of Steel Manufacture

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

As the "Age of Steam."

See (in volume 4)

STEAM ENGINE, STEAM LOCOMOTION, etc.; and

(in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICAL.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

As the "Electric Age."

See (in volume 2)

ELECTRICAL, DISCOVERY; and

(in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: End--------

NIPPUR, Explorations of the ruins of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NIUCHWANG:

"Niuchwang, while a comparatively small city of but 60,000

population, is of especial importance to the United States as

a treaty port. It is located at the extreme north of the Gulf

of Pechili, considerably farther north than Tientsin, and is

of especial importance to the United States because of the

demand for goods from this country in that section. … The

proposed Russian railway line, which is projected through

Manchuria and the province of Shingking to the port of Port

Arthur, passes near Niuchwang and is to be connected by a

short line. Another line, to be built by British capital, will

connect Niuchwang with Shanhaikwan, which is already in railway

connection with Peking, the capital of the Empire."

United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,

March, 1899, page 2196.

NIUCHWANG:

Russian occupation.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

NORFOLK ISLAND:

Change of government.

(in this volume)

AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1896.

{343}

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899.

Local Dispensary Laws.

An Act applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of

regulation for the liquor traffic (see, in this volume, SOUTH

CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899) to Fayetteville was passed by the

Legislature in 1897, and several smaller towns secured local

legislation to the same effect in 1899; but attempts to carry

a general dispensary law for the State were defeated.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.

Race war in Wilmington.

Wilmington, North Carolina, was the scene, in November, of

what can only be called a fierce revolution, whereby the city

government, dominated by the colored population, which

outnumbered the white, was violently overturned by the latter.

The race conflict was precipitated by an article in a Republican

newspaper, edited by a negro, which reflected on the honor of

some of the white women, and caused wild excitement among the

white men. The offending newspaper office was destroyed and

its editor fled. Resistance being offered, furious fighting

occurred, in which a considerable number of negroes was

killed, many were wounded, and hundreds were driven by terror

from the town. White Republican officials were also expelled

or took to flight, and their opponents secured control of city

affairs.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

Constitutional amendment for the qualification of the suffrage.

By a constitutional amendment, adopted in August, 1900, the

following qualification of the suffrage was established:

"SECTION 4.

Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able

to read and write any section of the constitution in the

English language: and, before he shall be entitled to vote, he

shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the year

in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous

year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the

constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867,

or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws

of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and

no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the

right to register and vote at any election in this State by

reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification

herein prescribed, provided he shall have registered in

accordance with the terms of this section prior to December,

1908. The general assembly shall provide for the registration

of all persons entitled to vote without the educational

qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before

November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record

of such registration, and all persons so registered shall

forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by

the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2

of this article: Provided, Such person shall have paid his

poll tax as above required."

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Canadian:

Self-government granted.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER).

NORWAY.

See (in this volume)

SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

NOVA SCOTIA.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

NOVA ZEMBLA, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1900.

NUFFAR,

NIFFER, Explorations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NUPÉ, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NUREMBERG: A. D. 1900.

Remarkable growth in five years.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

NYASSALAND.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

O.

OIL RIVERS PROTECTORATE, The.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

OLD-AGE INSURANCE: In Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

In New South Wales.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

In New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899;

and AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

The question in England.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896; and 1899-1900.

OLNEY, Richard:

Correspondence with Lord Salisbury on the Venezuela boundary

question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

OLYMPIC GAMES, Revival of.

See (in this volume)

ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

The Trans-Mississippi Exposition.

A highly successful Trans-Mississippi Exposition was opened on

the 1st of June and closed on the last day of October, having

been attended by 2,600,000 people. Buildings and grounds were

prepared with beautiful effect, at a cost of $2,500,000.

OMDURMAN:

Capital of the Khalifa.

Capture by the Anglo-Egyptian Army.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

ONTARIO.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

"OPEN DOOR,"

The commercial policy of the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

OPIUM COMMISSION, Report of the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1895.

Proposed federal union with the Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ORANGE FREE STATE).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.

Treaty with the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1899-1900.

Making common cause with the South African Republic.

War with Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):

A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), and after.

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1900 (May.)

Proclamation of annexation to the British dominions.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{344}

OSMAN DIGNA.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

OTIS, General:

Reports as Military Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

OTTAWA: A. D. 1900.

Great fire.

The city of Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada, and the

lumber manufacturing town of Hull, on the opposite side of the

Ottawa River, were both devastated, on the 26th of April, by

one of the most destructive fires of the century. It

originated in the upsetting of a lamp in a dwelling in Hull.

This was at half-past ten o'clock in the morning. A big gale

blowing from the northeast made quick work of the inflammable

houses in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had

reached the river-bank and leaped across to the Ottawa side.

The fire then retraced its steps in Hull, and destroyed a

group of factories. It "blazed a crescent-shaped path five

miles long and a mile wide, destroying in its journey the

public buildings and the residential part of Hull, the

industrial area of the Chaudiere, and the suburbs of the

Ottawa laboring classes at Mechanicsburg, Rochesterville, and

Hintonburg. Fully 15,000 people were rendered homeless, and

$15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated."

Canadian Magazine, July, 1900.

OTTOMAN BANK:

Attack of Armenian revolutionists at Constantinople.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

P.

PAARDEBERG, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

PACT OF HALEPA, The.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

PAGO PAGO: Acquisition by the United States.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1897-1901.

The Zionist movement for Jewish colonization.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1898.

Visit of the German Emperor.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

PALESTINE: A. D. 1901.

Turkish restriction on Jewish visits.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1901.

PALMER, General John M.:

Candidacy for the American Presidency in 1896.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PAMIR REGION, The:

Anglo-Russian agreement concerning.

See (in this volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

PAMPANGAS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PANA, Riotous coal-mining strike at.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

PANAMA CANAL, The: A. D. 1900.

See (in this volume)

PANAMA CANAL;

and (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION, The.

See (in this volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PANGASINANS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PAN-GERMANIC UNION.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1894.

Conference with Eastern Patriarchs.

A conference of Eastern Patriarchs to consider the reunion of

the Eastern Churches (Armenian, Maronite, Melchite, etc.) with

the Church of Rome was opened at the Vatican, in October,

under the presidency of the Pope. The meeting had no result.

PAPACY: A. D. 1894-1895.

The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (March).

Resumption of authority over the Coptic Church.

The authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church was resumed

on the 30th of March, 1896, after a suspension of four

centuries, by the re-establishment of the Catholic

Patriarchate of Alexandria. Bishop Macarius was appointed

Patriarch and two bishops were appointed for Upper and Lower

Egypt.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (September).

Decision on the invalidity of Anglican orders.

In September, 1896, the final decision of the Vatican, on a

reopened question as to the validity of ordinations under the

ritual of the Church of England, was announced by Pope Leo

XIII. in a bull which declares: "After long study, I must

confirm the decree of my predecessors, that all ordinations

made under the Anglican rite are absolutely invalid." Soon

after the decision was announced, a writer in the

"Contemporary Review" gave the following account of

circumstances connected with it:

"The question of Anglican Orders was taken up in connection

with the appeal for union made by Leo XIII. in the Encyclical'

Præclara' of 1894, and more particularly in his letter to the

English people. The group of Anglicans of whom Lord Halifax is

the spokesman took this appeal seriously, and ever since that

time negotiations have been going on more or less continuously

between them and the Vatican. … The idea of an incorporate

union, so dear to Lord Halifax, and so much favoured in the

first instance by the Pope, could only be carried out on the

basis of a prior admission that the Anglican Church had an

existence as a Church, and was therefore in a position to

discuss a union with the Roman Church.

{345}

Once recognise the validity of her Orders, and it would be

possible to go into conference as to the points of difference

between the two Churches, and the means of coming to an

agreement. It is quite certain that the Pope entered heartily

into these views. The Abbé Duchesne was accordingly deputed to

inquire into the validity of the Anglican Orders, and was well

aware that a favourable conclusion would be very well

received. This was before the Abbé was put at the head of the

French College at Rome. He made his investigation, arrived at

the conclusion that the Orders were valid, sent his report to

the Vatican, and received from Cardinal Rampolla a letter of

thanks and congratulations, together with a grand silver

medal, which the Holy Father sent him as a sign of his

satisfaction and particular goodwill. All this happened in the

winter of 1894-95.

"In the autumn of 1895 the idea of union was in higher favour

at the Vatican than ever. Cardinal Rampolla encouraged the

foundation of the 'Revue Anglo-Romaine,' a journal devoted to

the treatment of problems concerning the union of Churches,

and particularly the re-union of the Anglican Church, and

edited by the Abbé Portal, a French priest, and a personal

friend of Lord Halifax. This movement in favour of union was,

however, regarded by the Catholics in England with no little

apprehension and mistrust, and their opposition alone would

have been sufficient to wreck it for the time being. Cardinal

Vaughan viewed the idea of incorporate union as a chimera, but

treated the efforts to realise it as a real danger. … Leo, who

would fain have maintained an attitude of judicial

impartiality, soon found out that he must take a side: he must

either definitely encourage the hopes of the Anglicans, or he

must do something to calm the excited fears of the Catholics.

Even at Rome, if we except the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, who

for a long time fondly hoped that they could make this policy

of union a means of accomplishing very large results,

theological opinion was adverse to the validity. Were there

not, indeed, decisions of the Sacred Congregations which

settled the dispute? There were, but in spite of them all the

Pope was not disabused of his fancy. Compelled at last to take

some action, he named a Commission of theologians, which sat

at Rome in the spring of the present year [1896], under the

presidency of Cardinal Mazzella. … The theologians set forth

the arguments which favoured their respective views; papers

were written, and, after a series of deliberations, a report

was placed in the hands of the Pope. No conclusion was arrived

at: none could be come to in this preliminary assembly. Only the

materials for a judgment were worked out, in case his Holiness

should think fit to pronounce a decision. … The Pope himself

tells us, in the Bull Apostolicæ Curæ, that he left the final

examination of the question to the congregation of cardinals

called ' Suprema.' … The 'Suprema' met on July 16, under the

presidency of the Pope. All the cardinals were of opinion that

the matter had been long since decided, and that the debates

in the preliminary commission had served to show how wise the

decision had been. … The Bull declaring Anglican Orders null

and void was published about the middle of September."

Catholicus,

The Pope and the Anglicans: The Policy of the Bull

(Contemporary Review, December, 1896).

PAPACY: A. D. 1897.

Influence in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PAPACY: A. D. 1898 (January).

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the

Manitoba School Question.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1899.

Secession of German Catholics in Austria from the Church.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1000.

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (January).

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain

opinions "called by some 'Americanism.'"

The following passages are from the translation of an

encyclical letter addressed, on the 22d of January, 1899, by

Pope Leo XIII. to Cardinal Gibbons, for communication to the

bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church in America:

"To Our Beloved Son, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Cardinal Priest

of the Title Sancta Maria, Beyond the Tiber, Archbishop of

Baltimore: … We have often considered and admired the noble

gifts of your nation which enable the American people to be

alive to every good work which promotes the good of humanity

and the splendor of civilization. Although this letter is not

intended, as preceding ones, to repeat the words of praise so

often spoken, but rather to call attention to some things to

be avoided and corrected; still because it is conceived in

that same spirit of apostolic charity which has inspired all

our letters, we shall expect that you will take it as another

proof of our love; the more so because it is intended to

suppress certain contentions which have arisen lately among

you to the detriment of the peace of many souls.

"It is known to you, beloved son, that the biography of Isaac

Thomas Hecker, especially through the action of those who

undertook to translate or interpret it in a foreign language,

has excited not a little controversy, on account of certain

opinions brought forward concerning the way of leading

Christian life. We, therefore, on account of our apostolic

office, having to guard the integrity of the faith and the

security of the faithful, are desirous of writing to you more

at length concerning this whole matter.

"The underlying principle of these new opinions is that, in

order to more easily attract those who differ from her, the

Church should shape her teachings more in accord with the

spirit of the age and relax some of her ancient severity and

make some concessions to new opinions. Many think that these

concessions should be made not only in regard to ways of

living, but even in regard to doctrines which belong to the

deposit of the faith. They contend that it would be opportune,

in order to gain those who differ from us, to omit certain

points of her teaching which are of lesser importance, and to

tone down the meaning which the Church has always attached to

them. It does not need many words, beloved son, to prove the

falsity of these ideas if the nature and origin of the

doctrine which the Church proposes are recalled to mind. The

Vatican Council says concerning this point: 'For the doctrine

of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a

philosophical invention to be perfected by human ingenuity,

but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of

Christ to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence

that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be

retained which our Holy Mother, the Church, has once declared,

nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense

or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them.'

Constitutis de Fide Catholica, Chapter iv. …

{346}

"Let it be far from anyone's mind to suppress for any reason

any doctrine that has been handed down. Such a policy would

tend rather to separate Catholics from the Church than to

bring in those who differ. There is nothing closer to our

heart than to have those who are separated from the fold of

Christ return to it, but in no other way than the way pointed

out by Christ.

"The rule of life laid down for Catholics is not of such a

nature that it cannot accommodate itself to the exigencies of

various times and places. The Church has, guided by her Divine

Master, a kind and merciful spirit, for which reason from the

very beginning she has been what St. Paul said of himself: 'I

became all things to all men that I might save all.'

"History proves clearly that the Apostolic See, to which has

been intrusted the mission not only of teaching but of

governing the whole Church, has continued 'in one and the same

doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same

judgment.'

Constitutis de fide, Chapter iv.

"But in regard to ways of living she has been accustomed to so

yield that, the divine principle of morals being kept intact,

she has never neglected to accommodate herself to the

character and genius of the nations which she embraces. Who

can doubt that she will act in this same spirit again if the

salvation of souls requires it? In this matter the Church must

be the judge, not private men who are often deceived by the

appearance of right. In this, all who wish to escape the blame

of our predecessor, Pius the Sixth, must concur. He condemned

as injurious to the Church and the spirit of God who guides

her the doctrine contained in proposition lxxviii of the Synod

of Pistoia, 'that the discipline made and approved by the

Church should be submitted to examination, as if the Church

could frame a code of laws useless or heavier than human

liberty can bear.'

"But, beloved son, in this present matter of which we are

speaking, there is even a greater danger and a more manifest

opposition to Catholic doctrine and discipline in that opinion

of the lovers of novelty, according to which they hold such

liberty should be allowed in the Church, that her supervision

and watchfulness being in some sense lessened, allowance be

granted the faithful, each one to follow out more freely the

leading of his own mind and the trend of his own proper

activity. They are of opinion that such liberty has its

counterpart in the newly given civil freedom which is now the

right and the foundation of almost every secular state.

"In the apostolic letters concerning the constitution of

states, addressed by us to the bishops of the whole Church, we

discussed this point at length; and there set forth the

difference existing between the Church, which is a divine

society, and all other social human organizations which depend

simply on free will and choice of men. It is well, then, to

particularly direct attention to the opinion which serves as

the argument in behalf of this greater liberty sought for and

recommended to Catholics.

"It is alleged that now the Vatican decree concerning the

infallible teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff having been

proclaimed that nothing further on that score can give any

solicitude, and accordingly, since that has been safe-guarded

and put beyond question a wider and freer field both for

thought and action lies open to each one. But such reasoning

is evidently faulty, since, if we are to come to any

conclusion from the infallible teaching authority of the

Church, it should rather be that no one should wish to depart

from it and moreover that the minds of all being leavened and

directed thereby, greater security from private error would be

enjoyed by all. And further, those who avail themselves of

such a way of reasoning seem to depart seriously from the

over-ruling wisdom of the Most High—which wisdom, since it was

pleased to set forth by most solemn decision the authority and

supreme teaching rights of this Apostolic See—willed that

decision precisely in order to safeguard the minds of the

Church's children from the dangers of these present times.

"These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty,

the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any

possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions

one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to

the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now

a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever

before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of

duty.

"We, indeed, have no thought of rejecting everything that

modern industry and study has produced; so far from it that we

welcome to the patrimony of truth and to an ever-widening

scope of public well-being whatsoever helps toward the

progress of learning and virtue. Yet all this, to be of any

solid benefit, nay, to have a real existence and growth, can

only be on the condition of recognizing the wisdom and

authority of the Church. …

"From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are

not able to give approval to those views which, in their

collective sense, are called by some 'Americanism.' But if by

this name are to be understood certain endowments of mind

which belong to the American people, just as other

characteristics belong to various other nations, and if,

moreover, by it is designated your political condition and the

laws and customs by which you are governed, there is no reason

to take exception to the name. But if this is to be so

understood that the doctrines which have been adverted to

above are not only indicated, but exalted, there can be no

manner of doubt that our venerable brethren, the bishops of

America, would be the first to repudiate and condemn it as

being most injurious to themselves and to their country. For

it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among you

some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be

different from what it is in the rest of the world.

"But the true church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by

unity of government, and she is catholic also. Since God has

placed the centre and foundation of unity in the chair of

Blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for

'where Peter is, there is the church.' Wherefore, if anybody

wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able

to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome

addressed to Pope Damasus; 'I, acknowledging no other leader

than Christ, am bound in fellowship with Your Holiness: that

is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the church was built

upon him as its rock, and that whosoever gathereth not with

you, scattereth.' …"

American Catholic Quarterly Review,

April, 1899.

{347}

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (September-October).

Church and State in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (December).

Pope Leo XIII. on the French Associations Bill.

See (in this volume))

FRANCE; A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the

Holy Year Nineteen Hundred.

Its extension for six months.

The following is the text of the Papal proclamation of the

Universal Jubilee, in its English translation, as published in

the "American Catholic Quarterly Review":

"To all the Faithful of Christ who shall read these Letters,

Health and Apostolic Benediction. The century, which, by the

grace of God, we have ourselves seen almost from its

commencement, draws rapidly to its close. Willingly have we

followed the institutions of our predecessors in so ordering

things that they may redound in the good of all Christian

peoples, and which may be perhaps for them the last proof of

our care to the government of the Sovereign Pontificate. We

speak of the Great Jubilee introduced in ancient times among

Christian customs and observed by our predecessors, who

bestowed upon the years of general jubilee the title of the

Holy Year, because it was usual for such a year to be blessed

by a greater number of holy ceremonies, as these furnish the

most copious means of help for the correction of morals and

the leading of souls to sanctity.

"We have ourselves seen with our own eyes the fruitful result

of the last solemn celebration of the Holy Year. It was in the

Pontificate of Leo XII, and we were as yet in the years of our

youth. It was truly a grand sight to see then the manifestations

of religious fervor in Rome. We can remember as if the scene

were still before our eyes, the immense concourse of pilgrims,

the multitudes which flocked processionally to one or other of

the great basilicas, the sacred orators who preached in the

public streets, and the most frequented quarters of the city

resounding with the Divine praises. The Sovereign Pontiff

himself, with a numerous suite of Cardinals and in the sight

of all the people, gave a noble example of piety and charity.

"From such thoughts as these we turn with renewed sorrow to

the times in which we now live; for such practices of piety,

when without hindrance they were fulfilled under the eyes of

all the citizens, augmented admirably the fervor and piety of

the whole people; but now, on account of the changed condition

of Rome, it is impossible to renew them, for in order to do so

in any measure we must depend upon the arbitration of others.

But however that may be, God, who ever blesses salutary

counsels, will concede—such is our hope—success to this our

design, undertaken solely for Him and for His glory. At what

do we aim or what do we wish? Nothing else truly than to

render more easy the way of eternal salvation to the souls

confided to us, and for this end to administer to the infirm

of spirit those remedies which it has pleased our Lord Jesus

Christ to place in our hands. This administration seems to us

not alone a duty of our apostolic office, but a duty which is

peculiarly necessary to our times. The present age, however,

cannot be said to be sterile, either in regard to good works

or to Christian virtues. Thanks be to God, we have examples of

both in abundance, nor is there any virtue, however lofty and

arduous its attainment and practice, in which many are not

found to signalize themselves, because it is a power proper to

the Christian religion, Divinely founded, inexhaustible and

perpetual, to generate and nourish virtue. Yet, casting our

eyes around, we see, on the other hand, with what blindness,

with what persistent error, whole peoples are hurrying to

eternal ruin. And this thought strikes bitterly to our

heart—how many Christians, led away by the license of hearing

and of thought, absorbing with avidity the intoxicating errors

of false doctrine, go on day by day dissipating and destroying

the grand gift of the faith. Hence arise repugnance to

Christian living, that insatiable appetite for the things of

this world, and hence cares and thoughts alienated from God

and rooted in the world. It is almost impossible to express in

words the damage which has already accrued from this

iniquitous source to the very foundations of society. The

minds of men ordinarily rebellious, the blind tendency of

popular cupidity, hidden perils, tragical crimes, are nothing

more to those who seek their source and cause than the

unrestrained strife to possess and enjoy the goods of this

world.

"It is of supreme importance, therefore, to public no less

than private life, to admonish men as to the duties of their

state, to arouse souls steeped in forgetfulness of duty, to

recall to the thought of their own salvation those who run

imminent risk of perishing and of losing through their

negligence and pride those celestial and unchangeable rewards

for the possession of which we are born. This is the aim of

the Holy Year. The Church, mindful only of her intrinsic

benignity and mercy as a most tender Mother, studies at this

time, with love and by every means within her ample power, to

re-conduct souls to better counsels and to promote in each

works of expiation by means of penance and emendation of life.

To this end, multiplying prayers and augmenting the fervor of

the faithful, she seeks to appease the outraged majesty of God

and to draw down His copious and celestial gifts. She opens

wide the rich treasury of indulgences, of which she is the

appointed dispenser, and exhorts the whole of Christianity to

the firm hope of pardon. She is purely intent upon vanquishing

with unconquerable love and sweetness the most rebellious

wills. How, then, may we not hope to obtain, with God's help,

rich fruits and profuse, and such as are most adapted to the

present needs?

"Several extraordinary solemnities, the notices of which we

believe to be already sufficiently diffused, and which will

serve in some manner to consecrate the end of the nineteenth

century and the beginning of the twentieth, greatly increase

the advantage of the opportunity now given. We speak of the

honors to be rendered at this time in every part of the world

to Jesus Christ as our Redeemer. On this account we were

profuse in our approbation and praise of a project which had

its source in the piety of private individuals, and, in fact,

what could be more holy and salutary? All that which man

should hope for and desire is contained in the only-begotten

Son of God, our Salvation, Life, and Resurrection.

{348}

To desire to abandon Him is to desire eternal perdition. We

could never silence adoration, praise, thanksgiving due to our

Lord Jesus Christ, and without intermission they should be

repeated everywhere, for in every place no thanksgiving, no

honor, can be so great but that it may be increased. Our age

produces perhaps many men who are forgetful and ungrateful,

who ordinarily respond to the mercy of their Divine Saviour

with disdain and to His gifts with offenses and injuries.

Certainly the lives of many are so far removed from His laws

and His precepts as to argue in themselves ungrateful and

malicious souls. And what shall we say to see renewed again in

these times and not once alone, the blasphemy of the Arian

heresy regarding the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Courage, then,

and to work, all you who with this new and most beautiful

proposition seek to excite the piety of the people to new

fervor. Do what you can in such manner that you impede not the

course of the Jubilee and the appointed solemnities. Let it be

added that in the forthcoming manifestations of faith and

religion this special intention shall be kept in view—hatred

of all that which within our memory has been impiously said or

done, especially against the Divine Majesty of our Lord Jesus

Christ, and to satisfy publicly for the injuries publicly

inflicted upon Him. Now if we are really in earnest, we must

know that to repent of evil done, and, having implored peace

and pardon of God, to exercise ourselves with great diligence,

in the duties necessary to virtue, and to assume those we have

cast aside, is the means of satisfaction most desirable and

assured, and which bears upon it the impress of truth. Since

the Holy Year offers to all the opportunities which we have

touched on in the beginning, it is a necessary provision that

the Christian people enter upon it full of courage and of

hope.

"For which reason, raising our eyes to heaven and praying from

our heart that God, so rich in mercy, would vouchsafe to

concede benignly His blessing and favor to our desires and

works, and would illuminate with His Divine light the minds of

all men, and move their souls to conform with His holy will

and inestimable goodness, We, following in this the example of

the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors, with the assent of the

Cardinals of the Holy Roman College, our Venerable Brethren,

in virtue of these letters, with the authority of Christ, of

the blessed Peter and Paul, and with our own authority, order

and promulgate from this hour the great and universal jubilee,

which will commence in this holy city of Rome at the first

Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ of the year

1899, and which will close at first Vespers of the Nativity of

our Lord of the year 1900. May all redound to the glory of

God, the salvation of souls, and the good of the Church.

During this year of jubilee we concede and impart mercifully

in our Lord full indulgence, remission and pardon of sin to

all faithful Christians of either sex, who, being truly

penitent shall confess and communicate, visiting devoutly the

Roman basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, St. John Lateran, and

St. Mary Major, at least once a day for twenty days

continuously or at intervals; that is, the obligation is to be

fulfilled between the first Vespers of each day and the last

Vespers of the day following, whether the Faithful be citizens

of Rome or not, if they are residing permanently in Rome. If

they come to Rome as pilgrims, then they must visit the said

basilicas in the same manner for ten days, praying devoutly to

God for the exaltation of Holy Church, for the extirpation of

heresies, for peace and concord amongst Christian princes, and

for the salvation of the whole Christian people.

"And since it may happen to many that with all their good-will

they cannot or can only in part carry out the above, being

either, while in Rome or on their journey, impeded by illness

or other legitimate causes, we, taking into account their

good-will, can, when they are truly repentant and have duly

confessed and communicated, concede to them the participation

in the same indulgences and remission of sins as if they had

actually visited the basilicas on the days appointed. Rome,

therefore, invites you lovingly to her bosom, beloved

children, from all parts of the world, who have means of

visiting her. Know also that to a good Catholic in this sacred

time it is fitting that he come to Rome guided purely by

Christian faith, and that he should renounce especially the

satisfaction of sight-seeing merely idle or profane, turning

his soul rather to those things which predispose him to

religion and piety. And that which tends greatly so to

predispose him, if he look within, is the natural character of

the city, a certain character divinely impressed upon her, and

not to be changed by human means, nor by any act of violence.

For Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, chose only,

amongst all its cities, that of Rome to be the centre of an

action more than earthly, consecrating it to Himself. Here He

placed, and not without long and careful preparation, the

throne of His own empire; here He commanded that the see of

His Vicar should be raised to the perpetuity of time; here He

willed that the light of revealed truth should be jealously

and inviolably guarded, and that from here light should be

diffused throughout the whole earth in such a manner that

those who are alienated from the faith of Rome are alienated

from Christ. The religious monuments raised by our fathers,

the singular majesty of her temples, the tomb of the Apostles,

the Catacombs of the martyrs, all serve to increase the aspect of

holiness and to impress those who visit her in the spirit of

faith. Whosoever knows the voice of such monuments feels that

he is no pilgrim in a foreign city, but a citizen in his own,

and by God's grace he will realize this fact at his going,

more forcibly than at his coming.

"We wish, in order that these present letters may be brought

more easily under the notice of all, that printed copies,

signed by a public notary and furnished with the seal of some

ecclesiastical dignitary, shall be received with the same

faith as would be given to the original by those who have

heard or read it.

"To no one will it be lawful to alter any word of this our

disposition, promulgation, concession, and will, or to rashly

oppose it. If any should presume to make any such attempt, let

them know that they incur thereby the indignation of God

Almighty and of His Apostles Peter and Paul.

"Given at St. Peter's, Rome, on the 11th of May, in the year

of the Incarnation of our Lord 1899, and the 22d of our

Pontificate. C. Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, Pro-Datory. L. Card.

MACCHI.

{349}

"Witnessed on behalf of the Curia: G. DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI.

Registered in the Secretariate of Briefs, J. CUGNONI. In the

year of the Nativity of our Lord 1899, on the 11th day of May,

feast of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 22d year

of the Pontificate of our Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo

XIII, by Divine Providence Pope, I have read and solemnly

promulgated the present apostolical letters in the presence

of the people, in the porch of the Holy Patriarchal Vatican

Basilica. GIUSEPPE DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI, Official of the

Curia."

On the termination of the "holy year," by a letter "given at

Rome in the year of Our Lord 1901," the Pope announced: "We

do, therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, of the

Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, extend and

prorogue, for a period of six months, the Great Jubilee which

has just been celebrated in the Holy City. Wherefore, to all

the faithful of both sexes, in all parts of the earth,

including even those that have come to Rome during the past

year and there or elsewhere gained the Jubilee under any

conditions, we grant and accord mercifully in the Lord, for

once, the fullest indulgence, remission and pardon of their

sins, the annual Paschal confession and communion being,

however, not valid as conditions for gaining the Jubilee,

provided that within six months from the date of the

publication in each diocese of this letter they visit the

cathedral in the episcopal city or the principal church in

other parts of the different dioceses, together with three

other churches in the same place, as appointed by the Ordinary

either directly or through his officials, the parish priests

or Vicar Foran, at least once a day for fifteen continuous or

uninterrupted days, natural or ecclesiastical (the

ecclesiastical day being that which commences with the first

vespers of one day and ends with the dusk of the day

following), and pray devoutly to God for the exaltation of the

Church, the extirpation of heresy, the concord of Catholic

princes and the salvation of the Christian people. In places

where there are not four churches, power is granted in the

same way to the Ordinaries to fix a smaller number or

churches, or even one church where there is only one, in which

the faithful may make the full number of visits, separate and

distinct, on the same natural or ecclesiastical day, in such a

way that the sixty visits be distributed through fifteen

continuous or interrupted days."

Provisions relating to the circumstances of persons at sea or

traveling, or in religious community, or in prison, are

prescribed in the papal letter, and special privileges and

powers are granted to "Jubilee confessors,"

PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social and

Christian Democracy.

In a letter dated January 18, 1901, addressed "to the

Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Local

Ordinaries in communion with the Apostolic See," the Pope has

discussed the subjects of Democracy and Socialism, with

reference to controverted views and opinions "defining what

Catholics ought to think," and giving them "some injunctions

so as to make their own action larger in scope and more

beneficial to the commonwealth." The letter opens with these

words: "Venerable Brethren—Grave economical disputes in more

than one country have long been raging; peace and concord are

affected; the violence of the disputants grows every day,

insomuch that the thoughts of the wiser part are laden with

doubt, and apprehension. These disputes arise in the first

instance from widespread philosophical and moral error. The

scientific resources belonging to the age, increased

facilities of communication and appliances of all kinds for

economizing labor and making it more productive have resulted

in a keener struggle for existence. Through the malefic

influence of agitators the gulf between rich and poor has been

widened, so that frequent disturbances arise and even great

calamities seem impending such as would bring ruin on a

country."

The Pope then refers to his early encyclicals ("Quod

Apostolici Muneris," issued in 1878, on the error in

socialistic opinions, and "Rerum Novarum," issued in 1891, on

"the rights and duties binding together the two classes of

capitalists and laborers"), and to the good influence which he

finds reason to believe they have had, and says further:

"Thus, therefore, under the guidance of the Church, some sort

of concerted action and institutional provision has been set

up among Catholics for the protection of the lower classes,

who are very often as much the victims of dangerous

machinations and snares as they are suffering from hardship

and poverty. The creed of the benefactor of the people had

originally no name of its own; that of Christian Socialism and

its derivatives, which some brought in, has not undeservedly

grown obsolete. Afterward many wanted, very rightly, to name

it Popular Christianity. In some places those who devote

themselves to such work are called Christian Socialists;

elsewhere it is called Christian Democracy, and its supporters

Christian Democrats, as opposed to the Social Democracy, which

Socialists uphold. Of these two appellations, certainly that

of Christian Socialists, if not also of Christian Democracy,

is offensive to many right-minded people, inasmuch as they

think there is a perilous ambiguity attaching to it. They are

afraid of the name for several reasons—popular government may

be covertly promoted or preferred to other forms of political

constitution; the influence of Christianity may seem to be

confined to the benefit of the common people, all other ranks

being as it were left out in the cold; beneath the specious

designation may lurk some design or other of subverting all

legitimate authority, being civil and religious.

"There is now commonly much dispute, and sometimes over-bitter

dispute, on this topic, and we deem it our duty to put an end

to the controversy by defining what Catholics ought to think;

moreover we intend to give them some injunctions so as to make

their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the

commonwealth.

"What Social Democracy means, and what Christian ought to

mean, does not surely admit of doubt. The former, more or less

extreme, as the case may be, is by many carried to such

extravagance of wickedness as to reckon human satisfaction

supreme and acknowledge nothing higher, to pursue bodily goods

and those of the natural world, and to make the happiness of man

consist in attaining and enjoying them. Hence they would have

the supreme power in a state to be in the hands of the common

people, in such sort that all distinction or rank being

abolished and every citizen made equal to every other, all

might have equal access also to the good things of life; the

law of lordship is to be abolished, private fortunes

confiscated and even socialization of the appliances of labor

carried out.

{350}

But Christian Democracy, as Christian, ought to have as its

foundation the principles laid down by divine faith, having

regard, indeed, to the temporal advantage of the lower orders,

but designing therewith to fit their minds for the enjoyment

of things eternal. Accordingly, to Christian Democracy, let

there be nothing more sacred than law and right; let it bid

the right of having and holding be kept inviolate; let it

maintain the diversity of ranks which properly belong to a

well-ordered state; in fine, let it prefer for human

association that form and character which its divine author

has imposed upon it. Clearly, therefore, Social and Christian

Democracy can have nothing in common; the difference between

them is no less than that between the sectarianism of

socialism and the profession of the Christian law.

"Far be it from any one to pervert the name of Christian

Democracy to political ends. For although democracy by its

very name and by philosophical usage denotes popular rule, yet

in this application it must be employed altogether without

political significance, so as to denote nothing whatever

besides this beneficent Christian action upon the people. For

natural morality and the precepts of the Gospel, for the very

reason that they transcend the chances of human existence,

must necessarily be independent of any particular form of

civil government and adapt themselves to all, so long as there

is nothing to conflict with virtue and right. They are,

therefore, and remain in themselves, absolutely external to

all conflict of parties and vicissitudes of occurrence, so

that, under whatever kind of government, people may and ought

to abide by these precepts, which bid them love God above all

and their neighbors as themselves. This has ever been the

morality of the Church: by it Roman Pontiffs have constantly

dealt with states whatever might be their executive

government. And this being so, the mind and action of

Catholics, when devoted to promoting the good of the lower

orders, cannot by any possibility aim at embracing and

introducing any one form of government in preference to

another.

"Just in the same way must Christian Democracy repudiate the

other ground of offense, which arises from paying so much

regard to the interests of the lower classes as to seem to

pass over the higher, who are nevertheless of equal importance

to the preservation and development of the State. The

Christian law of charity, which we have just mentioned,

forbids this. It is large enough to embrace all ranks as the

aim and the task of those who would have the common people in

a Christian spirit on the one hand suitably relieved, and, on

the other, preserved against the contagion of socialism. …

"We have recalled these various topics on which we have before

this found occasion to dilate according to our ability, and we

trust that all dispute over the name of Christian Democracy

may now be laid aside, as well as any suspicion of dangerous

signification attaching to it. This trust we rightly cherish.

For making exception of the ideas of certain persons regarding

the force and virtue of this kind of Christian Democracy,

ideas which are not free from extravagance or error, surely

there will be no single person to find fault with an endeavor,

conformably to the law of nature and of God, to do merely

this, to make the lives of laborers and artisans more

tolerable, and gradually to give them the opportunity of

self-culture, so that at home and in the world they may freely

fulfil the obligations of virtue and religion, may feel

themselves to be men, and not mere animals, Christian men, not

pagans, and so strive with more felicity and earnestness to

attain that 'one thing needful,' that final good, for which we

came into the world. This is belonging to one and the same

family, the offspring of the same all-beneficent Father,

redeemed by one Saviour and called to the same eternal

inheritance. …

"God forbid that under the name of Christian democracy should

lie the surreptitious aim of throwing off all obedience and

turning away from those in lawful authority. The law of

nature, no less than that of Christ, enjoins respect for all

such as in their several degree hold office in the State, and

further enjoins obedience to their lawful commands. This is

the only attitude worthy of a man and a Christian, and ought

to be taken up heartily and as a matter of duty, 'for

conscience's sake,' as the Apostle himself has admonished,

when he ordained: 'Let every soul be subject to the highest

powers.' …

"We spoke just now advisedly of virtue and religion. For it is

the opinion of some, which is caught up by the masses, that

the social question, as they call it, is 'economical' merely.

The precise opposite is the truth—that it is first of all

moral and religious, and for that reason its solution is to be

expected mainly from the moral law and the pronouncements of

religion. … Without the instincts which Christian wisdom

implants and keeps alive, without providence, self-control,

thrift, endurance and other natural qualities, you may try

your hardest, but prosperity you cannot provide. That is the

reason why we have never encouraged Catholics to form

associations for the assistance of the poor, or introduce

other schemes of the kind, without at the same time warning

them that such things must not be attempted without the

sanction of religion, without its inclusion and aid. … It is a

laudable charity not merely to relieve the temporary needs of

the poor, but to have an organized system of relief; this will

be a more real and reliable assistance. It must be considered

still more laudable to desire to instill into the minds of the

mechanic and of the laborer notions of thrift and prudence, so

that they may at least in part make provision for their

declining years. It is an aim which not only relieves the cost

of the wealthy, but it is a moral step for the poor

themselves; it encourages them to approve their position,

while it keeps them away from temptations, checks

self-indulgence and leads them on to virtuous behavior. …

"Finally, we again enjoin with greater insistence that

whatever schemes people take up in the popular cause, whether

individually or in association, they should remember that they

must be entirely submissive to episcopal authority. Do not let

them be beguiled by an excessive ardor for charitable

enterprise, which, if it induces any relaxation of due

obedience, is itself false, unproductive of solid benefit and

displeasing to God. Those who please God are those who are

ready to give up their own ideas and listen to the bidding of

the rulers of the Church, absolutely as to His own."

Catholic Union and Times,

February 21, 1901.

{351}

PARIS: A. D. 1897.

Burning of the Charity Bazaar.

An awful destruction of life was caused on the 4th of May by

fire breaking out in a charity bazaar, held in the Rue Jean

Goujon, at Paris. Temporary structures had been erected, of

wood and other combustible materials, to represent a street of

Old Paris shops, and the flames ran through them like

wildfire. The place was thronged with people, mostly of the

aristocratic class and more than 200 are said to have

perished.

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (April-November).

Exposition.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (September).

Gigantic banquet to the Mayors of France.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

PARIS, Treaty of (1898), between the United States and Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARKHURST, Reverend Dr. Charles:

His attack on the Tammany administration of New York City.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PARLIAMENT, The British:

Ceremonious opening by King Edward VII.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, Austrian.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

----------PARTIES AND FACTIONS, POLITICAL

AND POLITICO-RELIGIOUS: Start--------

PARTIES:

Afrikander Bund, or Bondsmen.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):

A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; 1898(MARCH-OCTOBER);

and 1900 (DECEMBER).

PARTIES:

Agrarian Protectionists, German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

PARTIES:

Anti-Imperialists.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Anti-Semites.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after;

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Blancos, or Whites.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:

The Bond.

See above,

AFRIKANDER BUND.

PARTIES:

Centre (Catholic, of Germany).

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D.1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Christian Social party.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Clerical party, Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Colorados, or Reds.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:

Deutsch Fortschrittliche.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

"Fanatics."

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

"Free Silver" Democracy.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER)

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Fuyu-to (Liberals).

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:

German Democrats.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

German Liberal party, Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

German People's party.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Gold Democrats.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Hintchak, The.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

PARTIES:

Historic Christian party.

See (in this volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Kai-shin-to (Progressives).

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:

Kensei-to (Constitutional party).

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

PARTIES:

Labor party, French (Parti Ouvrier).

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY).

PARTIES:

Liberal Democrats (German).

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Liberal Unionists (German).

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Lincoln party.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), SILVER REPUBLICAN.

PARTIES:

Little England party.

See (in this volume)

LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

PARTIES:

Middle-of-the-Road Populists.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

National Democratic party.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

National Liberals (German).

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

National party, 1896 and 1900.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

National Silver party.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

New Radical party.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

PARTIES:

Old Czechs.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Pan-Germanic Union.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

PARTIES:

Patriotic League.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Polish Club.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Progressives (Kaishin-to).

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:

Progressives (Cape).

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):

A. D. 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PARTIES:

Protestant Anti-Revolutionists.

See (in this volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Rikken Seiyu-kai

Association of Friends of the Constitution.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

PARTIES:

Siah Chai, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES:

Silver Republicans.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Socialist parties.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY);

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1898 (JUNE);

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

"Sound Money" Democrats.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

United Christian party.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

United Irish League.

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

PARTIES:

"Vegetarians."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES:

Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Volkspartei.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Young Czechs.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PATRIARCHATE: Re-established at Alexandria.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

PATRIOTIC LEAGUE.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{352}

PAUNCEFOTE, Sir Julian:

British commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

----------PARTIES: End--------

----------PEACE CONFERENCE.: Start--------

PEACE CONFERENCE:

On the 24th of August, 1898, without previous heralding or

intimation, Count Mouravieff, the Russian Minister for Foreign

Affairs, placed copies of the following momentous proposal

from the Tsar in the hands of all the foreign representatives

attending his weekly reception at St. Petersburg:

"The maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction

of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations

represent, in the present condition of affairs all over the

world, the ideal towards which the efforts of all Governments

should be directed. This view fully corresponds with the

humane and magnanimous intentions of His Majesty the Emperor,

my august Master. Being convinced that this high aim agrees

with the most essential interests and legitimate aspirations

of all the Powers, the Imperial Government considers the

present moment a very favourable one for seeking, through

international discussion, the most effective means of assuring

to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and

above all of limiting the progressive development of existing

armaments. During the last twenty years aspirations towards

general pacification have particularly asserted themselves in

the consciences of civilized nations. The preservation of

peace has been made the aim of international policy; for the

sake of peace the Great Powers have formed powerful alliances,

and for the purpose of establishing a better guarantee of peace

they have developed their military forces in an unprecedented

degree, and continue to develop them without hesitating at any

sacrifice. All these efforts, however, have not yet led to the

beneficent results of the desired pacification. The ever

increasing financial burdens strike at the root of public

prosperity. The physical and intellectual forces of the

people, labour and capital, are diverted for the greater part

from their natural application and wasted unproductively.

Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring terrible engines

of destruction which are regarded to-day as the latest

inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to be

rendered obsolete by some new discovery. National culture,

economical progress, and the production of wealth are either

paralysed or developed in a wrong direction. Therefore, the

more the armaments of each Power increase, the less they

answer to the objects aimed at by the Governments. Economic

disturbances are caused in great measure by this system of

excessive armaments, and the constant danger involved in this

accumulation of war material renders the armed peace of to-day

a crushing burden more and more difficult for the nations to

bear. It consequently seems evident that if this situation be

prolonged, it will inevitably lead to that very disaster which

it is desired to avoid, and the horrors of which make every

humane mind shudder by anticipation. It is the supreme duty,

therefore, at the present moment of all States to put some

limit to these unceasing armaments, and to find means of

averting the calamities which threaten the whole world. Deeply

impressed by this feeling, His Majesty the Emperor has been

pleased to command me to propose to all Governments who have

Representatives at the Imperial Court the meeting of a

Conference to discuss this grave problem. Such a Conference,

with God's help, would be a happy augury for the opening

century. It would concentrate in one powerful effort the

strivings of all States which sincerely wish to bring about

the triumph of the grand idea of universal peace over the

elements of trouble and discord. It would, at the same time,

cement their agreement by a united affirmation of the

principles of law and equity on which rest the security of

States and the welfare of peoples."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Russia, Number 1, 1899).

Having allowed his supremely noble proposition to stand before

the world for consideration during a period of four months,

and having received from almost every governing authority a

formal expression of willingness to join in the Conference

recommended, the sovereign of Russia pursued his grand design,

on the 11th of January, 1899, by the following communication

to the foreign representatives at his court:

"When, in the month of August last, my August master

instructed me to propose to the Governments which have

Representatives in St. Petersburg the meeting of a Conference

with the object of seeking the most efficacious means for

assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting

peace, and, above all, in order to put a stop to the

progressive development of the present armaments, there

appeared to be no obstacle in the way of the realization, at

no distant date, of this humanitarian scheme. The cordial

reception accorded by nearly all the Powers to the step taken

by the Imperial Government could not fail to strengthen this

expectation. While highly appreciating the sympathetic terms

in which the adhesions of most of the Powers were expressed,

the Imperial Cabinet has been also able to collect, with

lively satisfaction, evidence of the warmest approval which

has reached it, and continues to be received, from all classes

of society in various parts of the globe. Notwithstanding the

strong current of opinion which set in favour of the ideas of

general pacification, the political horizon bas recently

undergone a sensible change. Several Powers have undertaken

fresh armaments, striving to increase further their military

forces, and in the presence of this uncertain situation, it

might be asked whether the Powers considered the present

moment opportune for the international discussion of the ideas

set forth in the Circular of the 12th (24th) August. In the

hope, however, that the elements of trouble agitating

political centres will soon give place to a calmer disposition

of a nature to favour the success of the proposed Conference,

the Imperial Government is of opinion that it would be

possible to proceed forthwith to a preliminary exchange of

ideas between the Powers, with the object:

(a.) Of seeking without delay means for putting a limit to the

progressive increase of military and naval armaments, a question

the solution of which becomes evidently more and more urgent

in view of the fresh extension given to these armaments; and

(b.) Of preparing the way for a discussion of the questions

relating to the possibility of preventing armed conflicts by

the pacific means at the disposal of international diplomacy.

{353}

In the event of the Powers considering the present moment

favourable for the meeting of a Conference on these bases, it

would certainly be useful for the Cabinets to come to an

understanding on the subject of the programme of their

labours. The subjects to be submitted for international

discussion at the Conference could, in general terms, be

summarized as follows:

"1. An understanding not to increase for a fixed period the

present effective of the armed military and naval forces, and

at the same time not to increase the Budgets pertaining

thereto; and a preliminary examination of the means by which a

reduction might even be effected in future in the forces and

Budgets above-mentioned.

"2. To prohibit the use in the armies and fleets of any new

kind of fire-arms whatever and of new explosives, or any

powders more powerful than those now in use either for rifles

or cannon.

"3. To restrict the use in military warfare of the formidable

explosives already existing, and to prohibit the throwing of

projectiles or explosives of any kind from balloons or by any

similar means.

"4. To prohibit the use in naval warfare of submarine

torpedo-boats or plungers, or other similar engines of

destruction; to give an undertaking not to construct vessels

with rams in the future.

"5. To apply to naval warfare the stipulations of the Geneva

Convention of 1864, on the basis of the Additional Articles of

1868.

"6. To neutralize ships and boats employed in saving those

overboard during or after an engagement.

"7. To revise the Declaration concerning the laws and customs

of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference of Brussels, which

has remained unratified to the present day.

"8. To accept in principle the employment of good offices, of

mediation and facultative arbitration in cases lending

themselves thereto, with the object of preventing armed

conflicts between nations; to come to an understanding with

respect to the mode of applying these good offices, and to

establish a uniform practice in using them.

"It is well understood that all questions concerning the

political relations of States and the order of things

established by Treaties, as generally all questions which do

not directly fall within the programme adopted by the

Cabinets, must be absolutely excluded from the deliberations

of the Conference. In requesting you, Sir, to be good enough

to apply to your Government for instructions on the subject of

my present communication, I beg you at the same time to inform

it that, in the interest of the great cause which my august

master has so much at heart, His Imperial Majesty considers it

advisable that the Conference should not sit in the capital of

one of the Great Powers, where so many political interests are

centred which might, perhaps, impede the progress of a work in

which all the countries of the universe are equally

interested."

General assent being given to the suggestions here offered,

the next step toward realization of the grand project was

taken, by an arrangement with the government of the Kingdom of

the Netherlands, in accordance with which an invitation was

addressed from The Hague, in April, to many governments, both

the greater and the less of the political world, in the

following terms:

"For political reasons the Imperial Russian Government

considered that it would not be desirable that the meeting of

the Conference should take place in the capital of one of the

Great Powers, and after securing the assent of the Governments

interested, it addressed the Cabinet of The Hague with a view of

obtaining its consent to the choice of that capital as the

seat of the Conference in question. The Minister for Foreign

Affairs at once took the orders of Her Majesty the Queen in

regard to this request, and I am happy to be able to inform

you that Her Majesty, my august Sovereign, has been pleased to

authorize him to reply that it will be particularly agreeable

to her to see the proposed Conference meet at The Hague.

Consequently, my Government, in accord with the Imperial

Russian Government, charges me to invite [the Government

named] to be good enough to be represented at the

above-mentioned Conference, in order to discuss the questions

indicated in the second Russian Circular of the 30th December,

1898 (11th January, 1899), as well as all other questions

connected with the ideas set forth in the Circular of the 12th

(24th) August, 1898, excluding, however, from the

deliberations everything which refers to the political

relations of States or the order of things established by

Treaties. My Government trusts, that [the Government named]

will associate itself with the great humanitarian work to be

entered upon under the auspices of His Majesty the Emperor of

All the Russias, and that it will be disposed to accept this

invitation, and to take the necessary steps for the presence

of its Representatives at The Hague on the 18th May next for

the opening of the Conference, at which each Power, whatever

may be the number of its Delegates, will only have one vote."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,

Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4 and 8).

In response to this definite invitation, the governments of

Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, France,

Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,

Mexico, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,

Roumania, Russia, Servia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway,

Switzerland, Turkey, and the United States of America,

appointed representatives who met at The Hague, on the 18th of

May, 1899, and organized the Conference by electing M. de

Staal, Russian Ambassador, to preside. The United States was

represented by the Honorable Andrew D. White, Ambassador to

Berlin, the Honorable Seth Low, President of Columbia

University, the Honorable Stanford Newel, Envoy Extraordinary,

&c., to The Hague, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, U. S. N., Captain.

William Crozier, U. S. A., and the Honorable Frederick W.

Holls, of New York. The representatives of Great Britain were

Sir Julian Pauncefote, Ambassador to the United States, Sir

Henry Howard, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., to The Hague,

Vice-Admiral Sir John A. Fisher, Major-General Sir J. C.

Ardagh, and Lieutenant-Colonel C. à Court.

{354}

"The Conference at The Hague was a Parliament of Man

representing, however imperfectly, the whole human race. The

only independent ones not represented at the Huis ten Bosch

were the South American republics, the Emperor of Morocco, the

King of Abyssinia, and the Grand Lama of Tibet. That the South

American republics were not represented is not the fault of

the Russian Emperor. Mexico received and accepted an

invitation. Brazil received, but rejected, the invitation to

be present, and so did one other South American republic. The

original Russian idea was to assemble representatives from

every independent government in the world; nor did they even

confine themselves to the secular governments. They were very

anxious that the Pope should also be directly represented in

this supreme assembly. Even with the Pope and South America

left out, the Congress represented more of the world and its

inhabitants than any similar assembly that has ever been

gathered together for the work of international legislation.

That circumstance in itself is sufficient to give distinction

to the Conference at The Hague, which, it is expected, will be

the forerunner of a series of conferences, each of which will

aim at being more and more universally representative. On the

eve of the twentieth century the human race has begun to

federate itself. That is the supreme significance of the

assembly which has just spent two months in the capital of

Holland."

W. T. Stead,

The Conference at The Hague

(Forum, September, 1899).

To systematize and facilitate the discussions of the

Conference, three Commissions or Committees were appointed,

between which the several subjects suggested in the Russian

circular of January 11 (as given above), and agreed to by the

several governments, were distributed. The 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th

propositions of the programme were referred to the First

Commission, the 5th, 6th and 7th to the Second, the 8th

(concerning mediation and arbitration) to the Third. This was

done on the 23d of May, after which the general Conference was

held only at intervals, to receive and consider reports from

the several Commissions, of agreements reached or

disagreements ascertained. This went on until the 29th of

July, when the several Conventions, Declarations, and

Recommendations agreed upon for submission to the governments

represented were summarized in the following "Final Act,"

signed by all:

"In a series of meetings, between the 18th May and the 29th

July, 1899, in which the constant desire of the Delegates

above mentioned has been to realize, in the fullest manner

possible, the generous views of the august Initiator of the

Conference and the intentions of their Governments, the

Conference has agreed, for submission for signature by the

Plenipotentiaries, on the text of the Conventions and

Declarations enumerated below and annexed to the present Act:

"I. Convention for the pacific settlement of international

conflicts.

"II. Convention regarding the laws and customs of war by land.

"III. Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the

principles of the Geneva Convention of the 22nd August, 1864.

"IV. Three Declarations:

1. To prohibit the launching of projectiles and explosives

from balloons or by other similar new methods,

2. To prohibit the use of projectiles, the only object of

which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious

gases.

3. To prohibit the use of bullets which expand or flatten

easily in the human body, such as bullets with a hard

envelope, of which the envelope does not entirely cover the

core, or is pierced with incisions.

"These Conventions and Declarations shall form so many

separate Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be

signed up to the 31st December, 1899, by the Plenipotentiaries

of the Powers represented at the International Peace

Conference at The Hague.

"Guided by the same sentiments, the Conference has adopted

unanimously the following Resolution:—'The Conference is of

opinion that the restriction of military budgets, which are at

present a heavy burden on the world, is extremely desirable

for the increase of the material and moral welfare of

mankind.'

"It has, besides, formulated the following wishes:

"1. The Conference, taking into consideration the preliminary

steps taken by the Swiss Federal Government for the revision

of the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that steps may be

shortly taken for the assembly of a Special Conference having

for its object the revision of that Convention. This wish was

voted unanimously.

"2. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions of

the rights and duties of neutrals may be inserted in the

programme of a Conference in the near future.

"3. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions with

regard to rifles and naval guns, as considered by it, may be

studied by the Governments with the object of coming to an

agreement respecting the employment of new types and calibres.

"4. The Conference expresses the wish that the Governments,

taking into consideration the proposals made at the

Conference, may examine the possibility of an agreement as to

the limitation of armed forces by land and sea, and of war

budgets.

"5. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal, which

contemplates the declaration of the inviolability of private

property in naval warfare, may be referred to a subsequent

Conference for consideration.

"6. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal to

settle the question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and

villages by a naval force may be referred to a subsequent

Conference for consideration.

"The last five wishes were voted unanimously, saving some

abstentions.

"In faith of which, the Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present Act, and have affixed their seals thereto. Done at The

Hague, 29th July, 1899, in one copy only, which shall be

deposited in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and of which

copies, duly certified, shall be delivered to all the Powers

represented at the Conference."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,

Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4, 8 and 288-9).

{355}

The accompanying Conventions and Declarations were in no case

unanimously signed, several delegations, in each case,

claiming time for the governments they represented to consider

certain questions involved. The most important of the proposed

Conventions, namely, that "For the Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes," was signed at The Hague by the

delegates from Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the United States of

America, Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands,

Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway,

and Bulgaria; but not by Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy,

Japan, Great Britain, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Servia, Turkey,

or China. Ultimately, however, the great Treaty of Arbitration

was signed by everyone of the Powers represented. The

signature of the delegates of the United States was given

under reserve of a declaration which will be found in the

following excerpt from the general report of the American

Commission. The full text of each of the Conventions is given

below.

"The entire plan for the tribunal and its use is voluntary, so

far as sovereign States are concerned. The only seeming

exceptions to this rule are contained in Article 1, which

provides that the Signatory Powers agree to employ their

efforts for securing the pacific regulation of international

differences; and Article 27, which says that the Signatory

Powers consider it to be a duty, in the case where an acute

conflict threatens to break out between two or more of them,

to remind those latter that the permanent court is open to

them. The obligation thus imposed is not legal or diplomatic

in its nature. These articles merely express a general moral

duty for the performance of which each State is accountable

only to itself. In order, however, to make assurance doubly

sure and to leave no doubt whatever of the meaning of the

Convention, as affecting the United States of America, the

Commission made the following declaration in the full session

of the Conference, held July 25:—

The Delegation of the United States of America, in signing the

Convention regulating the peaceful adjustment of international

differences, as proposed by the International Peace

Conference, make the following declaration:—Nothing contained

in this Convention shall be so construed as to require the

United States of America to depart from its traditional policy

of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself

in the political questions or policy or internal

administration of any foreign State; nor shall anything

contained in the said Convention be construed to imply a

relinquishment by the United States of America of its

traditional attitude toward purely American questions.' Under

the reserve of this declaration the United States delegates

signed the Arbitration Convention itself. Article 8 of the

Convention, providing for a special form of Mediation, was

proposed individually by Mr. Holls of the United States

Commission. … It is hoped that in particular crises, when the

other means provided by the Convention for keeping or

restoring peace have failed, it may prove to have real and

practical value. It is certain that, by the Continental States

of Europe, it has been exceedingly well received."

General Report of the American Commission.

"Objection has been made to [the International Court of

Arbitration] on the ground that submission to it is purely

voluntary and that no executive authority has been provided to

carry out its decrees. The answer to all such objections is

simply that the power of enlightened public opinion is relied

upon to be amply sufficient for the purpose of insuring

obedience to every just mandate of this Court. In the case of

the United States of America the judgments of the Court,

according to the decisions now in force, will have a

peculiarly binding force. An agreement to submit a case to the

Court cannot be made by the United States, except by way of a

treaty, which, when ratified by the Senate, becomes the

supreme law of the land. In the case of La Ninfa, Whitelaw v.

The United States (75 Fed. Rep., 513), it was decided by the

United States Circuit Court of Appeals in California that by

virtue of the treaty the judgment of the Court of Arbitration

provided for by the terms of the treaty has all the force of a

federal statute, and it is itself the supreme law of the land,

binding upon every individual citizen of the United States,

including all federal and State authorities. For us, at least,

the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague will, if

this view prevails, in reality be the highest possible

tribunal, with an authority binding even on our own United

States Supreme Court.

"Article 27 aims, in a measure, to supply the deficiency of

the provision for obligatory arbitration, in that it declares

it to be the duty of all Signatory Powers to remind anyone or

more of themselves, in case of a threatened dispute, that the

permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. What

particular effect this particular article will have must be

left to the future. Without modification or reservation the

article, when ratified by the United States, would have

constituted a complete abandonment of the time-honored Monroe

Doctrine. Accordingly the representatives of the United States

declined to sign the treaty, except under a reservation or

declaration, which was solemnly accepted by the Peace

Conference, thus materially modifying the jurisdiction of the

Court [see above]. … By this declaration the Monroe Doctrine

was not only self-guarded, but it was stated and vindicated

more emphatically than ever before in our history, and the

people of this country are, therefore, in a position to

cordially support the International Court of Arbitration,

without the fear that the Court itself, or the fact of its

establishment, may ever be used against this country, or to

the embarrassment of its diplomacy and traditional policy. …

"The effect of the establishment of the Court upon European

diplomacy is necessarily surrounded by great uncertainty. In

a recent review of the work of the Peace Conference I ventured

to use this language: 'It is most encouraging and of the

highest importance that upon the whole Continent the

governments are apparently in advance of public opinion upon

the entire subject of the Peace Conference. The reason is not

far to seek. No man who is fit for the position can to-day

hold a place involving the direction of his country's

international policy without feeling an almost intolerable

pressure of responsibility. To him every remote chance of a

lightening of his burden comes as a promise of blessed relief.

It is a historical fact that none of the obstacles to success

which the Peace Conference had to overcome originated in the

mind of any sovereign or of any high minister of State. In

every case they were raised by underlings without

responsibility and anxious to show superior wisdom by finding

fault. So long as this favorable governmental attitude

continues there is every reason for encouragement.'

{356}

'Continental public opinion, especially in questions of

foreign policy, seems more pliable than ever before, and is as

clay in the hands of a potter, so far as alliances and

sympathies are concerned, when following a popular monarch or

foreign minister.' I have since been assured by the highest

officials of at least two great European Powers, that this

statement meets with their unqualified approval. The sneers of

irresponsible journals and politicians cannot and will not

affect the deliberate purposes of a high-minded and serious

minister of State."

F. W. Holls,

The International Court of Arbitration at The Hague;

a paper read before the New York State Bar Association,

January 15, 1901.

PEACE CONFERENCE:

Convention for the Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes.

TITLE I.

On the Maintenance of the General Peace.

ARTICLE I.

With a view to obviating as far as possible, recourse to

force in the relations between States, the Signatory Powers

agree to use their best efforts to insure the pacific

settlement of international differences.

TITLE II.

On Good Offices and Mediation.

ARTICLE II.

In case of serious disagreement or conflict, before an

appeal to arms, the Signatory Powers agree to have

recourse, as far as circumstances allow, to the good

offices or mediation of one or more friendly Powers.

ARTICLE III.

Independently of this recourse, the Signatory Powers

recommend that one or more Powers, strangers to the

dispute, should, on their own initiative, and as far as

circumstances may allow, offer their good offices or

mediation to the States at variance. Powers, strangers to

the dispute, have the right to offer good offices or

mediation, even during the course of hostilities. The

exercise of this right can never be regarded by one or the

other of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act.

ARTICLE IV.

The part of the mediator consists in reconciling the

opposing claims and appeasing the feelings of resentment

which may have arisen between the States at variance.

ARTICLE V.

The functions of the mediator are at an end when once it is

declared, either by one of the parties to the dispute, or

by the mediator himself, that the means of reconciliation

proposed by him are not accepted.

ARTICLE VI.

Good offices and mediation, either at the request of the

parties at variance, or on the initiative of Powers

strangers to the dispute, have exclusively the character of

advice and never have binding force.

ARTICLE VII.

The acceptance of mediation can not, unless there be an

agreement to the contrary, have the effect of interrupting,

delaying, or hindering mobilization or other measures of

preparation for war. If mediation occurs after the

commencement of hostilities it causes no interruption to

the military operations in progress, unless there be an

agreement to the contrary.

ARTICLE VIII.

The Signatory Powers are agreed in recommending the

application, when circumstances allow, for special

mediation in the following form:—In case of a serious

difference endangering the peace, the States at variance

choose respectively a Power, to whom they intrust the

mission of entering into direct communication with the

Power chosen on the other side, with the object of

preventing the rupture of pacific relations. For the period

of this mandate, the term of which, unless otherwise

stipulated, cannot exceed thirty days, the States in

conflict cease from all direct communication on the subject

of the dispute, which is regarded as referred exclusively

to the mediating Powers, who must use their best efforts to

settle it. In case of a definite rupture of pacific

relations, these Powers are charged with the joint task of

taking advantage of any opportunity to restore peace.

TITLE III.

On International Commissions of Inquiry.

ARTICLE IX.

In differences of an international nature involving neither

honour nor vital interests, and arising from a difference

of opinion on points of fact, the Signatory Powers

recommend that the parties, who have not been able to come

to an agreement by means of diplomacy, should as far as

circumstances allow, institute an International Commission

of Inquiry, to facilitate a solution of these differences

by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and

conscientious investigation.

ARTICLE X.

The International Commissions of Inquiry are constituted by

special agreement between the parties in conflict. The

Convention for an inquiry defines the facts to be examined and

the extent of the Commissioners' powers. It settles the

procedure. On the inquiry both sides must be heard. The form

and the periods to be observed, if not stated in the inquiry

Convention, are decided by the Commission itself.

ARTICLE XI.

The International Commissions of Inquiry are formed, unless

otherwise stipulated, in the manner fixed by Article XXXII

of the present Convention.

ARTICLE XII.

The powers in dispute engage to supply the International

Commission of Inquiry, as fully as they may think possible,

with all means and facilities necessary to enable it to be

completely acquainted with and to accurately understand the

facts in question.

ARTICLE XIII.

The International Commission of Inquiry communicates its

Report to the conflicting Powers, signed by all the members

of the Commission.

ARTICLE XIV.

The Report of the International Commission of Inquiry is

limited to a statement of facts, and has in no way the

character of an Arbitral Award. It leaves the conflicting

Powers entire freedom as to the effect to be given to this

statement.

TITLE IV.

On International Arbitration.

CHAPTER I.

On the System of Arbitration.

ARTICLE XV.

International arbitration has for its object the settlement

of differences between States by judges of their own

choice, and on the basis of respect for law.

ARTICLE XVI.

In questions of a legal nature, and especially in the

interpretation or application of International Conventions,

arbitration is recognized by the Signatory Powers as the

most effective, and at the same time the most equitable,

means of settling disputes which diplomacy has failed to

settle.

ARTICLE XVII.

The Arbitration Convention is concluded for questions

already existing or for questions which may arise

eventually. It may embrace any dispute or only disputes of

a certain category.

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ARTICLE XVIII.

The Arbitration Convention implies the engagement to submit

loyally to the Award.

ARTICLE XIX.

Independently of general or private Treaties expressly

stipulating recourse to arbitration as obligatory on the

Signatory Powers, these Powers reserve to themselves the

right of concluding, either before the ratification of the

present Act or later, new Agreements, general or private,

with a view to extending obligatory arbitration to all

cases which they may consider it possible to submit to it.

CHAPTER II.

On the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

ARTICLE XX.

With the object of facilitating an immediate recourse to

arbitration for international differences, which it has not

been possible to settle by diplomacy, the Signatory Powers

undertake to organize a permanent Court of Arbitration,

accessible at all times and operating, unless otherwise

stipulated by the parties, in accordance with the Rules of

Procedure inserted in the present Convention.

ARTICLE XXI.

The Permanent Court shall be competent for all arbitration

cases, unless the parties agree to institute a special

Tribunal.

ARTICLE XXII.

An International Bureau, established at The Hague, serves

as record office for the Court. This Bureau is the channel

for communications relative to the meetings of the Court.

It has the custody of the archives and conducts all the

administrative business. The Signatory Powers undertake to

communicate to the International Bureau at The Hague a duly

certified copy of any conditions of arbitration arrived at

between them, and of any award concerning them delivered by

special Tribunals. They undertake also to communicate to

the Bureau the Laws, Regulations, and documents eventually

showing the execution of the awards given by the Court.

ARTICLE XXIII.

Within the three months following its ratification of the

present Act, each Signatory Power shall select four persons

at the most, of known competency in questions of

international law, of the highest moral reputation, and

disposed to accept the duties of Arbitrators. The persons

thus selected shall be inscribed, as members of the Court,

in a list which shall be notified by the Bureau to all the

Signatory Powers. Any alteration in the list of Arbitrators

is brought by the Bureau to the knowledge of the Signatory

Powers. Two or more Powers may agree on the selection in

common of one or more Members. The same person can be

selected by different Powers. The Members of the Court are

appointed for a term of six years. Their appointments can

be renewed. In case of the death or retirement of a member

of the Court, his place shall be filled in accordance with

the method of his appointment.

ARTICLE XXIV.

When the Signatory Powers desire to have recourse to the

Permanent Court for the settlement of a difference that has

arisen between them, the Arbitrators called upon to form the

competent Tribunal to decide this difference, must be

chosen from the general list of members of the Court.

Failing the direct agreement of the parties on the

composition of the Arbitration Tribunal, the following

course shall be pursued:—Each party appoints two

Arbitrators, and these together choose an Umpire. If the

votes are equal, the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a

third Power, selected by the parties by common accord. If

an agreement is not arrived at on this subject, each party

selects a different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is

made in concert by the Powers thus selected. The Tribunal

being thus composed, the parties notify to the Bureau their

determination to have recourse to the Court and the names

of the Arbitrators. The Tribunal of Arbitration assembles

on the date fixed by the parties. The Members of the Court,

in the discharge of their duties and out of their own

country, enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

ARTICLE XXV.

The Tribunal of Arbitration has its ordinary seat at The

Hague. Except in cases of necessity, the place of session

can only be altered by the Tribunal with the assent of the

parties.

ARTICLE XXVI.

The International Bureau at The Hague is authorized to

place its premises and its staff at the disposal of the

Signatory Powers for the operations of any special Board of

Arbitration. The jurisdiction of the Permanent Court, may,

within the conditions laid down in the Regulations, be

extended to disputes between non-Signatory Powers, or

between Signatory Powers and non-Signatory Powers, if the

parties are agreed on recourse to this Tribunal.

ARTICLE XXVII.

The Signatory Powers consider it their duty, if a serious

dispute threatens to break out between two or more of them,

to remind these latter that the Permanent Court is open to

them. Consequently, they declare that the fact of reminding

the conflicting parties of the provisions of the present

Convention, and the advice given to them, in the highest

interests of peace, to have recourse to the Permanent

Court, can only be regarded as friendly actions.

ARTICLE XXVIII.

A Permanent Administrative Council, composed of the

Diplomatic Representatives of the Signatory Powers

accredited to The Hague and of the Netherland Minister for

Foreign Affairs, who will act as President, shall be

instituted in this town as soon as possible after the

ratification of the present Act by at least nine Powers.

This Council will be charged with the establishment and

organization of the International Bureau, which will be

under its direction and control. It will notify to the

Powers the constitution of the Court and will provide for

its installation. It will settle its Rules of Procedure and

all other necessary Regulations. It will decide all

questions of administration which may arise with regard to

the operations of the Court. It will have entire control

over the appointment, suspension or dismissal of the

officials and employés of the Bureau. It will fix the

payments and salaries, and control the general expenditure.

At meetings duly summoned the presence of five members is

sufficient to render valid the discussions of the Council.

The decisions are taken by a majority of votes. The Council

communicates to the Signatory Powers without delay the

Regulations adopted by it. It furnishes them with an annual

Report on the labours of the Court, the working of the

administration, and the expenses.

ARTICLE XXIX.

The expenses of the Bureau shall be borne by the Signatory

Powers in the proportion fixed for the International Bureau

of the Universal Postal Union.

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CHAPTER III.

On Arbitral Procedure.

ARTICLE XXX.

With a view to encourage the development of arbitration,

the Signatory Powers have agreed on the following Rules

which shall be applicable to arbitral procedure, unless

other Rules have been agreed on by the parties.

ARTICLE XXXI.

The Powers who have recourse to arbitration sign a special

Act ("Compromis"), in which the subject of the difference

is clearly defined, as well as the extent of the

Arbitrators' powers. This Act implies the undertaking of

the parties to submit loyally to the award.

ARTICLE XXXII.

The duties of Arbitrator may be conferred on one Arbitrator

alone or on several Arbitrators selected by the parties as

they please, or chosen by them from the members of the

Permanent Court of Arbitration established by the present

Act. Failing the constitution of the Tribunal by direct

agreement between the parties, the following course shall

be pursued: Each party appoints two Arbitrators, and these

latter together choose an Umpire. In case of equal voting,

the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a third Power,

selected by the parties by common accord. If no agreement

is arrived at on this subject, each party selects a

different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is made in

concert by the Powers thus selected.

ARTICLE XXXIII.

When a Sovereign or the Chief of a State is chosen as

Arbitrator, the arbitral procedure is settled by him.

ARTICLE XXXIV.

The Umpire is by right President of the Tribunal. When the

Tribunal does not include an Umpire, it appoints its own

President.

ARTICLE XXXV.

In case of the death, retirement, or disability from any

cause of one of the Arbitrators, his place shall be filled

in accordance with the method of his appointment.

ARTICLE XXXVI.

The Tribunal's place of session is selected by the parties.

Failing this selection the Tribunal sits at The Hague. The

place thus fixed cannot, except in case of necessity, be

changed by the Tribunal without the assent of the parties.

ARTICLE XXXVII.

The parties have the right to appoint delegates or special

agents to attend the Tribunal, for the purpose of serving

as intermediaries between them and the Tribunal. They are

further authorized to retain, for the defense of their

rights and interests before the Tribunal, counselor

advocates appointed by them for this purpose.

ARTICLE XXXVIII.

The Tribunal decides on the choice of languages to be used

by itself, and to be authorized for use before it.

ARTICLE XXXIX.

As a general rule the arbitral procedure comprises two

distinct phases; preliminary examination and discussion.

Preliminary examination consists in the communication by

the respective agents to the members of the Tribunal and to

the opposite party of all printed or written Acts and of

all documents containing the arguments invoked in the case.

This communication shall be made in the form and within the

periods fixed by the Tribunal in accordance with Article

XLIX. Discussion consists in the oral development before

the Tribunal of the arguments of the parties.

ARTICLE XL.

Every document produced by one party must be communicated

to the other party.

ARTICLE XLI.

The discussions are under the direction of the President.

They are only public if it be so decided by the Tribunal,

with the assent of the parties. They are recorded in the

"procès-verbaux" drawn up by the Secretaries appointed by

the President. These "procès-verbaux" lone have an

authentic character.

ARTICLE XLII.

When the preliminary examination is concluded, the Tribunal

has the light to refuse discussion of all fresh Acts or

documents which one party may desire to submit to it

without the consent of the other party.

ARTICLE XLIII.

The Tribunal is free to take into consideration fresh Acts

or documents to which its attention may be drawn by the

agents or counsel of the parties. In this case, the

Tribunal has the right to require the production of these

Acts or documents, but is obliged to make them known to the

opposite party.

ARTICLE XLIV.

The Tribunal can, besides, require from the agents of the

parties the production of all Acts, and can demand all

necessary explanations. In case of refusal, the Tribunal

takes note of it.

ARTICLE XLV.

The agents and counsel of the parties are authorized to

present orally to the Tribunal all the arguments they may

think expedient in defence of their case.

ARTICLE XLVI.

They have the right to raise objections and points. The

decisions of the Tribunal on those points are final, and

cannot form the subject of any subsequent discussion.

ARTICLE XLVII.

The members of the Tribunal have the right to put questions

to the agents and counsel of the parties, and to demand

explanations from them on doubtful points. Neither the

questions put nor the remarks made by members of the

Tribunal during the discussions can be regarded as an

expression of opinion by the Tribunal in general, or by its

members in particular.

ARTICLE XLVIII.

The Tribunal is authorized to declare its competence in

interpreting the "Compromis" as well as the other Treaties

which may be invoked in the case, and in applying the

principles of international law.

ARTICLE XLIX.

The Tribunal has the right to issue Rules of Procedure for

the conduct of the case, to decide the forms and periods

within which each party must conclude its arguments, and to

arrange all the formalities required for dealing with the

evidence.

ARTICLE L.

When the agents and counsel of the parties have submitted

all explanations and evidence in support of their case, the

President pronounces the discussion closed.

ARTICLE LI.

The deliberations of the Tribunal take place in private.

Every decision is taken by a majority of members of the

Tribunal. The refusal of a member to vote must be recorded

in the "procès-verbal."

ARTICLE LII.

The award, given by a majority of votes, is accompanied by

a statement of reasons. It is drawn up in writing and

signed by each member of the Tribunal. Those members who

are in the minority may record their dissent when signing.

ARTICLE LIII.

The award is read out at a public meeting of the Tribunal,

the agents and counsel of the parties being present, or

duly summoned to attend.

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ARTICLE LIV.

The award, duly pronounced and notified to the agents of

the parties at variance, puts an end to the dispute

definitely and without appeal.

ARTICLE LV.

The parties can reserve in the "Compromis" the right to

demand the revision of the award. In this case, and unless

there be an agreement to the contrary, the demand must be

addressed to the Tribunal which pronounced the award. It

can only be made on the ground of the discovery of some new

fact calculated to exercise a decisive influence on the

award, and which, at the time the discussion was closed,

was unknown to the Tribunal and to the party demanding the

revision. Proceedings for revision can only be instituted

by a decision of the Tribunal expressly recording the

existence of the new fact, recognizing in it the character

described in the foregoing paragraph, and declaring the

demand admissible on this ground. The "Compromis" fixes the

period within which the demand for revision must be made.

ARTICLE LVI.

The award is only binding on the parties who concluded the

"Compromis." When there is a question of interpreting a

Convention to which Powers other than those concerned in

the dispute are parties, the latter notify to the former

the "Compromis" they have concluded. Each of these Powers

has the right to intervene in the case. If one or more of

them avail themselves of this right, the interpretation

contained in the award is equally binding on them.

ARTICLE LVII.

Each party pays its own expenses and an equal share of

those of the Tribunal.

General Provisions.

ARTICLE LVIII.

The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as

possible. The ratification shall be deposited at The Hague.

A "procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt

of each ratification, and a copy duly certified shall be

sent, through the diplomatic channel, to all the Powers who

were represented at the International Peace Conference at

The Hague.

ARTICLE LIX.

The non-Signatory Powers who were represented at the

International Peace Conference can adhere to the present

Convention. For this purpose they must make known their

adhesion to the Contracting Powers by a written

notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and

communicated by it to all the other Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE LX.

The conditions on which the Powers who were not represented

at the International Peace Conference can adhere to the

present Convention shall form the subject of a subsequent

Agreement among the Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE LXI.

In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties

denouncing the present Convention, this denunciation would

not take effect until a year after its notification made in

writing to the Netherland Government, and by it

communicated at once to all the other Contracting Powers.

This denunciation shall on]y affect the notifying Power. In

faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present Convention and affixed their seals to it. Done at

The Hague, the 29th July, 1899, in a single copy, which

shall remain in the archives of the Netherland Government,

and copies of it, duly certified, be sent through the

diplomatic channel to the Contracting Powers.

United States, 56th Congress,

1st Session., Senate Document 159.

PEACE CONFERENCE:

The Permanent Court of Arbitration.

The following is the membership of the Permanent Court of

Arbitration, as finally organized, in January, 1901, and

announced to be prepared for the consideration of any

international dispute that may be submitted to it. Fifteen of

the greater nations of the world are represented in this most

august tribunal that has ever sat for judgment of the disputes

of men:

Austria-Hungary.

His Excellency Count Frederic Schonborn, LL. D., president

of the Imperial Royal Court of Administrative Justice,

former Austrian Minister of Justice, member of the House of

Lords of the Austrian Parliament, etc.

His Excellency Mr. D. de Szilagyi, ex-Minister of Justice,

member of the House of Deputies of the Hungarian

Parliament.

Count Albert Apponyi, member of the Chamber of Magnates and

of the Chamber of Deputies of the Hungarian Parliament,

etc.

Mr. Henri Lammasch, LL. D., member of the House of Lords of

the Austrian Parliament, etc.

Belgium.

His Excellency Mr. Beernaert, Minister of State, member of

the Chamber of Representatives, etc.

His Excellency Baron Lambermont, Minister of State, Envoy

Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,

Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The Chevalier Descamps, Senator.

Mr. Rolin Jacquemyns, ex-Minister of the Interior.

Denmark.

Professor H. Matzen, LL. D., Professor of the Copenhagen

University, Counsellor Extraordinary of the Supreme Court,

President of the Landsthing.

France.

M. Leon Bourgeois, Deputy, ex-President of the Cabinet

Council, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs.

M. de Laboulaye, ex-Ambassador.

Baron Destournelles de Constant, Minister Plenipotentiary,

Deputy.

M. Louis Renault, Minister Plenipotentiary, Professor in

the Faculty of Law at Paris, Law Office of the Department

of Foreign Affairs.

Germany.

His Excellency Mr. Bingner, LL. D., Privy Councillor,

Senate President of the Imperial High Court at Leipsic.

Mr. von Frantzius, Privy Councillor, Solicitor of the

Department of Foreign Affairs at Berlin.

Mr. von Martitz, LL. D., Associate Justice of the Superior

Court of Administrative Justice in Prussia, Professor of

Law at the Berlin University.

Mr. von Bar, LL. D., Judicial Privy Councillor, Professor

of Law at the Göttingen University.

Great Britain.

His Excellency the Right Honorable Lord Pauncefote of

Preston, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Privy Councillor,

Ambassador at Washington.

The Right Honorable Sir Edward Baldwin Malet,

ex-Ambassador.

The Right Honorable Sir Edward Fry, member of the Privy

Council, Q. C.

Professor John Westlake, LL. D., Q. C.

Italy.

His Excellency Count Constantin Nigra, Senator of the

Kingdom, Ambassador at Vienna.

His Excellency Commander Jean Baptiste Pagano

Guarnaschelli, Senator of the Kingdom, First President of

the Court of Cassation at Rome.

His Excellency Count Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, Senator

of the Kingdom, Ambassador at Paris.

Commander Joseph Zanardelli, Attorney at Law, Deputy to the

National Parliament.

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Japan.

Mr. Motono, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister

Plenipotentiary at Brussels.

Mr. H. Willard Denison, Law Officer of the Minister for

Foreign Affairs at Tokio.

Netherlands.

Mr. T. M. C. Asser, LL. D., member of the Council of

State, ex-Professor of the University of Amsterdam.

Mr. F. B. Coninck Liefsting, LL. D.,

President of the Court of Cassation.

Jonkheer A. F. de Savornin Lohman, LL. D.,

ex-Minister of the Interior, ex-Professor of the Free

University of Amsterdam, member of the Lower House of the

States-General.

Jonkheer G. L. M. H. Ruis de Beerenbrouck,

ex-Minister of Justice, Commissioner of the Queen in the

Province of Limbourg.

Portugal.

Count de Macedo, Peer of the Realm,

ex-Minister of Marine and Colonies, Envoy Extraordinary and

Minister Plenipotentiary at Madrid.

Rumania.

Mr. Theodore Rosetti, Senator,

ex-President of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

Mr. Jean Kalindero, Administrator of the Crown Domain,

ex-Judge of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

Mr. Eugene Statsco,

ex-President of the Senate, ex-Minister of Justice and

Foreign Affairs.

Mr. Jean N. Lahovari, Deputy, ex-Envoy Extraordinary and

Minister Plenipotentiary, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Russia.

Mr. N. V. Mouravieff, Minister of Justice, Active Privy

Councillor, Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor.

Mr. C. P. Pobedonostzeff, Attorney-General of the Most

Holy Synod, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of

His Majesty the Emperor.

Mr. E. V. Frisch,

President of the Department of Legislation of the Imperial

Council, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of His

Majesty the Emperor.

Mr. de Martens, Privy Councillor,

permanent member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs.

Spain.

His Excellency the Duke of Tetuan,

ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Senator of the Kingdom,

Grandee of Spain.

Mr. Bienvenido Oliver,

Director-General of the Ministry of Justice, ex-Delegate of

Spain to the Conference on Private International Law at The

Hague.

Dr. Manuel Torres Campos,

Professor of international law at the University of

Grenada, associate member of the Institute of International

Law.

Sweden and Norway.

Mr. S. R D. K. D'Olivecrona,

member of the International Law Institute, ex-Associate

Justice of the Supreme Court of the Kingdom of Sweden,

Doctor of Laws and Letters at Stockholm.

Mr. G. Gram,

ex-Minister of State of Norway, Governor of the Province of

Hamar, Norway.

United States.

Mr. Benjamin Harrison,

ex-President of the United States.

Mr. Melville W. Fuller,

Chief Justice of the United States.

Mr. John W. Griggs,

Attorney-General of the United States.

Mr. George Gray,

United States Circuit Judge.

First Secretary of the Court

J. J. Rochussen.

Second Secretary of the Court

Jonkheer W. Roell.

The Administrative Council consists of the Minister of Foreign

Affairs of the Netherlands and the diplomatic representatives

at The Hague of the ratifying Powers.

Secretary-General

Mr. R Melvil, Baron Van Leyden,

Judge of the District Court of Utrecht and a member of the

First Chamber of the States-General.

PEACE CONFERENCE:

Convention with respect to the Laws and Customs of

War on Land.

ARTICLE I.

The High Contracting Parties shall issue instructions to their

armed land forces, which shall be in conformity with the

"Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land"

annexed to the present Convention.

ARTICLE II.

The provisions contained in the Regulations mentioned in

Article I. are only binding on the Contracting Powers, in case

of war between two or more of them. These provisions shall

cease to be binding from the time when, in a war between

Contracting Powers, a non-Contracting Power joins one of the

belligerents.

ARTICLE III.

The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as

possible. The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. A

"procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt of

each ratification, and a copy, duly certified, shall be sent

through the diplomatic channel, to all the Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE IV.

Non-Signatory Powers are allowed to adhere to the present

Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion

known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written

notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it

communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE V.

In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing

the present Convention, such denunciation would not take

effect until a year after the written notification made to the

Nethterland Government, and by it at once communicated to all

the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall affect

only the notifying Power.

In faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

[Signed by representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Mexico,

France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,

Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and Bulgaria.]

REGULATIONS.

SECTION I.

On Belligerents.

CHAPTER I.

On the qualifications of Belligerents.

ARTICLE I.

The laws, rights, and duties of war apply not only to armies,

but also to militia and volunteer corps, fulfilling the

following conditions:

1. To be commanded by a person responsible for his

subordinates;

2. To have a fixed distinctive emblem recognizable at a

distance;

3. To carry arms openly; and,

4. To conduct their operations in accordance with the laws

and customs of war. In countries where militia or volunteer

corps constitute the army, or form part of it, they are

included under the denomination "army."

ARTICLE II.

The population of a territory which has not been occupied who,

on the enemy's approach, spontaneously take up arms to resist

the invading troops without having time to organize themselves

in accordance with Article I, shall be regarded a belligerent,

if they respect the laws and customs of war.

ARTICLE III.

The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of

combatants and non-combatants. In case of capture by the enemy

both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.

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CHAPTER II.

On Prisoners of War.

ARTICLE IV.

Prisoners of war are in the power of the hostile Government,

but not in that of the individuals or corps who captured them.

They must be humanely treated. All their personal belongings,

except arms, horses, and military papers remain their

property.

ARTICLE V.

Prisoners of war may be interned in a town, fortress, camp, or

any other locality, and bound not to go beyond certain fixed

limits; but they can only be confined as an indispensable

measure of safety.

ARTICLE VI.

The State may utilize the labour of prisoners of war according

to their rank and aptitude. Their tasks shall not be

excessive, and shall have nothing to do with the military

operations. Prisoners may be authorized to work for the Public

Service, for private persons, or on their own account. Work

done for the State shall be paid for according to the tariffs

in force for soldiers of the national army employed on similar

tasks. When the work is for other branches of the Public

Service or for private persons, the conditions shall be

settled in agreement with the military authorities. The wages

of the prisoners shall go towards improving their position,

and the balance shall be paid them at the time of their

release, after deducting the cost of their maintenance.

ARTICLE VII.

The Government into whose hands prisoners of war have fallen

is bound to maintain them. Failing a special agreement between

the belligerents, prisoners of war shall be treated as regards

food, quarters, and clothing, on the same footing as the

troops of the Government which has captured them.

ARTICLE VIII.

Prisoners of war shall be subject to the laws, regulations,

and orders in force in the army of the State into whose hands

they have fallen. Any act of insubordination warrants the

adoption, as regards them, of such measures of severity as may

be necessary. Escaped prisoners, recaptured before they have

succeeded in rejoining their army, or before quitting the

territory occupied by the army that captured them, are liable

to disciplinary punishment. Prisoners who, after succeeding in

escaping, are again taken prisoners, are not liable to any

punishment for the previous flight.

ARTICLE IX.

Every prisoner of war, if questioned, is bound to declare his

true name and rank, and if he disregards this rule, he is

liable to a curtailment of the advantages accorded to the

prisoners of war of his class.

ARTICLE X.

Prisoners of war may be set at liberty on parole if the laws

of their country authorize it, and, in such a case, they are

bound, on their personal honour, scrupulously to fulfil, both

as regards their own Government and the Government by whom

they were made prisoners, the engagements they have

contracted. In such cases, their own Government shall not

require of nor accept from them any service incompatible with

the parole given.

ARTICLE XI.

A prisoner of war cannot be forced to accept his liberty on

parole; similarly the hostile Government is not obliged to

assent to the prisoner's request to be set at liberty on

parole.

ARTICLE XII.

Any prisoner of war, who is liberated on parole and

recaptured, bearing arms against the Government to whom he had

pledged his honour, or against the allies of that Government,

forfeits his right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and can

be brought before the Courts.

ARTICLE XIII.

Individuals who follow an army without directly belonging to

it, such as newspaper correspondents and reporters, sutlers,

contractors, who fall into the enemy's hands, and whom the

latter think fit to detain, have a right to be treated as

prisoners of war, provided they can produce a certificate from

the military authorities of the army they were accompanying.

ARTICLE XIV.

A Bureau for information relative to prisoners of war is

instituted, on the commencement of hostilities, in each of the

belligerent States and, when necessary, in the neutral

countries on whose territory belligerents have been received.

This Bureau is intended to answer all inquiries about

prisoners of war, and is furnished by the various services

concerned with all the necessary information to enable it to

keep an individual return for each prisoner of war. It is kept

informed of internments and changes, as well as of admissions

into hospital and deaths. It is also the duty of the

Information Bureau to receive and collect all objects of

personal use, valuables, letters, &c., found on the

battlefields or left by prisoners who have died in hospital or

ambulance, and to transmit them to those interested.

ARTICLE XV.

Relief Societies for prisoners of war, which are regularly

constituted in accordance with the law of the country with the

object of serving as the intermediary for charity, shall

receive from the belligerents for themselves and their duly

accredited agents every facility, within the bounds of

military requirements and Administrative Regulations, for the

effective accomplishment of their humane task. Delegates of

these Societies may be admitted to the places of internment

for the distribution of relief, as also to the halting places

of repatriated prisoners, if furnished with a personal permit

by the military authorities, and on giving an engagement in

writing to comply with all their Regulations for order and

police.

ARTICLE XVI.

The Information Bureau shall have the privilege of free

postage. Letters, money orders, and valuables, as well as

postal parcels destined for the prisoners of war or despatched

by them, shall be free of all postal duties, both in the

countries of origin and destination, as well as in those they

pass through. Gifts and relief in kind for prisoners of war

shall be admitted free of all duties of entry and others, as

well as of payments for carriage by the Government rail ways.

ARTICLE XVII.

Officers taken prisoners may receive, if necessary, the full

pay allowed them in this position by their country's

regulations, the amount to be repaid by their Government.

ARTICLE XVIII.

Prisoners of war shall enjoy every latitude in the exercise of

their religion, including attendance at their own church

services, provided only they comply with the regulations for

order and police issued by the military authorities.

ARTICLE XIX.

The wills of prisoners of war are received or drawn up on the

same conditions as for soldiers of the national army. The same

rules shall be observed regarding death certificates, as well as

for the burial of prisoners of war, due regard being paid to

their grade and rank.

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ARTICLE XX.

After the conclusion of peace, the repatriation of prisoners

of war shall take place as speedily as possible.

CHAPTER III.

On the Sick and Wounded.

ARTICLE XXI.

The obligations of belligerents with regard to the sick and

wounded are governed by the Geneva Convention of the 22d

August, 1864, subject to any modifications which may be

introduced into it.

SECTION II.

On Hostilities.

CHAPTER I.

On means of injuring the Enemy, Sieges: and Bombardments.

ARTICLE XXII.

The right of belligerents to adopt means of injuring the enemy

is not unlimited.

ARTICLE XXIII.

Besides the prohibitions provided

by special Conventions, it is especially prohibited:

(a.) To employ poison or poisoned arms;

(b.) To kill or wound treacherously individuals belonging

to the hostile nation or army;

(c.) To kill or wound an enemy who, having laid down arms,

or having no longer means of defence, has surrendered at

discretion;

(d.) To declare that no quarter will be given;

(e.) To employ arms, projectiles, or material of a nature

to cause superfluous injury;

(f.) To make improper use of a flag of truce, the national

flag, or military ensigns and the enemy's uniform, as well

as the distinctive badges of the Geneva Convention;

(g.) To destroy or seize the enemy's property, unless such

destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the

necessities of war.

ARTICLE XXIV.

Ruses of war and the employment of methods necessary to obtain

information about the enemy and the country, are considered

allowable.

ARTICLE XXV.

The attack or bombardment of towns, villages, habitations or

buildings which are not defended, is prohibited.

ARTICLE XXVI.

The Commander of an attacking force, before commencing a

bombardment, except in the case of an assault, should do all

he can to warn the authorities.

ARTICLE XXVII.

In sieges and bombardments all necessary steps should be taken

to spare as far as possible edifices devoted to religion, art,

science, and charity, hospitals, and places where the sick and

wounded are collected, provided they are not used at the same

time for military purposes. The besieged should indicate these

buildings or places by some particular and visible signs,

which should previously be notified to the assailants.

ARTICLE XXVIII.

The pillage of a town or place, even when taken by assault, is

prohibited.

CHAPTER II.

On Spies.

ARTICLE XXIX.

An individual can only be considered a spy if, acting

clandestinely, or on false pretences, he obtains, or seeks to

obtain information in the zone of operations of a belligerent,

with the intention of communicating it to the hostile party.

Thus, soldiers not in disguise who have penetrated into the

zone of operations of a hostile army to obtain information are

not considered spies. Similarly, the following are not

considered spies: soldiers or civilians, carrying out their

mission openly, charged with the delivery of despatches

destined either for their own army or for that of the enemy.

To this class belong likewise individuals sent in balloons to

deliver despatches, and generally to maintain communication

between the various parts of an army or a territory.

ARTICLE XXX.

A spy taken in the act cannot be punished without previous

trial.

ARTICLE XXXI.

A spy who, after rejoining the army to which he belongs, is

subsequently captured by the enemy, is treated as a prisoner

of war, and incurs no responsibility for his previous acts of

espionage.

CHAPTER III.

On Flags of Truce.

ARTICLE XXXII.

An individual is considered as bearing a flag of truce who is

authorized by one of the belligerents to enter into

communication with the other, and who carries a white flag. He

has a right to inviolability, as well as the trumpeter,

bugler, or drummer, the flag-bearer, and the interpreter who

may accompany him.

ARTICLE XXXIII.

The Chief to whom a flag of truce is sent is not obliged to

receive it in all circumstances. He can take all steps

necessary to prevent the envoy taking advantage of his mission

to obtain information. In case of abuse, he has the right to

detain the envoy temporarily.

ARTICLE XXXIV.

The envoy loses his rights of inviolability if it is proved

beyond doubt that he has taken advantage of his privileged

position to provoke or commit an act of treachery.

CHAPTER IV.

On Capitulations.

ARTICLE XXXV.

Capitulations agreed on between the Contracting Parties must

be in accordance with the rules of military honour. When once

settled, they must be scrupulously observed by both the

parties.

CHAPTER V.

On Armistices.

ARTICLE XXXVI.

An armistice suspends military operations by mutual agreement

between the belligerent parties. If its duration is not fixed,

the belligerent parties can resume operations at any time,

provided always the enemy is warned within the time agreed

upon, in accordance with the terms of the armistice.

ARTICLE XXXVII.

An armistice may be general or local. The first suspends all

military operations of the belligerent States; the second,

only those between certain fractions of the belligerent armies

and in a fixed radius.

ARTICLE XXXVIII.

An armistice must be notified officially, and in good time, to

the competent authorities and the troops. Hostilities are

suspended immediately lifter the notification, or at a fixed

date.

ARTICLE XXXIX.

It is for the Contracting Parties to settle, in the terms of

the armistice, what communications may be held, on the theatre

of war, with the population and with each other.

ARTICLE XL.

Any serious violation of the armistice by one of the parties

gives the other party the right to denounce it, and even, in

case of urgency, to recommence hostilities at once.

ARTICLE XLI.

A violation of the terms of the armistice by private

individuals acting on their own initiative, only confers the

right of demanding the punishment of the offenders, and, if

necessary, indemnity for the losses sustained.

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SECTION III.

On Military Authority over Hostile Territory.

ARTICLE XLII.

Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed

under the authority of the hostile army. The occupation

applies only to the territory where such authority is

established, and in a position to assert itself.

ARTICLE XLIII.

The authority of the legitimate power having actually passed

into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all

steps in his power to re-establish and insure, as far as

possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless

absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.

ARTICLE XLIV.

Any compulsion of the population of occupied territory to take

part in military operations against its own country is

prohibited.

ARTICLE XLV.

Any pressure on the population of occupied territory to take

the oath to the hostile Power is prohibited.

ARTICLE XLVI.

Family honours and rights, individual lives and private

property, as well as religious convictions and liberty, must

be respected. Private property cannot be confiscated.

ARTICLE XLVII.

Pillage is formally prohibited.

ARTICLE XLVIII.

If, in the territory occupied, the occupant collects the

taxes, dues, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State,

he shall do it, as far as possible, in accordance with the

rules in existence and the assessment in force, and will in

consequence be bound to defray the expenses of the

administration of the occupied territory on the same scale as

that by which the legitimate Government was bound.

ARTICLE XLIX.

If, besides the taxes mentioned in the preceding Article, the

occupant levies other money taxes in the occupied territory,

this can only be for military necessities or the

administration of such territory.

ARTICLE L.

No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, can be inflicted

on the population on account of the acts of individuals for

which it cannot be regarded as collectively responsible.

ARTICLE LI.

No tax shall be collected except under a written order and on

the responsibility of a Commander-in-chief. This collection

shall only take place, as far as possible, in accordance with

the rules in existence and the assessment of taxes in force.

For every payment a receipt shall be given to the taxpayer.

ARTICLE LII.

Neither requisitions in kind nor services can be demanded from

communes or inhabitants except for the necessities of the army

of occupation. They must be in proportion to the resources of the

country, and of such a nature as not to involve the population

in the obligation of taking part in military operations

against their country. These requisitions and services shall

only be demanded on the authority of the Commander in the

locality occupied. The contributions in kind shall, as far as

possible, be paid for in ready money; if not, their receipt

shall be acknowledged.

ARTICLE LIII.

An army of occupation can only take possession of the cash,

funds, and property liable to requisition belonging strictly

to the State, depots of arms, means of transport, stores and

supplies, and, generally, all movable property of the State

which may be used for military operations. Railway plant, land

telegraphs, telephones, steamers, and other ships, apart from

cases governed by maritime law, as well as depots of arms and,

generally, all kinds of war material, even though belonging to

Companies or to private persons, are likewise material which

may serve for military operations, but they must be restored

at the conclusion of peace, and indemnities paid for them.

ARTICLE LIV.

The plant of railways coming from neutral States, whether the

property of those States, or of Companies, or of private

persons, shall be sent back to them as soon as possible.

ARTICLE LV.

The occupying State shall only be regarded as administrator

and usufructuary of the public buildings, real property,

forests, and agricultural works belonging to the hostile

State, and situated in the occupied country. It must protect

the capital of these properties, and administer it according

to the rules of usufruct.

ARTICLE LVI.

The property of the communes, that of religious, charitable,

and educational institutions, and those of arts and science,

even when State property, shall be treated as private

property. All seizure of, and destruction, or intentional

damage done to such institutions, to historical monuments,

works of art or science, is prohibited, and should be made the

subject of proceedings.

SECTION IV.

On the Internment of Belligerents and the Care of the Wounded

in Neutral Countries.

ARTICLE LVII.

A neutral State which receives in its territory troops

belonging to the belligerent armies shall intern them, as far

as possible, at a distance from the theatre of war. It can

keep them in camps, and even confine them in fortresses or

localities assigned for this purpose. It shall decide whether

officers may be left at liberty on giving their parole that

they will not leave the neutral territory without

authorization.

ARTICLE LVIII.

Failing a special Convention, the neutral State shall supply

the interned with the food, clothing, and relief required by

humanity. At the conclusion of peace, the expenses caused by

the internment shall be made good.

ARTICLE LIX.

A neutral State may authorize the passage through its

territory of wounded or sick belonging to the belligerent

armies, on condition that the trains bringing them shall carry

neither combatants nor war material. In such a case, the neutral

State is bound to adopt such measures of safety and control as

may be necessary for the purpose. Wounded and sick brought

under these conditions into neutral territory by one of the

belligerents, and belonging to the hostile party, must be

guarded by the neutral State, so as to insure their not taking

part again in the military operations. The same duty shall

devolve on the neutral State with regard to wounded or sick of

the other army who may be committed to its care.

{364}

ARTICLE LX.

The Geneva Convention applies to sick and wounded interned in

neutral territory. The Convention establishing these

regulations was not signed by the delegates from the United

States, nor by those of Great Britain. The reasons for

abstention on the part of the latter were stated in a

communication from the British War Office, as follows: "Lord

Lansdowne … considers it essential that the revised Articles,

together with the Preamble and final dispositions, should be

submitted to the most careful examination by the high military

authorities and by the legal advisers of Her Majesty's

Government, before he can pronounce a definitive opinion on

the three points raised. Subject to such reserves as may

result from this examination, Lord Lansdowne is of opinion

that the Project of Convention is in general of such a nature

that it may, in principle, be accepted as a basis of

instructions for the guidance of the British army, but he is

unable, until that examination has been completed, to offer an

opinion as to whether it is desirable to enter into an

international engagement. Lord Lansdowne would therefore

suggest, for Lord Salisbury's consideration, that instructions

should be given to Sir Julian Pauncefote to reserve full

liberty for Her Majesty's Government, to accept only such

Articles as, after mature examination by their military and

legal advisers, they may approve of." Probably the delegates

from the United States were similarly instructed by their

government.

Added to the Convention relative to Laws and Customs of War

were three Declarations, separately signed, as follows:

1. "The contracting powers agree to prohibit, for a term of

five years, the launching of projectiles and explosives from

balloons, or by other new methods of a similar nature."

2. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of

bullets which expand or flatten easily in the human body, such

as bullets with a hard envelope which does not entirely cover

the core, or is pierced with incisions."

3. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of

projectiles the object of which is the diffusion of

asphyxiating or deleterious gases."

The first of these Declarations was signed by the delegates

from the United States, but not by those from Great Britain.

The second and third were signed by neither British nor

American representatives. In the discussion that preceded the

adoption of the second Declaration by a majority of the

Conference, Captain Crozier, of the American delegation,

presented the objections to it, on which he and his colleagues

were in agreement with the British representatives. He said

"there was a great difference of opinion as to whether the

bullets of small calibre rifles sufficed to put men 'hors de

combat,' which was admitted on all sides to be the object

which rifle fire was expected to achieve. He considered the

proposition before the Conference to be unsatisfactory, since

it limited the prohibition to details of construction which

only included a single case, and left all others out of

consideration. He would not enter into a recapitulation of all

the advantages of small calibre rifles, since they were

perfectly well known; but he felt sure that certain Powers

might adopt calibres even smaller than those at present in

use, and, in this case, he maintained that they would be

compelled to secure increased shock by some new method of

construction of the projectile. He considered that it would be

perfectly easy to devise such projectiles while keeping within

the terms of the proposed interdiction, and he thought that

the result might be the ultimate adoption of a bullet of an

even less humane character than those aimed at by the

Resolution. He declared that he had nothing to say for or

against the Dum-Dum bullet [see, in this volume, DUM-DUM

BULLET], of which he knew nothing except what had been stated

during the meetings of the First Commission, but that he was

not disposed to make any condemnation without proofs, and

these proofs had not been forthcoming."

As for the third Declaration, it was opposed by Captain Mahan,

who spoke for the Americans, because "he considered the use of

asphyxiating shell far less inhuman and cruel than the

employment of submarine boats, and as the employment of

submarine boats had not been interdicted by the Conference

(though specially mentioned with that object in the Mouravieff

Circular), he felt constrained to maintain his vote in favour of

the use of asphyxiating shell on the original ground that the

United States' Government was averse to placing any

restriction on the inventive genius of its citizens in

inventing and providing new weapons of war."

PEACE CONFERENCE:

Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the

principles of the Geneva Convention of August 22, 1864.

ARTICLE I.

Military hospital-ships, that is to say, ships constructed or

assigned by States specially and solely for the purpose of

assisting the wounded, sick, or shipwrecked, and the names of

which shall have been communicated to the belligerent Powers

at the commencement or during the course of hostilities, and

in any case before they are employed, shall be respected and

cannot be captured while hostilities last. These ships,

moreover, are not on the same footing as men-of-war as regards

their stay in a neutral port.

ARTICLE II.

Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of

private individuals or officially recognized relief Societies,

shall likewise be respected and exempt from capture, provided

the belligerent Power to whom they belong has given them an

official commission and has notified their names to the

Hostile Power at the commencement of or during hostilities,

and in any case before they are employed. These ships should

be furnished with a certificate from the competent

authorities, declaring that they had been under their control

while fitting out and on final departure.

ARTICLE III.

Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of

private individuals or officially recognized Societies of

neutral countries, shall be respected and exempt from capture,

if the neutral Power to whom they belong has given them an

official commission and notified their names to the

belligerent Powers at the commencement of or during

hostilities, and in any case before they are employed.

ARTICLE IV.

The ships mentioned in Articles I, II, and III shall afford

relief and assistance to the wounded, sick, and shipwrecked of

the belligerents independently of their nationality. The

Governments engage not to use these ships for any military

purpose. These ships must not in any way hamper the movements

of the combatants. During and after an engagement they will

act at their own risk and peril. The belligerents will have

the right to control and visit them; they can refuse to help

them, order them off, make them take a certain course, and put

a Commissioner on board; they can even detain them, if important

circumstances require it. As far as possible the belligerents

shall inscribe in the sailing papers of the hospital-ships the

orders they give them.

{365}

ARTICLE V.

The military hospital-ships shall be distinguished by being

painted white outside with a horizontal band of green about a

metre and a half in breadth. The ships mentioned in Articles

II and III shall be distinguished by being painted white

outside with a horizontal band of red about a metre and a half

in breadth. The boats of the ships above mentioned, as also

small craft which may be used for hospital work, shall be

distinguished by similar painting. All hospital-ships shall

make themselves known by hoisting, together with their

national flag, the white flag with a red cross provided by the

Geneva Convention.

ARTICLE VI.

Neutral merchantmen, yachts, or vessels, having, or taking on

board, sick, wounded, or shipwrecked of the belligerents,

cannot be captured for so doing, but they are liable to

capture for any violation of neutrality they may have

committed.

ARTICLE VII.

The religious, medical, or hospital staff of any captured ship

is inviolable, and its members cannot be made prisoners of

war. On leaving the ship they take with them the objects and

surgical instruments which are their own private property.

This staff shall continue to discharge its duties while

necessary, and can afterwards leave when the

Commander-in-chief considers it possible. The belligerents

must guarantee to the staff that has fallen into their hands

the enjoyment of their salaries intact.

ARTICLE VIII.

Sailors and soldiers who are taken on board when sick or

wounded, to whatever nation they belong, shall be protected

and looked after by the captors.

ARTICLE IX.

The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick of one of the belligerents

who fall into the hands of the other, are prisoners of war.

The captor must decide, according to circumstances, if it is

best to keep them or send them to a port of his own country,

to a neutral port, or even to a hostile port. In the last

case, prisoners thus repatriated cannot serve as long as the

war lasts.

ARTICLE X.

The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick, who are landed at a neutral

port with the consent of the local authorities, must, failing

a contrary arrangement between the neutral State and the

belligerents, be guarded by the neutral State, so that they

cannot again take part in the military operations. The

expenses of entertainment and internment shall be borne by the

State to which the shipwrecked, wounded, or sick belong.

ARTICLE XI.

The rules contained in the above Articles are binding only on

the Contracting Powers, in case of war between two or more of

them. The said rules shall cease to be binding from the time

when, in a war between the Contracting Powers, one of the

belligerents is joined by a non-Contracting Power.

ARTICLE XII.

The present Convention shall be ratified as soon as possible.

The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. On the

receipt of each ratification a "procès-verbal" shall be drawn

up, a copy of which, duly certified, shall be sent through the

diplomatic channel to all the Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE XIII.

The non-Signatory Powers who accepted the Geneva Convention of

the 22d August, 1864, are allowed to adhere to the present

Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion

known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written

notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it

communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE XIV.

In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing

the present Convention, such denunciation shall not take

effect until a year after the notification made in writing to

the Netherland Government, and forthwith communicated by it to

all the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall only

affect the notifying Power.

In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed

the present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

[Signed by the representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain,

Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia,

Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and

Bulgaria]

----------PEACE CONFERENCE: End--------

PEARY'S EXPLORATIONS.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1898—.

PEKING: A. D. 1900.

The siege of the Foreign Legations and their rescue.

Occupation of the city by the allied forces.

Looting and outrage.

March through the "Forbidden City."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);

and (AUGUST 4-16, and 15-28).

PEKING: A. D. 1900-1901.

Seizure of grounds for a fortified Legation Quarter.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

PEKING SYNDICATE, Chinese concessions to the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

PELAGIC SEAL KILLING, The question of.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

PELEW ISLANDS:

Sale by Spain to Germany.

See (in this volume)

CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1897.

Great strike of coal miners.

Conflict at Lattimer.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1900.

Strike of anthracite coal miners.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1900.

PENNSYLVANIA, University of:

Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:

AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

PENNY POSTAGE, British Imperial.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

PENSIONS, Old-Age.

See references (in this volume) under

OLD-AGE PENSIONS.

PEONES.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

PEOPLE'S PARTY, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{366}

PERRY'S EXPEDITION TO JAPAN,

Proposed monument to commemorate.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

PERSIA: A.D. 1896.

Assassination of the Shah.

The Shah of Persia, Nâsr-ed-din, was shot, on the 1st day of

May, when entering the mosque of Shah Abdul Azim, by one Mirza

Mahomed Reza, said to be of the Babi sect. Nâsr-ed-din had

reigned since 1848. He was succeeded by his son,

Muzaffar-ed-din, who was forty-three years old at his

accession.

PERSIA: A. D. 1897-1899.

Recent exploration of the ruins of Susa.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

PERSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

PERSIA: A. D. 1900.

Russian railway projects.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

PERSIAN GULF, Railways to the.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER);

and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

PERU: A. D. 1894-1899.

Overthrow of an unconstitutional government.

Legitimate authority restored.

The death of President Bermudez, in March, 1894, brought about

a revolutionary movement in the interest of ex-President

Caceres. Constitutionally, the First Vice-President, Dr. del

Solar, would have succeeded the deceased President, until a

new election was held; but the Second Vice-President, who was

a partisan of Caceres, and who had the army with him, seized

control of the government. In May, Caceres was proclaimed

Provisional President, and in August it was claimed for him

that he had been elected by Congress; but the election was not

recognized by his opponents. A formidable rebellion was

organized, under the lead of ex-President Pierola, who had

been in exile and now returned. Civil war raged for nearly a

year, Pierola gaining steadily. In February, 1895, his forces

reached the capital and laid siege to it. On the 17th of March

they entered the city, and there was desperate fighting in the

streets of Lima for three days, nearly 2,000 of the

combatants being killed and more than 1,500 wounded. Chiefly

through the efforts of the Papal delegate, the bloody conflict

was finally stopped and terms of peace arranged. A provisional

government, made up from both parties, was formed, under which

a peaceable election was held in the following July. Pierola

was then elected President. Caceres and his partisans

attempted a rising the next year (1896), but it had no

success. In the northern department of Loreto, on the border

of Ecuador, an abortive movement for independence was set on

foot by an ambitious official, who gave the government

considerable trouble, but accomplished nothing more. In 1899,

President Pierola was succeeded by Eduardo L. de Romana,

elected in May. A rebellion attempted that year by one General

Durand was promptly suppressed.

PERU: A. D. 1894.-1900.

The dispute with Chile concerning Tacna and Arica.

See (in this volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1884-1900.

PESCADORES ISLANDS:

Cession by China to Japan.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.

Opening of the Commercial Museum.

A Commercial Museum which has acquired great importance was

opened in Philadelphia on the 2d of June, 1897. "In both aim

and results the institution is unique. Other countries, also,

have their commercial museums, which are doing excellent work.

Their scope, however, is much more limited; the Museum of

Philadelphia differing from them in that it is an active, not

merely a passive, aid to the prospective exporter. The foreign

museums, situated in London, Bremen, Hamburg, Stuttgart,

Vienna, Havre, Brussels, and various other commercial centres,

do not extend active aid, but content themselves with more or

less complete displays of samples of domestic and foreign

competitive goods sold in export markets. The theory of their

organization is, that the manufacturer, contemplating a

foreign business campaign, will be enabled to pursue it

intelligently through the study of these samples. The

initiative is left to the exporter himself, who must discover

what opportunities exist for him abroad; and it is also left

to him to take advantage of his opportunities in the way that

may seem best to him. The display of manufactured samples is

only a small part of the work of the Philadelphia Museum. This

institution shows not only what goods are sold in foreign

markets, but also where those markets are, what commercial

conditions obtain in connection with them, what particular

kinds of goods they demand, how these markets may be best

competed for, and where the raw material may be most

profitably purchased. It furnishes information, furthermore,

as to business connections as well as the credit ratings of

the agents or firms recommended. To secure specific

information it is not necessary to visit the institution

itself; for reports of trade opportunities abroad are

distributed by the Museum to its members; and these reports

are provided with photographs of many of the articles which,

at that particular time, are in demand, in certain parts of

the world. Under these circumstances, the exporter is

practically provided with a staff of expert, foreign

representatives, without any expense to himself beyond the

merely nominal fee for membership. While its activities are

dependent to a certain extent upon the income derived from

subscribers, the Museum is not a money-making institution.

Indeed, its income from this source does not cover half the

expenditures. It is enabled to carry on its work only by

reason of the generous, annual appropriation provided for it

by the City Councils of Philadelphia. But a very large income

is required to maintain a staff of 150 employees in

Philadelphia, as well as 500 regular and several thousand

occasional correspondents scattered throughout the world. The

only advantage which the city itself derives from the Museum

is that resulting indirectly from the presence of foreign

buyers attracted to Philadelphia by the Museum's work."

W. P. Wilson,

The Philadelphia Commercial Museum

(Forum, September, 1899).

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1899.

National Export Exposition and International

Commercial Congress.

See (in this volume)

INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

{367}

----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:

Number, area, shore line, and population.

"In regard to the number and areas of the islands in the

archipelago there must necessarily be a certain inaccuracy,

because the group has never been properly surveyed, and the

only method of determining the number and areas is by counting

and measuring on the charts. The following figures are

probably the best ever compiled. They are drawn from

enumeration and mensuration on maps recently obtained by the

United States commissioners to the Philippines and which are

without doubt the most complete and the most thorough ever

made. The following is quoted from the introduction to these

maps, which are being published by the United States Coast and

Geodetic Survey. All the islands or groups having an area of over

20 square miles have been measured, and the areas are here

given in square miles and square kilometers. Many different

statements have been made in regard to the number of the

islands composing the archipelago. The cause for this must be

attributed to the scale of the charts on which the count was

made and the difficulty of distinguishing between rocks and

formations of sufficient area to dignify them by the name of

islands. Thus on a small-scale Spanish chart of the entire

group 948 islands were counted; on various large-scale charts

of the same area there were found 1,725. The principal

islands, with the extent of shore line of some of them and

their area, are given on the following lists. The areas were

carefully measured, but are subject to the inaccuracy of the

length of general shore line.

Name.                   Square Miles.  Square kilometers.

Babuyan                      36                93

Bagata, or Quinalasag        27                70

Balabae                      38                98

Basilan                     350               907

Batan                        21                54

Bantayan                     26                67

Bohol                     1,430             3,727

Bucas                        41               106

Burias                      153               422

Busuanga                    328               850

Calayan                      37                96

Calamian                    117               303

Camiguin (Babnyanes group)   54               140

Camiguin                     71               184

Catandunanes                680             1,761

Cebu                      1,742             4,512

Dalupiri                     20                53

Dinagat                     259               671

Dumaran                      95               246

Fuga                         21                54

Guimaras                    176               456

Leite (Leyte)             2,713             7,027

Linapacan                    40               104

Luzon                    47,238           122,346

Mactan                       20                52

Malhou (Homonkon)            35                91

Marindugna                  287               743

Masbate                   1.200             3,341

Mindanao                 36,237            93,854

Mindoro                   3,972            10,987

Negros                    4,854            12,571

Olutanga                     71               184

Panaon                       57               148

Panay                     4,708            12,194

Panglao                      24                62

Pangutaran                   32                85

Polillo                     231               598

Samal                       105               272

Samar                     5,040            13,054

Saranguani                   36                93

Semerara                     23                60

Siargao                     134               347

Sibuyan                     131               339

Siquijor                     83               215

Sulu, or Jolo               241               624

Tablas                      250               648

Ticao                        94               243

Ybayat, or Ibayat            22                57

Ylin                         24                62

GROUPS.

Alabat                       76              197

Jomalig

Banton                       44              114

Simara

Romblon

Daram                        41              106

Buad

Camotes group:               74              192

Ponson

Poro

Pasijan

Calaguas group:

Tinagua                   19              49

Guintinua

Cuyos group:                 28              73

Cuyos

Cugo

Agutaya

Hamipo

Bisukei

Laguan                      23               60

Batag

Limbancauyan               184              477

Mesa, or Talajit

Maripipi

Balupiri

Biliran

Lubang                     53              163

Ambil

Golo

San Miguel                 82              212

Batan

Cacraray

Rapurrapu

Tawi Tawi group:          183             414

Tawi Tawi

Tabulinga

Tandubato

Others of the

Tawi Tawi group.           54            140

Total measured        118,542        307,025

Estimated area of

unmeasured islands      1,000          2,500

Total area            119,542        309,615

{368}

Length of general shore line.

Name.                     Miles          Kilometers

Bohol                       161             259

Cebu                        310             499

Jolo Archipelago            858           1,381

Kalamines                   126             203

Leite                       363             584

Luzon                     2,144           3,450

Masbate                     244             393

Mindanao                  1,592           2,562

Mindoro                     322             518

Negros                      386             621

Palawan                     644           1,036

Panay                       377             607

Samar                       412             663

Minor islands             3,505           5,641

Total                    11,444          18,417

"The following [as to population] is a quotation from an

article by W. F. Wilcox, of the United States Census Bureau.

It is well to notice that the last official census was in 1887

and that the figures of that census, though probably

underestimating the population of the islands, are the ones

which, in default of better, we are obliged to take as final.

It is probable that these are an understatement of the true

population of the Philippines for several reasons, among which

is one not observed by Mr. Wilcox, and which is therefore

mentioned. It is, of course, only supposition, but is at least

suggestive. For every adult counted in the census the

officials were obliged to return a poll tax. Thus, for

instance, if 100,000 persons were counted 100,000 pesetas

would have to be returned to the treasury. It has therefore

been supposed that the officials counted, say, 150,000 and

returned only 100,000 pesetas and 100,000 names. Mr. Wilcox

says (American Statistical Association Publ., September,

1899): 'The population of the islands in 1872 was stated in a

letter to Nature (6:162), from Manila, by Dr. A. B. Meyer, who

gives the latest not yet published statistics as his

authority. The letter gives the population of nine islands, as

follows:

Luzon    4,467,111

Panay    1,052,586

Cebu       427,356

Leite      285,495

Bohol      283,515

Negros     255,873

Samar      250,062

Mindanao   191,802

Mindoro     70,926

"It also gives the population of each of the 43 provinces of

the islands. The population was not counted, but estimated.

The number who paid tribute was stated as 1,232,544. How this

was ascertained we are not informed. The total population,

7,451,352, was approximated 'on the supposition that about the

sixth part of the whole has to pay tribute.' In reality this

population is 6.046 times the assigned tribute-paying

population. But Dr. Meyer adds: 'As there exist in all the

islands, even in Luzon, independent tribes and a large number

in Mindanao, the number of 7,451,352 gives no correct idea of

the real population of the Philippines. This is not known at

all and will not be known for a long time to come.'

"Since 1872 there have been actual enumerations of the

Philippines, but authorities differ as to the time when they

occurred and the detailed results. These enumerations were

usually confined to the subject and Catholic population, and

omitted the heathen, Mohammedan, and independent tribes. Four

reports of the entire population have been printed:

1. A report made by the religious orders in 1876 or 1877, in

which the nationalities and creeds of the population were

distinguished.

2. A manuscript report to Professor Blumentritt of the

enumeration made by the religious orders in December, 1879.

3. The official report of the civil census of December 31,

1877, contained in Reseña geog. y estad. de España, 1888, p.

1079.

4. The official report upon the census taken by the civil

officers December 31, 1887, and printed in the first volume of

Censo de la Poblacion de España, at Madrid, in 1891.

The first two may be compared, and tend somewhat to

corroborate each other, as follows:

1. Tribute-paying natives.            5,501,356

2. Army                                  14,545

3. Navy                                   2,924

4. Religious officers (Geistlichkeit)     1,962

5. Civil officers                         5,552

6. Other Spaniards                       13,265

Total Spaniards                          38,248

1876-77.      1879.

Total Catholics                5,539,604   5,777,522

Heathen and Mohammedan natives   602,853     632,640

Foreigners (In 1876 there were:

British,  176; German, 109;

Americans, 42; French, 30)         378         592

Chinese                         30,797      39,054

Total                        6,173,632   6,449,813

"The third enumeration reported 5,567,685 as the

tribute-paying population. To this number should be added the

estimated number of the independent tribes, 'Indios no

sometidos'; this according to the missionaries' count was

about 600,000, making a total of 6,167,685. Most experts agree

that this official report is untrustworthy and involves

serious omissions, but believe that the facts are so

imperfectly known that they are unable to correct it. One

author, del Pac, writing in 1882, started from the

missionaries' census of 1876-77, viz, 6,173,632, assumed that

this omitted as many as 600,000 members of independent tribes

and that the increase of 1876-1882 would be 740,000. In this

way he got 7,513,632. A second writer, Sanciano, estimated the

population in 1881 as 10,260,249. The missionaries made an

estimate of their own in 1885 which showed 9,529,841.

Seat of War in the Island of Luzon.

{369}

"The fourth enumeration of those mentioned above showed a

population of 5,985,123 in 1887, and the totals both for the

group as a whole and for the fifty odd provinces tend to

confirm and to be confirmed by the civil count of 1877. This

number, however, represents only the nominally Catholic or

tribute-paying population. To it must be added the Mohammedan

or heathen tribes set down by clerical authorities as about

600,000. Perhaps the highest authority in this field,

Professor Blumentritt, is confident that this number does not

include all the independent tribes, but only those in the

mountains who have a special arrangement freeing them from all

the dues of the subject tribes. On the whole, therefore, Prof.

H. Wagner is inclined to estimate these omissions of

independent or non-Christian tribes at about 1,000,000 and the

population of the group at about 7,000,000. This result is

indorsed by the latest German authority, Hübner's

Geographisch-Statistische Tabellen for 1898, which gives the

population as

5,985,124 + 1,000,000 = 6,985,124, as follows:

Spanish     Estimated number

census.     not counted.

Luzon and adjacent islands     3,443,000       150,000

Mindoro and Masbate              126,000       100,000

Visayas Archipelago            2,181,000       200,000

Mindanao                         209,000       400,000

Calamianes and Palawan            22,000        50,000

Jolo (Sulu) Islands                4,000       100,000

Total                          5,985,000     1,000,000

"Personally I am disposed to suspect that this number,

although called by Professor Wagner an outside estimate, is

below rather than above the truth. In favor of this position

it may be urged that Professor Wagner's estimate makes no

allowance either for the natural increase of population,

1887-1898, or for the fact that the first careful census of

densely populated regions, like India and Japan, usually

reveals a larger population than had been previously

estimated. This analogy might reasonably be applied to Luzon

and the Visayas."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 171, pages 4-7.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:

The native inhabitants.

"The inhabitants of the Philippines belong to three sharply

distinct races—the Negrito race, the Indonesian race, and the

Malayan race. It is universally conceded that the Negritos of

to-day are the disappearing remnants of a people which once

populated the entire archipelago. They are, physically,

weaklings of low stature, with black skin, closely-curling

hair, flat noses, thick lips, and large, clumsy feet. In the

matter of intelligence they stand at or near the bottom of the

human series, and they are believed to be incapable of any

considerable degree of civilization or advancement. Centuries

ago they were driven from the coast regions into the wilder

interior portions of the islands by Malay invaders, and from

that day to this they have steadily lost ground in the

struggle for existence, until but a few scattered and

numerically insignificant groups of them remain. … It is

believed that not more than 25,000 of them exist in the entire

archipelago, and the race seems doomed to early extinction. …

"So far as is at present known, the Philippine tribes

belonging to the Indonesian race are confined to the great

island of Mindanao, the surface of which constitutes about

one-third of the total land area of the archipelago. … The

Philippine representatives of this race are physically

superior not only to the Negritos, but to the more numerous

Malayan peoples as well. They are tall and well developed,

with high foreheads, aquiline noses, wavy hair, and often with

abundant beards. The color of their skins is quite light. Many

of them are very clever and intelligent. None of the tribes

have been Christianized. Some of them have grown extremely

fierce and warlike as a result of their long struggle with

hostile Malayan peoples. Others, more happy in their

surroundings, are pacific and industrious.

"The great majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines are

of Malayan extraction, although the race is not found pure in

any of the islands, but is everywhere more or less modified

through intermarriage with Chinese, Indonesians, Negritos,

Arabs, and, to a limited extent, Spaniards and other

Europeans. The individuals belonging to these Malayan tribes

are of medium size, with straight black hair. As a rule the

men are beardless, and when they have a beard it is usually

straggling, and appears late in life. The skin is brown and

distinctly darker than that of the Indonesians, although very

much lighter than that of the Negritos. The nose is short and

frequently considerably flattened. The representatives of

these three races are divided into numerous tribes, which

often differ very greatly in language, manners, customs, and

laws, as well as in degree of civilization. …

"Any estimate of the total population must manifestly depend

on the number of inhabitants assigned to the various wild

tribes, of which there are no less than 69. For the purposes

of this report the commission has adopted as the total figure

8,000,000, considering this a conservative estimate. Baranera,

whose figures are believed to be carefully prepared, places

the total at 9,000,000. The extent of territory occupied in

whole or in part by each of the more important civilized

tribes can be estimated with a greater degree of accuracy, and

is approximately as follows: Visayans (occupying 28,100 square

miles) 2,601,600; Tagalogs (15,380 sq. miles) 1,663,900;

Bicols (6,900 sq. miles) 518,100; Ilocanos (6,170 sq. miles)

441,700; Pangasinaus (1,950 sq. miles) 365,500; Pampangas

(1,950 sq. miles) 337,900; Moros (12,860 sq. miles) 268,000;

Cagayans(11,500 sq. miles) 166,300. All of these peoples,

although ignorant and illiterate, are possessed of a

considerable degree of civilization, and, with the exception

of the Mohammedan Moros, are Christianized."

Philippine Commission,

Report, January 31, 1900, volume 1, pages 11-15.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

The Katipunan and the rising against Spanish rule.

Appearance of Aguinaldo as a leader.

Dr. José Rizal.

The Treaty of Biac-na-bato.

Departure of Aguinaldo and his return with

the American forces.

The Philippine Islands, discovered in 1521 by Magellan (or

Maghallanes or Magalhaes), and occupied by the Spaniards in

1565, seems, for a long period, to have interested that people

more as a missionary than as a commercial field. Indeed, the

doings of the church and of the religious orders, and the

acceptance of Roman teachings of Christianity by the greater

part of the native population, make up the essential history

of the Philippines until quite recent times. If the islands

had offered gold mines, or pearl fisheries, or spice forests

to their European discoverers, the story would certainly have

been different. As it was, the Spaniards were not moved to

much eagerness in exploiting such resources of commerce as

they found; and so, through fortunate circumstances, the

natives were made converts instead of slaves.

{370}

By missionaries, more than by soldiers, they were subdued; by

the church, more than by the Spanish state, they were ruled.

It is certain that there were great corruptions and

oppressions in the government, and it follows that a large

share of responsibility for them rests on those who controlled

the affairs of the church. For the past hundred years, at

least, the more spirited part of the native population has

been restive under the misrule and its burdens, and frequent

attempts at insurrection have been made. Such an outbreak in

1872 was suppressed and punished with a vengefulness, in

executions and banishment, which rankled ever afterwards in

the hearts of the people.

A secret society, called the "Katipunan," or League, was then

formed, which became a revolutionary organization, and from

which sprang the most serious of Filipino rebellions, in 1896.

The province of Cavite was the center of revolt, and it was

there that Emilio Aguinaldo, then the schoolmaster at Silan,

came into prominence as a leader. Mr. John Foreman, who was in

the Philippines at the time of the insurrection, states that

Aguinaldo was personally humane, but fearful atrocities were

committed in the first months of the rising by some of the

insurgents of his band. One captured priest, according to Mr.

Foreman's account, "was cut up piecemeal; another was

saturated with petroleum and set on fire; and a third was

bathed in oil and fried on a bamboo spit run through the

length of his body." The Spaniards, on their side, were

equally inhuman in their treatment of captured rebels and

"suspects." Says Mr. Foreman: "About 600 suspects were

confined in the dungeons of Fort Santiago at the mouth of the

Pasig River. Then occurred a frightful tragedy. The dungeons

are below water-mark at high tide; the river filtered in

through the crevices in the ancient masonry; thus twice a day

these unfortunates were up to their waists or necks in water,

according to the height of the men. The Spanish sergeant on

duty threw his rug over the only light and ventilating shaft,

and, in a couple of days, carts were seen by many citizens

carrying away the dead, calculated to number 70. Provincial

governors and parish priests seemed to regard it as a duty to

supply the capital with batches of 'suspects' from their

localities. In Vigan, where nothing had occurred, many of the

heads of the best families and monied men were arrested and

brought to Manila in a steamer. They were bound hand and foot,

and carried like packages of merchandise in the hold. I

happened to be on the quay when the steamer discharged her

living freight, with chains and hooks to haul up and swing out

the bodies like bales of hemp. …

"Thousands of peaceful natives were treated with a ferocity

which would have shocked all Europe. … Within three months of

the outbreak, hundreds of the richest natives and half-castes

in Manila were imprisoned for a few days and released

conditionally"—the condition being a payment of ransom,

sometimes said to be as high as $40,000. But General Blanco,

the then Governor-General, was not vigorous enough in his

measures to satisfy the all-powerful clerical party in the

islands, and he was replaced by General Polaveja, who received

large reinforcements from Spain, and who succeeded in breaking

the strength of the rebellion to a great extent. But the

character of Polaveja's administration is thus described by

Mr. Foreman: "Apart from the circumstances of legitimate

warfare, in which probably neither party was more merciful

than the other, he initiated a system of striking terror into

the non-combatant population by barbarous tortures and

wholesale executions. … Men were escorted to the prisons by

pure caprice and subjected to horrible maltreatment. Many of

them were liberated in the course of a few days, declared

innocent, but maimed for life and forever unable to get a

living. … The only apparent object in all this was to

disseminate broadcast living examples of Spanish vengeance."

The most notable victim at this period was Dr. José Rizal, a

physician, highly educated in Europe, distinguished as an

oculist, and the author of certain novels in which the

condition of things in his native country was set forth. On

his return to the Islands, Dr. Rizal incurred the enmity of

the friars by opposing them, and was pursued by their

hostility. From 1893 to 1896 he was kept in banishment,

closely watched, at a small town in the island of Mindanao.

Then he sought and obtained permission to go to Cuba in the

medical staff of the Spanish army; but, just as he arrived at

Manila, on his way to Spain, the insurrection of 1896 broke

out, and though he was suffered to depart, his enemies pursued

him with accusations of complicity in the rising and caused

him to be brought back. Says Mr. Foreman, who was an

eye-witness of what occurred: "Not a few of us who saw the

vessel leave wished him 'God speed.' But the clerical party

were eager for his extermination. … The lay authorities always

had to yield to the monks, and history herein repeated itself.

Dr. Rizal was cabled for to answer certain accusations, and so

on his landing in the Peninsula he was incarcerated in the

celebrated fortress of Montjuich (the scene of so many

horrors), pending his re-shipment by the returning steamer. He

reached Manila as a state prisoner in the Colon, isolated from

all but his jailors. It was materially impossible for him to

have taken any part in the rebellion, whatever his sympathies

may have been." Nevertheless, he was tried by court-martial

for sedition and rebellion, condemned and shot; and his memory

is cherished in the islands as that of a martyred patriot.

"The decree of execution was one of Polaveja's foulest acts."

Having scotched but not killed the insurrection, Polaveja went

home, with broken health, in the spring of 1897, and was

succeeded by General Primo de Rivera, who, after some months

of continued warfare, opened negotiations with Aguinaldo, the

recognized leader of the revolt. The result was a treaty,

known as the "Pacto de Biac-na-bato, signed December 14. By

this treaty "the rebels undertook to deliver up their arms and

ammunition of all kinds to the Spaniards; to evacuate the

places held by them; to conclude an armistice for three years

for the application and development of the reforms to be

introduced by the other part, and not to conspire against

Spanish sovereignty in the Islands, nor aid or abet any

movement calculated to counteract the reforms.

{371}

Emilio Aguinaldo and 34 other leaders undertook to quit the

Philippine Islands, and not to return to them until so

authorised by the Spanish Government. On behalf of the Spanish

Government it was agreed to pay, through the medium of Pedro

A. Paterno, to the rebels the sum of $1,000,000, and to the

families who had sustained loss by reason of the war $700,000,

in instalments and conditionally,"—the condition being that no

renewal of rebellion or conspiracy occur. Aguinaldo and other

chiefs of the insurrection left the Islands, accordingly; but

they are said to have been utterly duped. One instalment, only

($400,000), of the promised money was ever paid; the promised

reforms were not carried out, and persecution of those who had

been in sympathy with the rising was renewed.

J. Foreman,

The Philippine Islands,

chapter 26 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

"Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore.

A portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in banks at

Hongkong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one

of his subordinate chiefs named Artacho, which is interesting

on account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo.

Artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents

according to rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a

trust fund, and was to remain on deposit until it was seen

whether the Spaniards would carry out their promised reforms,

and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the

expenses of a new insurrection. The suit was settled out of

court by paying Artacho $5,000. No steps have been taken to

introduce the reforms, more than 2,000 insurgents, who had

been deported to Fernando Po and other places, are still in

confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on

the operations of the present insurrection."

F. V. Greene,

Memorandum concerning the Situation in the Philippines,

August 30, 1898 (Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers:

55th Congress, 3d Session,

Senate Document Number 62, part 1, page 421.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1897.

Refusal of United States Government to negotiate

with the insurgent republic.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-May).

Circumstances in which Aguinaldo was brought to

Manila to co-operate with American forces.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-July).

Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

Blockade and siege of the city.

Co-operation of insurgents under Aguinaldo.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (May-August).

Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MAY-AUGUST).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-August).

Correspondence between the American commander and Aguinaldo.

This is fully given (showing the relations between the

American and Filipino forces, before the capture of Manila),

in the general account of the Spanish-American War.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-September).

American capture of Manila.

Relations with the Filipino insurgents.

General Merritt's report.

Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).

Suspension of hostilities between the United States and Spain.

Manila held by the former pending the conclusion

of a treaty of peace.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).

Losses of the American army during the war with Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).

The state of things following the occupation of Manila

by American forces.

Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.

General Otis's report.

Of the state of things which followed the departure of General

Merritt, August 30, General Otis, who succeeded him in

command, reported subsequently as follows:

"Until October 14 [1898], the United States troops in the

Philippines remained stationed at Manila and Cavite, as

provided in General Merritt's orders of August 23, with very

slight exceptions, Major-General Anderson retaining

supervision of the district of Cavite and Major-General

MacArthur of the troops stationed in Manila, the three

organizations composing the provost guard continuing, however,

under the control of Brigadier-General Hughes. They were most

bountifully supplied with subsistence and medicines, but light

clothing suited to the climate and facilities necessary for

occupying and messing in barracks were needed. These were soon

obtained through contract and purchase from the merchants of

Hongkong and Manila and by shipment from the United States.

The troops received tactical instructions daily, but the

weather was too hot for much physical exertion, and time hung

heavily upon them. They entertained the impression that the

Spanish war had terminated, and the volunteers appeared to

believe that they should be recalled to the United States at

once and regular troops sent out to perform the monotonous

garrison duties which were about to follow the victory of

Manila. Many became ill from too free indulgence in the fruits

and manufactured drinks of the country, and indifference to

that care and attention of person which a tropical climate

makes necessary. Homesickness alone produced illness in

numerous cases, so that early in September the hospitals began

to be rapidly filled. This led to the adoption of judicious

precautionary measures. … In November improvement was

noticeable, and in January the health of this army would

compare favorably with those of any concentrated army of like

proportions in existence. To be sure the men had become by

this time fairly acclimatized, and new troops arriving here

will be obliged to pass through this period of acclimatization

before they become properly efficient for prolonged service in

the field.

{372}

"During my first weeks of duty here I was impressed with the

spirit of suspicion and the partially concealed unfriendly

feeling manifested by the Tagalos toward the American forces.

That they either had very little confidence in our promises or

were then forming conclusions to oppose any establishment of

United States authority in Luzon was apparent, however loudly

they might disclaim hostile intent or declare as an excuse for

their attitude fear of the return of Spain. I saw, however,

with satisfaction, their ablest men by education, and mental

equipment taking part in their authoritative deliberations,

and I had considerable confidence in the efficacy of their

suggestions and advice. Still, after carefully weighing

conditions, I was unable to arrive at any satisfactory

conclusions. …

"Measures were being applied constantly to improve the

sanitary condition of the city, to increase the efficiency of

the troops, and to meet any emergency which might develop from

an uprising of the inhabitants, or from hasty action by any

portion of our or the insurgent forces, which, though

maintaining amicable intercourse, were, in fact, in an

attitude of resistance and hostility upon all questions

involving the right of armed occupation of the suburbs and

defenses of Manila. The insurgent soldiers had looted

extensively the portions of the city to which they gained

access, and were greatly disappointed that this privilege over

other parts of the same was not accorded them. Their enforced

withdrawal to outer lines was the cause of discontent, and

augmented any desire which they may have formerly entertained

to resist or attack the American troops. This growing

discontent was observable among the lower classes of the

city's inhabitants, from whom a considerable share of

Aguinaldo's army was drawn, and was undoubtedly increased by

the reprehensible conduct and illegal actions of some of our

own men, who were severely punished for their misdeeds when

detected. Outwardly, however, relations of the most friendly

character were maintained. The officers and enlisted men of

the two armies mingled in friendly social intercourse. To the

casual observer the only discordant element in this dense

complex population, made up of every nation and tongue in

existence, were the hated Spanish prisoners, whom the

Filipinos still longed to persecute and kill, and who were

obliged to keep within the walls of Old Manila for safety.

Repeated conferences were held with influential insurgents,

whose chief aim appeared to be to obtain some authoritative

expression on the intent of the United States with regard to

the Philippines, and complained that they were unable to

discover anyone who could speak ex cathedra. They asserted

that their Malolos arrangement was a government de facto,

which had the right to ask an expression of intent from the

United States Government. …

"My own confidence at this time in a satisfactory solution of

the difficulties which confronted us may be gathered from a

dispatch sent to Washington on December 7, wherein I stated

that conditions were improving and that there were signs of

revolutionary disintegration; that I had conferred with a

number of the members of the revolutionary government and

thought that the most of them would favor peaceful submission

to United States authority. I had strong reasons for this

expressed confidence from assurances made to me by some of the

ablest Filipinos who had occupied positions of importance in the

insurgent government and had signified their intention to

withdraw from it."

Report of General Otis,

August 31, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgement, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1048-1052).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).

The state of things following the occupation of Manila,

as represented by English witnesses.

The writer of the following remarks, in an interesting book on

"The Inhabitants of the Philippines," published late in 1900, is

an English civil engineer, who had resided in Luzon for

fourteen years and knew the country and people thoroughly

well:

"Personally, I think that if a sympathetic and conciliatory

attitude had been adopted, had the local government

established been recognized, had Aguinaldo and his staff been

given commissions in the Native Army or Civil Service, and the

flower of the Tagal Army taken into the service of the United

States, a peaceful settlement could have been made on the

lines of a Protectorate. I therefore look upon the war as

unnecessary, and consider the lives already sacrificed, and

that will have to be sacrificed, as absolutely thrown away.

The tragical side of American unpreparedness is manifest in

the state of anarchy in which the whole Archipelago has been

plunged by the American unreadiness to occupy the military

posts as soon as they were vacated by the Spanish garrisons. A

hideous orgy of murder, plunder, and slave-raiding has

prevailed in Visayas, and especially in Mindanao.

"Three conditions were essential to a peaceful settlement:

First.

A broad-minded and sympathetic representative of America,

fully authorized to treat, and a lover of peace.

Second.

A strict discipline amongst the American forces.

Third,

The principal aim and object of the Tagal insurrection must be

secured.

"General Otis does not seem to me to fulfil the first

condition, he lacked prestige and patience, and he showed that

he had an insufficient conception of the magnitude of his task

by occupying himself with petty details of all kinds and by

displaying an ill-timed parsimony. Apparently he had no power

to grant anything at all, and only dealt in vague generalities

which the Tagals could not be expected to accept.

"As regards the second point, I regret that I am not

personally acquainted with the gentlemen from Nebraska,

Colorado, Dakota and other states serving in the United States

Army or volunteers. I have no doubt that they are good

fighting-men, but from all I can hear about them they are not

conspicuous for strict military discipline, and too many of

them have erroneous ideas as to the most suitable drink for a

tropical climate. Manila was in the time of the Spaniards a

most temperate city; a drunken man was a very rare sight, and

would usually be a foreign sailor. Since the American

occupation, some hundreds of drinking saloons have been

opened, and daily scenes of drunkenness and debauchery have

filled the quiet natives with alarm and horror. When John L.

Motley wrote his scathing denunciation of the army which the

great Duke of Alva led from Spain into the Low Countries, to

enforce the high religious purposes of Philip II., he could

not foresee that his words would be applicable to an American

Army sent to subjugate men struggling to be free 'for their

welfare, not our gain,' nor that this army, besides bringing

in its train a flood of cosmopolitan harlotry, would be

allowed by its commander to inaugurate amongst a strictly

temperate people a mad saturnalia of drunkenness that has

scarcely a parallel.

{373}

Such, however, is undoubtedly the case, and I venture to think

that these occurrences have confirmed many of the Tagals in

their resolve rather to die fighting for their independence

than to be ruled over by such as these."

F. H. Sawyer,

The Inhabitants of the Philippines,

page 113-114 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

Substantially the same account of things at Manila in this

period has been given in a magazine article by Mr. John

Foreman, the well known writer on the Philippine Islands. "The

conduct," he declares, "of the boisterous, undisciplined

individuals who formed a large percentage of the first

volunteer contingents sent to Manila had had an ineffaceably

demoralizing effect on the proletariat, and has inspired a

feeling of horror and loathful contempt in the affluent and

educated classes who guide the Philippine public opinion. From

the outset it was a mistake to treat the Christian Philippine

population like savages ignorant of western civilization,

considering that there are thousands of Filipinos mentally

equal to the invading forces, and comparable, in intellectual

training, with the average middle-class Europeans.

"Within a fortnight after the capitulation of Manila the

drinking saloons had increased four-fold. According to the

latest advices, there are at least twenty to one existing in

the time of the Spaniards. Drunkenness, with its consequent

evils, is rife all over the city among the new white

population. The orgies of the new-comers, the incessant street

brawls, the insults offered with impunity to natives of both

sexes, the entry with violence into private houses by the

soldiery, who maltreated the inmates and laid hands on what

they chose, were hardly calculated to arouse in the natives

admiration for their new masters. Brothels were absolutely

prohibited under the Spanish rule, but since the evacuation

there has been a great influx of women of ill fame, whilst

native women have been pursued by lustful tormentors. During a

certain period after the capitulation there was indiscriminate

shooting, and no peaceable native's life was safe in the

suburbs. Adventurers of all sorts and conditions have flocked

to this centre of vice, where the sober native is not even

spoken of as a man by many of the armed rank and file, but, by

way of contempt, is called a yuyu. A few miles from Manila,

the villages of Mandaloyan and Sant Ana were looted by the

victors, much of the spoil being brought up to the capital and

included in auction sales or sold to the Chinese. In Taal the

houses of families, with whom I have been long acquainted,

were ransacked, effects of little value, or too difficult to

transport, being carelessly strewn about from sheer

wantonness. And presumably no greater respect for private

property was shown in the other numerous villages overrun by

the invaders. …

"The situation then during this period was somewhat as

follows: The Filipinos, aided by Dewey's victory, had driven

the Spaniards from practically the whole Archipelago except

the city of Manila, they had established a government of their

own, and they looked upon the country as belonging both by

nature and by right of conquest to them. We upon the other

hand, having destroyed the Spanish fleet and captured the city

of Manila, and being in the process of acquiring by treaty the

Spanish title to the whole country regarded it as belonging to

us. The situation was therefore critical."

J. Foreman,

Will the United States withdraw from the Philippines?

(National Review, September, 1900).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (September-December).

Instructions from the President of the United States to the

Commissioners for the negotiation of peace with Spain

concerning the Philippine Archipelago.

Cession of the Islands to the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (October-November).

State of the country under the native government of Aguinaldo,

as witnessed by two U. S. naval officers who traversed it.-

Conflicting opinions as to the fitness of the Filipinos

for self-government.

During October and November, 1898, while the only authority in

Luzon, outside of Manila and Cavite, was that exercised by the

native government organized under Aguinaldo, two American

naval officers, Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and Cadet Leonard R.

Sargent, with permission from Admiral Dewey, made a tour of

observation through seven provinces of the island, and

rendered a report of what they saw and what they experienced,

which Admiral Dewey sent to Washington, commending it to the

attention of the government as containing "the most complete

and reliable information obtainable in regard to the present

state of the northern part of Luzon Island." Subsequently Mr.

Sargent wrote articles descriptive of the journey, which were

published in "The Outlook" and "The Independent," and which

were reprinted, with the official report, in a document

compiled for the U. S. Senate. The following is from the

article in "The Outlook," September 2, 1899:

"Although this government has never been recognized, and in

all probability will go out of existence without recognition,

yet it cannot be denied that, in a region occupied by many

millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months it stood alone

between anarchy and order. The military forces of the United

States held control only in Manila, with its environs, and in

Cavite, and had no authority to proceed further; while in the

vast remaining districts the representatives of the only

recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands of

their despised subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during

this anomalous period in our Philippine relations, and

possibly in the United States as well, that such a state of

affairs must breed something akin to anarchy. I can state

unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox and I found the

existing conditions to be much at variance with this opinion.

During our absence from Manila we travelled more than 600

miles in a very comprehensive circuit through the northern

part of the island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and

important district. In this way we visited seven provinces, of

which some were under the immediate control of the central

government at Malolos, while others were remotely situated,

separated from each other and from the seat of government by

natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and

arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's

government and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I

offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey

throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with

only the most pleasant recollections of the quiet and orderly

life which we found the natives to be leading under the new

regime."

{374}

The following is from the official report, jointly made by

Cadet Sargent and Paymaster Wilcox:

"The Philippine officers, both military and civil, that we

have met in all the provinces we have visited, have, with very

few exceptions, been men of intelligent appearance and

conversation. The same is true of all those men who form the

upper class in each town. The education of most of them is

limited, but they appear to seize every opportunity to improve

it. They have great respect and admiration for learning. Very

many of them desire to send their children to schools in the

United States or Europe. Many men of importance in different

towns have told us that the first use to be made of the

revenues of their government, after there is no more danger of

war, will be to start good schools in every village. The

poorer classes are extremely ignorant on most subjects, but a

large percentage of them can read and write. …

"Of the large number of officers, civil and military, and of

the leading townspeople we have met, nearly every man has

expressed in our presence his sentiment on this question [of

independence]. It is universally the same. They all declare

that they will accept nothing short of independence. They

desire the protection of the United States at sea, but fear

any interference on land. …

"There is much variety of feeling among the Philippines with

regard to the debt of gratitude they owe the United States. In

every town we found men who said that our nation had saved

them from slavery, and others who claimed that without our

interference their independence would have been recognized

before this time. On one point they are united, however, viz.,

that whatever our Government may have done for them it has not

gained the right to annex them. They have been prejudiced

against us by the Spaniards. The charges made have been so

numerous and so severe that what the natives have since

learned has not sufficed to disillusion them. With regard to

the record of our policy toward a subject people, they have

received remarkable information on two points,—that we have

mercilessly slain and finally exterminated the race of Indians

that were natives of our soil, and that we went to war in 1861

to suppress an insurrection of negro slaves, whom we also

ended by exterminating. Intelligent and well-informed men have

believed these charges. They were rehearsed to us in many

towns in different provinces, beginning at Malolos. The

Spanish version of our Indian problem is particularly well

known."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document 66.

In the third number of the first series of its publications,

the Philippine Information Society—see below: A. D. 1899

(JANUARY-FEBRUARY)—has brought together a number of

conflicting opinions expressed by various persons concerning

the capacity of the Filipinos for self-government, among them

the following:

"The population of Luzon is reported to be something over

3,000,000, mostly natives. These are gentle, docile, and under

just laws and with the benefits of popular education would

soon make good citizens. In a telegram sent to the department

on June 23 I expressed the opinion that 'these people are far

superior in their intelligence and more capable of

self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar

with both races.' Further intercourse with them has confirmed

me in this opinion."

Admiral Dewey,

Letter, August 29, 1898,

Replying to inquiry of War Department.

"They [the natives] would have to be educated up to it

[self-government]. They want a protectorate, but they do not

exactly understand what that means. Their idea is that they

should collect the revenues and keep them in their treasury,

and that we should be at the expense of maintaining an army

and a navy there for their protection, which is the kind of a

protectorate they would like very much."

General Merritt,

statement before United States Peace Commission at Paris,

October 4, 1898.

"If the United States should evacuate these islands, anarchy

and civil war will immediately ensue and lead to foreign

intervention. The insurgents were furnished arms and the moral

support of the navy prior to our arrival, and we cannot ignore

obligations, either to the insurgents or to foreign nations,

which our own acts have imposed upon us. The Spanish

Government is completely demoralized, and Spanish power is

dead beyond all possibility of resurrection. … On the other

hand, the Filipinos cannot govern the country without the

support of some strong nation. They acknowledge this

themselves, and say their desire is for independence under

American protection, but they have only vague ideas as to what

our relative positions would be—what part we should take in

collecting and expending the revenue, and administering the

government."

General F. V. Greene,

Memorandum concerning the Philippine Islands,

made August 27, 1898.

"The capability of the Filipinos for self-government cannot be

doubted. Such men as Arellano, Aguinaldo, and many others whom

I might name are highly educated; nine tenths of the people

can read and write, all are skilled artisans in one way or

another; they are industrious, frugal, temperate, and, given a

fair start, could look out for themselves infinitely better

than our people imagine. In my opinion they rank far higher

than the Cubans or the uneducated negroes to whom we have

given right of suffrage."

General Charles King,

Letter to Milwaukee Journal,

June 22, 1899.

"Concerning the capacity of the Filipinos to govern themselves

I regret to say that I see no reason to change the opinion

previously expressed, that they are unfit. I wish my opinion

might be otherwise, for I prefer to believe them capable of

self-government. There are a number of Filipinos whom I have

met, among them General Aguinaldo and a few of his leaders,

whom I believe thoroughly trustworthy and fully capable of

self-government, and the main reliance for small official

positions and many larger ones would be upon people who know

no standard of government other than that the Spaniards have

furnished. Their sense of equity and justice seems not fully

developed, and their readiness to coerce those who come under

their power has been strongly illustrated in this city since

our occupation. A regularly organized system of blackmail has

been instituted under the guise of making subscriptions to the

insurgent cause."

Major J. F. Bell

[of Engineers, on "secret service"]

Letter to General Merritt, Manila, August 29, 1898.

{375}

"The people are the most enlightened and vigorous branch of

the Malay race, and have been Christians for centuries, in

fact longer than the principles of the Reformation were

established in Great Britain, and are the nearest akin to

European people of any alien race, and it is simply ridiculous

to imagine that eight to ten millions of such people can be

bought and sold as an article of commerce without first

obtaining their consent. Let all those who are greedy for a

slice of the archipelago ponder well over this before burning

their fingers."

H. W. Bray

[merchant and planter in the islands for fifteen years],

Letter to Singapore Free Press, June 8, 1898.

"The native has no expansive ideas; he cannot go far enough to

understand what it is to rule matters for the benefit of the

common weal; he cannot get past his own most personal

interest, or his town, at the most. I think the greatest

length he would go would be his own town. But constructing

laws, and obeying them, for the benefit of the commonwealth, I

do not think he is capable of it at all. I think an attempt at

a native government would be a fiasco altogether."

John Foreman,

Testimony before United States Peace Commission at Paris.

"The excuse that they [the Filipinos] are not ripe for

independence is not founded on facts. The Filipinos number

more educated people than the kingdom of Servia and the

principalities of Bulgaria and Montenegro. They have fewer

illiterates than the states of the Balkan peninsula, Russia,

many provinces of Spain and Portugal, and the Latin republics

of America. There are provinces in which few people can be

found who do not at least read. They pay more attention to

education than Spain or the Balkan states do. There is no lack

of trained men fit to govern their own country, and indeed in

every branch, because under the Spanish rule the official

business was entirely transacted by the native subalterns. The

whole history of the Katipunan revolt and of the war against

Spain and America serves to place in the best light the

capability of the Filipinos for self-government."

F. Blumentritt,

The Philippine Islands,

page 61.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).

Instructions by the President of the United States to

General Otis, Military Governor and Commander in

the Philippines.

Their proclamation to the people of the Islands as

modified by General Otis.

The effect.

On the 27th of December, 1898, the following instructions,

dated December 21, and signed by the President, were cabled by

the Secretary of War to General Otis, in command of the United

States forces in the Philippines. They were not made public in

the United States until the 5th of January following, when

they appeared in the newspapers of that day: "The destruction

of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by the United

States naval squadron commanded by Rear Admiral Dewey,

followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the

Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the

Philippine Islands and the suspension of Spanish sovereignty

therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the

United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries

at Paris, on the 10th inst., and as the result of victories of

the American arms, the future control, fulfilment disposition

and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the

United States. In  of the offices of the sovereignty thus

acquired, and the responsible obligations of government thus

assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the

entire group becomes immediately necessary, and the military

government heretofore maintained by the United States in the

city, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all

possible despatch to the whole of the ceded territory. In

performance of this duty, the military commander of the United

States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the

Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of

the islands, in severing the former political relations of the

inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the

authority of the United States is to be exerted for the

security of the persons and property of the people of the

islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights.

It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of

occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner

that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends,

to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments

and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who,

either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with

the government of the United States to give effect to these

beneficent purposes, will receive the reward of its support

and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful

rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without

severity so far as may be possible.

"Within the absolute domain of military authority, which

necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory

until the government of the United States shall otherwise

provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect to

private interests and property and the repression of crime are

continued in force, the authority to be administered by the

ordinary tribunals so far as practicable. The operations of

civil and municipal government are to be performed by such

officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by

taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far

as may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands.

While the control of all the public property and the revenues

of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and

management of all public means are of necessity reserved to

the authority of the United States, private property, whether

belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected

except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties

heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government

become payable to the authorities of the United States, unless

it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates

or modes of contribution to the expenses of government,

whether general or local. If private property be taken for

military use, it shall be paid for when possible in cash at a

fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not practicable

receipts are to be given.

{376}

"All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual

possession of the land and naval forces of the United States

will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All

goods and wares not prohibited for military reasons by due

announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon

payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force

at the time of their importation. Finally, it should be the

earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to

win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants

of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possible way

that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is

the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the

mission of the United States is one of benevolent

assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right

for arbitrary rule. In the fulfilment of this high mission,

supporting the temperate administration of affairs to the

greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously

maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance

and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings

of good and stable government upon the people of the

Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY."

On receiving President McKinley's "proclamation," as the

instructions of December 21 were commonly described, General

Otis promptly forwarded a copy to General Miller, who had been

sent to occupy the city of Iloilo, and the latter made it public.

Meantime General Otis had studied the document with care and

arrived at conclusions which he sets forth in his subsequent

annual report as follows: "After fully considering the

President's proclamation and the temper of the Tagalos with

whom I was daily discussing political problems and the

friendly intentions of the United States Government toward

them, I concluded that there were certain words and

expressions therein, such as 'sovereignty,' 'right of

cession,' and those which directed immediate occupation, etc.,

though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of

actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo

war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives.

The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain

words, as 'sovereignty,' 'protection,' etc., had peculiar

meaning disastrous to their welfare and significant of future

political domination, like that from which they had recently

been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be

justified in so amending the paper that the beneficent object

of the United States Government would be brought clearly

within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion

was the more readily reached because of the radical change [a

change of cabinet] of the past few days in the constitution of

Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been understood

at Washington at the time the proclamation was prepared. …

"The amended proclamation of January 4 appeared in the

English, Spanish, and Tagalo languages, and was published in

Manila through newspapers and posters. The English text is as

follows: 'To the people of the Philippine Islands:

Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United

States relative to the administration of affairs in the

Philippine Islands have been transmitted to me by direction of

the honorable the Secretary of War, under date of December 28,

1898. They direct me to publish and proclaim, in the most

public manner, to the inhabitants of these islands that in the

war against Spain the United States forces came here to

destroy the power of that nation and to give the blessings of

peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people; that we

are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their

homes, their employments, their individual and religious

liberty, and that all persons who, either by active aid or

honest endeavor, co-operate with the Government of the United

States to give effect to these beneficent purposes, will

receive the reward of its support and protection. The

President of the United States has assumed that the municipal

laws of the country in respect to private rights and property

and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing

in force in so far as they be applicable to a free people, and

should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice,

presided over by representatives of the people and those in

thorough sympathy with them in their desires for good

government; that the functions and duties connected with civil

and municipal administration are to be performed by such

officers as wish to accept the assistance of the United

States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the

inhabitants of the islands; that while the management of

public property and revenues and the use of all public means

of transportation are to be conducted under the military

authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil

administration, all private property, whether of individuals

or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private

property be taken for military uses it shall be paid for at a

fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash

is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be

given to be taken up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes

available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open

to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and

merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the

military authorities shall be admitted upon payment of such

duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of

importation. The President concludes his instructions in the

following language: "Finally, it should be the earnest and

paramount aim of the Administration to win the confidence,

respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines

by insuring to them in every possible way the full measure of

individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free

people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United

States is one of beneficent assimilation, which will

substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary

rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding

the temporary administration of affairs for the greatest good

of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the

strong arm of authority to repress disturbance, and to

overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of

good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine

Islands."

"'From the tenor and substance of the above instructions of

the President, I am fully of the opinion that it is the

intention of the United States Government, while directing

affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now

forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil

positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim

to appoint thereto such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the

supreme authorities at Washington. It is also my belief that

it is the intention of the United States Government to draw

from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the

islands as is possible and consistent with a free and

well-constituted government of the country, and it is my

desire to inaugurate a policy of that character.

{377}

I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United

States Government to seek the establishment of a most liberal

government for the islands, in which the people themselves

shall have as full representation as the maintenance of law

and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of

development, on lines of increased representation and the

bestowal of increased powers, into a government as free and

independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the

world. It will be my constant endeavor to cooperate with the

Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite

their full confidence and aid.

E. S. OTIS, Major-General,

U. S. V., Military Governor.'

"Before publication of this proclamation I endeavored to

obtain from able Filipino residents of the city an expression

of opinion as to its probable effect upon the population, but

was not much encouraged. A few days thereafter they declared

the publication to have been a mistake, although the foreign

residents appeared to believe the proclamation most excellent

in tone and moderation, offered everything that the most

hostile of the insurgents could expect, and undoubtedly would

have a beneficial influence. It was received by the better

classes of natives with satisfaction, as it was the first

authoritative announcement of the attitude which the United

States assumed toward the islands and declared the policy

which it intended to pursue, and because the declared policy

was one which, in their opinion, conditions imperatively

demanded should be imposed for the interests of the Filipino

people who were incapable of self-government. The publication

separated more widely the friendly and war factions of the

inhabitants and was the cause of exciting discussion. The

ablest of insurgent newspapers, which was now issued at

Malolos and edited by the uncompromising Luna, … attacked the

policy of the United States as declared in the proclamation,

and its assumption of sovereignty over the islands, with all

the vigor of which he was capable. …

"Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in which he

indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by the

United States in the islands, which really had been conquered

from the Spaniards through the blood and treasure of his

countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of

military governor. Even the women of Cavite province, in a

document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand that

after all the men were killed off they were prepared to shed

their patriotic blood for the liberty and independence of

their country. The efforts made by Aguinaldo and his

assistants made a decided impression on the inhabitants of

Luzon outside of Manila. … Shortly before this time the

insurgents had commenced the organization of clubs in the

city, membership in which now, I was informed, amounted to

10,000. The chief organizer was a shrewd mestizo, a former

close companion of Aguinaldo, by whom he had been commissioned

to perform this work. He was a friend and associate of some of

our officers; was engaged in organizing the clubs only, as he

stated, to give the poorer classes amusement and education;

held public entertainments in athletics to which our officers

were invited, and in which our soldiers were asked to

participate. Gradually arms were being secretly introduced and

bolos were being manufactured and distributed. The arms were

kept concealed in buildings, and many of them were

subsequently captured. The Chinamen were carrying on a

lucrative business in bolo making, but the provost-marshal had

cruelly seized considerable of their stock. These clubs had

received military organization and were commanded by cunning

Filipino officers regularly appointed by the Malolos

government. The chief organizer departed after organization

had been perfected and thereafter became a confidential

adviser in Malolos affairs. This organization was the subject

of grave apprehension, as it was composed of the worst social

element of the city, and was kept under police supervision as

closely as possible. … The streets of the city were thronged

with unarmed insurgent officers and enlisted men from the

numerically increasing insurgent line on the outskirts, proud

of their uniforms and exhibiting matchless conceit, amusing to

our men, who were apparently unconcerned observers, but who

were quick to take in the rapidly changing conditions. …

"Greater precautionary measures were directed and taken in the

way of redistributing organizations throughout the city, in

advancing and strengthening (though still far within our own

mutually conceded military lines) our posts of observation,

and for the quick response of the men if summoned for

defensive action. Otherwise no change in the conduct,

condition, or temper of the troops was observable. So quietly

were these precautions effected that Filipino citizens,

noticing the apparent indifference of our men, warned me

repeatedly of the danger to be apprehended from a sudden

simultaneous attack of the insurgents within and without the

city, and were quietly informed that we did not anticipate any

great difficulty. Another very noticeable proof of

premeditated intent on the part of the insurgents was

perceived in the excitement manifested by the natives and

their removal in large numbers from the city. All avenues of

exit were filled with vehicles transporting families and

household effects to surrounding villages. The railway

properties were taxed to their utmost capacity in carrying the

fleeing inhabitants to the north within the protection of the

established insurgent military lines. Aguinaldo, by written

communications and messages, invited his old-time friends to

send their families to Malolos, where their safety was

assured, but Hongkong was considered a more secure retreat and

was taken advantage of. A carefully prepared estimate showed

that 40,000 of the inhabitants of the city departed within the

period of fifteen days."

Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1075-88).

The counter-proclamation of Aguinaldo, referred to above by

General Otis, was issued on the 5th of January, 1899, from

Malolos, addressed to My brothers, the Filipinos, all the

honorable consuls, and other foreigners." It said:

"Major General E. S. Otis's proclamation published yesterday

in the Manila papers obliges me to circulate the present one,

in order that all who read and understand it may know of my

most solemn protest against said proclamation, for I am moved

by my duty and my conscience before God, by my political

obligations with my beloved country, by my official and

private relations to the North American nations.

{378}

In the above mentioned proclamation, General Otis calls

himself 'Military Governor in the Philippines,' and I protest

once and a thousand times, with all the energy in my soul,

against such an authority. I solemnly proclaim that I have

never had, either at Singapore or here in the Philippines, any

verbal or written contract for the recognition of American

sovereignty over this cherished soil. … Our countrymen and

foreigners are witnesses that the land and naval forces of the

United States existing here have recognized by act the

belligerency of the Philippines, not only respecting but also

doing public honor to the Filipino banner, which triumphantly

traversed our seas in view of foreign nations represented here

by their respective consuls.

"As in his proclamation General Otis alludes to some

instructions issued by His Excellency the President of the

United States relating to the administration of affairs in the

Philippines, I solemnly protest in the name of God, root and

source of all justice and all right, who has visibly acceded

me the power to direct my dear brethren in the difficult task

of our regeneration, against this intrusion of the United

States Government in the administration of these islands. In

the same manner I protest against such an unexpected act which

treats of American sovereignty in these islands in the face of

all antecedents that I have in my possession referring to my

relations with the American authorities, which are unequivocal

testimony that the United States did not take me out of Hong

Kong to make war against Spain for their own benefit, but for

the benefit of our liberty and independence, to which end said

authorities verbally promised me their active support and

efficacious co-operation. So that you all may understand it,

my beloved brothers, it is the principle of liberty and

absolute independence that has been our noble ambition for the

purpose of obtaining the desired object, with a force given by

the conviction, now very widespread, not to retrace the path

of glory that we have passed over."-

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document 208, page 103.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January).

Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines

and the President's instructions to it.

On the 20th of January, 1899, the President of the United

States addressed the following communication to the Secretary

of State: "My communication to the Secretary of War, dated

December 21, 1898, declares the necessity of extending the

actual occupation and administration of the city, harbor, and

bay of Manila to the whole of the territory which by the

treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, passed from the

sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States,

and the consequent establishment of military government

throughout the entire group of the Philippine Islands. While

the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it

will be by the time of the arrival at Manila of the

commissioners named below. In order to facilitate the most

humane, pacific, and effective extension of authority

throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least

possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection

of life and property to the inhabitants, I have named Jacob G.

Schurman, Rear-Admiral George Dewey, Major General Elwell S.

Otis, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worcester to constitute a

commission to aid in the accomplishment of these results. In

the performance of this duty, the commissioners are enjoined

to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and

to announce, by a public proclamation, their presence and the

mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, while

the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained

and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will

be made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish

industrial and commercial prosperity, and to provide for the

safety of persons and of property by such means as may be

found conducive to these ends.

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with

the military authorities of the United States now in control

of the Philippines, to ascertain what amelioration in the

condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in public

order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study

attentively the existing social and political state of the

various populations, particularly as regards the forms of

local government, the administration of justice, the

collection of customs and other taxes, the means of

transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will

report through the Department of State, according to the forms

customary or hereafter prescribed for transmitting and preserving

such communications, the results of their observations and

reflections, and will recommend such executive action as may

from time to time seem to them wise and useful. The

commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively

with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may

believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions

valuable for the purposes of their commission, or whom they

may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this

purpose.

"The temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the

military authorities, as already provided for by my

instructions to the Secretary of War of December 21, 1898, and

will continue until Congress shall determine otherwise. The

commission may render valuable services by examining with

special care the legislative needs of the various groups of

inhabitants, and by reporting, with recommendations, the

measures which should be instituted for the maintenance of

order, peace, and public welfare, either as temporary steps to

be taken immediately for the perfection of present

administration, or as suggestions for future legislation. In

so far as immediate personal changes in the civil

administration may seem to be advisable, the commissioners are

empowered to recommend suitable persons for appointment to

these offices from among the inhabitants of the islands who

have previously acknowledged their allegiance to this

Government.

"It is my desire that in all their relations with the

inhabitants of the islands the commissioners exercise due

respect for all the ideals, customs, and institutions of the

tribes which compose the population, emphasizing upon all

occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the Government

of the United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the

commissioners may be received in a manner due to the honored

and authorized representatives of the American Republic, duly

commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill, and

integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection, and the

richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering

nation.

WILLIAM McKINLEY."

Report of the Philippine Commission, January 31, 1900,

volume 1, exhibit 2 (page 185).

{379}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-February).

Causes of and responsibility for the outbreak of hostilities

between the Americans and the Filipinos.

"The Philippine Information Society," organized for the

purpose of "placing within reach of the American people the

most reliable and authoritative evidence attainable in regard

to the people of the Philippine Islands and our relations to

them," has published in Number VII of the First Series of its

pamphlets a carefully made collection of information, from

official and other sources, relative to the circumstances in

which hostilities between the American and Filipino forces

came about. On this as on other subjects which the society has

investigated it seems to have pursued its inquiries with no

aim but to learn and set forth the truth. Its conclusions,

resting on the evidence which it submits, are stated in an

introduction to the pamphlet as follows:

"It will presumably he admitted that the important question

with regard to the Outbreak of Hostilities, February 4, 1899,

is not, who fired the first shot, but who was responsible for

the conditions that made it evident to every observer weeks

before the clash came that a single shot might bring on war. …

The situation may be briefly explained as follows: We believed

that the Philippine Archipelago was and ought to be ours, and

we were moving to take possession as rapidly as possible. The

Filipinos, or at least Aguinaldo's government and followers,

believed that the country was theirs and they resented every

effort on our part to occupy it. We considered it ours through

cession from Spain and right of conquest. They claimed that

Spain no longer held possession of the country and therefore

had no right to cede it to us; moreover, that by right of

conquest we were entitled only to temporary occupation of

Manila. We wished to extend our sovereignty throughout the

Archipelago with all possible dispatch. They desired

independence, or at least a protectorate which, while securing

them from foreign aggression, should leave them control of

their internal affairs. While a discussion of the justice of

either position does not come within the limits of the present

inquiry, it is important to remember that from the first a

minority in this country urged that the Filipinos were

entitled to a promise of ultimate independence, and that a

resolution of Congress, similar to that passed in the case of

Cuba, would avert all occasion for war. This course having

been rejected by our country, the question arises, did the

assertion of United States sovereignty render war inevitable? …

"No doubt most Americans believe that left to themselves the

Filipinos would soon have lapsed into anarchy, while a few

maintain that with temporary assistance in international

affairs they would have developed a government better suited

to their peculiar needs than we can ever give them. Still

others who are familiar with the Filipinos and kindred races

believe that their aspiration for an independent national

existence was not deep rooted, that had we adopted an

affectionate, admiring tone to their leaders, had we

recognized their government and approved of it, we could soon

have made their government our government, could have been as

sovereign as we pleased, and had the people with us. Whatever

view one may hold, it must be admitted that if we were to

establish our sovereignty by peaceful methods it was essential

to win the confidence and affection of the Filipinos. … There

is every indication that the Filipinos were prepared, at

first, to treat us as friends and liberators. General Anderson

tells the following interesting story: The prevailing

sentiment of the Filipinos towards us can be shown by one

incident. About the middle of July the insurgent leaders in

Cavite invited a number of our army and navy officers to a

banquet. There was some post-prandial speech-making, the

substance of the Filipino talk being that they wished to be

annexed but not conquered. One of our officers in reply

assured them that we had not come to make them slaves, but to

make them free men. A singular scene followed. All the

Filipinos rose to their feet, and Buencomeno, taking his

wine-glass in his hand, said: We wish to be baptized in that

sentiment. Then he and the rest poured the wine from their

glasses over their heads. After the very first, however, the

cultivation of intimate relations with the Filipino leaders

seems to have been considered unimportant or inadvisable.

General Merritt states that he never saw Aguinaldo. Social

intercourse between our officers and the Filipinos was

discouraged by General Otis. In fact after the surrender of

Manila General Whittier seems to have been the only one of our

superior officers who ever had a personal interview with

Aguinaldo.

"Certainly after the proclamation of January 4, [see above: A.

D. 1898-1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY)] war could only have been

avoided by a decisive action of Congress promising ultimate

independence to the Filipinos. That proclamation of January 4

raised the issue and provoked the counter proclamation of

January 5, which so stirred the people against us—a

proclamation in which Aguinaldo once and a thousand times and

with all the energy of his soul protested against American

sovereignty, and which closed with the words,  'upon their

heads be all the blood which may be shed.' …

"Aguinaldo's proclamation was followed by a series of

conferences of which General Otis reports 'It was one

continued plea for some concession that would satisfy tho

people.' On January 16th he cabled to Washington, 'Aspiration

Filipino people is independence with restrictions resulting

from conditions which its government agree with American when

latter agree to officially recognize the former.' Finally on

January 25th he sent word to the insurgent commissioners that

'To this dispatch no reply has been received.' From this time

General Otis states, the insurgents hurried forward

preparations for war. Contemporaneous with these events in the

Philippines the Treaty of Peace was pending in the United

States Senate where it had been assigned for a vote on

February 6th.

"With regard to the actual outbreak of' hostilities, there is

a sharp difference of opinion. The United States press

dispatches announcing the outbreak, and the contemporaneous

newspaper statements by the Filipinos … are of interest as

evidence that from the very first each side claimed the other

to be the aggressor.

{380}

As to which of these opposing claims is borne out by the

facts, the editors would say that after careful study of all

the accessible evidence they find that according to the most

authoritative statements the outbreak occurred as the result

of a trespass by four armed Filipinos on territory admitted by

the Filipino in command to be within the jurisdiction of the

United States. The number of Filipinos has been variously

estimated. The editors follow the report of General MacArthur

in command of the division in which the firing began, which

agrees with the report of Second-Lieutenant Wheedon of the

First Nebraska U. S. Volunteer Infantry, stationed at Santa

Mesa. The action of the Filipino trespassers seems to have

been an instance of bad discipline in the insurgent army.

Certainly it was not ordered on that date by the insurgent

leaders, although there are some indications that the leaders

had planned to attack in a few days. The claim that our forces

instigated the attack for the purpose of securing the votes

necessary to ratify the treaty is absolutely unsupported by

any evidence which has come to the attention of the editors."

Philippine Information Society,

Publications, First Series, VII., Introduction.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-November).

Attack on American forces by the Tagalos.

Continued hostilities.

Progress of American conquest.

"No definite date had been set for the attack [by the hostile

Tagalos], but a signal by means of rockets had been agreed

upon, and it was universally understood that it would come

upon the occurrence of the first act on the part of the

American forces which would afford a pretext; and in the lack

of such act, in the near future at all events. Persistent

attempts were made to provoke our soldiers to fire. The

insurgents were insolent to our guards and made persistent and

continuous efforts to push them back and advance the insurgent

lines farther into the city of Manila. … With great tact and

patience the commanding general had held his forces in check,

and he now made a final effort to preserve the peace by

appointing a commission to meet a similar body appointed by

Aguinaldo and to 'confer with regard to the situation of

affairs and to arrive at a mutual understanding of the intent,

purposes, aims, and desires of the Filipino people and of the

people of the United States.' Six sessions were held, the last

occurring on January 29, six days before the outbreak of

hostilities. No substantial results were obtained, the

Filipino commissioners being either unable or unwilling to

give any definite statements of the 'intent, purposes, and

aims of their people.' At the close of the last session they

were given full assurances that no hostile act would be

inaugurated by the United States troops. The critical moment

had now arrived. Aguinaldo secretly ordered the Filipinos who

were friendly to him to seek refuge outside the city. The

Nebraska regiment at that time was in camp on the east line at

Santa Mesa, and was guarding its front. For days before the

memorable 4th of February, 1899, the outposts in front of the

regiment had been openly menaced and assaulted by insurgent

soldiers; they were attempting to push our outposts back and

advance their line. They made light of our sentinels and

persistently ignored their orders. On the evening of the 4th

of February, an insurgent officer came to the front with a

detail of men and attempted to pass the guard on the San Juan

Bridge, our guard being stationed at the west end of the

bridge. The Nebraska sentinel drove them back without firing,

but a few minutes before 9 o'clock that evening a large body

of insurgent troops made an advance on the South Dakota

outposts, which fell back rather than fire. About the same

time the insurgents came in force to the east end of the San

Juan Bridge, in front of the Nebraska regiment. For several

nights prior thereto a lieutenant in the insurgent army had

been coming regularly to our outpost No. 2, of the Nebraska

regiment, and attempting to force the outpost back and

insisting on posting his guard within the Nebraska lines; and

at this time and in the darkness he again appeared with a

detail of about six men and approached Private Grayson, of

Company D, First Nebraska Volunteers, the sentinel on duty at

outpost No. 2. He, after halting them three times without

effect, fired, killing the lieutenant, whose men returned the

fire and then retreated. Immediately rockets were sent up by

the Filipinos, and they commenced firing all along the line, …

and continued to fire until about midnight; and about 4

o'clock on the morning of February 5 the insurgents again

opened fire all around the city and kept it up until the

Americans charged them and drove them with great slaughter out

of their trenches."

Philippine Commission, Preliminary Report

(Exhibit 1.—Report, January 31, 1900,

volume 1, pages 174-175).

"They [the insurgents] were promptly repulsed in a series of

active engagements which extended through the night of the

4th, and the 5th, 6th, and 10th days of February. Our lines

were extended and established at a considerable distance from

the city in every direction. On the 22d of February a

concerted rising of the Tagalogs in the city of Manila, of

whom there are about 200,000, was attempted, under

instructions to massacre all the Americans and Europeans in

the city. This attempt was promptly suppressed and the city

was placed under strict control. The troops composing the

Eighth Army Corps under General Otis's command at that time

were of regulars 171 officers and 5,201 enlisted men and of

volunteers 667 officers and 14,831 enlisted men, making an

aggregate of 838 officers and 20,032 enlisted men. All of the

volunteers and 1,650 of the regulars were, or were about to

become entitled to their discharge, and their right was

perfected by the exchange of ratifications of the treaty on

the 11th of April. …

"The months of the most intense heat, followed by the very

severe rainy season of that climate, were immediately

approaching, and for any effective occupation of the country

it was necessary to await both the close of the rainy season

and the supply of new troops to take the place of those about

to be discharged. Practically all the volunteers who were then

in the Philippines consented to forego the just expectation of

an immediate return to their homes, and to remain in the field

until their places could be supplied by new troops. They

voluntarily subjected themselves to the dangers and casualties

of numerous engagements, and to the very great hardships of

the climate. They exhibited fortitude and courage, and are

entitled to high commendation for their patriotic spirit and

soldierly conduct. …

{381}

"No attempt was … made to occupy the country, except in the

vicinity of Manila, and at such points as were important for

the protection of our lines. Such movements as passed beyond

this territory were designed primarily to break up threatening

concentrations of insurgent troops, and to prevent undue

annoyance to the positions which we occupied. On the 11th of

February the city of Iloilo, on the island of Panay, the

second port of the Philippines in importance, was occupied.

After the capture of Iloilo the navy took possession of the

city of Cebu, on the island of Cebu, and on the 26th of

February a battalion of the 23d Infantry was dispatched to

that port for the protection of the inhabitants and property.

On the 1st of March a military district comprising the islands

of Panay, Negros, and Cebu, and such other Visayan islands as

might be thereafter designated, to be known as the 'Visayan

Military District,' was established and placed under the

supervision of Brigadier General Marcus P. Miller, commanding

1st Separate Brigade, Eighth Army Corps, with headquarters at

Iloilo. The 3d Battalion of the 1st California Volunteer

Infantry was thereupon ordered to the island of Negros, under

the command of Colonel (now Brigadier General) James F. Smith,

and took possession of the city of Bacolod, on that island,

without resistance. On the 5th of May Brigadier General James

F. Smith assumed temporary command of the Visayan military

district, and on the 25th of May Brigadier General R. P.

Hughes, United States Volunteers, was assigned to the command

of the district. On the 19th of May the Spanish garrison at

Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago, was replaced by American

troops. By the 31st of August the number of troops stationed

at Jolo and the Visayan Islands, including a small guard at

the Cavite Arsenal, amounted to 4,145. …

"All of the forces who were entitled to be discharged as above

mentioned have now [November. 29, 1899] been returned to this

country and mustered out. The new troops designed to take the

place of those returning to this country, and to constitute an

effective army for the occupation of the Philippines, have

been transported to Manila. … The troops now in the

Philippines comprise 905 officers and 30,578 men of the

regular force, and 594 officers and 15,388 men of the

volunteer force, making an aggregate of 1,499 officers and

45,966 men, and when the troops on the way have arrived the

total force constituting the Eighth Army Corps will be 2,051

officers and 63,483 men.

"By the 10th of October the process of changing armies and the

approach of the dry season had reached a point where an

advance toward the general occupation of the country was

justified. At that time the American lines extended from the

Bay of Manila to Laguna de Bay, and included considerable

parts of the provinces of Cavite, Laguna, and Morong to the

south and east of Manila, substantially all of the province of

Manila and the southern parts of Bulacan and Pampanga,

dividing the insurgent forces into two widely separated parts.

To the south and east of our lines in Cavite and Morong were

numerous bands occasionally concentrating for attack on our

lines, and as frequently dispersed and driven back toward the

mountains. On the 8th or October, the insurgents in this

region having again gathered and attacked our lines of

communication, General Schwan with a column of 1,726 men

commenced a movement from Bacoor, in the province of Cavite,

driving the enemy through Old Cavite, Noveleta, Santa Cruz,

San Francisco de Malabon, Saban, and Perez das Marinas,

punishing them severely, scattering them and destroying them

as organized forces, and returning on the 13th to Bacoor. On

the north of our lines stretched the great plain of central

Luzon extending north from Manila about 120 miles. This plain

comprises parts of the provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Bulacan,

Tarlac, Nueva, Ecija, and Pangasinan. It is, roughly speaking,

bounded on the south by the Bay of Manila: on the east and

west by high mountain ranges separating it from the seacoasts,

and on the north by mountains and the Gulf of Lingayen.

Through the northeast and central portion flows the Rio Grande

from the northern mountains southwesterly to the Bay of Manila,

and near the western edge runs the only railroad on the island

of Luzon, in a general southeasterly direction from Dagupan,

on the Bay of Lingayen, to Manila. In this territory Aguinaldo

exercised a military dictatorship, and with a so-called

cabinet imitated the forms of civil government, having his

headquarters at Tarlac, which he called his capital, and which

is situated near the center of the western boundary of the

plain.

"The operations commenced in October involved the movement of

three separate forces:

(1) A column proceeding up the Rio Grande and along the

northeastern borders of the plain and bending around to the

westward across the northern boundary toward the Gulf of

Lingayen, garrisoning the towns and occupying the mountain

passes which gave exit into the northeastern division of the

island.

(2) An expedition proceeding by transports to the Gulf of

Lingayen, there to land at the northwestern corner of the

plain and occupy the great coast road which from that point

runs between the mountains and the sea to the northern

extremity of the island, and to proceed eastward to a junction

with the first column.

(3) A third column proceeding directly up the railroad to the

capture of Tarlac, and thence still up the road to Dagupan,

driving the insurgent forces before it toward the line held by

the first two columns.

These movements were executed with energy, rapidity, and

success, notwithstanding the exceedingly unfavorable weather

and deluges of rain, which rendered the progress of troops and

transportation of subsistence most difficult. On the 12th of

October a strong column under General Lawton, with General

Young commanding the advance, commenced the northerly movement

up the Rio Grande from Arayat, driving the insurgents before

it to the northward and westward. On the 18th the advance

reached Cabiao. On the 19th San Isidro was captured, and a

garrison established; on the 27th Cabanatuan was occupied, and

a permanent station established there. On the 1st of November

Aliaga and Talavera were occupied. In the meantime

detachments, chiefly of Young's cavalry, were operating to the

west of the general line of advance, striking insurgent

parties wherever they were found and driving them toward the

line of the railroad. By the 13th of November the advance had

turned to the westward, and our troops had captured San Jose,

Lupao, Humingan, San Quintin, Tayug, and San Nicolas. By the

18th of November the advance had occupied Asingan and Rosales,

and was moving on Pozorrubio, a strongly intrenched post about 12

miles east of San Fabian. General Lawton's forces now held a

line of posts extending up the eastern side of the plain and

curving around and across the northern end to within a few

miles of the Gulf of Lingayen.

{382}

"On the 6th of November a force of 2,500, under command of

General Wheaton, sailed from Manila for the Gulf of Lingayen,

convoyed by ships of the Navy, and on the 7th the expedition

was successfully landed at San Fabian with effective

assistance from a naval convoy against spirited opposition. On

the 12th the 33d Volunteers, of Wheaton's command, under

Colonel Hare, proceeded southeastward to San Jacinto, attacked

and routed 1,200 intrenched insurgents, with the loss of the

gallant Major John A. Logan and 6 enlisted men killed, and one

officer and 11 men wounded. The enemy left 81 dead in the

trenches and suffered a total loss estimated at 300. In the

meantime, on the 5th of November, a column under General

McArthur advanced up the railroad from Angeles to Magalang,

clearing the country between Angeles and Arayat, encountering

and routing bodies of the enemy at different points, and

capturing Magalang. On the 11th it took Bamban, Capas, and

Concepcion, and on the 12th of November entered Tarlac, from

which the enemy fled on its approach. Meantime, parties,

mainly of the 36th Volunteers, under Colonel J. F. Bell,

cleared the country to the right of the line of advance as far

east as the points reached by General Lawton's flanking

parties. On the 17th of November McArthur's column had

occupied Gerona and Panique, to the north of Tarlac, On the

19th, Wheaton's troops, and on the 20th, McArthur's troops,

entered Dagupan.

"On the 24th of November General Otis was able to telegraph to

the Department as follows: 'Claim to government by insurgents

can be made no longer under any fiction. Its treasurer,

secretary of the interior, and president of congress in our

hands; its president and remaining cabinet officers in hiding,

evidently in different central Luzon provinces; its generals

and troops in small bands scattered through these provinces,

acting as banditti, or dispersed, playing the rôle of

"Amigos," with arms concealed.' Since that time our troops

have been actively pursuing the flying and scattered bands of

insurgents, further dispersing them, making many prisoners,

and releasing many Spanish prisoners who had been in the

insurgents' hands. On the 23d General Young's column had

reached Namacpacan, 30 miles north of San Fernando, in the

province of Union, and passed north into the mountains; and on

the 24th Vigan, the principal port of the northwest coast, was

occupied by a body of marines landed from the battle ship

Oregon. Wherever the permanent occupation of our troops has

extended in the Philippine Islands civil law has been

immediately put in force. The courts have been organized and

the most learned and competent native lawyers have been

appointed to preside over them. A system of education has been

introduced and numerous schools have been established."

Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 735-741).

General Young, whose movement is referred to above, reported

to General Otis from Pozorrubio, on the 17th of November:

"Aguinaldo is now a fugitive and an outlaw, seeking security

in escape to the mountains or by sea. My cavalry have ridden

down his forces wherever found, utterly routing them in every

instance, killing some, capturing and liberating many

prisoners, and destroying many arms, ammunition, and other war

impediments." On the 30th, Major March was sent by General

Young, as he expresses it, "on Aguinaldo's trail," and

encountered the forces of the Filipino General Pilar in the

Tila Pass. The following is Major March's report of the fight

which then occurred, and in which the Filipino commander fell:

"The trail winds up the Tila Mountains in a sharp zigzag. The

enemy had constructed a stone barricade across the trail at a

point where it commanded the turns of the zigzag for a

considerable distance. The barricade was loopholed for

infantry fire and afforded head cover for the insurgents. On

passing on beyond Lingey the advance was checked by a heavy

fire from this barricade, which killed and wounded several

men, without having its position revealed. I brought up the

remainder of the command at double time, losing two men

wounded during the run up. On arriving at the point, I located

the insurgents' position with my glasses—their fire being

entirely Mauser and smokeless powder—by the presence of the

insurgent officer who showed himself freely and directed the

fire. On pushing forward, the number of my men who were hit

increased so rapidly that it was evident that the position

could not be taken by a front attack, when the trail only

allowed the men to pass one at a time. On the left of the

barricade was a gorge several hundred feet deep. On its right,

as we faced it, was a precipitous mountain which rose 1,500 feet

above the trail. Across the gorge and to the left front of the

barricade was a hill, which, while it did not permit of flank

fire into the barricade, commanded the trail in its rear, and

this point I occupied with ten sharpshooters in command of

Sergeant-Major McDougall. He lost one man wounded in getting

to the top, and when there rendered most effective assistance.

I then ordered Lieutenant Tompkins to take his company (H) and

proceeding back on the trail to ascend the slope of the

mountain under cover of a slight ridge which struck the face

of the mountain about 150 feet from the summit. From there he

had a straight-up climb to the top, where the men pulled

themselves up by twigs and by hand. The ascent took two hours,

during which the enemy kept up an incessant and accurate fire,

which they varied by rolling down stones on our heads. When

Tompkins' men appeared upon the crest of the hills over their

heads, he had the command of the two other trenches which were

constructed in rear of the barricade, I have described, around

a sharp turn in the trail, and which were also held by the

insurgents. He opened fire upon them and I charged the first

barricade at the same time, and rushed the enemy over the

hill. We found eight dead bodies on the trail, and the bushes

which grew at the edge of the gorge were broken and

blood-stained where dead or wounded men fell through. Among

the dead bodies was that of Gregorio del Pilar, the general

commanding insurgent forces. I have in my possession his

shoulder straps; French field glasses, which gave the range of

objects; official and private papers, and a mass of means of

identification. He was also recognized personally by Mr.

McCutcheon and Mr. Keene, two newspaper correspondents who had

met him before.

{383}

The insurgents' report of their loss in this fight is 52,

given to me after I reached Cervantes. My loss was 2 killed

and 9 wounded. I reached the summit at 4.30 P. M. and camped

there for the night. … At Cervantes I learned that the force

at Tila Pass was a picked force from Aguinaldo's body guard,

and that it was wiped out of existence. Aguinaldo with his

wife and two other women and a handful of men were living in a

convent at Cervantes, perfectly secure in his belief that Tila

Pass was an impregnable position. It was the insurgents'

Thermopylæ."

Report of Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, 1900,

part 4, page 331.

Mr. McCutcheon, one of the newspaper correspondents referred

to by Major March, gave to the "Chicago Record" a graphic

account of the fight in Tila Pass, and wrote feelingly of the

death to the young Filipino General Pilar:

"General Gregorio del Pilar," wrote Mr. McCutcheon, "was the

last man to fall. He was striving to escape up the trail and

had already received a wound in the shoulder. A native was

holding his horse for him and just as he was preparing to

mount a Krag-Jorgensen bullet caught him in the neck, and

passing through came out just below his mouth. The men of

Company E, rushing up the trail, caught the native, who was

endeavoring to secure the papers which the general had in his

pockets, and a moment later captured the horse. At that time

no one knew who the dead man was, but from his uniform and

insignia they judged that he was an officer of high rank. The

souvenir fiend was at once at work and the body was stripped

of everything of value from the diamond ring to the boots. …

Many letters were found, most of them from his sweetheart,

Dolores Jose, who lived in Dagupan. A handkerchief bearing her

name was also found in his pocket. One letter was found from

the president of Lingay and gave the exact number of soldiers

in March's command. Pilar's diary, which ran from November 19

on to the day of his death, was of remarkable interest, for it

detailed many things regarding the wild flight of himself and

Aguinaldo's party up the coast. The last words written in it

were pathetic and indicated something of the noble character

of the man. The passage, which was written only a few minutes

previously, while the fight was on and while death even then

was before him, said: 'I am holding a difficult position

against desperate odds, but I will gladly die for my beloved

country.'

"Pilar alive and in command, shooting down good Americans, was

one thing, but Pilar lying in that silent mountain trail, his

body half denuded of its clothes, and his young, handsome,

boyish face discolored with the blood which saturated his

blouse and stained the earth, was another thing. We could not

help but feel admiration for his gallant fight, and sorrow for

the sweetheart whom he left behind. The diary was dedicated to

the girl, and I have since learned that he was to have married

her in Dagupan about two weeks before. But the Americans came

too soon. Instead of wedding bells there sounded the bugle

calls of the foe and he was hurriedly ordered to accompany his

chief, Aguinaldo, on that hasty retreat to the mountains. The

marriage was postponed, and he carried out his orders by

leaving for the north. Pilar was one of the best types of the

Filipino soldier. He was only 23 years old, but he had been

through the whole campaign in his capacity as

brigadier-general. It was he who commanded the forces at

Quingua the day that Colonel Stotsenberg was killed, and it

may be remembered that the engagement that day was one of the

most bloody and desperate that has occurred on the island. He

was a handsome boy, and was known as one of the Filipinos who

were actuated by honestly patriotic motives, and who fought

because they believed they were fighting in the right and not

for personal gain or ambition."

Chicago Record's Stories of Filipino Warfare,

page 14.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (March-July).

The establishment of a provisional government

in the island of Negros.

Negros "was the first island to accept American sovereignty.

Its people unreservedly proclaimed allegiance to the United

States and adopted a constitution looking to the establishment

of a popular government. It was impossible to guarantee to the

people of Negros that the constitution so adopted should be

the ultimate form of government. Such a question, under the

treaty with Spain and in accordance with our own Constitution

and laws, came exclusively within the jurisdiction of the

Congress. The government actually set up by the inhabitants of

Negros eventually proved unsatisfactory to the natives

themselves. A new system was put into force by order of the

Major-General Commanding the Department [July 22, 1899], of

which the following are the most important elements:

"It was ordered that the government of the island of Negros

should consist of a military governor appointed by the United

States military governor of the Philippines, and a civil

governor and an advisory council elected by the people. The

military governor was authorized to appoint secretaries of the

treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, an

attorney-general, and an auditor. The seat of government was

fixed at Bacolod. The military governor exercises the supreme

executive power. He is to see that the laws are executed,

appoint to office, and fill all vacancies in office not

otherwise provided for, and may with the approval of the

military governor of the Philippines, remove any officer from

office. The civil governor advises the military governor on

all public civil questions and presides over the advisory

council. He, in general, performs the duties which are

performed by secretaries of state in our own system of

government. The advisory council consists of eight members

elected by the people within territorial limits which are

defined in the order of the commanding general. The times and

places of holding elections are to be fixed by the military

governor of the island of Negros. The qualifications of voters

are as follows:

(1) A voter must be a male citizen of the island of Negros.

(2) Of the age of 21 years.

(3) He shall be able to speak, read, and write the English,

Spanish, or Visayan language, or he must own real property

worth $500, or pay a rental on real property of the value of

$1,000.

(4) He must have resided in the island not less than one year

preceding, and in the district in which he offers to register

as a voter not less than three months immediately preceding

the time he offers to register.

(5) He must register at a time fixed by law before voting.

(6) Prior to such registration he shall have paid all taxes

due by him to the Government.

{384}

Provided, that no insane person shall bc allowed to register

or vote. The military governor has the right to veto all bills

or resolutions adopted by the advisory council, and his veto

is final if not disapproved by the military governor of the

Philippines. The advisory council discharges all the ordinary

duties of a legislature. The usual duties pertaining to said

offices are to be performed by the secretaries of the

treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, the

attorney-general, and the auditor. The judicial power is

vested in three judges, who are to be appointed by the

military governor of the island. Inferior courts are to be

established. Free public schools are to be established

throughout the populous districts of the island, in which the

English language shall be taught, and this subject will

receive the careful consideration of the advisory council. The

burden of government must be distributed equally and equitably

among the people. The military authorities will collect and

receive the customs revenue, and will control postal matters

and Philippine inter-island trade and commerce. The military

governor, subject to the approval of the military governor of

the Philippines, determines all questions not specifically

provided for and which do not come under the jurisdiction of

the advisory council."

Message of the President, December 5, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, page 47).

Also in:

Report of General Otis (Message and Documents,

volume 2, page 1131-1137).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (May-August).

Agreement of terms with the Sultan of Jolo concerning

the Sulu Archipelago.

On the 19th of May, a detachment of U. 8. troops took the

place of the Spanish garrison at Jolo, the military station in

the Sulu Archipelago. On the 3d of July, General Otis, Military

Governor of the Philippines, issued orders as follows to

General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.: "You will proceed as soon as

practicable to the United States military station of Jolo, on

the island of that name, and there place yourself in

communication with the Sultan of Jolo, who is believed to be

at Siassi, where he was sojourning when the last information

concerning him was received. You are hereby appointed and

constituted an agent on the part of the United States military

authorities in the Philippines to discuss, enter into

negotiations, and perfect, if possible, a written agreement of

character and scope as hereinafter explained, with the Sultan,

which upon approval at these headquarters and confirmation by

the supreme executive authority of the United States, will

prescribe and control the future relations, social and

political, between the United States Government and the

inhabitants of the archipelago. … In your discussions with the

Sultan and his datos the question of sovereignty will be

forced to the front, and they will undoubtedly request an

expression of opinion thereon, as they seem to be impressed

apparently with the belief that the recent Spanish authorities

with whom they were in relationship have transferred full

sovereignty of the islands to them. The question is one which

admits of easy solution, legally considered, since by the

terms of treaties or protocols between Spain and European

powers Spanish sovereignty over the archipelago is conceded.

Under the agreement between Spain and the Sultan and datos of

July, 1878, the latter acknowledged Spanish sovereignty in the

entire archipelago of Jolo and agreed to become loyal Spanish

subjects, receiving in consideration certain specific payments

in money. The sovereignty of Spain, thus established and

acknowledged by all parties in interest, was transferred to

the United States by the Paris treaty. The United States has

succeeded to all the rights which Spain held in the

archipelago, and its sovereignty over the same is an

established fact. But the inquiry arises as to the extent to

which that sovereignty can be applied under the agreement of

1878 with the Moros. Sovereignty, of course, implies full

power of political control, but it is not incompatible with

concessionary grants between sovereign and subject. The Moros

acknowledged through their accepted chiefs Spanish sovereignty

and their subjection thereto, and that nation in turn conferred

upon their chiefs certain powers of supervision over them and

their affairs. The kingly prerogatives of Spain, thus abridged

by solemn concession, have descended to the United States, and

conditions existing at the time of transfer should remain. The

Moros are entitled to enjoy the identical privileges which

they possessed at the time of transfer, and to continue to

enjoy them until abridged or modified by future mutual

agreement between them and the United States, to which they

owe loyalty, unless it becomes necessary to invoke the

exercise of the supreme powers of sovereignty to meet

emergencies. You will therefore acquaint yourself thoroughly

with the terms of the agreement of 1878, and take them as a

basis for your directed negotiations. …

"It is greatly desired by the United States for the sake of

the individual improvement and social advancement of the

Moros, and for the development of the trade and agriculture of

the islands in their interests, also for the welfare of both the

United States and Moros, that mutual friendly and well-defined

relations be established. If the Sultan can be made to give

credit to and fully understand the intentions of the United

States, the desired result can be accomplished. The United

States will accept the obligations of Spain under the

agreement of 1878 in the matter of money annuities, and in

proof of sincerity you will offer as a present to the Sultan

and datos $10,000, Mexican, with which you will be supplied

before leaving for Jolo—the same to be handed over to them,

respectively, in amounts agreeing with the ratio of payments

made to them by the Spanish Government for their declared

services. From the 1st of September next, and thereafter, the

United States will pay to them regularly the sums promised by

Spain in its agreement of 1878, and in any subsequent promises

of which proof can be furnished. The United States will

promise, in return for the concessions to be hereinafter

mentioned, not to interfere with, but to protect the Moros in

the free exercise of their religion and customs, social and

domestic, and will respect the rights and dignities of the

Sultan and his advisers."

{385}

Of the results of the mission of General Bates, General Otis

reported subsequently as follows:

"General Bates had a difficult task to perform and executed it

with tact and ability. While a number of the principal datos were

favorably inclined, the Sultan, not responding to invitations,

kept aloof and was represented by his secretary, until

finally, the general appearing at Maibung, the Moro capital, a

personal interview was secured. He being also Sultan of North

Borneo and receiving large annual payments from the North

Borneo Trading Company, expected like returns from the United

States, and seemed more anxious to obtain personal revenue

than benefits for his people. Securing the port of Siassi from

the Spaniards, establishing there his guards and police, he

had received customs revenues from the Sandaken trade which he

was loath to surrender. Negotiations continued well into

August, and finally, after long conferences, an agreement was

reached by which the United States secured much more liberal

terms than the Spaniards were ever able to obtain."

Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1162-1164).

"By Article I the sovereignty of the United States over the

whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and

acknowledged. The United States flag will be used in the

archipelago and its dependencies, on land and sea. Piracy is

to be suppressed, and the Sultan agrees to co-operate heartily

with the United States authorities to that end and to make

every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all

persons engaged in piracy. All trade in domestic products of

the archipelago of Jolo when carried on with any part of the

Philippine Islands and under the American flag shall be free,

unlimited, and undutiable. The United States will give full

protection to the Sultan in case any foreign nation should

attempt to impose upon him. The United States will not sell

the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo archipelago

to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan.

Salaries for the Sultan find his associates in the

administration of the islands have been agreed upon to the

amount of $760 monthly. Article X provides that any slave in

the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase

freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. The

agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation by

the President and to future modifications by the consent of

the parties in interest. I have confirmed said agreement,

subject to the action of the Congress, and with the

reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to

the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in

any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States

to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago."

Message of the President, December 5, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 47-48).

"The population of the Sulu Archipelago is reckoned at

120,000, mostly domiciled in the island of Jolo, and numbers

20,000 fighting men. Hostilities would be unfortunate for all

parties concerned, would be very expensive to the United

States in men and money, and destructive of any advancement of

the Moros for years to come. Spain's long struggle with these

people and their dislike for the former dominant race in the

Philippines, inherited, it would seem, by each rising

generation during three centuries, furnishes an instructive

lesson. Under the pending agreement General Bates, assisted by

the officers of the Navy, quietly placed garrisons of one

company each at Siassi and at Bongao, on the Tawai Tawai group

of islands, where they were well received by the friendly

natives. With the approval of the agreement, the only

difficulty to a satisfactory settlement of the Sulu affairs

will arise from discontent on the part of the Sultan

personally because of a supposed decrease in anticipated

revenues or the machinations of the insurgents of Mindanao,

who are endeavoring to create a feeling of distrust and

hostility among the natives against the United States troops.

"The Sultan's government is one of perfect despotism, in form

at least, as all political power is supposed to center in his

person; but this does not prevent frequent outbreaks on the

part of the datos, who frequently revolt, and are now, in two

or three instances, in declared enmity. All Moros, however,

profess the Mohammedan religion, introduced in the fourteenth

century, and the sacredness of the person of the Sultan is

therefore a tenet of faith. This fact would prevent any marked

success by a dato in attempting to secure supreme power. Spain

endeavored to supplant the Sultan with one of his most

enterprising chiefs and signally failed. Peonage or a species

of serfdom enters largely into the social and domestic

arrangements and a dato's following or clan submits itself

without protest to his arbitrary will. The Moro political

fabric bears resemblance to the state of feudal times—the

Sultan exercising supreme power by divine right, and his

datos, like the feudal lords, supporting or opposing him at

will, and by force of arms occasionally, but not to the extent

of dethronement, as that would be too great a sacrilege for a

Mohammedan people to seek to consummate. The United States

must accept these people as they are, and endeavor to

ameliorate their condition by degrees, and the best means to

insure success appears to be through the cultivation of

friendly sentiments and the introduction of trade and commerce

upon approved business methods. To undertake forcible radical

action for the amelioration of conditions or to so interfere

with their domestic relations as to arouse their suspicions

and distrust would be attended with unfortunate consequences."

Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, page 1165).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

Military operations against the Insurgents.

Death of General Lawton.

"The enlargement of the field of operations and government in

the Philippine Islands made it impracticable to conduct the

business under the charge of the army in those islands through

the machinery of a single department, and by order made April

7, 1900, the Philippine Islands were made a military division,

consisting of four departments: The Department of Northern Luzon,

the Department of Southern Luzon, the Department of the

Visayas, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo. The

Department of Northern Luzon is subdivided into six, the

Department of Southern Luzon into four, the Department of the

Visayas into four, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo

into four military districts. …

"At the date of the last report (November 29, 1899 [see

above]) the government established by the Philippine

insurgents in central Luzon and the organized armed forces by

which it was maintained had been destroyed, and the principal

civil and military leaders of the insurrection, accompanied by

small and scattered bands of troops, were the objects of

pursuit in the western and the northern parts of the island.

{386}

That pursuit was prosecuted with vigor and success, under

conditions of extraordinary difficulty and hardship, and

resulted in the further and practically complete

disintegration of the insurrectionary bands in those regions,

in the rescue of nearly all the American prisoners and the

greater part of the Spanish prisoners held by the insurgents,

in the capture of many of the leading insurgents, and in the

capture and destruction of large quantities of arms,

ammunition, and supplies. There still remained a large force

of insurgents in Cavite and the adjacent provinces south of

Manila, and a considerable force to the east of the Rio Grande

de Pampanga, chiefly in the province of Bulacan, while in the

extreme southeastern portions of Luzon, and in the various

Visayan islands, except the island of Negros, armed bodies of

Tagalogs had taken possession of the principal seacoast towns,

and were exercising military control over the peaceful

inhabitants. Between the insurgent troops in Bulacan and the

mountains to the north, and the insurgents in the south,

communication was maintained by road and trail, running along

and near the eastern bank of the Mariquina River, and through

the towns of Mariquina, San Mateo, and Montalban and the

province of Morong. This line of communication, passing

through rough and easily defended country, was strongly

fortified and held by numerous bodies of insurgents.

"On the 18th of December, 1899, a column, under the command of

Major General Henry W. Lawton, proceeded from Manila, and

between that date and the 29th of December captured all the

fortified posts of the insurgents, took possession of the line

of communication, which has ever since been maintained, and

destroyed, captured, or dispersed the insurgent force in that

part of the island. In the course of this movement was

sustained the irremediable loss of General Lawton, who was

shot and instantly killed while too fearlessly exposing his

person in supervising the passing of his troops over the river

Mariquina at San Mateo.

"On the 4th of January, 1900, General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.,

was assigned to the command of the First Division of the

Eighth Army Corps, and an active campaign under his direction

was commenced in Southern Luzon. The plan adopted was to

confront and hold the strong force of the enemy near Imus and

to the west of Bacoor by a body of troops under General

Wheaton, while a column, under General Schwan, should move

rapidly down the west shore of the Laguna de Bay to Biñang,

thence turn southwesterly and seize the Silang, Indang, and

Naic road, capture the enemy's supplies supposed to be at the

towns of Silang and Indang, and arrest the retreat of the

enemy, when he should be driven from northern Cavite by our

troops designated to attack him there, and thus prevent his

reassembling in the mountains of southern Cavite and northern

Batangas. This plan was successfully executed. General

Schwan's column moved over the lines indicated with great

rapidity, marching a distance of over 600 miles, striking and

defeating numerous bodies of insurgents and capturing many

intrenched positions, taking possession of and garrisoning

towns along the line, and scattering and demoralizing all the

organized forces of the enemy within that section of country.

From these operations and the simultaneous attacks by our

troops under General Wheaton in the north the rebel forces in

the Cavite region practically disappeared, the members either

being killed or captured or returning to their homes as

unarmed citizens, and a few scattered parties escaping through

General Schwan's line to the south. By the 8th of February the

organized forces of the insurgents in the region mentioned had

ceased to exist. In large portions of the country the

inhabitants were returning to their homes and resuming their

industries, and active trade with Manila was resumed. In the

course of these operations about 600 Spanish prisoners were

released from the insurgents, leaving about 600 more still in

their hands in the extreme southeastern provinces of Camarines

and Albay, nearly all of whom were afterwards liberated by our

troops. In the meantime an expedition was organized under the

command of Brigadier General William A. Kobbé, U. S. V., to

expel the Tagalogs who had taken possession of the principal

hemp ports of the islands situated in Albay, the extreme

southeastern province of Luzon, and in the islands of Leyte,

Samar, and Catanduanes. This expedition sailed from Manila on

the 18th of January and accomplished its object. All of the

principal hemp ports were relieved from control of the

insurgents, garrisoned by American troops, and opened to

commerce by order of the military governor of the islands on

the 30th of January and the 10th and 14th of February. The

expedition met with strong resistance at Legaspi by an

intrenched force under the Chinese general, Paua. He was

speedily overcome and went into the interior. After a few days

he reassembled his forces and threatened the garrisons which

had been left in Albay and Legaspi, whereupon he was attacked,

and defeated, and surrendered. Thirty pieces of artillery, a

large quantity of ammunition, a good many rifles, and a

considerable amount of money were captured by this expedition.

"On the 15th of February an expedition, under the supervision

of Major-General Bates and under the immediate command of

Brigadier General James M. Bell, U. S. V., sailed from Manila

to take possession of the North and South Camarines provinces

and Western Albay, in which the insurgent forces had been

swelled by the individuals and scattered bands escaping from

our operations in various sections of the north. The insurgent

force was defeated after a sharp engagement near the mouth of

the Bicol River, pursued, and scattered. Large amounts of

artillery and war material were captured. The normal

conditions of industry and trade relations with Manila were

resumed by the inhabitants. On the 20th of March the region

covered by the last-described operations was created a

district of southeastern Luzon, under the command of General

James M. Bell, who was instructed to proceed to the

establishment of the necessary customs and internal-revenue

service in the district. In the meantime similar expeditions

were successfully made through the mountains of the various

islands of the Visayan Group, striking and scattering and

severely punishing the bands of bandits and insurgents who

infested those islands. In the latter part of March General

Bates proceeded with the Fortieth infantry to establish

garrisons in Mindanao. The only resistance was of a trifling

character at Cagayan, the insurgent general in northeastern

Mindanao surrendering and turning over the ordnance in his

possession.

{387}

With [the execution of these movements] all formal and open

resistance to American authority in the Philippines

terminated, leaving only an exceedingly vexatious and annoying

guerilla warfare of a character closely approaching

brigandage, which will require time, patience, and good

judgment to finally suppress. As rapidly as we have occupied

territory, the policy of inviting inhabitants to return to

their peaceful vocations, and aiding them in the

reestablishment of their local governments, has been followed,

and the protection of the United States has been promised to

them. The giving of this protection has led to the

distribution of troops in the Philippine Islands to over 400

different posts, with the consequent labor of administration

and supply. The maintenance of these posts involves the

continued employment of a large force, but as the Tagalogs who

are in rebellion have deliberately adopted the policy of

murdering, so far as they are able, all of their countrymen

who are friendly to the United States, the maintenance of

garrisons is at present necessary to the protection of the

peaceful and unarmed Filipinos who have submitted to our

authority; and if we are to discharge our obligations in that

regard their reduction must necessarily be gradual."

United States, Secretary of War,

Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 5-10.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (January).

Report of the First Philippine Commission.

The First Commission to the Philippines returned to the United

States in the autumn of 1899, and then submitted to the President

a brief preliminary statement of its proceedings in the

Islands and the opinions its members had formed, concerning

the spirit and extent of the Tagalo revolt, the general

disposition of the people at large, their capacity for

independent self-government, etc. On the 31st of January

following the commissioners presented a report which deals

extensively with many subjects of investigation and

deliberation. In Part I., it sets forth the efforts made by

the commission "toward conciliation and the establishment of

peace," through interviews with various emissaries of

Aguinaldo, and others, and by means of a proclamation to the

people. In Part II., it gives an extended account of the races

and tribes of which the native population of the Islands is

composed. In Part III., it details the provision that has

heretofore been made for education, and states the conclusions

of the commission as to the capacity of the people and their

fitness for a popular government. In Part IV., a very full

account of the Spanish organization of government in the

Philippines, general, provincial and municipal, is given, and

the reforms that were desired by the Filipino people are

ascertained. From this the commission proceeds to consider the

question of a plan of government for the Islands under the

sovereignty of the United States, and concludes that the

Territorial system of the United States offers all that can be

desired. "What Jefferson and the nation did for Louisiana,"

says the report, "we are … free to-day to do for the

Philippines. The fact that Bonaparte had provided in the

treaty that Louisiana should in due time be admitted as a

State in the Union, and that in the meantime its inhabitants

should have protection in the free enjoyment of their liberty,

property, and religion, made no difference in the relation of

Louisiana to the Constitution of the United States so long as

Louisiana remained a Territory; and, if it had made a

difference, it should have constituted something of a claim to

the immediate enjoyment of some or all of the benefits of the

Constitution. Unmoved by that consideration, however, the

Jeffersonian policy established once for all the subjection of

national domain outside the States to the absolute and

unrestricted power of Congress. The commission recommends that

in dealing with the Philippines this vast power be exercised

along the lines laid down by Jefferson and Madison in

establishing a government for Louisiana, but with … deviations

in the direction of larger liberty to the Filipinos. … The

result would be substantially the transformation of their

second-class Territorial government of Louisiana into a

Territorial government of the first-class for the Philippine

Islands." To this recommendation of the Territorial system of

government the commission adds a strenuous plea for a closely

guarded civil service. "It is a safe and desirable rule," says

the report, "that no American should be appointed to any office

in the Philippines for which a reasonably qualified Filipino

can, by any possibility, be secured. Of course the merit or

business system must be adopted and lived up to; the patronage

or spoils system would prove absolutely fatal to good

government in this new Oriental territory." Further parts of

the report are devoted to the Philippine judicial system, as

it had been and as it should be; to "the condition and needs

of the United States in the Philippines from a naval and

maritime standpoint"; to the secular clergy and religious

orders; to registration laws; to the currency; to the Chinese

in the Philippines; and to public health. Among the exhibits

appended in volume 1 of the published Report are the

constitution of Aguinaldo's Philippine Republic (called the

Malolos constitution), and several other constitutional drafts

and proposals from Filipino sources, indicating the political

ideas that prevail.

Report of the Philippine Commission,

January 31, 1900, volume 1.

See, also (in this volume),

EDUCATION: A. D. 1898 (PHILIPPINE ISLANDS).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (March).

Institution of municipal governments.

By General Orders, on the 29th of March, 1900, the Military

Governor of the Islands promulgated a law providing for the

election and institution of municipal governments, the

provisions of which law had been framed by a board appointed

in the previous January, under the presidency of Don Cayetano

Arellano, chief justice of the Philippines. The first chapter

of the law reads as follows:

"ARTICLE 1.

The towns of the Philippine Islands shall be recognized as

municipal corporations with the same limits as heretofore

established, upon reorganizing under the provisions of this

order. All property vested in any town under its former

organization shall be vested in the same town upon becoming

incorporated hereunder.

"ARTICLE 2.

Towns so incorporated shall be designated as 'municipios,' and

shall be known respectively by the names heretofore adopted.

Under such names they may, without further authorization, sue

and be sued, contract and be contracted with, acquire and hold

real and personal property for the general interests of the

town, and exercise all the powers hereinafter conferred. The

city of Manila is exempt from the provisions of this order.

{388}

"ARTICLE 3.

The municipal government of each town is hereby vested in an

alcalde and a municipal council. The alcalde and councilors,

together with the municipal lieutenant, shall be chosen at

large by the qualified electors of the town, and their term of

office shall be for two years from and after the first Monday

in January next after their election and until their

successors are duly chosen and qualified: Provided, That the

alcalde and municipal lieutenant elected in 1900 shall hold

office until the first Monday in January, 1902, only; and that

the councilors elected in 1900 shall divide themselves, by

lot, into two classes; the scats of those of the first class

shall be vacated on the first Monday of January, 1901, and

those of the second class one year thereafter, so that

one-half of the municipal council shall be chosen annually.

"ARTICLE 4.

Incorporated towns shall be of four classes, according to the

number of inhabitants. Towns of the first class shall be those

which contain not less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have

18 councilors; of the second class, those containing 18,000

and less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have 14 councilors;

of the third class, those containing 10,000 and less than

18,000 inhabitants and shall have 10 councilors; of the fourth

class, those containing less than 10,000 inhabitants and shall

have 8 councilors. Towns of less than 2,000 inhabitants may

incorporate under the provisions of this order, or may, upon

petition to the provincial governor, signed by a majority of

the qualified electors thereof, be attached as a barrio to an

adjacent and incorporated town, if the council of the latter

consents.

The qualifications of voters are defined in the second chapter

as follows:

"ARTICLE 5.

The electors charged with the duty of choosing elective

municipal officers must be male persons, 23 years of age or

over, who have had a legal residence in the town in which they

exercise the suffrage for a period of six months immediately

preceding the election, and who are not citizens or subjects

of any foreign power, and who are comprised within one of the

following three classes:

1. Those who, prior to the 13th of August, 1898, held the

office of municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, lieutenant or

cabeza de barangay.

2. Those who annually pay 30 pesos or more of the established

taxes.

3. Those who speak, read, and write English or Spanish."

Succeeding articles in this chapter prescribe the oath to be

taken and subscribed by each elector before his ballot is

cast, recognizing and accepting "the supreme authority of the

United States of America"; appoint the times and places for

holding elections, and set forth the forms to be observed in

them. In the third chapter, the qualifications of officers are

thus defined:

"ARTICLE 13.

An alcalde, municipal lieutenant, or councilor must have the

following qualifications:

1. He must be a duly qualified elector of the municipality in

which he is a candidate, of 26 years of age or over, and have

had a legal residence therein for at least one year prior to

the date of election.

2. He must correctly speak, read, and write either the English

language or the local dialect.

"ARTICLE 14.

In no case can there be elected or appointed to municipal

office ecclesiastics, soldiers in active service, persons

receiving salary from municipal, provincial or government

funds; debtors to said funds, whatever the class of said

funds; contractors of public works and their bondsmen; clerks

and functionaries of the administration or government while in

said capacity; bankrupts until discharged, or insane or

feeble-minded persons.

"ARTICLE 15.

Each and every person elected or appointed to a municipal

office under the provisions of this order shall, before

entering upon the duties thereof, take and subscribe before

the alcalde or town secretary"—an oath analogous to that

required from the electors.

Further articles in this chapter and the next define the

duties of the alcalde, the municipal lieutenant, municipal

attorney, municipal secretary, municipal treasurer, and the

municipal councilors. The fifth chapter relates to taxation

and finances; the sixth and seventh contain provisions as

follows:

"ARTICLE 53.

The governor of the province shall be ex officio president of

all municipal councils within the province and shall have

general supervisory charge of the municipal affairs of the

several towns and cities therein organized under the

provisions of this order, and in his said supervisory capacity

may inspect or cause to be inspected, at such times as he may

determine, the administration of municipal affairs and each

and every department thereof, and may hear and determine all

appeals against the acts of municipal corporations or their

officers. He, or those whom he may designate in writing for

that duty, shall at all times have free access to all records,

books, papers, moneys, and property of the several towns and

cities of the province, and may call upon the officers thereof

for an accounting of the receipts and expenditures, or for a

general or special report of the official acts of the several

municipal councils or of any and every of them, or of any and

every of the officers thereof, at any time, and as often as he

may consider necessary to inform himself of the state of the

finances or of the administration of municipal affairs, and

such requests when made must be complied with without excuse,

pretext, or delay. He may suspend or remove municipal

officers, either individually or collectively, for cause, and

appoint substitutes therefor permanently, for the time being

or pending the next general election, or may call a special

election to fill the vacancy or vacancies caused by such

suspension or removal, reporting the cause thereof with a full

statement of his action in the premises to the governor of the

islands without delay. He shall forward all questions or

disputes that may arise over the boundaries or jurisdictional

limits of the city, towns, or municipalities to the governor

of the islands for final determination, together with full

report and recommendations relative to the same. He may, with

the approval of the governor of the islands, authorize the

cities and towns to form among themselves associations or

communities for determined ends, such as the construction of

public works, the creation and foundation of beneficent,

charitable, or educational institutions, for the better

encouragement of public interests or the use of communal

property.

{389}

"ARTICLE 54.

It shall be the duty of commanding officers of military

districts, immediately after the publication of this order, to

recommend to the office of the military governor in which towns

within their commands municipal governments shall be

established, and upon approval of recommendations, either

personally or through subordinate commanders designated by

them, to issue and cause to be posted proclamations calling

elections therein. Such proclamations shall fix the time and

place of election and shall designate three residents of the

town who shall be charged with the duty of administering

electors' oaths; of preparing, publishing, and correcting,

within specified dates, a list of electors having the

qualifications hereinbefore set forth, and of presiding at and

making a due return of the election thus appointed. The

proclamation shall specify the offices to be filled, and in

order to determine the number of councilors the commanders

charged with calling the election shall determine, from the

best available evidence, the class to which the town belongs,

as hereinbefore defined; the classification thus made shall

govern until the taking of an official census. The first

alcaldes appointed under the provisions of this order shall

take and subscribe the oath of office before the commanding

officer of the military district or some person in the several

towns designated by said commanding officer for the said

purpose; whereupon the alcalde so sworn shall administer the

said oath of office to all the other officers of the municipio

there elected and afterwards appointed. The election returns

shall be canvassed by the authority issuing the election

proclamation, and the officers elected shall assume their

duties on a date to be specified by him in orders.

"ARTICLE. 55.

Until the appointment of governors of provinces their duties

under this order will be performed by the commanding officers

of the military districts. They may, by designation, confer on

subordinate commanding officers of subdistricts or of other

prescribed territorial limits of their commands the

supervisory duties herein enumerated, and a subordinate

commander so designated shall perform all and every of the

duties herein prescribed for the superior commanding officer.

"ARTICLE. 56.

For the time being the provisions of this order requiring that

alcaldes be elected, in all cases shall be so far modified as

to permit the commanding officers of military districts, in

their discretion, either to appoint such officers or to have

them elected as hereinbefore prescribed. The term of office of

alcaldes appointed under this authority shall be the same as

if they had been elected; at the expiration of such term the

office shall be filled by election or appointment.

"ARTICLE 57.

The governments of towns organized under General Orders No.

43, Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army

Corps, series 1899, will continue in the exercise of their

functions as therein defined and set forth until such time as

municipal governments therefor have been organized and are in

operation under this order."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 659.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).

Appointment of the Second Commission to the Philippines and

the President's instructions to it.

Steps to be taken towards the establishment of civil

government, and the principles to be observed.

On the 7th of April, 1900, the President of the United States

addressed the following communication to the Secretary of War,

appointing a Second Commission to the Philippines, "to

continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing

civil government" in the Islands, and defining the principles

on which that work should proceed: "In the message transmitted

to the Congress on the 5th of December, 1899, I said, speaking of

the Philippine Islands: 'As long as the insurrection continues

the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there is no

reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to

inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form as

fast as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To

this end I am considering the advisability of the return of

the commission, or such of the members thereof as can be

secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this

work throughout the islands.'

"To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have

appointed the Honorable William H. Taft of Ohio, Professor

Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, the Honorable Luke I. Wright of

Tennessee, the Honorable Henry C. Ide of Vermont, and

Professor Bernard Moses of California, Commissioners to the

Philippine Islands to continue and perfect the work of

organizing and establishing civil government already commenced

by the military authorities, subject in all respects to any

laws which Congress may hereafter enact. The Commissioners

named will meet and act as a board, and the Honorable William

H. Taft is designated as President of the board. It is

probable that the transfer of authority from military

commanders to civil officers will be gradual and will occupy a

considerable period. Its successful accomplishment and the

maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will require

the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military

authorities in the island, and both should be directed during

the transition period by the same executive department. The

commission will therefore report to the Secretary of War, and

all their action will be subject to your approval and control.

"You will instruct the commission to proceed to the City of

Manila, where they will make their principal office, and to

communicate with the Military Governor of the Philippine

Islands, whom you will at the same time direct to render to

them every assistance within his power in the performance of

their duties. Without hampering them by too specific

instructions, they should in general be enjoined, after making

themselves familiar with the conditions and needs of the

country, to devote their attention in the first instance to

the establishment of municipal governments, in which the

natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural

communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their

own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are

capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and

control which a careful study of their capacities and

observation of the workings of native control show to be

consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty.

The next subject in order of importance should be the

organization of government in the larger administrative

divisions corresponding to counties, departments, or

provinces, in which the common interests of many or several

municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the

same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a

common administration. Whenever the commission is of the

opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such

that the central administration may safely be transferred from

military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to

you, with their recommendations as to the form of central

government to be established for the purpose of taking over

the control.

{390}

"Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority

to exercise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of

War, that part of the power of government in the Philippine

Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be transferred

from the Military Governor of the Islands to this commission,

to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of

the Military Governor, under such rules and regulations as you

shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central

government for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing

paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise

of this legislative authority will include the making of rules

and orders, having the effect of law, for the raising of

revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the

appropriation and expenditure of public funds of the islands;

the establishment of an educational system throughout the

islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient

civil service; the organization and establishment of courts;

the organization and establishment of municipal and

departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil

nature for which the Military Governor is now competent to

provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The

commission will also have power during the same period to

appoint to office such officers under the judicial,

educational, and civil service systems and in the municipal

and departmental governments as shall be provided for. Until

the complete transfer of control the Military Governor will

remain the chief executive head of the Government of the

islands, and will exercise the executive authority now

possessed by him and not herein expressly assigned to the

commission, subject, however, to the rules and orders enacted

by the commission in the exercise of the legislative powers

conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and

departmental governments will continue to report to the

Military Governor, and be subject to his administrative

supervision and control, under your direction, but that

supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest

limits consistent with the requirement that the powers of

government in the municipalities and departments shall be

honestly and effectively exercised and that law and order and

individual freedom shall be maintained. All legislative rules

and orders, establishments of Government, and appointments to

office by the commission will take effect immediately, or at

such times as it shall designate, subject to your approval and

action upon the coming in of the commission's reports, which

are to be made from time to time as its action is taken.

Wherever civil Governments are constituted under the direction

of the commission, such military posts, garrisons, and forces

will be continued for the suppression of insurrection and

brigandage, and the maintenance of law and order, as the

military commander shall deem requisite, and the military

forces shall be at all times subject, under his orders to the

call of the civil authorities for the maintenance of law and

order and the enforcement of their authority.

"In the establishment of Municipal Governments the commission

will take as the basis of its work the Governments established

by the Military Governor under his order of Aug. 8, 1899, and

under the report of the board constituted by the Military

Governor by his order of January 29, 1900, to formulate and

report a plan of Municipal Government, of which his Honor

Cayetano Arellano, President of the Audencia, was Chairman,

and it will give to the conclusions of that board the weight

and consideration which the high character and distinguished

abilities of its members justify. In the constitution of

Departmental or Provincial Governments it will give especial

attention to the existing Government of the Island of Negros,

constituted, with the approval of the people of that island,

under the order of the Military Governor of July 22, 1899, and

after verifying, so far as may be practicable, the reports of

the successful working of that Government, they will be guided

by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may be

applicable to the conditions existing in other portions of the

Philippines. It will avail itself, to the fullest degree

practicable, of the conclusions reached by the previous

commissions to the Philippines. In the distribution of powers

among the Governments organized by the commission, the

presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller

sub-division, so that all the powers which can properly be

exercised by the Municipal Government shall be vested in that

Government, and all the powers of a more general character

which can be exercised by the Departmental Government shall be

vested in that Government, and so that in the governmental

system, which is the result of the process, the Central

Government of the islands, following the example of the

distribution of the powers between the States and the National

Government of the United States, shall have no direct

administration except of matters of purely general concern,

and shall have only such supervision and control over local

Governments as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful

and efficient administration by local officers.

"The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of

custom and capacity among the people of the different islands

preclude very definite instruction as to the part which the

people shall take in the selection of their own officers; but

these general rules are to be observed: That in all cases the

municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the

people, are to be selected by the people, and that wherever

officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in

any way, natives of the islands are to be preferred, and if

they can be found competent and willing to perform the duties,

they are to receive the offices in preference to any others.

It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with

Americans which after a time may well be filled by natives of

the islands. As soon as practicable a system for ascertaining

the merit and fitness of candidates for civil office should be

put in force. An indispensable qualification for all offices and

positions of trust and authority in the islands must be

absolute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and

absolute and unhampered authority and power to remove and

punish any officer deviating from that standard must at all

times be retained in the hands of the central authority of the

islands.

{391}

In all the forms of government and administrative provisions

which they are authorized to prescribe, the commission should

bear in mind that the government which they are establishing

is designed not for our satisfaction, or for the expression of

our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and

prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the

measures adopted should be made to conform to their customs,

their habits, and even their prejudices, to the fullest extent

consistent with the accomplishment of the indispensable

requisites of just and effective government.

"At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the

people of the islands should be made plainly to understand,

that there are certain great principles of government which

have been made the basis of our governmental system which we

deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of

individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortunately,

been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are

also certain practical rules of government which we have found

to be essential to the preservation of these great principles

of liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules

of government must be established and maintained in their

islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however

much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure

with which they are familiar. It is evident that the most

enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands fully

appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and

they will inevitably within a short time command universal

assent. Upon every division and branch of the government of

the Philippines, therefore, must be imposed these inviolable

rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or

property without due process of law; that private property

shall not be taken for public use without just compensation;

that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the

right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the

nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the

witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for

obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance

of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not be

required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual

punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in

jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal

case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be

secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be

violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall

exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of

attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law

shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the

press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and

petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no

law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or

prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free

exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship

without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.

"It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough

investigation into the titles to the large tracts of land held

or claimed by individuals or by religious orders; into the

justice of the claims and complaints made against such

landholders by the people of the island or any part of the

people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just

settlement of the controversies and redress of wrongs which

have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the

performance of this duty the commission is enjoined to see

that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial

rights and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as

substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules:

That the provision of the treaty of Paris pledging the United

States to the protection of all rights of property in the

islands, and, as well, the principle of our own Government,

which prohibits the taking of private property without due

process of law, shall not be violated; that the welfare of the

people of the islands, which should be a paramount

consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule

of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public

interest of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to

property which the commission finds to be not lawfully

acquired and held, disposition shall be made thereof by due

legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for

fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same

public interests require the extinguishment of property rights

lawfully acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out

of the public Treasury therefor; that no form of religion and

no minister of religion shall be forced upon any community or

upon any citizen of the islands; that, upon the other hand, no

minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in

following his calling, and that the separation between State

and Church shall be real, entire, and absolute.

"It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend,

and, as it finds occasion, to improve, the system of education

already inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this

it should regard as of first importance the extension of a system

of primary education which shall be free to all, and which

shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship and

for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This

instruction should be given in the first instance in every

part of the islands in the language of the people. In view of

the great number of languages spoken by the different tribes,

it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands

that a common medium of communication may be established, and

it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the

English language. Especial attention should be at once given

to affording full opportunity to all the people of the islands

to acquire the use of the English language. It may be well

that the main changes which should be made in the system of

taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people

are governed, except such changes as have already been made by

the military Government, should be relegated to the civil

Government which is to be established under the auspices of

the commission. It will, however, be the duty of the

commission to inquire diligently as to whether there are any

further changes which ought not to be delayed, and, if so, it

is authorized to make such changes, subject to your approval.

In doing so it is to bear in mind that taxes which tend to

penalize or to repress industry and enterprise are to be

avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, so

that they may be understood by the people; that they should

affect the fewest practicable subjects of taxation which will

serve for the general distribution of the burden.

{392}

"The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and

obligations of the people should be maintained with as little

interference as possible. Changes made should be mainly in

procedure, and in the criminal laws to secure speedy and

impartial trials, and at the same time effective

administration and respect for individual rights. In dealing

with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission

should adopt the same course followed by Congress in

permitting the tribes of our North American Indians to

maintain their tribal organization and government, and under

which many of those tribes are now living in peace and

contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they are

unable or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments

should, however, be subjected to wise and firm regulation;

and, without undue or petty interference, constant and active

effort should be exercised to prevent barbarous practices and

introduce civilized customs. Upon all officers and employés of

the United States, both civil and military, should be

impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the

material but the personal and social rights of the people of

the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and

respect for their personal dignity which the people of the

United States are accustomed to require from each other. The

articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of

August, 1898, concluded with these words: 'This city, its

inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its

educational establishments, and its private property of all

descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the

faith and honor of the American Army.' I believe that this

pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an

obligation rests upon the Government of the United States to

give protection for property and life, civil and religious

freedom, and wise, firm, and unselfish guidance in the paths

of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine

Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full

performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and

conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through

their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may

come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave

victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under

the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United

States.

WILLIAM McKINLEY."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).

Speech of Senator Hoar against the subjugation and

retention of the Islands by the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May).

Filipinos killed, captured and surrendered from the breaking

out of hostilities with them to May, 1900.

Losses of American army.

In response to a resolution of the United States Senate, May

17, 1900, the following report, by cable, from Manila, was

made by General MacArthur:

"Filipinos killed, 10,780;

wounded, 2,104;

captured and surrendered, 10,425;

number prisoners in our possession, about 2,000.

No systematic record Filipino casualties these headquarters.

Foregoing, compiled from large number reports made immediately

after engagements, is as close an approximation as now

possible, owing to wide distribution of troops. More accurate

report would take weeks to prepare. Number reported killed

probably in excess of accurate figures; number reported

wounded probably much less, as Filipinos managed to remove

most wounded from field, and comparatively few fell into our

hands. Officers high rank and dangerous suspicious men have

been retained as prisoners; most other men discharged on field

as soon as disarmed. Propose to release all but very few

prisoners at early date."

56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Doc. 435.

For returns of casualties in the American army during the same

period,

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May-November).

The question in American politics.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 {July).

Appeal of citizens of Manila to the

Congress of the United States.

An appeal "to the Congress of the United States," dated at

Manila, July 15, 1900, and signed by 2,006 of the inhabitants

of the city, who were said by Senator Hoar and Senator Teller

to be "the leading people of that section of country—lawyers

and bankers and professional men generally" was presented to

the Senate on the 10th of January, 1901. It opens as follows:

"The undersigned, Filipinos and peaceful inhabitants of this

city, in their own name and in the name of the misnamed

'irreconcilables,' respectfully present themselves and submit

to the worthy consideration of the Congress of the United

States of America the following appeal: "The people of the

Philippine Islands, in view of their calamitous condition,

demand in the name of her sons, in the name of all races, in

the name of humanity, that an end be put to the misfortunes

which afflict them which, while they distress and agonize her,

compel her to struggle for the rights that are hers, and for

the maintenance whereof she must, if necessary, continue to

pour out her blood as she has so constantly and generously

done on battlefields, in the woods, on the mountains, in the

city, everywhere! The blood which has been shed and that is

still being shed, and which will continue to be shed until she

has secured her rights, is not shed because of the intrigues

of a few who, according to misinformed persons, desire to

exploit the people and enrich themselves at the cost of their

brother's blood. It has, gentlemen, sprung from the hearts of

the people, who alone are the real strength of nations, the

sovereign king of races, the producers of the arts, of

science, of commerce, of wealth, of agriculture, of

civilization, of progress, and of all the productions of human

labor and intelligence, in all of which the people of the

Philippine Islands had made great progress. The Filipinos were

not sunk in lethargy, as some untruthfully assert. They

suffered, but the hour to break their chains came to them in

August, 1896, and they proclaimed to the world their

emancipation."

{393}

The paper proceeds to review the circumstances of the revolt

against Spanish rule which broke out in 1896, and the later

circumstances of the conflict between Filipinos and Americans

at such length that it cannot be given in full. Its aim and

its spirit may be sufficiently shown by quotation of the

following passages from the closing parts of the appeal:

"Even supposing that America should force us to submit, and

after many years of war the country should submit, as the

lesser evil, to the proclamation of an ample autonomy, that

autonomy would not produce a sincere bond of friendship

between the two people, because, having sacrificed herself for

her independence, the country could not look with affection upon

those who would be the only obstacle to her happiness. She

would always retain her aspirations, so that autonomy would be

a short 'interregnum' which the country would necessarily take

advantage of to regain new strength to be used in the

attainment of her high political ideals, happen what may, and

perhaps in some hour of peril strike a fatal blow at a hated

oppressor. … In giving this warning we do not forget the good

Americans whom we sincerely respect; we are mindful of the

rupture of our good relations with the United States; we are

mindful of the blood which will again run on the soil of our

country. We see in that autonomy a new and sorrowful page in

the history of the Philippines, and therefore we can not but

look upon it with horror. Our people have had enough of

suffering. … They steadfastly believe that their independence

is their only salvation. Should they obtain it, they would be

forever grateful to whomsoever shall have helped them in their

undertaking; they would consider him as their redeemer, and

his name will be engraved with bright letters in the national

history, that all the generations to come may read it with

sublime veneration. America, consistent with her tradition, is

the only one which could play that great rôle in the present

and future of the Philippines. If she recognizes their

independence, they could offer her a part of the revenues of

the Philippine state, according to the treaty which shall be

stipulated; the protection in the country of the merchandise

of the United States, and a moral and material guarantee for

American capital all over the archipelago; finally, whatever

may bring greater prosperity to America and progress to the

country will, we doubt not, be taken into account in the

treaty which shall be celebrated.

"That the independence of the country will be attended with

anarchy is asserted only by those who, offending the truth and

forgetting their dignity, represent the Filipinos under

horrible colors, comparing them to beasts. Their assertions

are backed by isolated acts of pillage and robbery. What

revolution of the world was free from such deeds? At this

epoch passions are unrestrained; vengeance finds opportunity

to satisfy itself; private ambitions are often favored by the

occasion. Could such criminal deeds be avoided? Pythagoras

said: 'If you like to see monsters, travel through a country

during a revolution.' …

"In order to end our appeal we will say, with the learned

lawyer, Senor Mabini: 'To govern is to study the wants and

interpret the aspirations of the people, in order to remedy

the former and satisfy the latter.' If the natives who know

the wants, customs, and aspirations of the people are not fit

to govern them, would the Americans, who have had but little

to do with the Filipinos, be more capable to govern the

latter? We have, therefore, already proven—

1. That the revolution was the exclusive work of the public;

2. That in preparing it they were moved by a great ideal, the

ideal of independence;

3. That they are ready to sacrifice their whole existence in

order to realize their just aspirations;

4. That in spite of the serious difficulties through which

they are passing, they still expect from America that she will

consider them with impartiality and justice, and will

recognize what by right belongs to them, and thus give them an

opportunity to show their boundless gratitude;

5. That the annexation of the Philippines to America is not

feasible;

6. That the American sovereignty is not favored by the

Philippine people;

7. That an ample autonomy can not be imposed without violating

the Filipino will;

8. That the Filipinos are firm for self-government.

"From this it results that the only admissible solution for

the present difficulties is the recognition by America of the

independence of the Filipinos. In saying this we do not

consider either the nullity or the legality of the Paris

treaty on our country, but the well-known doctrine of the

immortal Washington, and of the sons of the United States of

America, worthy champions of oppressed people. Therefore we,

in the name of justice and with all the energies of our souls,

demand—

1. That the independence of the Filipinos be recognized;

2. That all the necessary information regarding the events

which are taking place, concerning the peaceful towns and

places which are supporting the arms of the revolution, be

obtained from Filipinos who, by their antecedents and by their

actual conduct, deserve the respect and confidence of the

Filipino people."

Congressional Record,

January 10, 1901, page 850.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September).

Adoption of civil service rules.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September-November).

Civil government of the Islands by the President's Commission.

Legislative measures.

Report of the Commission.

"In April of this year the second Philippine commission, of

which Honorable William H. Taft, of Ohio, Professor Dean C.

Worcester, of Michigan, Honorable Luke I. Wright, of

Tennessee, Honorable Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Professor

Bernard Moses, of California, were members, sailed for Manila

with the powers of civil government prescribed in the

instructions of April 7, 1900 [see above]. After devoting

several months to familiarizing themselves with the conditions

in the islands, this commission on the 1st of September, 1900,

entered upon the discharge of the extensive legislative powers

and the specific powers of appointment conferred upon them in

the instructions, and they have since that time continued to

exercise all that part of the military power of the President

in the Philippines which is legislative in its character,

leaving the military governor still the chief executive of the

islands, the action of both being duly reported to this

Department for the President's consideration and approval. …

On consultation with the commission, and with the President's

approval, a note of amnesty was issued by the military

governor, dated June 21, 1900, and supplemented by a public

statement by the military governor, under date of July 2,

1900, based, in the main, upon the instructions to the

commission.

{394}

… In pursuance of them something over 5,000 persons, of all

grades of the civil and military service of the insurrection,

presented themselves and took the following oath: 'I hereby

renounce all allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary

governments in the Philippine Islands and recognize and accept

the supreme authority of the United States of America therein;

and I do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and

allegiance to that government; that I will at all times

conduct myself as a faithful and law-abiding citizen of said

islands, and will not, either directly or indirectly, hold

correspondence with or give intelligence to an enemy of the

United States, neither will I aid, abet, harbor, or protect

such enemy. That I impose upon myself this voluntary

obligation without any mental reservation or purpose of

evasion, so help me God.' This number included many of the

most prominent officials of the former Tagalog government. …

"The commission in its legislative action is following the

ordinary course of legislative procedure. Its sessions are

open, and its discussion and the proposed measures upon which

it is deliberating are public, while it takes testimony and

receives suggestions from citizens as if it were a legislative

committee. Its first legislative act was the appropriation, on

the 12th of September, of $2,000,000 (Mexican), to be used in

construction and repair of highways and bridges in the

Philippine Islands. The second act, on the same day, was an

appropriation of $5,000 (Mexican) for a survey of a railroad

to the mountains of Benguet, in the island of Luzon. The

proposed railroad, about 45 miles in length, extending from

the Manila and Dagupan road, near the Gulf of Lingayen, to the

interior, will open, at a distance of about 170 miles from

Manila, a high tableland exceedingly healthy, well wooded with

pine and oak, comparatively dry and cool, and where the

mercury is said to range at night in the hottest season of the

year between 50° and 60° F. The value of such a place for the

recuperation of troops and foreign residents will be very

great. The third act of the commission was an appropriation

for the payment of a superintendent of public instruction.

They have secured for that position the services of Frederick

W. Atkinson, recently principal of the high school of

Springfield, Massachusetts, who was selected by the commission

for that purpose before their arrival in Manila.

"Before the 1st of September a board of officers had been

engaged upon the revision of the tariff for the islands in the

light of such criticisms and suggestions as had been made

regarding the old tariff. The commission has considered the

report of this board, and after full public hearings of

business interests in the island has formulated a tariff law

which has been transmitted to the Department. … A

civil-service board has been constituted by the commission

[see, in this volume, CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900). They

have secured from the United States Civil Service Commission

the experienced and capable services of Mr. Frank M. Kiggins,

and a civil-service law has been enacted by the commission

providing for the application of the merit system to

appointments in the island."

United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,

November 30, 1900, pages 25-27.

A report by the Commission, dated November 30, was received at

Washington late in January, 1901. Of the legislative work on

which it entered September 1st, and which, at the time of

reporting, it had prosecuted during three months, the

Commission speaks as follows:

"It adopted the policy of passing no laws, except in cases of

emergency, without publishing them in the daily press after

they had passed a second reading, and giving to the public an

opportunity to come before the Commission and suggest

objections or amendments to the bills. The Commission has

likewise adopted as part of its regular procedure the

submission of all proposed bills to the Military Governor for

his consideration and comment before enactment. We think that

the holding of public sessions furnishes instructive lessons

to the people, as it certainly secures to the Commission a

means of avoiding mistakes. … The Commission has now passed

forty-seven laws of more or less importance. … A municipal

code has been prepared and forwarded to you for the

consideration of one or two critical matters, and has not yet

been adopted, pending your consideration of it. A tariff bill

… has been prepared. … A judicial and civil procedure bill is

nearly completed. The same thing is true of a bill for

provincial government organization. A new internal tax law

must then be considered. The wealth of this country has

largely been in agricultural lands, and they have been

entirely exempt. This enabled the large landowners to escape

any other taxation than the urbana, a tax which was imposed

upon the rental value of city buildings only, and the cedula

tax, which did not in any case exceed $37.50 (Mexican) a

person. We think that a land tax is to be preferred, but of

this there will be found more detailed discussion below. …

"The only legislation thus far undertaken by the Commission

which bears directly on the conduct of municipal affairs in

the city of Manila is a law regulating the sale of spirituous,

malt, vinous or fermented liquors. It is provided that none of

the so-called native 'wines' [said to be concocted by mixing

alcohol with oils and flavoring extracts] shall be sold except

by holders of native wine licenses, and that such holders

shall not be allowed to sell intoxicants of any other sort

whatever. … The selling of native wines to soldiers of the

United States under any circumstances is strictly prohibited,

because the soldiers are inclined to indulge in those

injurious beverages to excess, with disastrous results. … The

Filipino ordinarily uses them moderately, if at all.

Fortunately, he does not, to any considerable extent, frequent

the American saloon. With a view to preventing his being

attracted there, the playing of musical instruments or the

operation of any gambling device, phonograph, slot machine,

billiard or pool table or other form of amusement in saloons,

bars or drinking places is prohibited."

The report of the Commission urged strongly the establishing

of a purely civil government in the Islands, for reasons thus

stated: "The restricted powers of a military government are

painfully apparent in respect to mining claims and the

organization of railroad, banking and other corporations and

the granting of franchises generally. It is necessary that

there be some body or officer vested with legislative

authority to pass laws which shall afford opportunity to

capital to make investment here. This is the true and most

lasting method of pacification. Now the only corporations here

are of Spanish or English origin with but limited concessions,

and American capital finds itself completely obstructed.

{395}

Such difficulties would all be removed by the passage of the

Spooner bill now pending in both houses.

See below: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

The far reaching effect upon the feeling of the people of

changing the military government to one purely civil, with the

Army as merely auxiliary to the administration of civil law,

cannot be too strongly emphasized. Military methods in

administering quasi-civil government, however successful in

securing efficiency and substantial justice, are necessarily

abrupt and in appearance arbitrary, even when they are those

of the Army of the Republic; and until a civil government is

established here it will be impossible for the people of the

Philippine Islands to realize the full measure of the

difference between a government under American sovereignty and

one under that of Spain."

Another subject of great importance dealt with in the November

report of the Commission was that concerning the employment of

native troops and police, on which it was said: "The question

as to whether native troops and a native constabulary are at

present practicable has received much thought and a careful

investigation by the Commission. … We have sought and obtained

the opinions of a large number of Regular and volunteer officers

of all rank, having their fields of operation in all parts of

the islands, and there appears to be a general consensus of

opinion among them that the time is ripe for these

organizations, and this is also our conclusion. Assuming that

Congress at its next session will provide for an increase of

the Regular Army, it by no means follows that a large part

thereof will, or should, be stationed here permanently.

Considerations of public policy and economy alike forbid such

a programme, nor in our judgment is it necessary.

"While the American soldier is unsurpassed in war, as it is

understood among civilized people, he does not make the best

policeman, especially among a people whose language and

customs are new and strange to him, and in our opinion should

not be put to that use when, as we believe, a better

substitute is at hand. We therefore earnestly urge the

organization of ten regiments of native troops of infantry and

cavalry, the proportion between the two arms of the service to

be fixed by competent military judges. These troops should in

the main be officered by Americans. Certainly this should be

the case as to their field officers and company commanders.

Lieutenants might be Filipinos, judicially selected, and

provision might be made for their promotion in the event of

faithful or distinguished service.

"We further recommend that a comprehensive scheme of police

organization be put in force as rapidly as possible; that it

be separate and distinct from the army, having for its head an

officer of rank and pay commensurate with the importance of

the position, with a sufficient number of assistants and

subordinates to exercise thorough direction and control. This

organization should embrace every township in the islands, and

should be so constituted that the police of several contiguous

townships could be quickly mobilized. The chief officers of

this organization should be Americans, but some of the

subordinate officers should be natives, with proper provision

for their advancement as a reward for loyal and efficient

services. The main duty of the police would, of course, be to

preserve the peace and maintain order in their respective

townships, but occasion would, no doubt, frequently arise when

it would be necessary to utilize the forces of several

townships against large bands of ladrones."

With regard to the organization of municipal government in the

townships (pueblos) of the Islands the report of the

Commission says, in part: "The 'pueblos' of these islands

sometimes include a hundred or more square miles. They are

divided into so-called 'barrios' or wards, which are often

very numerous and widely separated. In order that the

interests of the inhabitants of each ward may be represented

in the Council, on the one hand, and that the body may not

become so numerous as to be unwieldy, on the other, it is

provided that the Councillors shall be few in number (eighteen

to eight, according to the number of inhabitants), and shall

be elected at large; that where the wards are more numerous

than are the Councillors the wards shall be grouped into

districts, and that one Councillor shall be in charge of each

ward or district, with power to appoint a representative from

among the inhabitants of every ward thus assigned to him, so

that he may the more readily keep in touch with conditions in

that portion of the township which it is his duty to supervise

and represent. …

"In order to meet the situation presented by the fact that a

number of the pueblos have not as yet been organized since the

American occupation, while some two hundred and fifty others

are organized under a comparatively simple form of government

and fifty-five under a much more complicated form on which the

new law is based, the course of procedure which must be

followed in order to bring these various towns under the

provisions of the new law has been prescribed in detail, and

every effort has been made to provide against unnecessary

friction in carrying out the change.

"In view of the disturbed conditions which still prevail in

some parts of the archipelago it has been provided that the

military government should be given control of the appointment

and arming of the municipal police and that in all provinces

where civil provincial government has not been established by

the Commission the duties of the Provincial Governor,

Provincial Treasurer and Provincial 'Fiscal' (prosecuting

attorney) shall be performed by military officers assigned by

the Military Governor for these purposes. It has been further

provided that in these provinces the Military Governor shall

have power through such subordinates as he may designate for

the purpose to inspect and investigate at any time all the

official books and records of the several municipalities, and

to summarily suspend any municipal officer for inefficiency,

misconduct or disloyalty to the United States. If upon

investigation it shall prove that the suspended officer is

guilty, the Military Governor has power to remove him and to

appoint his successor, should he deem such a course necessary

in the interest of public safety. It is thought that where the

necessity still exists for active intervention on the part of

the Military Governor it will ordinarily be desirable to allow

the towns to retain their existing organization until such

time as conditions shall improve; but, should it prove

necessary or desirable in individual instances to put the new

law into operation in such provinces, it is felt that the

above provisions will give to the Military Governor ample

power to deal with any situation which can arise, and he has

expressed his satisfaction with them.

{396}

"There are at the present time a considerable number of

provinces which, in the judgment of the Commission, are ready

for a provincial civil government. It is believed that in the

majority of cases it will be possible to organize all the

municipalities of a province, creating at the same time a

civil provincial government. So soon as civil government is

established in any province, power to remove officials for

inefficiency, misconduct or disloyalty, and, should public

safety demand it, to fill the offices thus made vacant, is

vested in the civil authorities. The law does not apply to the

city of Manila or to the settlements of non-Christian tribes,

because it is believed that in both cases special conditions

require special legislation. The question as to the best

methods of dealing with the non-Christian tribes is one of no

little complexity. The number of these tribes is greatly in

excess of the number of civilized tribes, although the total

number of Mahometans and pagans is much less than the number

of Christianized natives. Still, the non-Christian tribes are

very far from forming an insignificant element of the

population. They differ from each other widely, both in their

present social, moral and intellectual state and in the

readiness with which they adapt themselves to the demands of

modern civilization."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (October).

United States military forces in the Islands.

"At the date of my last annual report there were in the

Philippine Islands 971 officers and 31,344 enlisted men; and

there were en route for service in those islands 546 officers

and 16,553 enlisted men—the latter force being principally in

California. Since that time an additional force ordered to

China was diverted to the Philippine Islands, making a total

of 98,668 men sent to the archipelago. Of this number 15,000

volunteers, first sent to that country in 1898, together with

the sick and disabled, have been returned to the United

States, leaving at the present time in the islands, according

to last report, 2,367 officers and 69,161 enlisted men.

Fifteen hundred men have been left in China to act as a guard

for the American legation in that country and for other

purposes."

United States, Annual Report of Lieutenant-General

Commanding the Army, October 29, 1900.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (November).

The problem of the Spanish Friars.

Two contradictory representations of their work and influence.

Views and recommendations of the United States Commission.

Of the character, work and influence of the Spanish religious

orders in the Philippine Islands there are two diametrically

opposite accounts given by different writers. Both are

represented in two of the quotations below, and those are

followed by extracts from a report made by the United States

Commission, November 30, 1900, on the subject of the problem

they present to the new government of the Islands. The first

writer is condemnatory. He says:

"The better classes [of the Filipinos] have absorbed much of

Spanish civilization in their three-century-old

apprenticeship. They show extraordinary talent for music. The

church of the mother land of Spain is much in evidence among

them. It brought to them its blessings, but also incidentally

a terrible curse. The mendicant orders—the Franciscans, the

Dominicans, the Augustinians, no longer poor preachers,

thinking only of serving, blessing, loving men, but grown

rich, domineering, and, in many cases, sadly corrupt in

morals—ate up the land. They added field to field, house to

house, till there was but little space left for the people.

They charged enormous rents to those who to put bread in their

mouths must till their fields. Just such cause for revolt existed

as that which in France aroused the storm of the great

revolution; the people taxed without mercy, the clergy

untaxed, reaping the benefit. Had the Christ-like St. Francis

of Assisi been endowed with the gift of prophetic vision to

see this gross degeneracy of his followers, more than ever

would he have felt the soundness of his intuition which made

him set his face like flint against the acquisition of any

property by his order. His beloved fair Lady of Poverty would

have seemed to him more beautiful than ever. He would have

been horrified with the knowledge of the cruel rapacity of

monks bearing his name, who, nevertheless, grossly oppressed

the Philippine peasantry in rents and taxes,—the very poor

whom St. Francis founded his order to serve.

"Perhaps the most deep-seated cause of Filipino insurrection

against Spanish authority was this unchecked growth of

ignorant, cruel, and oppressive ecclesiasticism. It was this

which weighed most heavily upon the people. It made the mere

question of gaining a livelihood difficult, but especially did

it strangle intellectual and moral growth. It not only

oppressed the Filipinos, but it overawed and dominated the

Spanish authorities. It was the power of the mendicant orders

which drove out the just Condé de Caspe, and later the

well-disposed and clement Blanco, which stimulated and

supported the frightful atrocities of the cruel Polavieja

during the revolution of 1896. Archbishop Nozaleda, a Spanish

monk of the Dominican order, was a leader in urging wholesale

and often wholly unjustifiable arrests, which were succeeded

by the torture and execution of hundreds of persons. It is

difficult for a mind reared in the freedom and culture of

modern Europe, or still freer America, to realize the horrible

excesses and actual mediæval cruelties which were committed in

the prisons of Manila and elsewhere in the islands upon Filipino

insurgents, or those accused of being in league with them,

during the revolution of 1896. The actual story of these

things as it is unfolded, not only from Filipino sources, but

from the Spanish archives of Manila, is like a scene evoked

from the long-buried and forgotten past in the middle ages.

Indeed, the only intelligible interpretation of events which

cast shame on the name of Spanish authority and Spanish

Christianity is found by reflecting that affairs in the

Philippines, just previous to the battle of Manila, were

controlled by ideas and forces which existed generally in

Europe previous to the Reformation,—ideas which slowly

retreated before the dawn of the new learning and the

liberation of the individual conscience."

H. Welsh,

The Other Man's Country,

chapter 1 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company).

{397}

In the other view there is an appeal to results which cannot

easily be divested of force. They are set forth in the

following:

"The ideals of civilization for the Spanish missionary priests

in the Philippines were substantially the same as those of

Bacon and Raleigh, of the founders of New England and the

founders of New York. In the mind of all, a civilized people

was one which lived under settled laws by steady labor, which

was more or less acquainted with the material progress made

amongst the races of Europe, and, as all would say, which was

Christian. The Spanish friars undertook the task of giving

such a civilization to the Malays of the Philippines, and no

other body of men of any race or any faith have accomplished

what they have done. A task of somewhat similar kind has been

attempted by others in our own day in the name of Christian

civilization but not the Catholic Church. Hawaii has been

under control of missionaries from New England for

seventy-five years more completely than the Philippines were

ever under that of the Spanish friars. The native kings

adopted the new creed and enforced its adoption on their

subjects by vigorous corporal punishments. The missionaries

were abundantly supplied with such resources of civilization

as money could buy, and they have grown wealthy on their

mission; but what has been the fate of the natives? They have

dwindled in numbers to a fourth of what they were when Messrs.

Bingham and Thurston entered their islands, their lands have

been taken by strangers, their government overthrown by brute

force, and the scanty remnant has dropped the religion imposed

on them. In the Philippines in a hundred and forty years a

million of Catholic natives has grown seven fold. In Hawaii

under missioners of the world's manufacture a hundred and

forty thousand of the same race has shrunk to thirty-eight

thousand. Have the promises of the Spanish friars or those of

the American ministers been the most truthfully kept? The

actual condition of the Catholic population formed by the work

of the religious orders should not be judged by the excesses

which have marked the present revolution. Many old Christian

nations have gone through similar experiences. It would be as

unreasonable to judge the Christianity of France by the Reign

of Terror as to condemn the Filipino population for the

atrocities sanctioned by Aguinaldo. The mass of the country

population has taken no part in these deeds of blood which are

the work of a small number of political adventurers and

aspirants for office by any means. Until lately revolutionary

disturbance was unknown in the Philippines. During three

centuries there was only one serious Indian rebellion, that of

Silan, in the province of Illocos, at the time of the English

invasion. The Spanish military force was always too small to

hold the islands had there been any real disaffection to the

Government. The whole force at Manila in the present war, as

given by General Otis, was only fifty-six hundred, and about

as many more represented the entire Spanish force among a

population of seven millions.

"The disposition of the Catholic Filipinos is essentially law

abiding. One of the friars lately driven from the islands by

the revolution assured the writer that in Panay, an island

with a population of half a million, a murder did not occur

more often than once or twice in a year. In our own country

last year the proportion was more than fifty times as great.

There is no forced labor as in the Dutch Indian colonies to

compel the native Filipinos to work, yet they support

themselves in content without any of the famines so common in

India under the boasted rule of civilized England. A sure

evidence of material prosperity is the growth of the

population, and of its religion a fair test is the proportion

of Catholic marriages, baptisms and religious interments to

the whole number. The proportion of marriages in 1806 to the

population among the natives administered by the friars was

one to every hundred and twenty, which is higher than England,

Germany, or any European country. The number of baptisms

exceeded the deaths by more than two and a half per cent, a

greater proportion than in our own land. Compare this with

Hawaii and one feels what a farce is the promise of increased

prosperity held out by the American Press as the result of the

expulsion of the Spanish friars. It is not easy to compare

accurately the intellectual development of the Catholic

Filipinos with American or European standards. The ideals of

civilization of the Catholic missioners were different from

those popular with English statesmen and their American

admirers. The friars did not believe that the accumulation of

wealth was the end of civilization, but the support of a large

population in fair comfort. There are no trusts and few

millionaires in the islands, but their population is six times

greater than that of California after fifty years of American

government. The test so often applied of reading and writing

among the population finds the Filipinos fairly up to the

standard of Europe at least. Of highly educated men the

proportion is not so large as in Europe, but it is not

inconsiderable, and neither in science nor in literature are

the descendants of the Malay pirates unrepresented in their

remote islands. The native languages have developed no

important literature of their own, but they have a fair supply

of translations from Spanish works in history, poetry, and

philosophy. In that they are superior to the Hindoo of British

India, though spoken by nearly a hundred millions. These are

facts that throw a strange light on the real meaning of

civilization as planted by the Spanish friars among a

barbarian race. Compare them with the fate of the Indian races

on our own territory and say what benefit the Filipinos may

expect from the advent of 'Anglo-Saxon' civilization."

Bryan J. Clinch

(American Catholic Quarterly Review,

volume 24, page 15).

These opposing views are suggestive of the seriousness of the

problem which the subject offers to the new authority in the

Philippines. The American Commission now studying such

problems in those islands has presented its first views

concerning the Spanish friars in a lengthy report, written by

Judge Taft, and transmitted to Washington as part of the

general report of the Commission, bearing date November 30,

1900. The passages quoted below contain what is most essential

in the interesting document:

"Ordinarily, the Government of the United States and its

servants have little or no concern with religious societies or

corporations and their members. With us, the Church is so

completely separated from the State that it is difficult to

imagine cases in which the policy of a Church in the selection

of its ministers and the assignment of them to duty can be

regarded as of political moment, or as a proper subject of

comment in the report of a public officer.

{398}

In the pacification of the Philippines by our Government,

however, it is impossible to ignore the very great part which

such a question plays. Excepting the Moros, who are Moslems,

and the wild tribes, who are pagans, the Philippine people

belong to the Roman Catholic Church. The total number of

Catholic souls shown by the Church registry in 1898 was

6,559,998. To care for these in that year there were in the

archipelago 746 regular parishes, 105 mission parishes and 116

missions, or 967 in all. Of the regular parishes all save 150

were administered by Spanish monks of the Dominican,

Augustinian, or Franciscan orders. Natives were not admitted

to these orders. There were two kinds of Augustinians in these

islands, the shod and the unshod. The latter are called

Recolletos, and are merely an offshoot from the original order

of St. Augustine.

"By the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 against Spain, all the

Dominicans, Augustinians, Recolletos, and Franciscans acting

as parish priests were driven from their parishes to take

refuge in Manila. Forty were killed and 403 were imprisoned,

and were not all released until by the advance of the American

troops it became impossible for the insurgents to retain them.

Of the 1,124 who were in the islands in 1896, only 472 remain.

The remainder were either killed or died, returned to Spain,

or went to China or South America. There were also in the

islands engaged in missions and missionary parishes, 42

Jesuits, 16 Capuchins, and six Benedictines, and while many of

these left their missions because of disturbed conditions they

do not seem to have been assaulted or imprisoned for any

length of time. In addition to the members of the monastic

orders, there were 150 native secular clergymen in charge of

small parishes who were not disturbed. There were also many

native priests in the larger parishes who assisted the friar

curates and they have remained, and they have been and are

acting as parish priests. The burning political question,

discussion of which strongly agitates the people of the

Philippines, is whether the members of the four great orders

of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis, and the Recolletos

shall return to the parishes from which they were driven by

the revolution. Colloquially the term 'friars' includes the

members of these four orders. The Jesuits, Capuchins,

Benedictines, and the Paulists, of whom there are a few

teachers here, have done only mission work or teaching, and

have not aroused the hostility existing against the four large

orders to which we are now about to refer. …

"The truth is that the whole government of Spain in these

islands rested on the friars. To use the expression of the

Provincial of the Augustinians, the friars were 'the pedestal,

or foundation, of the sovereignty of Spain in these islands,'

which being removed, 'the whole structure would topple over.'

… Once settled in a parish, a priest usually continued there

until superannuation. He was, therefore, a constant political

factor for a generation. The same was true of the Archbishop

and the bishops. The civil and military officers of Spain in

the island were here for not longer than four years, and more

often for a less period. The friars, priests, and bishops,

therefore, constituted a solid, powerful, permanent, well

organized political force in the islands which dominated

policies. The stay of those officers who attempted to pursue a

course at variance with that deemed wise by the orders was

invariably shortened by monastic influence. Of the four great

orders, one, the Franciscans, is not permitted to own

property, except convents and schools. This is not true of the

other three. They own some valuable business property in

Manila, and have large amounts of money to lend. But the chief

property of these orders is in agricultural land. The total

amount owned by the three orders in the Philippines is

approximately 403,000 acres. Of this 121,000 acres is in the

Province of Cavité alone. The whole is distributed as follows:

Cavité, Province of Luzon, 121,747 acres; Laguna, Province of

Luzon, 62,172 acres; Manila, Province of Luzon, 50,145;

Bulacan, Province of Luzon, 39,341; Morong, Province of Luzon,

4,940; Bataan, Province of Luzon, 1,000; Cagayan, Province of

Luzon, 49,400; Island of Cebu, 16,413; Island of Mindoro,

58,455. Total, 403,713. …

"It cannot admit of contradiction that the autocratic power

which each friar curate exercised over the people and civil

officials of his parish gave them a most plausible ground for

belief that nothing of injustice, of cruelty, of oppression,

of narrowing restraint of liberty, was imposed on them for

which the friar was not entirely responsible. His sacerdotal

functions were not in their eyes the important ones, except as

they enabled him to clinch and make more complete his civil

and political control. The revolutions against Spain's

sovereignty began as movements against the friars. … Having in

view these circumstances, the statement of the bishops and friars

that the mass of the people in these islands, except only a

few of the leading men of each town and the native clergy, are

friendly to them cannot be accepted as accurate. All the evidence

derived from every source but the friars themselves shows

clearly that the feeling of hatred for the friars is well nigh

universal and permeates all classes. In the provinces of

Cavité, Laguna, and Bulacan, as well as in the country

districts of Manila, the political feeling against the friars

has in it also an element of agrarianism. For generations the

friars have been lords of these immense manors, upon which,

since 1880, they have paid no taxes, while every 'hombre'

living on them paid his cedula, worked out a road tax, and, if

he were in business of any kind, paid his industrial impost. …

"In the light of these considerations it is not wonderful that

the people should regard the return of the friars to their

parishes as a return to the conditions existing before the

revolution. The common people are utterly unable to appreciate

that under the sovereignty of the United States the position

of the friar as curate would be different from that under

Spain. This is not a religious question, though it concerns

the selection of religious ministers for religious

communities. The Philippine people love the Catholic Church. …

The depth of their feeling against the friars may be measured

by the fact that it exists against those who until two years

ago administered the sacraments of the Church upon which they

feel so great dependence and for which they have so profound a

respect. The feeling against the friars is solely political.

The people would gladly receive as ministers of the Roman

Catholic religion any save those who are to them the

embodiment of all in the Spanish rule that was hateful.

{399}

If the friars return to their parishes, though only under the

same police protection which the American Government is bound

to extend to any other Spanish subjects in these islands, the

people will regard it as the act of that Government. They have

so long been used to have every phase of their conduct regulated

by governmental order that the coming again of the friars will

be accepted as an executive order to them to receive the

friars as curates with their old, all-absorbing functions. It

is likely to have the same effect on them that the return of

General Weyler under an American Commission as Governor of

Cuba would have had on the people of that island.

"Those who are charged with the duty of pacifying these

islands may therefore properly have the liveliest concern in a

matter which, though on its surface only ecclesiastical, is,

in the most important phase of it, political, and fraught with

the most critical consequences to the peace and good order of

the country, in which it is their duty to set up civil

government. … It is suggested that the friars, if they

returned, would uphold American sovereignty and be efficient

instruments in securing peace and good order, whereas the

native priests who now fill the parishes are, many of them,

active insurgent agents or in strong sympathy with the cause.

It is probably true that a considerable number of the Filipino

priests are hostile to American sovereignty, largely because

they fear that the Catholic Church will deem it necessary, on

the restoration of complete peace, to bring back the friars or

to elevate the moral tone of the priesthood by introducing

priests from America or elsewhere. But it is certain that the

enmity among the people against the American Government caused

by the return of the friars would far outweigh the advantage

of efforts to secure and preserve the allegiance of the people

to American Sovereignty which might be made by priests who are

still subjects of a monarchy with which the American

Government has been lately at war, and who have not the

slightest sympathy with the political principles of civil

liberty which the American Government represents.

"We have set forth the facts upon this important issue because

we do not think they ought to be or can be ignored. We

earnestly hope that those who control the policy of the

Catholic Church in these islands with the same sagacity and

prevision which characterize all its important policies, will

see that it would be most unfortunate for the Philippine

Islands, for the Catholic Church and for the American

Government to attempt to send back the friars, and that some

other solution of the difficulties should be found. … The

friars have large property interests in these islands which

the United States Government is bound by treaty obligations

and by the law of its being to protect. It is natural and

proper that the friars should feel a desire to remain where so

much of their treasure is. … It would avoid some very

troublesome agrarian disturbances between the friars and their

quondam tenants if the Insular Government could buy these

large haciendas of the friars, and sell them out in small

holdings to the present tenants, who, forgiven for the rent

due during the two years of war, would recognize the title of

the Government without demur, and gladly accept an

opportunity, by payment of the price in small instalments, to

become absolute owners of that which they and their ancestors

have so long cultivated. With the many other calls upon the

insular treasury a large financial operation like this could

probably not be conducted to a successful issue without the

aid of the United States Government, either by a direct loan

or by a guaranty of bonds to be issued for the purpose. The

bonds or loans could be met gradually from the revenues of the

islands, while the proceeds of the land, which would sell

readily, could be used to constitute a school fund. This

object, if declared, would make the plan most popular, because

the desire for education by the Filipinos of all tribes is

very strong, and gives encouraging promise of the future

mental development of a now uneducated and ignorant people.

The provincials of the orders were understood in their

evidence to intimate a willingness on the part of the orders

to sell their agricultural holdings if a satisfactory price

should be paid. What such a price would be we are unable

without further investigation to state. If an agreement could

not be reached it is probable, though upon this we express no

definite opinion, that there would be ground in the

circumstances for a resort to condemnation proceedings."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

Act of the United States Congress increasing army and

authorizing the enlistment of native troops.

Rejection of the proviso of Senator Hoar.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (February-March).

Congressional grant of military, civil and judicial

powers for the government of the Islands to persons whom the

President may appoint.

The so-called "Spooner Amendment."

During the first session of the 56th Congress the following

bill was introduced in the U. S. Senate by Mr. Spooner, of

Wisconsin, but received no action:

"Be it enacted, etc., That when all insurrection against the

sovereignty and authority of the United States in the

Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty

concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, shall

have been completely suppressed by the military and naval

forces of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial

powers necessary to govern the said islands shall, until

otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and

persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the

President of the United States shall direct for maintaining

and protecting the inhabitants of said islands in the free

enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion."

Half the following session of Congress passed before any

disposition to take the action proposed by Senator Spooner was

shown. Then the matter was brought to notice and pressed by

the following communication to the Secretary of War, from the

Commission in the Philippines:

"If you approve, ask transmission to proper Senators and

Representatives of following: Passage of Spooner bill at

present session greatly needed to secure best result from

improving conditions. Until its passage no purely central

civil government can be established, no public franchises of

any kind granted, and no substantial investment of private

capital in internal improvements possible." This was repeated

soon afterwards more urgently by cable in the message

following:

{400}

"Sale of public lands and allowance of mining claims

impossible until Spooner bill. Hundreds of American miners on

ground awaiting law to perfect claims. More coming. Good

element in pacification. Urgently recommend amendment Spooner

bill so that its operation be not postponed until complete

suppression of all insurrection, but only until in President's

judgment civil government may be safely established."

The request of the Philippine Commission, endorsed by the

Secretary of War, was communicated to Congress by the

President, who said in doing so: "I earnestly recommend

legislation under which the government of the islands may have

authority to assist in their peaceful industrial development."

Thereupon the subject was taken up in Congress, not as

formulated in Senator Spooner's bill of the previous session,

but in the form of an amendment to the Army Appropriation

Bill, then pending in the Senate. The amendment, as submitted

to discussion in the Senate on the 25th of February, 1901, was

in the following terms:

"All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern

the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaties

concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, and at

Washington on the 7th day of November, 1900, shall, until

otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and

persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the President

of the United States shall direct, for the establishment of

civil government and for maintaining and protecting the

inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their

liberty, property, and religion: Provided, That all franchises

granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation

of the right to alter, amend, or repeal the same. Until a

permanent government shall have been established in said

archipelago full reports shall be made to Congress, on or

before the first day of each regular session, of all

legislative acts and proceedings of the temporary government

instituted under the provisions hereof, and full reports of

the acts and doings of said government and as to the condition

of the archipelago and its people shall be made to the

President, including all information which may be useful to

the Congress in providing for a more permanent government."

Strenuous opposition was made, firstly to the hasty grafting

of so profoundly important a measure of legislation on an

appropriation bill, and secondly to the measure itself, as

being a delegation of powers to the President which did

violence to the Constitution and to all the precedents and

principles of the American government, and also as having

objects which would not only do flagrant wrong to the people

of the Philippine Islands, but bring dishonor on those of the

United States. The military authority already exercised by the

President in the Philippines sufficed fully, it was contended,

for every purpose of temporary or provisional government

there, except in its lack of ability to grant franchises and

to dispose of the public lands. Hence it was freely charged

that the controlling influences which pressed this measure on

the government came from capitalists and speculators who were

reaching after valuable franchises, mining rights and land

grants in the archipelago. Said Senator Daniel in the debate:

"So far as any legislation which looks forward to the opening

of the way to civil government may be involved to the

softening of the conditions which exist, to the amelioration

of the distresses which are upon the Philippine people, I

would give most cheerful acquiescence. But because we desire

to do these things in a good spirit, in a resolute and

patriotic spirit, let us not permit the provocation of

difficult conditions to lead us into enacting any kind of

provision of law that is not necessary to these ends. Let us

not undertake to give to the President of the United States

any power of disposing of the permanent assets of the

Philippine people; let us not put him in the attitude of being

a franchise giver or a franchise seller or a franchise lessor.

The franchises of those islands—their rivers, their ferries,

their streets, their roads, the thousand and one privileges

which are granted by public authority—are as important and as

valuable to that people and as permanently associated with

their happiness and their prosperity as are their fields or

their mines or their fisheries or anything else which belongs

to their country. … It is true there is the reservation of the

right to alter, amend, or repeal, but while that is legally

broad enough for any remedial legislation whatsoever to

follow, we know that practically it is of very small

consequence. If capital goes in and invests itself in

improvements which are in themselves of a permanent nature, if

railroads are constructed, telegraph lines run, telephones

established, ferries built, steamers and boats, gas

establishments, electrical establishments—if those things are

disposed of, the man who once gets in will never be gotten

out. In all such affairs possession is nine points of the law

before they get into court, where it is generally made the

tenth."

Senator Hoar called attention "to the fact that the report of

the Taft commission urges that power be given to sell the

public lands at once, as it is necessary for their

development, and a large amount of capital is there now

clamoring to be invested," and he remarked: "So I suppose that

one of the chief purposes of this is that the public lands in

the Philippine Islands may be sold before the people of the

islands have any chance whatever to have a voice in their

sale." He then quoted the following passages from the report

of the Taft commission:

"The commission has received a sufficient number of

applications for the purchase of public land to know that

large amounts of American capital are only awaiting the

opportunity to invest in the rich agricultural field which may

here be developed. In view of the decision that the military

government has no power to part with the public land belonging

to the United States, and that the power rests alone in

Congress, it becomes very essential, to assist the development

of these islands and their prosperity, that Congressional

authority be vested in the government of the islands to adopt

a proper public-land system, and to sell the land upon proper

terms. There should, of course, be restrictions preventing the

acquisition of too large quantities by any individual or

corporation, but those restrictions should only be imposed

after giving due weight to the circumstances that capital can

not be secured for the development of the islands unless the

investment may be sufficiently great to justify the

expenditure of large amounts for expensive machinery and

equipments.

{401}

Especially is this true in the cultivation of sugar land. …

Restricted powers of a military government referred to in

discussing the public lands are also painfully apparent in

respect to mining claims and the organization of railroad,

banking, and other corporations, and the granting of

franchises generally. It is necessary that there be some body

or officer vested with legislative authority to pass laws

which shall afford opportunity to capital to make investment

here. This is the true and most lasting method of

pacification." "In other words," said Senator Hoar, "the

leading, principal, bald proposal on which this amendment

rests is that before those 10,000,000 people are allowed any

share in their own government whatever their property is to be

sold by Americans to Americans in large quantities, as on the

whole the best means of pacification—that the best way to

pacify a man is to have one foreign authority to sell his

property and another to buy it." An amendment to the

amendment, offered by Senator Bacon, reserving to Congress the

right to annul any grant or concession made, or any law

enacted, by any governmental authority created under the

powers proposed to be conferred on the President; another

offered, by Senator Vest, providing that "no judgment, order,

nor act by any of said officials so appointed shall conflict

with the Constitution and laws of the United States," and

still others of somewhat kindred aims, were voted down; but

the influence of Senator Hoar prevailed with the Senate so far

as to induce its acceptance of the following important

modification of the so-called "Spooner Amendment":

"Provided, That no sale or lease or other disposition of the

public land, or the timber thereon, or the mining rights

therein, shall be made: And provided further, That no

franchise shall be granted which is not approved by the

President of the United States, and is not, in his judgment,

clearly necessary for the immediate government of the islands

and indispensable for the interests of the people thereof, and

which can not, without great public mischief, be postponed

until the establishment of a permanent civil government, and

all such franchises shall terminate one year after the

establishment of such civil government."

With this proviso added, the "Spooner amendment" was adopted

by the Senate on the 26th of February (yeas 45, nays 27, not

voting 16), and agreed to by the House on the 1st of March

(yeas 161, nays 136, not voting 56).

Congressional Record,

February 25-March 1, 1901.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March).

Organization of provincial governments.

Establishment of a department of public education.

Proposed tariff.

Date fixed for cessation of military regime.

On the 3d of March, the President of the Philippine

Commission, Judge Taft, addressed a cable despatch to the U.

S. Secretary of War in which he reported: "Commission has last

three weeks organized five provincial governments—Pampanga,

Pangasinan, Tarlac, Bulacan, Bataan—last two are Tagalog

provinces. Attended each provincial capital in a body; met by

appointment Presidentes, Councillors, and principal men of

towns; explained provisions general provincial act and special

bill for particular province and invited discussion natives

present of both bills. Conventions thus held very

satisfactory; amendments suggested, considered, special bills

enacted, appointments followed. … In three large provinces

natives appointed provisional Governors. In Bataan, on

petition, eight out of nine towns, volunteer officer

appointed. In Tarlac feeling between loyal factions required

appointment American. … In compliance with urgent native

invitations leave March 11 for south to organize provinces

Tayabas, Romblon, Iloilo, Capiz, Zamboanga, such others are

ready. Returning shall organize Zambales, Union, Cagayan,

Ilocos Norte. Military Governor has recommended organization

Batangas, Cavité, Laguna, Nueva Ecija, but shall delay action

as to these until return from northern and southern trips."

On the 18th of March it was announced from Washington that a

number of recent Acts of the Philippine Commission had been

received at the War Department, among them one which

establishes a general department of public instruction, with a

central office at Manila, under the direction of a general

superintendent, to be appointed by the commission, at a salary

of $6,000 a year. "Schools are to be established in every

pueblo in the archipelago where practicable, and those already

established shall be reorganized where necessary. There are to

be ten school divisions in the archipelago, each with a

division superintendent, and there is to be a superior

advisory board, composed of the general superintendent and

four members to be appointed by the Philippine Commission, to

consider the general subject of education in the islands and

make regulations. The English language, as soon as

practicable, shall be made the basis of all public

instruction, and soldiers may be detailed as instructors until

replaced by trained teachers. Authority is given to the general

superintendent to obtain from the United States 1,000 trained

teachers, at salaries of not less than $75 nor more than $100

a month, the exact salary to be fixed according to the

efficiency of the teacher. The act provides that no teacher or

other person "shall teach or criticise the doctrines of any

church, religious sect or denomination or shall attempt to

influence the pupils for or against any church or religious

sect in any public school." Violation of this section is made

punishable by summary dismissal from the public service. It is

provided, however, that it may be lawful for the priest or

minister of the pueblo where the school is situated to teach

religion for half an hour three times a week in the school

building to pupils whose parents desire it. But if any priest,

minister or religious teacher use this opportunity "for the

purpose of arousing disloyalty to the United States or of

discouraging the attendance of pupils or interfering with the

discipline of schools," the division superintendent may forbid

such offending priest from entering the school building

thereafter. The act also provides for a normal school at

Manila for the education of natives in the science of

teaching. It appropriates $400,000 for school buildings,

$220,000 for text books and other supplies for the current

calendar year, $25,000 for the normal school, $15,000 for the

organization and maintenance of a trade school in Manila and

the same amount for a school of agriculture.

{402}

The new tariff for the Islands, which the Commission had been

long engaged in framing, was submitted, in March, to the

government at Washington for approval. "In his letter of

transmittal Judge Taft says that the proposed bill follows

largely the classification of the Cuban tariff, 'but has been

considerably expanded by the introduction of articles

requiring special treatment here by reason of different

surroundings and greater distance from the markets.' Judge

Taft says also that the disposition of the business interests

of the islands is to accept any tariff the commission

proposes, provided only that the duties are specific and not

ad valorem. The question of revenue was kept steadily in view

in the preparation of the schedules, but it was not the only

consideration. Raw materials of Philippine industries, tools,

implements and machinery of production, materials of

transportation, the producers and transmitters of power and

food products are taxed as lightly as possible. … Export

duties are levied on only six articles—hemp, indigo, rice,

sugar, cocoanuts, fresh or as copra, and tobacco. The free

list admits natural mineral waters, trees, shoots and plants,

gold, copper and silver ores, fresh fruits, garden produce,

eggs, milk, ice and fresh meat, except poultry and game. There

is also a list of articles conditionally free of duty. The

importation of explosives is prohibited, but that of firearms

is not."

It is announced from Washington that "Judge Taft and General

MacArthur have agreed upon July 1 as the date for the

establishment of civil government in the Philippines. The

military regime in the islands will therefore cease on June

30, when General Chaffee will relieve General MacArthur of the

command, and Governor Taft will be inaugurated the next day

with considerable ceremony."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March-April).

Capture of Aguinaldo.

His oath of allegiance to the United States.

His address to his countrymen, counselling peace.

A stratagem, executed with great daring by General Funston of

the American forces, accomplished the capture of the Filipino

leader, Aguinaldo, on the 23d of March. From intercepted

correspondence, it had been learned that Aguinaldo, then

occupying his headquarters at Palanan, Isabela Province, was

expecting to be joined by some riflemen, whom his brother had

been ordered to send to him from central Luzon. On this,

General Funston conceived the plan of equipping a number of

native troops who should pass themselves off as the expected

reinforcements, several American officers going with them

ostensibly as prisoners, the hope being that Aguinaldo might

thus be reached and taken by surprise. General MacArthur

approved the scheme, and it was carried out with success. The

party was made up of 78 Macabebe scouts, four Tagalogs who had

formerly been officers in the insurgent army, and General

Funston, Captain Newton, Lieutenants Hazzard and Mitchel, who

acted the part of prisoners. They were taken by gunboat from

Cavite to a point above Baler, whence they made their way on

foot, sending a message in advance that the expected

reinforcements were on the way and had captured some prisoners

en route. The following brief narrative of what occurred

subsequently is taken from a newspaper account of the

expedition:

"For six days the expedition marched over an exceedingly

difficult country, covering 90 miles. When the men reached a

point eight miles from Aguinaldo's camp they were almost

exhausted from lack of food and the fatigue of the march. They

stopped at this place and sent a message to Aguinaldo,

requesting him to send food to them. The ruse thus far had

worked with the greatest success, and on March 22d, when

Aguinaldo sent provisions, it was seen that he did not have

the slightest suspicion. With the food he sent word that the

Americans were not wanted in his camp, but instructing their

supposed captors to treat them kindly. On March 23d the march

was resumed, the Macabebe officers starting an hour ahead of

the main body of the expedition. The 'prisoners,' under guard,

followed them. When the party arrived at Aguinaldo's camp a

bodyguard of 50 riflemen was paraded, and the officers were

received at Aguinaldo's house, which was situated on the

Palanan River. After some conversation with him, in which they

gave the alleged details of their suppositious engagement with

an American force, they made excuses and quietly left the

house. They at once gave orders in an undertone for the

Macabebes to get in position and fire on the bodyguard. The

order was obeyed with the greatest rapidity, and three volleys

were delivered. The insurgents were panic-stricken by the

sudden turn in affairs, and they broke and ran in

consternation. Two of them, however, were killed and eighteen

wounded. Simultaneously with the delivery of the volleys the

American officers rushed into Aguinaldo's house. Major

Alhambra, one of Aguinaldo's staff, had been shot in the face.

He, however, was determined not to be captured and he jumped

from a window into the river and disappeared. Two captains and

four lieutenants made their escape in a similar manner.

Aguinaldo, Colonel Villa, his chief of staff, and Santiago

Barcelona, the insurgent treasurer, did not have time to make

an attempt to get away before General Funston and the others

were upon them, demanding their surrender. Seeing that the

situation was hopeless, they gave themselves up. Aguinaldo was

furious at having been caught, but later he became

philosophical and declared that the ruse by which he had been

captured was the only one which would have proved successful

if the Americans had tried for 20 years. One of the Macabebes

was wounded. The party stayed two days at the camp and then

marched overland to the coast, where the Vicksburg, whose

arrival was excellently timed, picked them up and brought them

back to Manila."

On the 2d of April, a despatch from General MacArthur to the

War Department announced that Aguinaldo, on the advice of

Chief Justice Arellano, had taken the following oath of

allegiance to the United States: "I hereby renounce all

allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary governments

in the Philippine Islands, and recognize and accept the

supreme authority of the United States of America therein; I

do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance

to that government; that I will at all times conduct myself as

a faithful and law abiding citizen of the said islands, and

will not, either directly or indirectly, hold correspondence

with or give intelligence to an enemy of the United States,

nor will I abet, harbor or protect such enemy; that I impose

upon myself these voluntary obligations without any mental

reservations or purpose of evasion, so help me God."

{403}

On the 19th of April, Aguinaldo issued the following address

to his countrymen: "I believe I am not in error in presuming

that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune has led me

is not a surprise to those who have been familiar with the

progress of the war. The lessons taught with a full meaning,

and which have recently come to my knowledge, suggest with

irresistible force that a complete termination of hostilities

and lasting peace are not only desirable, but absolutely

essential to the welfare of the Philippine Islands. The

Filipinos have never been dismayed at their weakness, nor have

they faltered in following the path pointed out by their

fortitude and courage. The time has come, however, in which

they find their advance along this path to be impeded by an

irresistible force, which, while it restrains them, yet

enlightens their minds and opens to them another course,

presenting them the cause of peace. This cause has been

joyfully embraced by the majority of my fellow countrymen who

already have united around the glorious sovereign banner of

the United States. In this banner they repose their trust and

believe that under its protection the Filipino people will

attain all those promised liberties which they are beginning

to enjoy. The country has declared unmistakably in favor of

peace. So be it. There has been enough blood, enough tears and

enough desolation. This wish cannot be ignored by the men

still in arms, if they are animated by a desire to serve our

noble people, which has thus clearly manifested its will. So

do I respect this will, now that it is known to me. After

mature deliberation, I resolutely proclaim to the world that I

cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace,

nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see

their dear ones enjoying the liberty and the promised

generosity of the great American Nation. By acknowledging and

accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the

Philippine Archipelago, as I now do, and without any

reservation whatsoever, I believe that I am serving thee, my

beloved country. May happiness be thine."

PHŒNICIANS, The:

Modified estimates of their influence upon early

European civilization.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

PILLAGER INDIAN OUTBREAK.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

PLAGUE, The Bubonic.

For years the plague has "continued to breed in various inner

parts of Asia, and in 1894, coming from the Chinese province

of Yunnan, it invaded Canton, taking there 60,000 victims in a

few weeks. Thence it spread to Hong Kong, reached next year

the island of Haïnan and Macao, invaded Formosa in 1896, and

in the autumn of the same year appeared at Bombay. In the big

city of India it found all necessary conditions for breeding,

unchecked, for several months in succession: famine,

overcrowding, and the absence of all preventive measures; and

from Bombay it was carried by rail and road, to different

parts of India. … Happily enough, the plague is no longer the

mysterious, revengeful being which it used to be for our

ancestors. Its cause and modes of propagation are well known.

It is an infectious disease with a short period of incubation.

From four to six days after infection takes place, a sudden

loss of forces—often a full prostration, accompanied by a high

fever-sets in. A bubo appears, and soon grows to the size of

an egg. Death soon follows. If not—there is a chance of slow

and painful recovery; but that chance is very small, because

even under the best conditions of nursing, the mortality is

seldom less than four out of each five cases of illness. As to

the means of propagation of the plague, they are many. The

poison may infect a wound or a scratch; it may be ingested in

food; it may be simply inhaled. Dust from an infected house

was sufficient to infect healthy rats; and when healthy rats

were shut up in one cage with unhealthy ones, all caught the

disease and died. Already in 1881 Netten Redcliffe and Dr.

Pichon indicated that before the plague attacks men it

destroys mice and rats. This was fully confirmed in 1894 by

the Japanese and French bacteriologists Kitasato and Yersin,

at Hong Kong, and by Dr. Rennie, of the Chinese Customs, at

Canton. Masses of dead rats were seen in the streets of the

infested parts of Hong Kong, and the keeper of the west gates

of Canton collected and buried 24,000 of these animals. Dr.

Rennie also pointed out that among those inhabitants of Canton

who lived in boats on the river there were no cases of plague,

except a few imported from town, so that even rich Cantonese

took to living in boats; and he explained the immunity of the

boat-dwellers by the absence of infection through rats. The

worst is, however, that swine, and even goats and buffaloes,

snakes and jackals, are attacked by the plague. …

"As soon as the plague broke out at Hong Kong, the great

Japanese bacteriologist Kitasato and the French doctor Yersin,

who is well known for his work with Roux on the serum

treatment of diphtheria, were already on the spot. Yersin

obtained from the English authorities permission to erect a

small straw hut in the yard of the chief hospital, and there

he began his researches. Both Kitasato and Yersin had no

difficulty in ascertaining that the plague buboes teemed with

special bacteria, which had the shape of tiny microscopic

sticklets, thickened at their ends. To isolate these bacteria,

to cultivate them in artificial media, and to ascertain the

deadly effects of these cultures upon animals, was soon done

by such masters in bacteriology as Kitasato and Yersin. The

cause of the plague was thus discovered. It was evident that

infected rats and swine—especially swine with the Chinese, who

keep them in their houses—were spreading the disease, in

addition to men themselves. The same bacteria teemed in the

dead animals. As to men, the discharges from their buboes, and

even, in many cases, their expectorations, were full of plague

bacteria. Besides, Yersin soon noticed that in his

'laboratory,' where he was dissecting animals killed by the

plague, the flies died in numbers. He found that they were

infested with the same bacteria, and carried them about:

inoculations of bacteria obtained from the flies at once

provoked the plague in guinea-pigs. Ants, gnats, and other

insects may evidently spread infection in the same way, while

in and round the infested houses the soil is impregnated with

the same bacteria. As soon as the pest microbe became known,

experiments were begun, at the Paris Institut Pasteur, for

finding the means to combat it; and in July 1895 Yersin,

Calmette, and Borel could already announce that some very

promising results had been obtained."

P. Kropotkin,

Recent Science

(Nineteenth Century, July, 1897).

{404}

Of the first appearance of the plague in India, at Bombay, and

the early stages of its spread in that country, the Viceroy,

Lord Elgin, made the following report to the Secretary of

State for India, on the 27th of January, 1897: "The first

official intimation of the outbreak which reached us was in a

telegram from the Government of Bombay, dated the 29th

September 1896. The disease was then reported to be of a mild

type, and at first it showed no tendency to increase. …

Throughout the months of October and November the disease made

little or no progress, and the number of deaths reported a day

averaged nine. Early in December there was a marked increase,

and the number of deaths reported daily from the 2nd to the

23rd (inclusive) was about 32. From the 24th December onwards

there was another marked increase, and the number of deaths

reported from that date to the 14th January (inclusive)

averaged about 51. The next week shows a further increase, the

reported number of deaths averaging 74 a day. The total number

of deaths reported during October was 276; during November,

268; during December, 1,160; and from the 1st to the 25th

January, 1,444. The total number of deaths reported from the

beginning of the outbreak thus amounts to 3,148. We have

reason to fear that all deaths from the plague have not been

reported as such, and that the true mortality from the disease

is higher than is shown by the above figures. … For a

considerable time, except for a few imported cases in some

towns in Gujarat, the outbreak was confined to Bombay itself,

but on the 23rd of December we learnt from the Government of

Bombay that the plague had broken out in Karachi. … The total

number of deaths that have been reported in Karachi, from the

beginning of the outbreak up to the 24th January, is 608. It

will be observed that the disease has been very malignant in

Karachi, and that almost all the cases reported have been

fatal. As soon as the Surgeon General with the Government of

Bombay reported to that Government that he had seen cases of a

mild type of bubonic plague in the city, preventive measures

were adopted and a Committee of medical experts were appointed

to report on the disease and the situation. The Municipal

Corporation have from the outset required the infected

quarters to undergo a thorough and systematic cleaning and

disinfection; and they have also pushed on vigorously other

sanitary measures, such as the improvement of house

connections and the construction of surface drains in quarters

where the drainage was defective. A house-to-house visitation

by medical officers has also been instituted. The Corporation

have sanctioned liberal measures towards these ends, and the

executive officers have displayed great energy in carrying

them out. … We have informed the Government of Bombay that we

consider it necessary that the plan of removing all persons

from infected houses, and thoroughly cleansing and

disinfecting the buildings, should be carried out, and we have

asked His Excellency in Council, if he agrees, to report the

measures that are adopted to bring the plan into general

effect."

To the above suggestion that all persons be removed from

infected houses, the government of Bombay replied, on the 12th

of February: "His Excellency is advised that, to give full

effect to such a proposal, at the lowest computation, 30,000

persons belonging to different races, castes, and creeds would

need to be provided with temporary dwellings. There is no site

within the limits of the Bombay municipality which would

accommodate a tenth of this number. Great difficulty has

attended all attempts at the segregation of healthy inmates of

infected houses hitherto made, and very limited success bas

been achieved. From the beginning of the outbreak of this

disease it has been found that the native inhabitants of the

city are very reluctant to leave their houses or to allow any

member of their family afflicted with the disease to be taken

away. Indeed, their dread of the disease itself appears to be

hardly so powerful as their horror of being removed from their

houses. Ignorance and superstition prevent them from

discerning either that removal to a hospital is good for the

sick or removal [from] infected dwellings good for the

healthy, and they are far more easily moved by fear of the

municipal and police authorities than by any realisation of

the benefits that will accrue from a sensible course of

action. It is estimated that not less than 300,000 persons

have already fled from Bombay, moved so to do, not only by

fear of the plague, but quite as much, if not more, by an

unfounded and unreasonable fear of what might happen to them

at the hands of the police and municipal authorities were they

to remain."

Contending with such obstacles to the use of the most

effective measures for checking the spread of the disease, the

authorities at Bombay and elsewhere, who seem to have worked

with energy, saw little to encourage their efforts for some

time. In a second report to the Secretary of State for India,

made February 10, Lord Elgin was compelled to write: "We much

regret that we are unable to report that the plague shows any

signs of abating. In both Bombay and Karachi there has been an

increase in the daily number of seizures and deaths since the

beginning of the current month." But, a month later, on the

10th of March, the Viceroy reported that "the position of

affairs in Bombay is distinctly better. There has been a

decrease in the reported number of plague seizures and deaths,

and the total daily mortality from all causes shows a marked

diminution. During the week ending the 22nd February, the

average daily number of seizures and deaths was 115 and 117,

respectively; during the following week the daily average fell

to 107 and 99, whilst during the period March 2nd to March 8th

it has been 99 and 84. … Persons are now returning to the

quarters of Bombay, which are comparatively free from plague,

from the more infected outlying suburbs, and the Government of

Bombay have therefore found it necessary to watch persons

entering as well as those leaving Bombay. In the suburbs of

Kurla, Bandora, and Bhiwandi the plague continues to be

severe. Outside Bombay in the Presidency proper the number of

indigenous cases has increased, and the disease shows a

tendency to spread, especially in the Thana and Surat

districts. … Outside Karachi the plague shows no tendency to

spread in Sind, and Sukkur is the only other place from which

indigenous cases have been reported."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: C.-8386, 1897; and C.-8511, 1897).

{405}

From that time there appears to have been a nearly steady

subsidence of the disease until the following September, when

it showed renewed virulence at Poona, and began to be newly

spread, invading districts in the Punjab and elsewhere outside

of the Bombay Presidency. By the middle of November Poona was

substantially empty of inhabitants, except those stricken with

the disease and those who bravely cared for the sick and dying.

In December there was a fresh outbreak in Bombay, which soon

became more deadly than that of the previous winter and

spring. By the beginning of February, 1898, and through March,

the deaths from plague alone in Bombay had risen above a

thousand a week. Then another subsidence occurred, followed by

another recrudescence of the disease in August, and another

decline in October. But the variations in other districts were

not uniform with those in Bombay. At the end of 1898, the

total of mortality from plague in all the afflicted districts

of India, reckoning from the beginning, was believed to exceed

100,000, including 70,000 in the Bombay Presidency and Sind

(28,000 in the city of Bombay), and 2,000 in the Punjab. In

Calcutta there had been but 150 deaths. Although the measures

taken for checking the spread of the pestilence were far less

stringent than they would have been among people more capable

of understanding what they meant and what their importance

was, they alarmed the religious jealousies of both the Hindus

and the Mohammedans, and were resisted and resented with

dangerous fury at a number of times. At Poona, in June, 1897,

two British officials were murdered by young Brahmins, who had

been excited to the deed by native journals, the language of

which was so violent that the government found it necessary to

prosecute several for sedition. At Bombay, in March, 1898,

when the plague was at its worst, there were very serious

riots, in which a number of Europeans were killed, and troops

were called to the help of the police before the frenzied mob

could be overcome.

Again, in 1899, there was a revival of the disease in India,

especially at Bombay, during the winter, with a decline in

April and fresh virulence in September. At the end of the year

the estimate of total mortality from plague in India since the

beginning was 250,000.

Of the wider spreading of the pestilence during 1900 the

following summary of information is given in the annual report

of the United States Secretary of the Treasury, in connection

with details of quarantine measures: "The Surgeon-General

reports that plague has been more widely distributed during

the year than was ever known in history, and for the first

time obtained lodgment in the Western Hemisphere, at Santos,

Brazil, in October, 1899. By this it is not meant that the

disease has been actually more prevalent than before, but that

its points of contact have embraced nearly every civilized

country in the world, though its prompt recognition and

application of modern methods have either entirely prevented

its spread or have caused it to disappear after a short period

of infection. The scientific knowledge of the disease renders

it far less to be dreaded than before, but increase in rapid

communication between different parts of the world facilitates

its transportation. In illustration, the fact is cited that 20

vessels have been reported, arriving at as many principal

seaports in different parts of the world, on which plague was

discovered on arrival or had manifested itself during the

voyage. As heretofore, its chief ravages have been in India,

where preventive measures have been hindered by religious

fanaticism. In India during the year there were 66,294 deaths.

Notable outbreaks of the disease occurred in Kobe and in

Formosa, Japan, at Oporto, Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Honolulu,

Sydney, Mauritius, Hongkong, and Glasgow.

"In December, 1899, on account of the apparent spread of this

disease, 12 commissioned officers were detailed by order of

the President for duty in the offices of the United States

consuls at the principal ports in England and on the

Continent. In June, the disease fortunately not having become

as widespread as anticipated, they were recalled, with the

exception of five, who are still retained for the purpose of

furnishing information and for service at any needed point.

Two of those thus retained, when the plague was announced at

Glasgow, Scotland, on August 28, 1900, were immediately sent

to that point and began inspection of vessels for the United

States and also for Canada, by request of that Government,

thus enabling vessels to be entered at ports on this side

without undue restraint. In the laboratory of the Service,

scientific investigations as to the viability of the plague

bacillus and the methods and efficiency of disinfection have

been conducted, and the results, together with excerpts from

all available literature hearing upon the prevention of

plague, have been published in the Public Health Reports,

forming, for this year, a volume containing most complete

information upon this disease. About 700,000 doses of

Haffkine's prophylactic were also prepared in the laboratory

and sent to the United States quarantine officers at home and

abroad, together with large quantities of Yersin's serum,

purchased early in the year from the Pasteur Institute in

Paris. In these two preparations, the one (Haffkine) a

prophylactic and the other (Yersin) both prophylactic and a

cure, the Surgeon-General says that science has effective

methods of combating the spread of this disease."

United States, Secretary of the Treasury,

Annual Report, December 4, 1900.

The "antitoxin, or serum, first prepared by Professor Haffkine

as a plague inoculation, called Haffkine's prophylactic, is

now being used in Bombay and western India with remarkable

results. This prophylactic is prepared by first taking the

plague bacilli, or the young germs, from a person affected

with the plague and cultivating them. These microbes are

killed by artificial means and a high degree of heat. From

these dead germs and their poisonous excrements is produced a

fluid that is believed to have acquired the power, when

injected into the human system, to render the blood immune

from the attack of plague germs and to neutralize their

effect. The injection of such a poison has the effect of an

antitoxin and prevents the system from nourishing plague. A

dead plague germ being inoculated into a person, plague will

not follow. A person after having one attack of the disease is

rarely liable to a second. The person first inoculated is

subject to symptoms of the plague.

{406}

In vaccination for smallpox

a living germ is dealt with, whereas in plague inoculation

dead seed only are injected. … Inoculation is exceedingly

unpopular among the natives. The government has had great

labor in persuading the Hindoo mind of the efficacy of

Haffkine's prophylactic against plague and at the same time of

its utter harmlessness in every other respect. The Hindoo is

suspicious that the dead germs and their toxic excreta may be

of animal rather than vegetable substance, which would make

the injection of the fluid into their body a religious

offense."

United States Consular Reports,

January, 1900, page 101.

"In the present epidemic, plague-spots are scattered over the

whole face of the globe from Sydney to Santos and Hongkong,

and recently from San Francisco suspicious cases have been

reported. The annual pilgrimage of Moslems to worship at the

shrines of Mecca and Medina is now, as in the past, of all

human agencies, the most active in spreading the pest. … Since

Egypt is nearest, plague first appears there in the seaport

towns, particularly Alexandria. Sanitary conditions have

improved vastly, like economics, under British control; and,

last year, what in other times might have been a devastating

epidemic was limited to relatively a few scattered cases.

Recognizing the danger to themselves, the European powers have

been led to take steps, under the Venice Convention, for their

own protection. An international quarantine, under the control

of the Egyptian Sanitary, Maritime, and Quarantine Council, in

which the powers have one vote each and Egypt three, has

established stations at two points on the Red Sea."

American Review of Reviews,

May, 1900.

PLATT AMENDMENT, The.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

PLURAL VOTING.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

PLYMOUTH COLONY:

Return of the manuscript of Bradford's History to

Massachusetts.

See (in this volume)

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

POET LAUREATE.

To the line of English Poets Laureate (see, in volume 3,

LAUREATE, ENGLISH POETS), there was added on the 1st of

January, 1896, the name of Alfred Austin, succeeding Tennyson,

who died October B, 1892.

POLAND, Russian:

Relaxation of oppressions.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

POLAR EXPLORATION, Arctic and Antarctic:

A chronological record.

Until quite recent years, the antarctic region had had few

explorers. In 1598-9 Dirk Gerritz was carried south by a storm

and found land, probably the South Shetlands, at 64° South

latitude. Capt. Cook made two antarctic voyages, in the second

one reaching latitude 71° 10' South, at longitude 106° 54'

West, sailing entirely around the southern ocean in a high

latitude, and discovering many islands. In a Russian

expedition, 1819-21, Bellinghausen discovered Peter I. Island

and Alexander I. Land. Enderby Land was discovered by John

Biscoe in 1831-2. In 1840-3 the great English expedition under

Captain (afterward Sir) James Ross, in the Erebus and Terror,

discovered and named Victoria Land, and reached latitude 78°

11', February 23, 1842. The continent which Captain Charles

Wilkes claimed to have discovered in 1840 has not been found

by later explorers. In 1874 the Challenger was turned back by

the ice in latitude 66° 43' South.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1892-1893.

Whaling voyage of the Dundee vessels, the Balæna, Active,

Diana and Polar Star, equipped for geographical observation by

the Royal Geographical Society and others interested, carrying

William S. Bruce, C. W. Donald, and W. G. Burn Murdoch.

Accompanied by the Norwegian sealer Jasen, under Captain

Larsen. South Shetlands and Graham Land visited and valuable

observations made.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1893-1900.

Scientific exploration of Labrador by A. P. Low.

Operations still in progress.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1894-1895.

Commercial voyage of the Norwegian whaler Antarctic, under

Captain Kristensen, sent by Captain Svend Foyn, fitted out by

H. J. Bull, and carrying the scientist C. E. Borchgrevinck.

The valuable right whale was not found, but large beds of

guano were discovered in Victoria Land, where a landing was

made near Cape Adare.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Return of Peary relief expedition with Lieutenant Robert E.

Peary and his companions. In spite of great difficulties

Lieutenant Peary had again crossed the ice-sheet to

Independence Bay, determined the northern limits of Greenland,

charted 1,000 miles of the west coast, discovered eleven

islands and the famous Iron Mountain (three great meteorites),

and obtained much knowledge of the natives. The purely

scientific results of the expedition are of great value. The

relief expedition was organized by Mrs. Peary.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in Barents Sea.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Return of Martin Ekroll from Spitzbergen after a winter's

study of the ice conditions there. Convinced that his plan of

reaching the pole by a sledge journey had little chance of

success.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Survey of the lower Yenesei River and Obi Bay by Siberian

hydrographic expedition.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Commercial expedition of Captain Wiggins from England to

Golchika, at the mouth of the Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Russian geological expedition to Nova Zembla.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

Russian expedition under the geologist Bogdanovich to the Sea

of Okhotsk and Kamchatka.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895-1896.

Two scientific voyages of the Danish cruiser Ingolf

in the seas west and east of Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Summer expedition of naturalists and college students to the

northern coast of Labrador.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Attempt of Lieutenant Peary to remove the great meteorite

discovered by him at Cape York, Greenland. After dislodging it

he was compelled by the ice to leave it. Small parties from

Cornell University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology

and one under Mr. George Bartlett, left by Peary at different

points to make scientific observations and collections,

returned with him.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Hydrographical survey of the Danish waters of Greenland and

Iceland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Hansen sent to Siberia to look for traces of Nansen.

{407}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Return of Dr. Nansen from voyage begun in 1893. After skirting

the coast of Siberia almost to the Lena delta, the Fram was

enclosed by the ice and drifted with it north and northwest.

On March 14, 1895, in 84° 4' North latitude, 102° East

longitude, Nansen and Johansen left the Fram and pushed

northward with dogs and sledges across an ice floe till they

reached latitude 86° 13.6', at about 95° West longitude, on

April 8, within 261 statute miles of the pole. With great

difficulty they made their way to Franz Josef Land, where they

wintered, and in June met explorer Jackson. Returning on the

Jackson supply steamer Windward, they reached Vardö August 13.

The Fram drifted to latitude 85° 57' North, 66° East

longitude, then southwestward, reaching Tromsoë August 20,

1896. Nansen demonstrated the existence of a polar sea of

great depth, comparatively warm below the surface, apparently

with few islands; though he did not find the trans-polar

current he sought.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Spitzbergen crossed for the first time, by Sir W. Martin

Conway and party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Many parties visit the northern coast of Norway and Nova

Zembla to view the total eclipse of the sun, August 8-9.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

Expedition sent by Russian Hydrographic Department to find

site for a sealers' refuge in Nova Zembla. Bielusha Bay, on

the southwest coast, chosen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Expedition sent by Canadian government to investigate Hudson

Bay and Strait as a route to Central Canada. Passage found to

be navigable for at least sixteen weeks each summer.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Seventh Peary expedition to Greenland. Accompanied by parties

for scientific research. Preliminary arrangements made with

the Eskimos for the expedition of 1898, and food-stations

established. Relics of Greeley's expedition found on Cape

Sabine, and the great meteorite at Cape York brought away at

last.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Second expedition of Sir Martin Conway for the exploration of

Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

A summer resort established on west coast of Spitzbergen, with

regular steamer service for tourists during July and August.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Cruise of Mr. Arnold Pike and Sir Savile Crossley among the

islands east of Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in the Laura in

the Kara Sea and along the east coast of Nova Zembla, for the

purpose of studying the natural history of the region.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Expedition of F. W. L. Popham with a fleet of steamers through

Yugor Straits to the Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Hydrological and commercial expedition, comprising seven

steamers, under Rear-Admiral Makaroff, sent by the Russian

government to the north Siberian sea.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Balloon voyage of Salamon August Andrée and two companions,

Mr. Strindberg and Mr. Fraenkel, starting from Danes' Island,

north of Spitzbergen, in the hope of being carried to the

pole. Four buoys from the balloon have been found. The first,

found in Norway in June, 1899, and containing a note from

Andrée, was thrown out eight hours after his departure. The

"north pole buoy," to be dropped when the pole was passed, was

found empty on the north side of King Charles Island,

north-east of Spitzbergen, September 11, 1899. A third buoy,

also empty, was found on the west coast of Iceland July 17,

1900. Another, reported from Norway, August 31, 1900,

contained a note showing that the buoy was thrown out at 10 P.

M., July 11, 1897, at an altitude of 250 metres (820 feet),

moving North 45 East, with splendid weather. Many search

expeditions, some equipped at great expense, have returned

unsuccessful. In spite of many rumors nothing definite is

known of the fate of any of the party. One message from Andrée

was brought back by a carrier pigeon. It was dated July 13,

12.30 P. M., in latitude 82° 2', longitude 12° 5' East, and

stated that the balloon was moving eastward.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

New islands on the southern coast of Franz Josef Land

discovered by Captain Robertson of the Dundee whaler Balæna.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Return of Jackson-Harmsworth expedition from three years'

exploration of Franz Josef Land and the region north of it.

Franz Josef Land was resolved into a group of islands and

almost entire]y mapped. Small parties journeying northward

over the ice, establishing depots of supplies, the most

northern in latitude 81° 21', discovered and named Victoria

Sea, the most northern open sea in the world.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

Anglo-Australasian antarctic conference in London.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

Journey of Andrew J. Stone through the Canadian Rockies, down

Mackenzie River and along the arctic coast, in search of rare

mammals and information concerning the native tribes. Mr.

Stone often had only one companion. He traveled rapidly, in

one period of five months covering 3,000 miles of arctic coast

and mountains, between 70° and 72° North latitude and between

117½° and 140° West longitude.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

Belgian antarctic expedition under Captain Adrien de Gerlache

to lands south of America. Sailed from Antwerp to explore and

chart coast line, expecting to leave party to winter at Cape

Adare and explore interior. Near Alexander I. Land the Belgica

caught in the ice pack and held for a year, drifting as far

south as latitude 71° 36', in longitude 87° 39' West. Finally

released by the cutting of a canal through the ice. This

dreary winter the first spent by men far enough south to lose

sight of the sun. The continent found to be mountainous,

glaciated, and without land animals except a few insects,

though sea fowl abounded. One flowering grass, and a few

mosses, rock lichens, and fresh-water algæ constitute the

flora. Some 500 miles of coast chartered.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Expedition of Dr. K. J. V. Steenstrup to Greenland to study

the glaciers of Disko island.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Completion by Dr. Thoroddsen of his systematic exploration of

Iceland, begun in 1881.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Spitzbergen circumnavigated and surveyed by Dr. A. G.

Nathorst. Coast mapped and important scientific observations

made.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Pendulum observations made in Spitzbergen by Professor J. H.

Gore, with instruments of the United States Coast and Geodetic

Survey, for the determination of the force of gravity in that

latitude.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Cruise of Prince Albert of Monaco, on coast of Spitzbergen,

for the purpose of making scientific observations.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Some claim to Spitzbergen made by Russia. Never before claimed

by any nation.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

German arctic expedition under Theodor Lerner to the islands

east of Spitzbergen, for scientific purposes and to obtain

news of Andrée if possible.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Andrée search expedition under J. Stadling sent to the Lena

delta, the mouth of the Yenesei and the islands of New Siberia

by the Swedish Anthropological and Geographical Society.

{408}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Conference on antarctic exploration held in the rooms of

the Royal Society, London, February 24.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

Reconnoitring expedition by Danish party under Lieutenant G.

C. Amdrup, to east coast of Greenland. Coast explored and

mapped from Angmagsalik, 65¾ North latitude, to 67° 22'.

Remains of a small extinct Eskimo settlement found.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

Second attempt by Walter Wellman to reach the north pole.

Wintered in Franz Josef Land, establishing an outpost, called

Fort McKinley, in latitude 81° North. In February Mr. Wellman,

with three companions, started northward and seemed likely to

succeed in their undertaking, but a serious accident befalling

Mr. Wellman, and an icequake destroying many dogs and sledges,

a hurried return to headquarters was necessary. Here important

scientific observations were made. The 82d parallel was

reached by the explorer.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

German expedition for deep-sea exploration in antarctic

waters, in charge of Professor Carl Chun, on the Valdivia.

Southern ocean found to be of great depth.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1900.

British antarctic expedition under Borchgrevinck to Victoria

Land; the funds provided by Sir George Newnes. Latitude 78°

50' South reached, and the present position of the southern

magnetic pole determined.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Carefully planned expedition of Lieutenant Peary, purposing to

advance toward the pole by west coast of Greenland,

establishing food stations and depending upon picked Eskimos

for co-operation with his small party. In the last dash for

the pole, supply sledges to be sent back as emptied, and the

returning explorer, with two companions only, to be met by a

relief party of Eskimos. The Windward was presented by Mr.

Harmsworth for this expedition. Lieutenant Peary was disabled

for several weeks in 1898-9 by severe frost-bites, causing the

loss of seven toes. The Greeley records were found at Fort

Conger and sent back by the annual supply vessel. Sextant and

record of the Nares expedition found and sent back; presented

by Lieutenant Peary to the Lords of the Admiralty of Great

Britain and placed in the museum of the Royal Naval College at

Greenwich. Vessel sent to Greenland each summer to carry

supplies and bring back letters, carrying also small parties

of explorers, scientists, university students and hunters, to

be left at various points and picked up by the vessel on its

return.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

Expedition of Captain Sverdrup to northern Greenland

Lieutenant Peary's especial field.

Having planned a polar expedition similar to Peary's he sailed

up the west coast, but the Fram was frozen in near Cape

Sabine. Sverdrup therefore explored the western part of

Ellesmere Land, then sailed again in an attempt to round the

northern coast of Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

International conference held at Stockholm in June recommended

a program for hydrographical and biological work in the

northern parts of the Atlantic ocean, the North Sea, the

Baltic, and adjoining seas.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Scientific expedition of Edward Bay, a Dane, to Melville Bay,

Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Swedish expedition under Dr. A. G. Nathorst to search for

Andrée in eastern Greenland. Valuable observations made and

fjord-systems of King Oscar Fjord and Kaiser Franz Josef Fjord

mapped.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Explorations in Iceland by F. W. W. Howell and party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Hydrographic surveys on the coasts of Iceland and the Färoe

Islands by MM. Holm and Hammer in the Danish guard-ship Diana.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Joint Russian and Swedish expedition to Spitzbergen, for the

measurement of a degree of the meridian. Owing to the

condition of the ice, the northern and southern surveying

parties unable to connect their work.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Explorations in Spitzbergen by the Prince of Monaco, with a

scientific staff.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Successful experimental voyage of the Russian Vice-Admiral

Makaroff in his ice-breaking steamer, the Yermak, north of

Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Russian government expedition, to cost £5,400, to explore

northern shores of Siberia to mouths of the Obi and Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899-1900.

Arctic expedition of the Duke of the Abruzzi. His ship, the

Stella Polare, was left at Crown Prince Rudolf Land during the

winter. The Duke became incapacitated by a fall and by the loss

of two joints from the fingers of his left hand, incurably

frost-bitten; but a small party under Captain Cagni pushed

northward till provisions were exhausted. Nansen's record was

beaten, the Italian party reaching latitude 86° 33', at about

56° East longitude. No land was found north or northwest of

Spitzbergen. Three men were lost from Cagni's party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

Exploration of Ellesmere Land, Greenland, by Dr. Robert Stein,

of the United States Geological Survey, Dr. Leopold Kann of

Cornell, and Samuel Warmbath of Harvard, who took passage in

the Peary supply ship Diana, trusting to chance for conveyance

home. Their totally inadequate outfit was generously augmented

by Peary's friends of the Diana. Dr. Kann returned in 1900,

leaving Dr. Stein.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Seward peninsula, the most westward extension of Alaska,

explored and surveyed by five government expeditions.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Exploration of the interior of northern Labrador by a party

from Harvard University. Soundings along the coast by schooner

Brave.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Second Danish expedition under Lieutenant Amdrup to east

Greenland, completing the work of 1898-9 by mapping the coast

between 67° 20' North and Cape Gladstone, about 70° North, and

making valuable scientific collections.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Swedish expedition, under Gustav Kolthoff, to eastern

Greenland, for study of the arctic fauna.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Swedish scientific expedition of Professor G. Kolthoff to

Spitzbergen and Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Exploration of Spitzbergen by a Russian expedition under

Knipovich.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Russian expedition to east coast of Nova Zembla by Lieutenant

Borissoff to complete survey of the islands.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Dr. Nansen's expedition under the leadership of Dr. J. Hjort,

for the physical and biological examination of the sea between

Norway, Iceland, Jan Mayen and Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

German expedition, under Captain Bade, to explore East

Spitzbergen, King Charles' Land and Franz Josef Land, and to

look for traces of Andrée.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Attempt of a German, Captain Bauendahl, to reach the north

pole, leaving his vessel in the ice north of Spitzbergen and

traveling over the ice with provisions for two years, weighing

ten tons.

{409}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

Scientific expedition of Baron E. von Toll to the unexplored

Sannikoff Land, sighted in 1805 from the northern coast

islands of New Siberia. Preceded by a party which established

food depots at various places months before.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

Three exploring parties sent to Alaska by the United States

Geological Survey.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

Expedition sent by the Duke of the Abruzzi to Franz Josef Land

to search for the three men lost from his party in 1900.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

North polar expedition under Mr. Evelyn B. Baldwin of the

United States Weather Bureau; splendidly equipped by Mr.

William Ziegler of New York. Mr. Baldwin, who has had arctic

experience with Lieutenant Peary and Mr. Wellman, will

probably proceed by way of Franz Josef Land.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

Several expeditions to co-operate in exploration of the

antarctic region and to reach the south pole if possible. The

British expedition, long striven for by the Royal Geographical

Society and the Royal Society and made possible by L. W.

Longstaff's contribution of £25,000, to be under the command

of Captain Robert Scott and to explore the Victoria (90°-180°

East) and Ross (180°-90° West) quadrants,—in the main the

region south of the Pacific. The Weddell (90° West-0°,

Greenwich) and Enderby (0°-90 East) quadrants assigned to the

finely equipped German expedition, under Drygalski, which will

first explore south of the Indian Ocean. The Swedish expedition

under Dr. Nordenskïold to explore the lands south of America.

A private Scottish expedition under William S. Bruce to

explore the Weddell Sea region south of the Atlantic Ocean. An

Argentine expedition to visit the South Shetlands.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

Projected expedition of Captain J. E. Bernier of Quebec, on

Nansen's principle, with a specially built vessel, to sail

through Bering Strait, coast Siberia to longitude 170° or 165°

East, then enter the ice. Sledging parties to push toward the

pole, marking the route with hollow signal poles (of aluminum)

packed with records and provisions, and maintaining

communication with the ship by wireless telegraphy. This is

one of two plans which he lays before the Canadian government.

The other contemplates a movement, with dogs and reindeers,

from Franz Josef Land, coming back to Spitzbergen, taking 12

or 14 men, all scientists.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

Projected expedition of Herr Annschütz-Kämpfe, of Munich, to

the north pole, in a submarine boat capable of carrying five

men and remaining under water for fifteen hours at a time.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

As this goes to press (April, 1901), a national antarctic

expedition is being fitted out, jointly, by the Royal

Geographical Society and the Royal Society of Great Britain,

assisted by a subsidy of £45,000 from the British government.

A steamer named the "Discovery," built especially for the

expedition, at Dundee, was launched in March, and is being

equipped with remarkable completeness. Special arrangements,

says "The Times," will be made for magnetic work, while

meteorology, geology and biology will be well cared for. "The

staff of navigating officers and of scientific specialists has

been carefully selected, and under Commander Robert Scott. R.

N., who will be in command of the expedition, their work, we

may be sure, will be so well organized that nothing of

importance will be neglected. There will be five navigating

officers, three of them belonging to the Royal Navy and two

others to the Royal Naval Reserve, while the special

scientific staff, including the two medical officers, will be

of equal strength. … Captain Scott is at present investigating

the question of the utility of balloons."

POLISH PARTY, in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

POONA, The Plague at.

See (in this volume)

PLAGUE.

POPE LEO XIII.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY.

POPULATION:

Of Europe and countries peopled from Europe.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

POPULIST PARTY, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1894.

Capture by Japanese.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1895.

Trans-Siberian Railway.

Russo-Chinese Treaty.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1898.

Lease to Russia.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

----------PORTO RICO: Start--------

Map of Porto Rico.

PORTO RICO:

Area and Population.

In the testimony given, January 13, 1900, before the United

States Senate Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico,

General George W. Davis, Military Governor of Porto Rico, gave

the following information: "The island of Puerto Rico has an area

of about 3,600 square miles, according to the best information

that now exists, but that area has to be verified, and it is

doubted if the area is quite so large. It has a population of

about a million, perhaps—certainly one of the most densely

populated areas of 3,000 or 4,000 square miles on the face of

the earth, approximating the density of population of Belgium,

I think, and considerably greater than that of any of our

thickly settled agricultural regions in the United States. New

England has about 200 to the square mile while Puerto Rico has

nearly 300. The inhabitants are mostly of Spanish

origin—emigrants from Spain during the last 400 years and

their descendants. There is a large representation from the

Canary Islands and the Balearic group in the Mediterranean, a

large number of Corsicans and their descendants, and

consequently they are French subjects, a few Germans, a few

English, and very few Americans before the occupation; a few

Venezuelans, a few from Santo Domingo, and a few Cubans, but

the most of the population is Spanish. Included in that

million are about 300,000 negroes and mulattoes, approximately

a little more than that number.

{410}

About one-third of the entire population is of the negro or

mixed race, what would be called in the United States

'colored' people. Of pure-blood negroes there are about

70,000, the remainder mulattoes, and all speaking Spanish, and

largely the slaves liberated in 1874. The number of slaves

liberated at that time was considerably less than the number

of negroes in Puerto Rico, the number being only about 30,000,

for whom some $11,000,000 was paid the owners. That statement

gives a fair idea of the character of the population as

respects numbers and race." Several small adjacent islands are

regarded as belonging to Porto Rico and were included in the

cession to the United States. One of these, named Viequez,

about 15 miles long and 3 or 4 miles wide, is very fertile,

and has about 7,000 inhabitants. On another, called Culebra,

there are some 600 or 700 people. The remaining islands are

smaller and unimportant.

56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 147, pages 1-2.

PORTO RICO:

The government as it was under Spanish rule.

"The civil government of the island was the Governor-General,

and the Governor-General was the civil government. All power

was lodged in his hands and he was accountable only to Madrid.

He was at once the executive, the legislative, and the judicial

head. As Captain-General, he had chief command of the military

forces, and made such disposition of them as he chose; as

Governor-General, he conducted civil affairs, whether insular

or municipal, according to his own pleasure. … If, as

occasionally happened, he was a wise and good man, seeking the

welfare of the people rather than his own personal enrichment

or the advancement of his political friends, there was less

cause for complaint from the people, who were completely

ignored. As the position was one of great power and of large

opportunities for pecuniary profit, it not infrequently went

to those who were prepared to exploit it in their own

interests. …

"The system of autonomy, which was proclaimed November 25,

1897 [see, in this volume, CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER)], was

never fully installed. The war intervened, and the provincial

legislature, which was its most important feature, was

dissolved when Sampson's fleet appeared, and the

Governor-General conducted the government practically on the

old plan, except that the ministry, as provided by the

autonomistic law, was retained, as follows: Secretary of

government or of state, secretary of the treasury, secretary

of the fomento or interior, including public works, public

instruction, public lands, mines, etc., agriculture and

commerce, and secretary of justice and worship. The last three

secretaries were subordinate to the secretary of government,

through whom all orders from the Governor-General and all

communications to or from him must pass. The autonomist law

allowed the secretaries or ministers to be members of one or

the other of the two legislative chambers. The

Governor-General with his council constituted the executive

power. No act of his was valid unless approved by one of the

secretaries, and the secretaries could issue no order which he

had not countersigned. He had the power to convoke or dissolve

the chambers, to refer objectionable bills to Madrid for

approval or disapproval, and to appoint or remove the

secretaries. All matters of a diplomatic character were in his

hands exclusively, and, constituted by the Pope patronato

real, he was the head of the church in the island and

practical director of ecclesiastical affairs. The legislature

consisted of two chambers, the council and the house of

representatives. The council was composed of fourteen members,

eight of whom were elected, and six appointed by the Crown;

the house of representatives of one representative for each

25,000 inhabitants, elected by the people. The liberality of

this law is further indicated by the fact that it gave the

right of suffrage to all males of 25 years of age and over.

The two chambers were empowered to legislate on all insular

questions, such as the estimates, which must be adopted by the

Cortes at Madrid, public instruction, public works,

sanitation, charities, etc. It will be seen that the reforms

granted by this autonomistic decree were large in the letter,

taking powers which the Governor-General had exercised

unquestioned and giving them to the people, who had never been

allowed to participate in the government of their own country.

Whether it would have proved liberal in practical operation is

not so certain. The Government invariably discriminated

against Porto Ricans in favor of Spaniards, and it is also to

be remembered that Spanish laws as written and Spanish laws as

administered are not always identical."

H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),

Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages. 15-16.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (May).

American bombardment of forts at San Juan.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-August).

American conquest of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-December).

Suspension of hostilities.

Cession to the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (August-July).

Popular feeling in the Island on the American occupation.

Welcome to the Stars and Stripes.

Expectations and desires of the people.

Their character.

Extent of illiteracy.

The Peones.

"All classes of natives of the island welcomed the American

Army, American occupation, and American methods, and accepted

without hesitation the Stars and Stripes in place of the red

and yellow bars. They had not been disloyal to the old flag;

but it had come to represent to them, particularly during the

present century, in which a class feeling developed between

the insular and the peninsular Spaniard, partiality and

oppression. In the short war, some of the natives occupying

official positions made demonstrations of loyalty to the Crown

of Spain, as was perfectly natural, but they were among the

first to submit to American rule when the protocol promised

cession of the island to the United States. On the other hand,

as the commissioner is informed, a Porto Rican who had hoped

and prayed for American intervention for fifty years enrolled

himself as a Spanish citizen some months after the war was

concluded, and his hopes had been realized. Porto Ricans

generally complained that the former Government discriminated

in favor of the Spaniard, who, in the distribution of the

offices, was preferred to the native, and who, aided by the

powerful influence of the authorities, prospered in business

as banker, merchant, manufacturer, or agriculturist. They also

insist that the internal improvement of the island was

neglected; that agriculture bore more than its share of the

burden of taxation; that the assessments were very inequitable

and unequal; that education was not fostered, and that in

general the welfare of the people was not the first concern of

their rulers.

{411}

"They expect under American sovereignty that the wrongs of

centuries will be righted; that they will have an honest and

efficient government; the largest measure of liberty as

citizens of the great Republic under the Constitution; home

rule as provided by the Territorial system; free access to the

markets of the United States and no customs duties on goods

coming from our ports; a school system modeled after that of

the United States; the adoption of the English language in due

time and the general adaptation to the island of all those

institutions which have contributed to the prosperity,

progress, and happiness of the American people. The largest

and most representative gathering, since American occupation,

was held in San Juan, October 30, 1898, without distinction of

party or class with the object of consultation and formulation of

a programme for the future. In brief, the propositions of the

congress as submitted to the commissioner for presentation to

the President of the United States were these: Immediate

termination of military and inauguration of civil government;

establishment of the Territorial system, with laws common to

other Territories of the Union; a legislature in two branches;

suffrage for all male citizens of 21 years of age or over, the

right to be surrendered at the end of the first two years by

those who do not then know how to read and write; judicial

reform; introduction of the jury system; autonomy for

municipal governments; taxation on the basis of valuation;

free and reciprocal commerce with the ports of the United

States; aid for agriculture; obligatory and universal

education; trade schools; savings banks. This programme of

reforms seems to have very general support, although there is

a difference of opinion on certain points. Many Porto Ricans

urged the commissioner to represent them as desiring that the

military regime be made as short as possible, not because the

military governors were in any way objectionable or their rule

oppressive, but because the civil status of the island should

be fixed with no unnecessary delay. There was no other opinion

except among foreign subjects, many of whom thought that the

people were not yet ready for self-government, and that the

firm hand of military power would be needed for probably two

years. …

"If the desire to assume the burdens of local self-government

may be taken as indicating some degree of capacity for

self-government, the people of Porto Rico certainly have the

desire. They may be poor, but they are proud and sensitive,

and would be bitterly disappointed if they found that they had

been delivered from an oppressive yoke to be put under a

tutelage which proclaimed their inferiority. Apart from such

qualifications as general education and experience constitute,

the commissioner has no hesitation in affirming that the

people have good claims to be considered capable of

self-government. Education and experience, although too high

a value can hardly be set upon them, do not necessarily make

good citizens. … The unswerving loyalty of Porto Rico to the

Crown of Spain, as demonstrated by the truth of history, is no

small claim to the confidence and trust of the United States.

The people were obedient under circumstances which provoked

revolt after revolt in other Spanish colonies. The habit of

obedience is strong among them. Their respect for law is

another notable characteristic. They are not turbulent or

violent. Riots are almost unknown in the island; so is

organized resistance to law; brigandage flourished only for a

brief period after the war and its object was revenge rather

than rapine. They are not a criminal people. The more violent

crimes are by no means common. Burglary is almost unknown.

There are many cases of homicide, but the number in proportion

to population is not as large as in the United States.

Thievery is the most common crime, and petty cases make up a

large part of this list of offenses. The people as a whole are

a moral, law-abiding class, mild in disposition, easy to

govern, and possess the possibilities of developing a high

type of citizenship."

H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),

Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages 55-57.

"On the 25th day of July, 1899, an election was held in

Adjuntas for municipal officers, and the registration was made

in conformity to General Orders, No. 112, c. s., Headquarters

Department of Puerto Rico. The order imposed the following

qualifications for electors: Men over 21 years old, able to

read and write, or who were taxpayers of record, who had been

actual residents of the island for at least two years, and of

the municipality for six months preceding the date of the

election. The number who proved these qualifications before

the board of registration was 906, out of a population,

according to the census of 1897, of 18,505; that is, less than

5 per cent could vote under the conditions stated. There was

much public interest in this election, and it is believed that

about all who were eligible were registered. This incident

indicated that in the whole island there may be approximately

45,000 who could vote under the conditions of the order above

referred to. The class who can not fulfill these conditions,

say 75 per cent of the males over 21 years of age, are usually

in a state of abject poverty and ignorance, and are assumed to

include one-fifth of the inhabitants. They are of the class

usually called peones. This word in Spanish America, under old

laws, defined a person who owed service to his creditor until

the debt was paid. While those laws are obsolete, the

condition of these poor people remains much as before. So

great is their poverty that they are always in debt to the

proprietors or merchants. They live in huts made of sticks and

poles covered with thatches of palm leaves. A family of a

dozen may be huddled together in one room, often with only a

dirt floor. They have little food worthy of the name and only

the most scanty clothing, while children of less than 7 or 8

years of age are often entirely naked. A few may own a machete

or a hoe, but more have no worldly possessions whatever. Their

food is fruit, and if they are wage-earners, a little rice and

codfish in addition. They are without ambition and see no

incentive to labor beyond the least that will provide the

barest sustenance. All over the island they can be seen to-day

sitting beside their ruined huts, thinking naught of

to-morrow, making no effort to repair and restore their cabins

nor to replant for future food.

{412}

"The remarks of Mr. James Anthony Froude in his work on 'The

English in the West Indies' apply with full force to these

people: 'Morals in the technical sense they have none, but

they can not be said to sin because they have no knowledge of

law, and therefore they can commit no breach of the law. They

are naked and not ashamed. They are married but not parsoned.

The women prefer the looser tie, that they may be able to lose

the man if he treats her unkindly. Yet they are not

licentious. … The system is strange, but it answers. … There

is evil, but there is not the demoralizing effect of evil.

They sin, but they sin only as animals, without shame, because

there is no sense of doing wrong. They eat the forbidden

fruit, but it brings with it no knowledge of the difference

between good and evil. … They are innocently happy in the

unconsciousness of the obligations of morality. They eat,

drink, sleep, and smoke, and do the least in the way of work

they can. They have no ideas of duty, and therefore are not

made uneasy by neglecting it.' Between the negro and the peon

there is no visible difference. It is hard to believe that the

pale, sallow, and often emaciated beings are the descendants

of the conquistadores who carried the flag of Spain to nearly

all of South America, and to one-third of North America."

General George W. Davis,

Report on the Civil Government of Puerto Rico,

September 30, 1899

(Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1293-1294).

"The educated class of Puerto Ricans are as well educated and

accomplished as the educated men of any country. They have had

the benefit of a liberal education, a few in the United

States, a good many in France, and a great many in Madrid and

Habana, where they have passed through the universities. The

lawyers and doctors are all graduates of either the university

in Habana or some university in Spain, with very few exceptions.

The merchants are largely Spanish, many of whom will probably

preserve their nationality under the provision of the Treaty

of Paris which gives them that right. A few may adopt American

citizenship, and ultimately possibly all will, but many of the

merchants who conduct the largest part of the business of

Puerto Rico will retain their Spanish citizenship. There are a

number of merchants who are natives, a few Germans, and a few

English. I do not remember any American merchant in business

there before the occupation. The schools in Puerto Rico

conducted under the Spanish system were few in number. The

amount allotted for education by the insular budget was

something like 300,000 pesos a year, as I now recall the

figures. The teachers were officers of the government, holding

life positions and receiving pensions when superannuated. They

belong to a civil-service class which is not dependent upon

any change of administration, only being removed for cause.

The lawyers, or judges, rather, of the island, occupy a

similar position."

General George W. Davis,

Testimony before Senate Committee.

(56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document. No. 147).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).

The military government instituted by the United States.

"The government of the island, its various civil institutions,

its codes and its courts, the systems of taxation, etc., have

been modified in very important particulars since the American

occupation began, October 18, 1898. It will be useful, perhaps,

to indicate the more important changes. Under General John R.

Brooke [in command of the Department, October 18 to December

5, 1898] orders were issued declaring

(1) That the political relations of Porto Rico with Spain were

at an end; that provincial and municipal laws were in force in

so far as not incompatible with the changed conditions, and

that they would be enforced substantially as they were before.

(2) Abolishing the use of all stamped paper and stamps of

every kind for documents, public and private.

(3) Exempting all conveyances and contracts from the payment

of royal dues.

(4) Discontinuing the diputacion provincial, and distributing

its duties among the secretaries or ministers.

(5) Directing that appeals should not be sent to the supreme

court in Madrid, but should be heard by the superior court at

San Juan.

(6) Abolishing the subdelegation of pharmacy which gave

degrees to pharmacists.

(7) Making the fisheries free to all.

Appropriations for the support of the church ceased with

American occupation, and the Government lottery was

discontinued.

"Under the military government of General Guy V. Henry

[December 6, 1898 to May 8, 1899], orders were issued:

(l) Appointing military commissions to try cases of arson and

murder which had accumulated in the civil courts.

(2) Closing public offices on Sunday, as far as possible.

(3) Suspending the municipal tax on fresh beef for use of the

Army.

(4) Making Christmas and New Year's holidays.

(5) Forbidding grants or concessions of public or corporate

rights or franchises without the approval of the commanding

general and the Secretary of War.

(6) Abolishing the municipal consumo tax on articles of food,

fuel, and drink, and providing for additional assessments on

the sale of liquors and tobacco.

(7) Separating the collection of customs duties from that of

direct taxes.

(8) Establishing a new system of land taxation, by which

agricultural lands should be taxed according to the several

classes instituted, from 1 peso down to 25 centavos per

cuerda, and levying 50 per cent additional on lands whose

owners reside abroad.

(9) Providing for the free vaccination of the people of the

island.

(10) Prohibiting the exhumation of bodies in the cemeteries,

recognizing the right of priests to control burials in

consecrated grounds, and requiring municipalities to keep

cemeteries in repair.

(11) Reducing notarial fees from $1.88 to $1, from $4.50 to

$1, from $11 to $1, and from $1 to 50 cents, according to

class of document, and canceling others.

(12) Reorganizing the cabinet, so as to make all the

secretaries directly responsible to the governor-general.

(13) Suspending the foreclosure of mortgages on agricultural

property and machinery for one year.

(14) Appointing February 22 a holiday.

(15) Prohibiting the sale of liquor to children under 14 years

of age.

(16) Modifying the civil marriage law.

(17) Declaring that eight hours shall constitute a day's work.

(18) Creating an insular police.

{413}

"Under the military government of General George W. Davis

[May 8, 1899, to May 1, 1900], orders were issued

(1) Modifying the order of

General Henry concerning hours of labor, so as to allow

agreements between employer and employee for longer or shorter

hours.

(2) Naming May 30 as a holiday.

(3) Allowing the writ of habeas corpus to be issued.

(4) Constituting a board of prison control and pardon.

(5) Continuing the observance as a holiday of June 24.

(6) Creating a provisional court on the basis of circuit and

district courts of the United States for the hearing of cases

not falling within the jurisdiction of local insular courts.

(7) Creating a superior board of health for the island.

(8) Reorganizing the bureau of public instruction and the

system of education.

(9) Relieving the judiciary from all control by the department

of justice, discontinuing the office of secretary of justice,

and appointing a solicitor-general.

(10) Abolishing the sale at auction of the privilege of

slaughter of cattle, and making it free.

(11) Reorganizing the judicial system of the island, with a

supreme court in San Juan and district courts in San Juan,

Ponce, Mayaguez, Arecibo, and Humacao, and with modifications

of civil and criminal procedure.

(12) Discontinuing the departments of state, treasury, and

interior, and creating bureaus of state and municipal affairs,

of internal revenue, and of agriculture, to be placed under

the direction of a civil secretary, responsible to the

governor-general, and continuing the bureaus of education and

public works, with an insular board of nine members to advise

the governor-general on matters of public interest referred to

them.

"The reductions in the budget of expenditures have been

extensive. That of 1898-99, adopted in June, 1898, amounted to

$4,781,920, native money. The appropriations for 'general

obligations,' which went to Madrid, $498,502, for the clergy,

$197,945; for the army, $1,252,378; for the navy, $222,668,

making a total of $2,171,493, ceased to be obligations,

leaving $2,610,428 for the fiscal year. A new budget was

adopted for the calendar year 1899, which still further

reduces expenditures, calling only for $1,462,276. This

budget, if carried out, would have involved a reduction from

the proposed budget of 1898-99 of $3,319,644; but a new budget

was formed, as already stated, for 1899-1900, which appears to

call for an increase over this very moderate sum. The revenues

were reduced by the abolition of stamped paper, personal

passports, export duties, royal dues on conveyances, the

lottery system, and other sources of income, amounting, all

told, to less probably than a million of pesos."

H. R. Carroll (Special Commissioner),

Report on Porto Rico, October 6, 1899, pages 53-55.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (August).

Destructive cyclone.

"On the morning of the 7th of August, 1899, the United States

Weather Bureau, through its branch establishment here,

announced the approach of a cyclonic disturbance, and the

danger signal was ordered to be hoisted at substations of the

Bureau at Ponce and Mayaguez. At the same time I directed that

the danger be reported to all commanding officers of posts

throughout the island. There had been no serious or

destructive storm in Puerto Rico since 1867, and the

inhabitants had ceased to feel great concern on account of

tropical tempests. Except at seaports, little heed was given

to the caution, and in some cases the telegraph operators

failed to receive or to promptly deliver the warning messages.

The vortex of the cyclone appears to have traversed the island

throughout its whole length, from about Humacao to Mayaguez,

and its path was a scene of very great devastation. … The gale

struck the island at Humacao about midnight of August 7, and

furiously blew all the rest of that night and well into the

next day, while at Mayaguez the violence was not great until 9

o'clock on the morning of the 8th. But as the latter town was

under the lee of high mountains, it suffered much less than it

would have done had it been higher or not thus protected. Most

of the habitations in the track of the center of the cyclone

were entirely smashed and the débris strewn all over the

country. The full reports of the loss of life bring the number

of deaths up to 2,700. The wind worked dreadful havoc with nearly

everything useful to man. Besides the mortality, which was

appalling, the material damage was almost beyond belief. But

the greatest loss of life resulted, not from the wind, but

from the terrible downfall of rain that immediately followed.

… Added to the horror of the situation there came with the

gale on the southern coast a tidal wave, which submerged large

areas with sea water and swept away what the wind and rain had

spared, in some places completing the destruction. Every river

bed or bottom of a land depression was a roaring torrent. The

wind uprooted myriads of trees, and the rain, entering and

permeating the soil, loosened it, and on steep declivities

resulted in avalanches of earth, mud, and water, covering wide

areas and piling up the debris in the ravines and gorges. … The

material loss to the coffee growers can as yet only be

estimated, but the most conservative figures received place

this year's crop at one-third of the normal. … Regard being

had to the fact that five years must elapse before the coffee

trees and their shade can be replanted and reach a normal

bearing condition, the total loss can not be safely placed

below 25,000,000 pesos for Puerto Rico on account of this

hurricane."

General George W. Davis,

Report (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,

volume 2, pages 1343-1344).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (October).

Census of the Island taken under the direction of the

War Department of the United States.

"The population of Porto Rico shown by the schedules of the

present census taken with reference to the date of October 16,

1899, was 953,243. This was about nine-tenths of the

population of Maryland in 1890, the State whose population is

nearest to that of Porto Rico. … If the figures for … earlier

censuses may be accepted, it appears that the population of

Porto Rico has been growing through the last twelve years with

greater rapidity than before since 1860. Its present rate of

increase is about the same as that of Ohio, Tennessee, or the

Carolinas during the decade between 1880 and 1890. … It

appears that the average increase of population in the

interior has been more rapid than that on the coast. If the

figures for the coast cities of San Juan, Ponce, and Mayaguez

had been excluded, the difference would be yet more marked.

The depressed condition of sugar-cane growing in the West

Indies of recent years may have played an important part in

producing this difference, for the growing of sugar cane is

prevalent in the coast plains of Porto Rico.

{414}

"The area of Porto Rico, including the adjacent and dependent

islands of Vieques, Culebra, Mona, and Muertos, has been

measured in connection with this census and found to be 3,606

square miles. But owing to the imperfect surveys on which all

maps of Porto Rico are based there must be a considerable and

indeterminate margin of possible error in any such

measurement. The island is about three times the size of Long

Island, which was in 1890 perhaps the largest insular division

of the United States. It is also slightly greater than the

eastern shore of Maryland (3,461 square miles). … Porto Rico

has 264 persons to a square mile. This density of population

is about the same as in Massachusetts, twice that in New York

State, and thrice that in Ohio. It is more than seven times

that of Cuba and not much less than twice that of Habana

province. …

"The people of Porto Rico are, in the main, a rural community.

There are no large cities in the island, the two largest being

San Juan, which, regarding the entire municipal district as a

city, had a population of 32,048, and Ponce, which with its

port constituted practically one city, with a population of

27,952. These are the only two cities exceeding 25,000

inhabitants. The next city of magnitude is Mayaguez, on the

west coast, with a population of 15,187. The only other city

exceeding 8,000 inhabitants is Arecibo, with a population of

8,008. The total urban population of the island contained in

cities exceeding 8,000 inhabitants each is 83,195, or only 8.7

per cent of the population of the island. This is a much

smaller proportion than in Cuba, where the corresponding

figures are 32.3 per cent, or in the United States, where the

corresponding proportion in 1890 was 29.2 per cent. There are

in Porto Rico 57 cities, each having a population of 1,000 or

more. The total urban population of the island, under this

definition, numbers 203,792, or 21.4 per cent of the total

number of inhabitants of the island. Similar figures for Cuba

show 47.1 per cent of the population of that island."

Census of Porto Rico, Bulletin No.1.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.

The question of the tariff treatment of its new Territory

by the United States Government.

Writing in "The Forum," November, 1899, Mr. H. K. Carroll, who

had investigated the conditions in Porto Rico as a Special

Commissioner of the United States government, described the

obligation which, in his view, they imposed on the latter as

follows: "The only free market the Puertorican has for his

products is the island market. All the rest of the world is

closed to him. He cannot even buy in a free market; everything

he buys as well as everything he sells being subject to

duties. This is the penalty of independence; but Puerto Rico

is not, and does not want to be, independent. She wants such

commercial relations with us as Alaska, New Mexico, and

Arizona have, and desires a territorial form of government. I

am of the opinion that we cannot refuse these reasonable

requests without doing great injustice to Puerto Rico. It must

be remembered that we sought Puerto Rico; for Puerto Rico did

not seek us. We wrested her from the sovereignty of Spain,

without asking her if she desired to change her allegiance. We

were of the opinion that she was not justly treated by Spain;

that she was governed in the interests of the mother country

solely; that she was oppressed and overtaxed and denied a

proper measure of home rule; and that in consequence we were

serving the cause of humanity in breaking the chains that

bound her. This was what the Puertoricans thought also. They

welcomed our troops and our control. They were glad to turn

their backs on the history of the past, and begin under the

glorious Republic of the North a new and more prosperous

career. They are disappointed, perhaps unreasonably, that

their new life has not already begun; they are eagerly

expectant. They look to the President to recommend, and to

Congress to adopt, a system of government which will make the

island a Territory, equal in rank and rights and privileges to

existing Territories. They ought not to be disappointed

without the best and strongest of reasons. Three reasons are

mentioned in opposition to the granting of territorial

government to Puerto Rico. First, admission as a Territory

implies ultimate admission to statehood; and statehood for

islands separated as Hawaii and Puerto Rico are by from 1,200

to 2,500 miles from the United States is not to be thought of

for a moment. Second, territorial organization involves the

relinquishment of customs duties; and the cane and tobacco

growers of our West India possession would have free access to

the markets of the United States, and thus come into injurious

competition with our own farmers. Third, the people of Puerto

Rico are not competent for the measure of self-government

which the territorial system provides."

This most reasonable and just view of the duty of the American

people to their new fellow citizens received strong

endorsement from higher official authority in the subsequent

annual report of the Secretary of War, who said: "It is plain

that it is essential to the prosperity of the island that she

should receive substantially the same treatment at our hands

as she received from Spain while a Spanish colony, and that

the markets of the United States should be opened to her as

were the markets of Spain and Cuba before the transfer of

allegiance. Congress has the legal right to regulate the

customs duties between the United States and Porto Rico as it

pleases; but the highest considerations of justice and good

faith demand that we should not disappoint the confident

expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people

of Porto Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the

United States, and that we should treat the interests of this

people as our own; and I wish most strongly to urge that the

customs duties between Porto Rico and the United States be

removed."

Message and Documents:

Abridgment, 1899-1900, volume 2, page 757.

And, finally, the President of the United States, in his

Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, gave his high authority

to the declaration that this duty of his government to Porto

Rico was "plain": "It must be borne in mind," he said, "that

since the cession Porto Rico has been denied the principal

markets she had long enjoyed and our tariffs have been

continued against her products as when she was under Spanish

sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products

except upon terms to which the commerce of all nations is

subjected. The island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle

and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same

duties upon these products as from any other country entering

her ports.

{415}

She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and

Cuba, without any compensating benefits in this market. Her

coffee was little known and not in use by our people, and

therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief

products. The markets of the United States should be opened up

to her products. Our plain duty is to abolish all customs

tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico and give her

products free access to our markets."

Message and Documents: Abridgment,

volume 1, page 53.

Notwithstanding all which high official acknowledgments and

declarations of obligation and duty, on the part of the

Republic of the United States to the people of the island

which it had wrested from Spain, certain interests in the

former that objected to competition from the latter were able

to secure legislation which deferred the performance of the

"plain duty" required. An Act of Congress which the President

approved on the 12th of April, 1900, "temporarily to provide

revenues and a civil government for Porto Rico and for other

purposes," enacted as follows:

"SECTION 3.

That on and after the passage of this Act all merchandise

coming into the United States from Porto Rico and coming into

Porto Rico from the United States shall be entered at the

several ports of entry upon payment of fifteen per centum of

the duties which are required to be levied, collected, and

paid upon like articles of merchandise imported from foreign

countries; and in addition thereto upon articles of

merchandise of Porto Rican manufacture coming into the United

States and withdrawn for consumption or sale upon payment of a

tax equal to the internal-revenue tax imposed in the United

States upon the like articles of merchandise of domestic

manufacture; such tax to be paid by internal-revenue stamp or

stamps to be purchased and provided by the Commissioner of

Internal Revenue and to be procured from the collector of

internal revenue at or most convenient to the port of entry of

said merchandise in the United States, and to be affixed under

such regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with

the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall

prescribe; and on all articles of merchandise of United States

manufacture coming into Porto Rico in addition to the duty

above provided upon payment of a tax equal in rate and amount

to the internal-revenue tax imposed in Porto Rico upon the

like articles of Porto Rican manufacture: Provided, That on

and after the date when this Act shall take effect, all

merchandise and articles, except coffee, not dutiable under

the tariff laws of the United States, and all merchandise and

articles entered in Porto Rico free of duty under' orders

heretofore made by the Secretary of War, shall be admitted

into the several ports thereof, when imported from the United

States, free of duty, all laws or parts of laws to the

contrary notwithstanding; and whenever the legislative

assembly of Porto Rico shall have enacted and put into

operation a system of local taxation to meet the necessities

of the government of Porto Rico, by this Act established, and

shall by resolution duly passed so notify the President, he

shall make proclamation thereof, and thereupon all tariff

duties on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from

the United States or coming into the United States from Porto

Rico shall cease, and from and after such date all such

merchandise and articles shall be entered at the several ports

of entry free of duty; and in no event shall any duties be

collected after the first day of March, nineteen hundred and

two, on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from

the United States or coming into the United States from Porto

Rico.

"SECTION 4.

That the duties and taxes collected in Porto Rico in pursuance

of this Act, less the cost of collecting the same, and the

gross amount of all collections of duties and taxes in the

United States upon articles of merchandise coming from Porto

Rico, shall not be covered into the general fund of the

Treasury, but shall be held as a separate fund, and shall be

placed at the disposal of the President to be used for the

government and benefit of Porto Rico until the government of

Porto Rico herein provided for shall have been organized, when

all moneys theretofore collected under the provisions hereof,

then unexpended, shall be transferred to the local treasury of

Porto Rico, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate

the several ports and sub-ports of entry in Porto Rico, and

shall make such rules and regulations and appoint such agents

as may be necessary to collect the duties and taxes authorized

to be levied, collected, and paid in Porto Rico by the

provisions of this Act, and he shall fix the compensation and

provide for the payment thereof of all such officers, agents,

and assistants as he may find it necessary to employ to carry

out the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That as soon as

a civil government for Porto Rico shall have been organized in

accordance with the provisions of this Act and notice thereof

shall have been given to the President he shall make

proclamation thereof, and thereafter all collections of duties

and taxes in Porto Rico under the provisions of this Act shall

be paid into the treasury of Porto Rico, to be expended as

required by law for the government and benefit thereof instead

of being paid into the Treasury of the United States."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (April).

Act to provide temporarily for the civil government

of the Island.

The fundamental provisions of the act of the Congress of the

United States to provide temporarily for the civil government

of Porto Rico, which the President approved April 12, 1900,

are the following:

"SECTION 6.

That the capital of Porto Rico shall be at the city of San

Juan and the seat of government shall be maintained there.

"SECTION 7.

That all inhabitants continuing to reside therein who were

Spanish subjects on the eleventh day of April, eighteen

hundred and ninety-nine, and then resided in Porto Rico, and

their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and

held to be citizens of Porto Rico, and as such entitled to the

protection of the United States, except such as shall have

elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain on

or before the eleventh day of April, nineteen hundred, in

accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between

the United States and Spain entered into on the eleventh day

of April, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine; and they, together

with such citizens of the United States as may reside in Porto

Rico, shall constitute a body politic under the name of The

People of Porto Rico, with governmental powers as hereinafter

conferred, and with power to sue and be sued as such.

{416}

"SECTION 8.

That the laws and ordinances of Porto Rico now in force shall

continue in full force and effect, except as altered, amended,

or modified hereinafter, or as altered or modified by military

orders and decrees in force when this Act shall take effect,

and so far as the same are not inconsistent or in conflict

with the statutory laws of the United States not locally

inapplicable, or the provisions hereof, until altered,

amended, or repealed by the legislative authority hereinafter

provided for Porto Rico or by Act of Congress of the United

States: Provided, That so much of the law which was in force

at the time of cession, April eleventh, eighteen hundred and

ninety-nine, forbidding the marriage of priests, ministers, or

followers of any faith because of vows they may have taken,

being paragraph four, article eighty-three, chapter three,

civil code, and which was continued by the order of the

secretary of justice of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth,

eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and promulgated by

Major-General Guy V. Henry, United States Volunteers, is

hereby repealed and annulled, and all persons lawfully married

in Porto Rico shall have all the rights and remedies conferred

by law upon parties to either civil or religious marriages:

And provided further, That paragraph one, article one hundred

and five, section four, divorce, civil code, and paragraph

two, section nineteen, of the order of the minister of justice

of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth, eighteen hundred and

ninety-nine, and promulgated by Major-General Guy V. Henry,

United States Volunteers, be, and the same hereby are, so

amended as to read: 'Adultery on the part of either the

husband or the wife.' …

"SECTION 14.

That the statutory laws of the United States not locally

inapplicable, except as hereinbefore or hereinafter otherwise

provided, shall have the same force and effect in Porto Rico

as in the United States, except the internal-revenue laws,

which, in view of the provisions of section three, shall not

have force and effect in Porto Rico.

"SECTION 15.

That the legislative authority hereinafter provided shall have

power by due enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal any

law or ordinance, civil or criminal, continued in force by

this Act, as it may from time to time see fit.

"SECTION 16.

That all judicial process shall run in the name of 'United

States of America, ss: the President of the United States,'

and all criminal or penal prosecutions in the local courts

shall be conducted in the name and by the authority of 'The

People of Porto Rico'; and all officials authorized by this

Act shall before entering upon the duties of their respective

offices take an oath to support the Constitution of the United

States and the laws of Porto Rico.

"SECTION 17.

That the official title of the chief executive officer shall

be 'The Governor of Porto Rico.' He shall be appointed by the

President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate;

he shall hold his office for a term of four years and until

his successor is chosen and qualified unless sooner removed by

the President; he shall reside in Porto Rico during his

official incumbency, and shall maintain his office at the seat

of government; he may grant pardons and reprieves, and remit

fines and forfeitures for offenses against the laws of Porto

Rico, and respites for offenses against the laws of the United

States, until the decision of the President can be

ascertained; he shall commission all officers that he may be

authorized to appoint, and may veto any legislation enacted,

as hereinafter provided; he shall be the commander in chief of

the militia, and shall at all times faithfully execute the

laws, and he shall in that behalf have all the powers of

governors of the Territories of the United States that are not

locally inapplicable; and he shall annually, and at such other

times as he may be required, make official report of the

transactions of the government in Porto Rico, through the

Secretary of State, to the President of the United States:

Provided, That the President may, in his discretion, delegate

and assign to him such executive duties and functions as may

in pursuance with law be so delegated and assigned.

"SECTION 18.

That there shall be appointed by the President, by and with

the advice and consent of the Senate, for the period of four

years, unless sooner removed by the President, a secretary, an

attorney-general, a treasurer, an auditor, a commissioner of

the interior, and a commissioner of education, each of whom

shall reside in Porto Rico during his official incumbency and

have the powers and duties hereinafter provided for them,

respectively, and who, together with five other persons of

good repute, to be also appointed by the President for a like

term of four years, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate, shall constitute an executive council, at least five

of whom shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico, and, in

addition to the legislative duties hereinafter imposed upon

them as a body, shall exercise such powers and perform such

duties as are hereinafter provided for them, respectively, and

who shall have power to employ all necessary deputies and

assistants for the proper discharge of their duties as such

officials and as such executive council. …

"SECTION 27.

That all local legislative powers hereby granted shall be

vested in a legislative assembly which shall consist of two

houses; one the executive council, as hereinbefore

constituted, and the other a house of delegates, to consist of

thirty-five members elected biennially by the qualified voters

as hereinafter provided; and the two houses thus constituted

shall be designated 'The legislative assembly of Porto Rico.'

"SECTION 28.

That for the purposes of such elections Porto Rico shall be

divided by the executive council into seven districts,

composed of contiguous territory and as nearly equal as may be

in population, and each district shall be entitled to five

members of the house of delegates.

SECTION 29.

That the first election for delegates shall be held on such

date and under such regulations as to ballots and voting as

the executive council may prescribe. … At such elections all

citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been

bona fide residents for one year and who possess the other

qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in

force on the first day of March, 1900, subject to such

modifications and additional qualifications and such

regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be

prescribed by the executive council. …

{417}

"SECTION 32.

That the legislative authority herein provided shall extend to

all matters of a legislative character not locally inapplicable,

including power to create, consolidate, and reorganize the

municipalities, so far as may be necessary, and to provide and

repeal laws and ordinances therefor; and also the power to

alter, amend, modify, and repeal any and all laws and

ordinances of every character now in force in Porto Rico, or

any municipality or district thereof, not inconsistent with

the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That all grants of

franchises, rights, and privileges or concessions of a public

or quasi-public nature shall be made by the executive council,

with the approval of the governor, and all franchises granted

in Porto Rico shall be reported to Congress, which hereby

reserves the power to annul or modify the same.

"SECTION 33.

That the judicial power shall be vested in the courts and

tribunals of Porto Rico as already established and now in

operation, including municipal courts. …

"SECTION 34.

That Porto Rico shall constitute a judicial district to be

called 'the district of Porto Rico.' The President, by and

with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a

district judge, a district attorney, and a marshal for said

district, each for a term of four years, unless sooner removed

by the President. The district court for said district shall

be called the district court of the United States for Porto

Rico.

"SECTION 35.

That writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of

the supreme court of Porto Rico and the district court of the

United States shall be allowed and may be taken to the Supreme

Court of the United States in the same manner and under the

same regulations and in the same cases as from the supreme

courts of the Territories of the United States. …

"SECTION 39.

That the qualified voters of Porto Rico shall, on the first

Tuesday after the first Monday of November, anno Domini

nineteen hundred, and every two years thereafter, choose a

resident commissioner to the United States, who shall be

entitled to official recognition as such by all Departments,

upon presentation to the Department of State of a certificate

of election of the governor of Porto Rico, and who shall be

entitled to a salary, payable monthly by the United States, at

the rate of five thousand dollars per annum: Provided, That no

person shall be eligible to such election who is not a bona

fide citizen of Porto Rico, who is not thirty years of age,

and who does not read and write the English language.

"SECTION 40.

That a commission, to consist of three members, at least one

of whom shall be a native citizen of Porto Rico, shall be

appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent

of the Senate, to compile and revise the laws of Porto Rico; also

the various codes of procedure and systems of municipal

government now in force, and to frame and report such

legislation as may be necessary to make a simple, harmonious,

and economical government, establish justice and secure its

prompt and efficient administration, inaugurate a general

system of education and public instruction, provide buildings

and funds therefor, equalize and simplify taxation and all the

methods of raising revenue, and make all other provisions that

may be necessary to secure and extend the benefits of a

republican form of government to all the inhabitants of Porto

Rico."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (May).

Organization of civil government.

Appointment of Governor Allen.

Under the Act to establish civil government in Porto Rico,

Honorable. Charles H. Allen, formerly a representative in

Congress from Massachusetts, and lately Assistant-Secretary of

the Navy, was appointed to the governorship of the island. Mr.

J. H. Hollander, of Maryland, was appointed Treasurer, and Mr.

John R. Garrison, of the District of Columbia, Auditor.

Governor Allen was inducted into office with considerable

ceremony, at San Juan, on the 1st of May.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (August-October).

First steps in the creation of a public school system.

"The report of M. G. Brumbaugh, commissioner of education, on

education in Porto Rico, dated October 15, 1900, shows what

has been accomplished in the short time that elapsed after the

commissioner entered upon his duties on August 4, 1900. … The

people want schools … and the pupils will attend them. In

1899, 616 schools were opened in Porto Rico. In 1900 the

department will maintain at least 800 schools, an increase of

30 per cent, which will provide for nearly 9,000 additional

pupils.

"In 1899 there were 67 Americans in the teaching force of the

island. Since October 1, 1900, the number has increased to

100. The commissioner criticises one class of teachers who are

'seekers after novelty and new experiences, who imposed upon the

administration and the children, and who used the salary and

position of teacher solely to see a new country for a year and

then return. … The people of Porto Rico have patiently borne

with these adventurers, and quietly longed for their

departure.' This class of teachers is now gone and the newly

selected American teachers have some knowledge of Spanish and

are graduates of universities, colleges, and normal schools in

the States, and are for the most part young men and women of

ability and discretion. The salaries of American teachers were

fixed by law at $40 per month for nine months in cities of

less than 5,000 population. In cities of larger population the

salary was $50 per month for nine months and both are

inadequate, although at the time the salaries were fixed the

War Department provided free transportation from and to the

United States. This transportation may now be withdrawn at any

time, and the small inducement held out by the meager salary

offered to teachers is not calculated to invite the best class

of them to the island.

"The new normal and industrial school at Fajardo, which was to

have been established by the joint efforts of the local

municipality and the American Government, was only so far

advanced that the land had been purchased by the end of

September, 1900. The normal department was opened October 1,

in a rented building, while the industrial department cannot

be opened until suitable quarters are provided. The

commissioner recommends that the United States make this place

the site of an agricultural experiment station for which it is

pre-eminently fitted. On account of the industries of the

country—coffee, sugar, tobacco, and fruit—agriculture could be

well studied here, and free boarding, lodging, and tuition would

be given the students, who would be for the most part poor

boys and girls.

"As to the school accommodation, the commissioner states that

there are no public school buildings in Porto Rico. The

schools are conducted in rented houses or rooms which are

often unfit for the purpose, and the hygienic conditions are

bad. There is a wide field, or rather a demand, for

improvement in this direction, as well as in the school

equipment and material.

{418}

In 1899, $33,000 was expended for school-books, and in 1900,

$20,000 will be expended for books and supplies, which shall

be free. In the United States 'free books' means usually their

purchase by local boards and free use by the pupils. In Porto

Rico the books and supplies will be free to the pupils without

expense to the local boards. A pedagogical museum and library

has been established for the benefit of teachers and others.

About 300 volumes have been contributed to the library from

friends in the States, and the Department will make the number

up to 500 by purchase. A library of 5,000 volumes of standard

Spanish and American literature was found in a building in San

Juan, which has been installed in suitable rooms as a public

library.

"Many of the leading institutions of the United States have

responded cordially to the application of the Department of

Education on behalf of young Porto Ricans who wish to

prosecute their studies in colleges and universities. Some

have offered free tuition, some have added free lodging, while

others have offered even free living to all such students as

wish to avail themselves of their instruction. Many young

Porto Ricans have availed themselves of these generous offers.

"There are now 800 schools in Porto Rico, and 38,000 pupils

attending them, while there are 300,000 children of school age

for whom there are no accommodations. But the commissioner

expresses the hope that gradually the great illiteracy in

Porto Rico will be reduced, and the people prepared for the

duties of citizenship in a democracy by means of the schools

that shall be established. … The total expenditure for

education in Porto Rico from the 1st of May to the end of

September was $91,057.32."

United States, Secretary of the Interior,

Annual Report, November 28, 1900, page 116.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (November-December).

The first election under U. S. law.

Meeting of the Legislative Assembly.

The first election in the Island under the provisions of the

Act recited above occurred on the 6th of November

simultaneously with the elections in the United States. It

seems to have been almost entirely a one-sided vote. "About

two weeks before election day," says a despatch from San Juan,

November 7, "the Federal Party, which carried the island at

the election of less than a year ago by a majority of 6,500

votes, suddenly withdrew from the electoral contest. The

Federal leaders sent instruction to their followers not to

appear at the polls, but the Federal Election Judges were

instructed to appear and watch the proceedings until the

elections were concluded in order to gather evidence of any

unfairness in the registration and any irregularity in the

voting. The Federal Party intends to institute court

proceedings after the election in the hope of nullifying it,

claiming that gross irregularities in the registration and

voting will be shown, and alleging that the districting was

not done according to law." Only about 200 Federals voted, it

is stated, while some 60,000 votes were cast for the

candidates of the Republicans. Governor Allen cabled the

following announcement of the election to President McKinley:

"I am gratified and delighted. The outcome in Porto Rico is a

guarantee of the island's future. To bring people who had long

been under different rules and conditions to their first

general election, to have the election pass off as quietly and

orderly as in any State of the North conducted by the people

without let or hindrance, and without a soldier or armed force

of any sort, and to have nearly 60.000 men march to the polls

to deposit their first ballot for self-government in such a

manner, are good reasons for congratulation, not only to the

people of the island, but to the painstaking members of the

Administration, who had worked diligently and patiently to

this end. This overwhelming Republican victory also means

legislation for the good of the island in line with the

American Administration. It means stable government and the

protection of property interests, with which prospective

investors in Porto Rico are deeply concerned. It means

education, public works, and all the beneficent works which

follow legislation wisely and conscientiously undertaken. It

is an emphatic declaration of unqualified loyalty to the

United States."

The newly elected Legislative Assembly met and the House of

Delegates was organized December 3. A correspondent of the

"New York Tribune," writing a week later, said: "Already

nineteen bills have been introduced. To introduce nineteen

bills in six days after organizing, as well as forming the

regular committees, is not bad work when it is considered that

not one of the members had the slightest idea of parliamentary

procedure. During the session one of the members may be seen

making frequent trips to the Executive Mansion, where he

confers with Secretary Hunt in regard to some doubtful point.

It is said by some that in a short time the lower house will

be controlled entirely by the portfolio members of the

Council. It is known that the five Porto Rican members of the

Council, when considering the question of franchises, etc.,

often vote contrary to their own ideas in order that the

Council may continue harmonious. But it is not likely that the

heads of departments will be able to control the thirty-five

members of the House. The House, although regularly elected,

is not representative of the island; the Federals refraining

from voting kept over half the natives from the polls. The

Federal party, it is asserted, is made up of the richest and

best element of Porto Rico. The Republicans, though in power,

do not feel that they are able to run things alone, so the

majority is willing to be dictated to by the Council.

Nevertheless there is a certain element in the House which

will not be dictated to. So soon as any really important bill

comes up for debate it is predicted that the House will divide

against itself. And a little later, when the House passes some

pet bill and the Council rejects it, the House will probably

resign in a body. It is a natural trait of the people.'

After another fortnight had passed, the same correspondent

wrote very discouragingly of the disposition shown by a

majority of the members of the House of Delegates, and their

conduct of business, and stated: "The popular opinion among

the Americans, even among some of the higher officials, is

that if the House continues as it is Congress will abolish it

altogether, and govern the island through a Governor and

Cabinet. Such irregular procedure has been followed that it is

a question here whether any business has been legally done."

{419}

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (January),

Close of the first session of the Legislative Assembly.

The first session of the first Legislative Assembly of the

island came to a close on the 31st of January, 1901, and the

following remarks on its work were made in a newspaper

despatch of that date from San Juan: "Over one hundred bills

have been introduced in the House of Delegates, and dozens

have been passed by both houses, and are awaiting the

Governor's approval. … Committees have a hard day's work if

they get together and agree to pass the bills on hand before

midnight to-night. Ever since the House of Delegates resumed

business after the new year, eight or nine members have been

continually absent. There are only thirty-five members

altogether, and the island is small, yet twenty-six has been

the average attendance. A full attendance for even one day is

not recorded. It was predicted that a number of the members

would resign; they did not. They simply remained away, like

truant schoolboys. A bill has been passed providing for the

education of certain young Porto Rican men and women in the

United States, about two hundred of them having petitioned the

House of Delegates to be sent north at the island's expense.

It is not known on what ground these petitions have been made.

The island expends about $400,000 yearly on education, and

excellent educational facilities are offered. But the people,

in a way, seem to discredit the value of the opportunities at

hand."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (April).

Distress of the workingmen of the Island.

Their appeal to the President of the United States.

The following petition, signed by 6,000 of the workingmen of

Porto Rico, was brought to the United States by a delegate

from the Federation of Labor in Porto Rico and presented to

President McKinley on the 15th of April:

"The undersigned, workers of Porto Rico, without distinction

of color, political or religious creed, have the honor to

bring to your attention the following facts: Misery, with all

its horrible consequences, is spreading in our homes with

wonderful rapidity. It has already reached such an extreme

that many workers are starving to death while others, that

have not the courage to see their mothers, wives, sisters and

children perish of hunger, commit suicide by drowning

themselves in the rivers or hanging themselves from branches

of trees. All this, honorable sir, is due to the scarcity of

work, which keeps us in enforced idleness, the mother of our

misery. Our beautiful estates are idle; our lands are not

being cultivated; our shops remain closed; and our Chambers do

absolutely nothing to prevent our misery on this once so rich

an island. The Government and municipality do not undertake

any public works to keep us out of idleness. The emigration of

workers, unknown in this island before, increases day by day,

in proportion as misery increases. Under these trying

conditions we are no longer a happy and contented people. We

therefore, beg of you, honorable sir, to interest yourself in

our cause, leading us, as the father of our country, in the

path that will bring us work, and with it the means of

subsistence. We want work; nothing but work. We want to earn

the means of subsistence by the sweat of our brows; and nobody

better than our Chief Magistrate can help us by lending ear to

our appeals. "

----------PORTO RICO: End--------

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1891-1900.

Delagoa Bay Arbitration.

See (in this volume)

DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.

Alleged Treaty with Great Britain.

There is said to be knowledge in diplomatic circles of a

treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, concluded in 1898,

which has never been made public, but which is understood to

engage the former to assist the latter financially and to

protect the kingdom as against dangers both external and

internal. In return it is believed that England received the

right to embark and disembark troops, stores and ammunitions

at any point on Portuguese territory in Africa, to keep them

there, or to convey them across Portuguese territory to any

point she might see fit, irrespective as to whether she was at

war with any third Power. Circumstances have given some

support to this rumor, but it has no positive confirmation.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899.

Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896.

War with Gungunhana.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

POSTAGE, British Imperial Penny.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

POWERS, Concert of the.

See (in this volume)

CONCERT OF EUROPE.

POWERS, The four great.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

PRATT, Consul:

Interviews with Aguinaldo at Singapore.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

"PREDOMINANT MEMBER," Remarks of Lord Rosebery on the.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

PREHISTORIC DISCOVERIES.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

PREMPEH, Overthrow of King.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.

PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES: Union in Scotland.

See (in this volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.

PRESS, The:

Relaxation of restrictions in Poland.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

PRESS, The:

Prosecutions in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

PRETORIA: A. D. 1894.

Demonstration of British residents.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

PRETORIA: A. D. 1900.

Taken by the British forces.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

PRIMARY ELECTION LAW.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.

PRINCE EDWARD'S ISLAND.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

{420}

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY:

Celebration of 250th anniversary.

Assumption of new name.

See (in this volume)

EDUCATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1896.

PRINSLOO, Commandant: Surrender.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PROCTOR, Senator Redfield:

Account of the condition of the Cuban Reconcentrados.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

PROGRESSISTS,

PROGRESSIVES.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898, and after;

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898,

and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PROHIBITION PARTY, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PROHIBITION PLEBISCITE, Canadian.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

PROTECTIVE TARIFFS.

See (in this volume)

TARIFF LEGISLATION.

PROTOCOL, for suspension of Spanish-American War.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: Census, 1895.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.

Canal projects.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.

Bicentenary celebration.

The bicentenary of the coronation of the first King of Prussia

was celebrated with much ceremony and festivity on the 18th of

January, 1901.

PULLMAN.

A decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, rendered early in

1899, deprives the Pullman Car Company of the legal right to

own and conduct the affairs of the town of Pullman, Illinois.

The effect is understood to be that the town will be

incorporated with Chicago.

PUNJAB, Formation of a new province from districts of the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PUPIN, Dr. Michael I.:

Improvement in long-distance telephony.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

Q.

QUEBEC, Province.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

QUEENS COUNTY:

Incorporation in Greater New York.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

QUEENSLAND.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

QUINCY, Josiah:

Progressive measures as Mayor of Boston.

See (in this volume)

BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.

R.

RACES, European, The expansion of.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

RAILWAY, The Anatolian.

Extension to the Persian Gulf.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

RAILWAY, Cape to Cairo.

"A line now [1899] runs northward from Cape Town to Bulawayo,

in Rhodesia, a distance of 1,360 miles, and is being pushed

still farther northward. From Bulawayo to Lake Tanganyika is

about 1,000 miles; and this Mr. Rhodes hopes to reach by 1905.

Lake Tanganyika is 410 miles long; and it is likely that its

waters will be utilized for a time at least for transferring

northwardly the freights and passengers reaching its southern

end. Meantime the railroad from Cairo is being pushed

southwardly to meet the line which is coming from the Cape

northwardly. It has already been constructed to Atbara, where

American contractors have just finished the steel bridge in a

time which British bridge-builders considered impossible; and

the line is being pushed forward to Khartoum from that point.

Khartoum is 1,300 miles from Cairo; so that when work on the

section from Atbara to Khartoum is completed, as it will be

within a few months, the two gaps to be filled in will be from

Khartoum to the north end of Lake Tanganyika, a distance of

1,700 miles, and the 950 miles from the south end of Lake

Tanganyika to Bulawayo; i. e., 2,700 miles in all. Thus, of

the necessary land length, assuming that at least the 410

miles length of Lake Tanganyika will be at first utilized,

about one-half will be finished on the completion of the

section from Atbara to Khartoum, within the next few months.

The remaining 2,700 miles will, it is estimated, cost

$60,000,000; and Mr. Rhodes confidently predicts its

completion before the year 1910."

O. P. Austin,

Africa: Present and Future

(Forum, December, 1899).

See, also (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

Of course, the plans and calculations of Mr. Cecil Rhodes have

been seriously interfered with by the South African War. He

may have anticipated the war, but not the length nor the

effects of it.

RAILWAY, Haifa to Damascus and Bagdad.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1899.

RAILWAY, The Intercontinental, or "Three Americas."

"One of the important results of the International American

Conference, held in Washington in 1889-90, was its

recommendation that an International Commission be created to

ascertain the feasibility, the cost, and the available

location for a railroad connecting the countries of South and

Central America with Mexico and the United States. This

recommendation was cordially indorsed by Secretary Blaine in

submitting the report to President Harrison, who transmitted

it to Congress, asking that an appropriation be made to

commence the surveys. In the same act which authorized the

establishment of the Bureau of the American Republics—the

Diplomatic and Consular Appropriation Act of July 14, 1890—the

Intercontinental Railway Commission was created.

{421}

In this act it was provided that three Commissioners on the

part of the United States should be appointed by the

President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, who were

to act with representatives of the other American Republics to

devise plans for carrying out the objects recommended by the

International American Conference. The Commission organized

December 4, 1890, and at once set about the equipping of the

surveying parties to make the necessary topographical

examination. The United States representatives on the

Commission were practical railroad men—A. J. Cassatt, Henry G.

Davis, and R. C. Kerens, and eleven other Republics were

represented on the Commission. The report just issued [March,

1899] is in four volumes, with four sets of maps and profiles,

exhibiting the surveys and examination of the country that

were made from Mexico through Central America to Colombia,

Ecuador, and Peru, in South America. In addition to the

personal observations in South America, the officers making

the reports also gathered from the best obtainable sources

geographical, railroad, and other information relating to

Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, and

Venezuela. The report gives the proposed distances as follows:

Central American division, from Ayutla, Guatemala, on the

Mexican border, to Rio Golfito, Colombia, 1,043 miles; from

Rio Golfito to Buenos Aires, Argentina, 5,446.76 miles;

through the United States from New York to Laredo, Texas,

2,094 miles; and from that point, through Mexico to Ayutla,

Guatemala, 1,644.3 miles; making a total of 10,228.06 miles,

including the lines already in operation in the different

countries. The extent of railway to be constructed is a little

over one-half the total, being 5,456.13 miles. An estimate is

given of the cost for grading, masonry, and bridges of that

portion of the line which must be constructed to complete the

connections, which amounts to $174,290,271.84."

Bureau of American Republics,

Bulletin, March, 1899.

As now surveyed, from New York City to Buenos Ayres, it will

be 10,221 miles long, and to finish and equip it will cost at

least $200,000,000. This length and cost will also be

increased when the line is extended through Patagonia to the

southern limits of South America. The complete surveys … prove

that a practicable route can be found and the road built

within a reasonable time. The route of this road can be traced

on the map, while the following table shows the distances, the

miles built, and the gaps to be filled:

Built.    Proposed.    Total.

United States.          2,094           …      2,094

Mexico                  1,183         461      1,644

Total North America.    3,277         461      3,738

---------

Guatemala.                 43         126        169

San Salvador.              64         166        230

Honduras.                   …          71         71

Nicaragua.                103         106        209

Costa Rica.                 …         360        360

Total Central America.    210         829      1,039

Colombia.                   …       1,354      1,354

Ecuador.                    …         658        658

Peru.                     151       1,833      1,784

Bolivia.                  195         392        587

Argentina.                936         125      1,061

Total South America.    1,282       4,769      5,444

Grand total.            4,769       5,452     10,221

"The demands of trade may compel early construction of this

railroad. It is doubtful if a remunerative commerce can be

built up between North and South America by ship. The

conformation of the eastern coast of South America compels a

long detour to the east, and brings a ship almost as near to

the ports of Europe as to the ports of the United States. The

exports of South America, being mainly agricultural, will find

a readier sale in Europe than in this country, and when they

are exchanged for the cheap manufactured goods of that

continent the conditions for trade are supplied. If, for these

reasons, this country can not build up a commerce with South

America by water, a quicker means of transit must be had, such

as the Pan-American Railway would provide. The obstacles to be

overcome are great. They surpass the difficulties in the way of

the Siberian or the 'Cape to Cairo' road, but the results will

be correspondingly greater.

"South America has greater undeveloped resources than any

other continent. Its agricultural possibilities are boundless.

It has the greatest rivers in the world; its soil can produce

any crop grown on the earth, and its mines of gold, silver,

and coal have been scarcely touched. A railroad which would

traverse the coffee lands of the Central American States, pass

through the mines of Peru, and penetrate the rich pampas of

Brazil and Argentina, must have great possibilities before it.

The products of the three great valleys of the Orinoco, the

Amazon, and the Paraguay rivers would find a market by means

of it, and the riches of the mines of the Incas be shown to

surpass those of California and South Africa."

Bureau of American Republics,

Bulletin, December, 1899.

RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

RAILWAY, The Three Americas.

See, above,

RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

RAILWAY, Trans-Siberian.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

RAILWAY, The Uganda, or Mombasa-Victoria.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA RAILWAY.

RAILWAYS: in Africa.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

RAILWAYS: American Inter-State.

Arbitration of industrial disputes.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

RAILWAYS: Concessions in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895;

1897 (MAY-JUNE);

1897 (NOVEMBER);

1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER);

1898 (MARCH);

1898 (APRIL-AUGUST);

1898 (MAY);

1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

RAILWAYS:

Russian projects in Persia.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

{422}

RAILWAYS:

State purchase in Switzerland.

See (in this volume)

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

RAINES LAW, The.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

RAMAPO WATER CONTRACT, The.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.

RANAVALOMANJAKA, Queen.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR.

RAND, Gold fields of the.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

RECIPROCITY:

Treaties under the Dingley Tariff Act.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

RECONCENTRADOS.

(See in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897;

and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

RED CROSS SOCIETY, The:

Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);

and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

REFERENDUM, The:

In Minnesota.

See (in this volume)

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

REFERENDUM, The:

Introduction in South Dakota.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

REFERENDUM, The:

Its exercise in Switzerland.

See (in this volume)

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

REID CONTRACT, The.

See (in this volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900; and 1899-1901.

REITFONTEIN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

RELIGIOUS ORDERS, Bill to regulate, in France.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

REPRESENTATIVES:

Reapportionment in the Congress of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

REPUBLICAN PARTY, The,

in the U. S. Presidential elections, 1896 and 1900.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

RESERVOIRS, Nile.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

RHINE-ELBE CANAL PROJECT, The.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST);

and 1901 (JANUARY).

RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1900.

Newport no longer a capital city.

At the election in November, 1900, a constitutional amendment

was adopted which makes Providence alone the capital city of

Rhode Island. Newport had been one of the capitals since the

colonies of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations were

united.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Founder of the British South Africa Company.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Master spirit of the British South Africa Company.

His name given to its dominions.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Participation in Uitlander revolutionary conspiracy at

Johannesburg, leading to Jameson Raid.

Resignation of Cape Colony premiership.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Dealing with Matabele revolt.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):

A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

RHODES, Cecil John:

Resignation from the Board of the British South Africa

Company.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

RHODES, Cecil John:

Accused by the Cape Colony Assembly of complicity in the

Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

RHODES, Cecil John:

Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on the

Jameson Raid.

The Committee's report.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

RHODES, Cecil John:

In Cape Colony politics.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Projection of a Cape to Cairo Railway.

See (in this volume)

RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO;

and AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

RHODES, Cecil John:

Beleaguered in Kimberley.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

RHODES, Cecil John:

Projection of a Cape to Cairo Telegraph.

See (in this volume)

TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (March-September).

Revolt of the Matabeles.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):

A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (July).

Parliamentary investigation of British South Africa Company.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1896 (JULY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1897.

Report on compulsory native labor.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1898.

Reorganized administration.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA

(RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1900.

Protectorate proclaimed over Barotsiland.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

RIO PRIETO, Engagement at the.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST; PORTO RICO).

RIZAL, Dr. José.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

ROBERTS, Field Marshal, Lord (Sir Frederick Sleigh):

In the South African War.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

ROBINSON, Sir Hercules:

British High Commissioner in South Africa.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, The.

See PAPACY.

ROMAN CATHOLICS:

Protest of British Peers against the

Declaration required from the Sovereign.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

{423}

ROMAN CATHOLICS:

Victory in Belgium.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

ROMAN LAW:

Superseded in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

ROME:

The likeness of its early settlement shown by excavations

at Antemnæ.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

RÖNTGEN, Wilhelm Konrad:

Discovery of the X rays.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Elected Vice President of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

ROSEBERY, Earl of:

Prime minister.

Remarks on the "predominant member."

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

ROSEBERY, Earl of:

Tribute to Mr. Gladstone.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

ROSEBERY, Earl of:

Tribute to Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

ROUGH RIDERS, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

ROUGH RIDERS, The.

At Santiago.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

ROUMANIA.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;

and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.

Transfer of territories to the British crown.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

RUDINI, Marquis di:

Resignation of Ministry.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

RUMANIA.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;

and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.

Agreement with Great Britain concerning the frontier of

Afghanistan and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

See (in this volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.

Alliance with France.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.

Treaty with China giving railway and other privileges and

rights in Manchuria.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (May-June).

Coronation of the Tzar.

The Tzar Nicholas II., who succeeded his father, Alexander

III., on the death of the latter, November 1, 1894, was not

formally crowned until May 26, 1896. The splendid festivities

of the occasion lasted from May 18 until June, and were

attended by a brilliant assembly of princes and high officials

from all parts of the world. They were saddened by a frightful

calamity on the 31st of May, when an attempt was made to

distribute gifts of food and drink to a vast multitude of

nearly half a million people, on Khodynskoye plain. Adequate

measures for controlling the pressure of the crowd had not

been taken, and nearly 3,000 were suffocated or trampled to

death.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

Relaxations of oppressive laws.

Several important relaxations of oppressive laws were

commanded by the Tzar in the course of the year. By one, sons

of the marriage of an orthodox Russian with one of another

creed were allowed to be brought up in the religion of the

father and daughters in that of the mother. By another, Jews

having an university education were allowed freedom of

residence in any part of the empire. By others, greater

freedom was given to the Polish press, formerly forbidden to

discuss political questions; local assemblies of Polish nobles

were organized; permission was given to restore Roman Catholic

churches in Poland, and certain special Polish taxes were

removed.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (February).

Census of the Empire.

"For the first time in the history of the Hyperborean Empire,

a general, and if I may use the expression, scientific, census

has been taken of the various tongues and tribes, religions

and sects, cultured races and nomadic hordes who acknowledge

the sway of the Tsar. It was a Herculean labour, without

precedent in history and without a formula in statistics. … On

June 5, 1895, the reigning Tsar gave his sanction to a scheme

which was both conformable to the exigencies of modern

statistics and suitable to the various conditions peculiar to

Russia. … The general plan of operations was simple, and

calculated as far as possible to impose a large portion of the

task upon officials of the Administration, and obviate the

necessity of paying for it. Thus there was a Committee in

every Government or Province of the Empire, presided over by

the actual Governor; and there were sub-committees in every

district under the direction of the Marshal of the Nobility. …

The task undertaken by the Central Committee was in the

highest degree formidable: rooted prejudices had to be

overcome, inarticulate suspicions removed—the half-civilised

nomads have an insuperable dislike to answer questions of the

'Tshinovniks'—the confidence of the people gained, languages

mastered, routes studied, badges prepared for the officials,

millions upon millions of census papers printed and

distributed over the length and breadth of the Empire, &c. &c.

…

"In order that the work might be finished as early as possible

at the same time, the cantonal sections were split up into

divisions, which had to be more or less equal. In country

places the division was not usually allowed to exceed 400

households, or say, 2,600 souls; in cities 150 flats, or about

750 souls. The registrars, who were answerable for the census

in these districts, were chosen from all classes of society,

the only condition being that they must be persons of some

education, and calculated to inspire the population with

confidence—a very important consideration in Russia. Thus,

there were priests, officers, school-teachers, students,

merchants, landowners, and in some cases peasants. The

remuneration fixed for the work, which was sometimes attended

with danger and in almost every case with very disagreeable

experiences, was 12 roubles, or about £1 4s. 6d., in rural

districts, and 7 roubles in towns.

{424}

Labour is still cheap in Russia, but even there this modest

sum was found insufficient to tempt the competent persons, who

in out-of-the-way districts were few and far between. When

this had become painfully evident, it was too late to set the

clumsy machinery in motion through which alone it might have

been possible to obtain a higher rate of remuneration. As the

registrars were, in many places, not to be had, it seemed

likely that the census would prove a lamentable failure. Then

the Tsar appeared as a 'deus ex machinâ,' and instituted a

special medal for all those who should agree to undertake the

work gratis. Like most Continental peoples, Russians have a

hankering after 'ribbons to stick in their coats,' and the

moment the medal was promised for gratuitous services there

was no lack of willing workmen. Thousands of volunteers

presented themselves, and the authorities selected the most

competent. … On January 28 [Old Style, being, N. S. February

9, 1897], … at break of day an army of 150,000 individuals

left their homes to count the number of people inhabiting an

empire which occupies one-sixth of the globe. …

"The first Russian census … may be considered to have proved a

brilliant success. The results may be summed up very briefly

as follows: The population of the Russian Empire and the Grand

Duchy of Finland numbers 129,211,114 souls, of whom

94,188,750 inhabit the 50 Governments of European Russia

9,442,500 inhabit the 10 Governments of Poland

9,723,553 inhabit the 11 Governments of the Caucasus

5,731,732 inhabit the 9 Governments of Siberia

3,415,174 inhabit the 5 Governments of the Steppe regions

4,175,101 inhabit the Provinces of Transcaspia and of Turkestan.

6,413 inhabit Khiva and Boukhara

2,527,801 inhabit Finland

----------

129,211,114 Total

"Compared with the figures of former years, as given by the

partial official returns and in the tables of the statistician

Köppen, we find that the population has increased since the

year 1851 by 96.2 per cent; since 1858 by 73.2 per cent; since

1885 by 18.1 per cent. The average density of the population

is 8.8 persons to the square verst [the verst equalling

1166.66 yards], but it naturally varies a good deal in the

different districts and Provinces. Thus, in the 10 Governments

of Poland it amounts to 84.6 to the sq. verst. In the 50

Governments of European Russia it amounts to 22.2 to the sq.

verst. In the Governments of the Caucasus it amounts to 23.6

to the sq. verst. In Siberia it amounts to 0.5 to the sq.

verst. In the Steppe region it amounts to 1.6 to the sq.

verst.

"Even in the different Governments of European Russia the

density varies considerably. …

"There are 19 cities in Russia, with a population of more than

100,000 souls each, and 35 which have from 50,000 to 100,000.

In fifteen cities the number of females exceeds that of the

males, whereas in all the others it is smaller. … The natural

increase of the population is kept down to a relatively low

figure by an abnormally large death-rate, which is mainly due

to avoidable causes. Infectious diseases and insufficiency of

medical help are among the most obvious. … In no country in

the world are infectious diseases so frequently mortal as in

Russia. Children especially suffer, and diphtheria, measles,

scarlatina, smallpox, &c., literally decimate villages and

country towns. It has been stated by the statistician Ekk,

with the help of official figures, that about 1,900,000

persons, chiefly children, die every year who might, with a

little care, be preserved to the Empire. The difference which

this loss makes to the population in fifty years is enormous."

E. J. Dillon,

The First Russian Census

(Contemporary Review, December, 1897).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (November).

Treaty with the United States and Japan, to suspend pelagic

sealing.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (December).

Adoption of the gold monetary standard.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

Contentions with Japan in Korea.

See (in this volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).

Increase of naval armament.

On the 10th of March an imperial ukase ordered an addition of

90,000,000 roubles to the expenditure on war ships already

provided for, the extra disbursement to be spread over seven

years.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).

Lease of Port Arthur, Talienwan and the Liaotung Peninsula

from China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 MARCH-JULY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (May-December).

In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1899.

The Tzar's proposal to check the increase of armaments.

The resulting Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.

The question of sugar bounties.

United States countervailing duties and Russian retaliation.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.

The Russianizing of Finland.

Overthrow of the constitutional rights of the Finns.

See (in this volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.

Famine.

A fearful famine in eastern Russia, within and beyond the

valley of the Volga, was caused in 1899 by an almost

unprecedented failure of crops. With the famine came typhus

fever, and the tale of suffering and death was one of the most

heart-rending of the century.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (February-June.)

Disorder among the students.

For some months, the universities and most of the higher

schools of Russia were in a state of disorder, and in conflict

with the police authorities. Many of the institutions were closed

and a great number of the students were under arrest. The

students complained of the statutes of the universities, and

of the general treatment to which they were subjected, and

were bitterly hostile to the police. The Tzar seems to have

given personal attention to their grievances, which he

appointed a commission to investigate. On the report of the

commission he issued an imperial order severely censuring the

administration of the universities, and also reproving the

police, while, at the same time, he addressed some serious

admonitions to the students.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).

Agreement with Great Britain concerning railway interests in

China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

{425}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May).

Steps toward the abolition of transportation to Siberia.

On the 18th of May, the Tzar issued the following order: "A

commission of the officers of the ministry of justice and

representatives of the respective departments under the

auspices of the minister of justice shall be formed. The

commission is to work out the following: To replace

transportation of criminals by punishment by courts; to

abolish or limit administrative transportation by peasant

boards; to reorganize penal servitude and the deportation

which follows; to better the condition of the convicts now in

Siberia; to improve prisons where criminals are confined

awaiting transportation and deportation; to establish

compulsory public labor and workhouses as penal measures; to

provide means for carrying out the measures necessary for the

reorganization of the transportation of criminals and of penal

establishments. The minister of justice is to ask direct, and

not through any department, for the imperial sanction of the

committee's recommendations." The British Commercial Agent in

Russia, reporting to the Foreign Office in June, 1900, stated

in allusion to the above order: "The State Council is reported

to have just decided, by a majority of votes, to introduce at

once the necessary changes, as the Central Prisons

Administration has declared that the gaol accommodation is

sufficient. The number of exiles to Siberia from 1823 to 1898

is given as 908,266, mostly to Eastern Siberia."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (December).

Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial

policy in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.

Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.

Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (August).

Proposal to withdraw troops from Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER.)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Student outbreaks.

Serious demonstrations of discontent.

Severe measures of repression.

Action of the Tzar.

A fresh outbreak of revolt among the students in the Russian

universities, more serious in its nature, apparently, than

that of 1899 (see above; A. D. 1899, FEBRUARY-JUNE), was

started at Kieff, in December, 1900, by a remonstrance on the

part of the students against the retention of a professor whom

they deemed incompetent. The rector of the university refused

to dismiss the objectionable professor; whereupon the

governor-general of the province intervened and forbade him to

lecture. The rector and the council of the university could

not resist the authority of the governor-general, but they are

said to have revenged themselves on the students by requiring

seven of the latter to choose between three days of

imprisonment and three years of expulsion from the university.

They chose the latter and were expelled. Then the students as

a body began to be troublesome, especially after the rector

had refused to meet them for a discussion of their grievances.

Finally the police and the military authorities were called

in; a large number of the students were arrested and brought

to trial before a special court which had been created for

dealing with the student troubles of the year before.

According to subsequent reports, more than two hundred of them

were condemned to be sent into the ranks of the army—which seems

to be a punishment newly devised for such cases, and not

likely to improve the loyal spirit of the army.

This hard treatment of the students at Kieff inflamed their

sympathetic fellows in all the universities of the empire, and

became the immediate cause of disorderly demonstrations, which

began, in January or early in February, to be made at St.

Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa, and elsewhere; but there cannot be

a doubt that the disturbances since occurring represent an

instigation deeper, more revolutionary, more serious, than the

resentment of students misused by their teachers. The students

persisted resolutely in attempts to hold meetings which were

prohibited as seditious; to make appeals to the people; to

circulate forbidden literature; while the authorities struck

them, at every movement they made, with a relentless hand. As

usual, the oppressive violence of government provoked

desperate crime. On the 27th of February, the Minister of

Public Instruction, Privy Councillor Bogoliepoff, was shot by

an expelled student, who approached him, in his official

apartments, under pretense of presenting a petition. He died

of the wound on the 15th of March. Meantime, the conduct of

students, at St. Petersburg and Moscow especially, became more

and more riotous and revolutionary in spirit. There were

signs, too, of an understanding between them and the

discontented workingmen of the cities, which caused anxiety. A

Vienna journal claims to have knowledge that, after the

troubles at Kieff, a widespread movement of alliance between

secret associations of students and workmen was set on foot,

and that it threatened to be the most formidable revolutionary

organization that the government had yet faced.

That the sympathy of literary circles in Russia is with the

students appears to be proved by the following manifesto,

which was published in Paris on the 22d of March, signed, it

is said, by forty-five Russian men of letters:

"We, the undersigned Russian men of letters, deprived of the

possibility of freely expressing our ideas on the needs of our

poor Fatherland, prevented by the censorship from speaking of

what happens before our eyes or indicating an outlet from the

terrible situation of our country, and conscious of our duty

towards the people, resort to our foreign brethren for the

purpose of informing the civilized world of the atrocities now

being committed among us. On March 17, in the Kazan Square at

St. Petersburg, the police fell on an inoffensive and unarmed

crowd of several thousand persons, men, women, and children,

and without any provocation showed unexampled brutality and

ferocity. Cossacks, surrounding the crowd and preventing it

from dispersing, charged without warning the compact mass,

which had mostly been drawn together by curiosity.

{426}

The police seized at random the people who fell into their

hands, striking them without mercy with their fists or swords.

Those of the public, even officers in uniform, who begged for

a cessation of the carnage, were maltreated or even arrested.

Such are the facts of which several of us have been

eye-witnesses. Similar atrocities have recently been committed

in other Russian towns. Full of terror and anguish at the

future in store for our country, thus given up to the whips of

Cossacks and the swords of the police, convinced that our

indignation is shared by those of our Russian brethren whose

signatures we have not had time to obtain, by all the

intellectual society of Russia, and by all those from whom

feelings of self-respect and humanity have not yet been

eradicated, convinced also that our foreign brethren will not

remain indifferent to what passes among us, we appeal to the

Press of the world to give the utmost publicity to the

attestation of the lamentable facts of which we have been

witnesses." A despatch from St. Petersburg on the 26th

reported that the Mutual Aid Association of Russian writers

attached to the St. Petersburg Literary Society, from which

this protest emanated, had been suppressed, as the consequence

of its publication.

A more significant expression, and one from which a more

definite idea of the nature and causes of the discontent among

the students may be obtained, is the following petition,

addressed to the Tzar by a number of Russian professors and

Senators in March. The St. Petersburg correspondent of the

"London Times," who sent a translation of the paper to that

journal on the 18th of March, remarked that "it is very

doubtful if it will have any real effect, and its contents may

very possibly be regarded by the red-tape officials into whose

hands it may fall, if not by the Emperor himself, as implying

a request for something like a Constitution. Apart from that

consideration a collective petition in Russia is illegal." The

translation of the document is as follows:

"Your Imperial Majesty,—We, the undersigned loyal subjects,

consider it our patriotic duty to address you, Sire, with the

present humble petition on the subject of the recent agitation

among the students. We desire to express in this paper the

thoughts that have long been a matter of painful reflection to

every Russian conscious of the life which he is living. This

perturbation among the students, which has been of periodical

recurrence for the last 40 years, has ruined the careers of

thousands of young men and women animated by the most ardent

aspirations for the good and happiness of their native

country. It would undoubtedly be most unjust to lay all the

blame for these disorders on the students themselves. The

causes of this state of things lie much deeper. They are

connected with many of the general conditions of the life of

our State and society; they are to a great extent rooted in

the want of organization of academical centres. This want of

organization was explained by the special commission appointed

by your Majesty's command two years ago. But the labours of that

body failed to have the practical result which was apparently

expected of it; public opinion was not permitted to take part

in its deliberations, either by means of the Press or in any

other way. The matter was treated according to the usual

official routine, and in the Ministry of Public Instruction

the magnanimous intentions of your Majesty were not only

rendered colourless, but deprived of all their real

significance. Instead of properly carrying out your Majesty's

indications in regard to closer communion between the students

and professors of the higher educational establishments, the

Ministry dismissed those among the latter whose moral

qualities and devotion to duty were calculated to exercise the

most beneficial influence over their scholars.

"Those among the students who took part in the disturbances,

and who should have been worked upon by moral persuasion, were

expelled from the Universities, and the force of inspectors,

otherwise the University police, was increased for the purpose

of controlling those who remained. The temporary law of June

29, 1899, against further disorders threatened the agitators

with the punishment of being drafted into the ranks of the

army. This measure, which has now been enforced, will, of

course, put down the movement at least for a time; but it is

impossible to ignore its moral effect. It only represses, but

does not thoroughly convince. By this means the more

hot-headed among the students, inspired by the most

respectable aspirations and feelings, will be weeded out of

the scholastic ranks, and their parents will be suddenly

deprived of all hope and consolation in their children perhaps

for years; while on the rest this measure can only have the

effect which is always produced by terror and fear for the

future. It oppresses them, extinguishes their best impulses,

and tends to bring the weaker ones beneath the influence of

those petty egotistical motives which are already so powerful

in our daily life. To bring up an entire generation in such

conditions is to create and support an oppressive state of

things in the life of the nation which must finally lead to

downfall and decay.

"The oppressiveness of this environment is felt not only by

the young, but also by their elders. Is it normal that in an

autocratic State the voice of loyal subjects should be unable

to reach their Sovereign? And yet at the present moment many

persons regard the signature of this loyal petition as almost

an act of the greatest civil courage. In order to loyally and

honestly bring their wants and traditional desires to the

notice of their Monarch (Lord), the subjects of your Majesty

are obliged to act in the dark for fear that the police will

seize hold on the petition and intercept it before it can

reach your Majesty's hands. Many who fully agree with all that

is here expressed will certainly be deterred from signing the

petition because of the unpleasant consequences to themselves

which they fear may follow. In such conditions life becomes

intolerable. A deadening apathy spreads over everyone, all

interest in public activity is lost, and in all spheres of the

Government and society there is a decided feeling of the want

of men. Put an end, Sire, by your magnanimous initiative to

this oppressive situation! Show confidence in your faithful

subjects, and, while discontinuing repression, accord us the

possibility of freely expressing the voice of public opinion,

which is now stifled. The agitation among the students will

cease of itself, and the young men will quietly turn to their

studies as soon as their youthful minds are no longer excited

by the disagreeable conditions which surround them, when they

see the prospect on finishing their education of being allowed

to take a free and useful part in the affairs of their native

land."

{427}

An attempt on the life of a Minister far more important and

more obnoxious than Mr. Bogoliepoff was made on the 22d of

March. This was M. Pobiedonostzeff, Procurator of the Holy

Synod, who has long been credited with being the master-spirit

of evil influence in Russian councils,—a Torquemada of the

nineteenth century, responsible for all the mediævalism in

Russian policy for the past twenty years. Three shots were

fired at the Procurator from the street, through the windows

of his study, and he was missed by them all. The would-be

assassin, named Lagofsky, was promptly seized, and it is

claimed to have been found that he was chosen by lot to

execute an avenging decree. On the other hand, it is reported

that he was moved to the deed by the excommunication of Count

Tolstoi, which the Russian Church had lately pronounced.

If reports are to be credited, the Tzar, at length, took the

direction of measures relating to the disturbances into his own

hands, and began by putting a stop to the forcing of condemned

students into the army. He then appointed to the Ministry of

Public Education General Vannovsky, who had investigated the

student disorders of 1899 for him, and who seems to have

recognized that the disaffection of the students was not without

grounds. It is rumored that unlimited powers for two years have

been given to the new Minister, so that he cannot be interfered

with by the powerful reactionaries who evidently stand between

the best intentions of the Tzar and their execution. The obvious

difficulty of the autocrat is to learn the truth of things and

to know what is being done by those who ostensibly obey his

commands. Apparently he is striving to be served faithfully and

intelligently in this case, and it is to be hoped that he may

have success. He addressed a rescript to General Vannovsky, in

which he said:

"The regular organization of popular education has always

formed one of the chief cares of the Russian rulers, who have

striven, surely but gradually, to perfect it in accordance

with the fundamental principles of Russian life and the

requirements of the times. The experiences of recent years,

however, have shown the existence of defects so material in

our scholastic system that I think that the time has come to

undertake an immediate and thorough revision and improvement.

Highly valuing your experience as a statesman and your

enlightenment, I have chosen you to co-operate with me in the

work of renovating and reorganizing Russian schools; and, in

appointing you to the now specially important office of

Minister of Public Instruction, I am firmly convinced that you

will unswervingly endeavour to attain the goal indicated by me,

and that you will bring into the work of educating the Russian

youth your cordial sympathy and sagacity ripened by

experience. May God bless our work, and may parents and

families, who above all are bound to care for their children,

help us in our work, and then the time will soon come when I

with all my people shall see in the young generation, with

pride and encouragement, the firm and sure hope of the

Fatherland and its strong protection for the future."

The Russian "Official Messenger," St. Petersburg, announced on

the 14th of April that "in consequence of the recent student

disturbances many of the high schools were closed before the

Easter holidays, and the young men were compelled either to

lose a year of their studies or even to leave the college

altogether. In view of the serious consequences which this

measure involved for the career of the students, a special

conference of the principals of the higher colleges was called

to deliberate, under the presidency of the Minister of Public

Instruction, upon the situation thus created. The conference

decided that the following measures were indispensably

necessary for the re-establishment of the regular course of

study at the institutions concerned:

1. Lectures to be renewed in the higher colleges in the course

of April and intermediate examinations under the direction of

the scholastic authorities to be held under the usual

regulations at the customary intervals.

2. The lectures and examinations to be continued during the

summer vacation, should they not have been completed during

the preceding term.

3. All those who without sufficient reason did not attend the

examinations or failed to pass them to be liable to all the

legal consequences thereof.

4. In particularly important cases autumn and supplementary

examinations to be permitted in the higher schools

exceptionally this year."

According to a later despatch from St. Petersburg to the

Associated Press, April 23d, the students of the university at

the capital were informed that day by the rector that "General

Vannoffsky, the Russian Minister of Public Instruction, had

refused to defer the examinations until autumn or make further

concessions to the students. Although the popular professor,

M. Petrozicky, pleaded against an action which would make it

difficult for a liberal minister to carry through his

benevolent intentions, the students decided by a vote of 684

to 649 against participating in the examinations. They

resolved, however, not to create obstruction and the minority

agreed to submit to the will of the majority. The

electro-technical, the civil engineering, the women's medical

and the women's academic institutions also will decide against

taking the examinations. The sincere friends of the students

regret the step in this respect, believing the students should

allow the recall of the absentees to come as an act of grace

from the Government and should not attempt to force

concessions."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Operations in Manchuria.

Practical possession of the country.

Refusal of Chinese government to sign a demanded treaty.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Strategic importance of Korea.

Ground of Japanese jealousy.

See (in this volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1900.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (April).

Expulsion of Count Tolstoi.

His reply to the decree of excommunication.

A reply by Count Tolstoi to the decree of excommunication

pronounced against him by the Russian Church, some weeks

before, written at Moscow on the 13th of April, was published

in Paris on the 30th. As reported to the Associated Press, he

states in his reply that, in consequence of the decree, he has

received letters from ignorant people menacing him with death.

{428}

"He characterizes the decree as illegal or intentionally

equivocal, arbitrary, unjustified and full of falsehoods.

Moreover, he says, it constitutes an instigation to evil

sentiments and deeds. Count Tolstoi denounces the practices of

the church, and says he is convinced that the teaching of the

church, theoretically astute, is injurious, is a lie in

practice and is a compound of vulgar superstitions and

sorcery, under which entirely disappears the sense of

Christian doctrine."

By Press despatch from Vienna, April 23, it was reported that

a decree expelling Count Tolstoi from Russia had been signed

by the Tzar, and carried into execution.

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

The Trans-Siberian Railway.

Resources of Siberia and the Amur country.

The following account was reported to the British Foreign

Office in June, 1900:

"For over 30 years the question of constructing this line had

been a theme of interminable discussions and reports. Finally,

the following unmistakeably emphatic note of its Imperial

founder, the Emperor Alexander III., appended to a report on

the general condition of Siberia, moved the whole project

definitely forward as a thing that was to be and at once: 'How

many of these reports of the Governors-General of Siberia have

I perused, and with sorrow and shame must own that the

Government has hitherto hardly done anything to satisfy the

demands of this rich but neglected region! It is time, indeed

time!' A further equally emphatic and still briefer note,

added to a report of the Minister of Ways with regard to the

projected Ussuri route, is to form the appropriate inscription

to the monument to be erected at Vladivostock, the terminus of

his great work, to his late Imperial Majesty: 'The

construction of this railway must be begun forthwith.' The

first stone was laid at Vladivostock on May 19, 1891, by the

then Grand Duke Nicholas, now the reigning Emperor. … A

Siberian railway committee was formed under the presidency of

the then Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich, whose duties were

(1) to construct the main and necessary feeding lines;

(2) to take measures for the general commercial and industrial

development of Siberia; and

(3) to direct and control the colonisation movement.

"Taking the direction of the route, not as it was to have

been, but as it is or will be, we see that with Moscow as the

European centre point, and the Moscow-Samara-Cheliabinsk line

as its principal feeder, the main road runs from Cheliabinsk,

whence it really starts eastward, direct through mid-Siberia

to Lake Baikal, and thence, viâ Chita, to Stretensk on the

Shilka, a navigable tributary of the Amur. At present, the

projected course of the railway viâ the Amur has been

arrested, owing on the one hand to various technical

difficulties, and on the other to the facilities, political

and otherwise, conceded by China, and another direction, in

the nature of a short cut through Manchuria, has been entered

upon. The well-known agreement with China [see, in this

volume, CHINA: A. D. 1895] and the formation of the Chinese

Eastern Railway Company, rendering the original continuation

of the line from Stretensk less urgent, it has been resolved,

instead, to construct two direct lines to the Chinese

frontiers, from Kaidalovo on the main Siberian route on the

one side, and from the Ussuri or Habarovsk-Vladivostock line

on the other. These two lines, traversing Manchuria from

opposite directions, are to meet at Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin),

thence running southwards to Dalni and Port Arthur. Thus, we

see the three lines, the main Siberian road, which, except for

the brief stoppage at Lake Baikal, will run in a practically

straight and uninterrupted course from Cheliabinsk to

Vladivostock; the Ussuri line running northward through

Russian territory from Vladivostock to Habarovsk; and the

branch section from Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin), on the main line,

striking out southward through Eastern China to Dalni and Port

Arthur.

"As far as Russia is concerned, it may be said that her

portion of the work is practically ready, though much

re-laying and reconstruction may at any time be necessary. The

main line is open for regular traffic from Cheliabinsk to Lake

Baikal, and for provisional traffic to Stretensk. According to

the latest telegrams, regular traffic from Lake Baikal to

Stretensk is to be commenced on July 1/14, 1900. Thus, there

is now a direct run (excepting only the lake crossing of 60

versts (about 40 miles), from Moscow, viâ Samara, Cheliabinsk,

Omsk, and Irkutch, to Kaidalovo (252 versts—168 miles—this

side of Stretensk), whence the rail will turn off to Nagodan

on the Chinese frontier. This latter stretch, a distance of

325 versts (216 miles), will complete the work as regards

Russia. The Ussuri line, from Habarovsk to Vladivostock, has

been open for traffic since 1897. The Circum-Baikal connecting

line, round the southern bend of the lake, a distance of 292

versts (195 miles), remains to be laid, the lake being crossed

at present by steam ferries or ice-breakers. A new

ice-breaker, built in England, is now on its way in pieces to

Lake Baikal. It is the Manchurian sections, therefore, that at

present retard the consummation of the complete overland track

to Vladivostock. Nor, from recent accounts, does it seem

likely that the Chinese engaged in the work will bring it to a

conclusion much before 1902, if then. Even now, however, goods

can make their way through Siberia to Stretensk by rail, and

thence down the Shilka and the Amur to Habarovsk, or further

on, by the Ussuri line, to Vladivostock. As regards the

railroad from Port Arthur northward, the latest news brings it

to Telin, north of Mukden, trains with workmen running this

distance, some 500 versts. The Chinese Eastern Railway Company

promise to join Port Arthur to Vladivostock by October next,

it is said, but, even on the route already temporarily in

rough working order, dwellings, stations and permanent bridges

have yet to be built. Thus, there is now direct communication

between Moscow and Stretensk by rail, a distance of 6,471

versts (4,214 miles), and from Stretensk to Habarovsk and

Nikolaieff by the Shilka and Amur rivers, a further distance

to Habarovsk of about 2,000 versts (1,332 miles), and to

Nikolaieff, the mouth of the Amur, of over 3,000 versts (2,000

miles). The Amur is navigable from May to September, but for

shallow-draft vessels only.

"Various important European feeding lines have been

constructed, and others, partaking more of the character of

huge main thoroughfares are projected. Cheliabinsk, the

starting-point eastwards, is connected with Moscow by the

Zlatoust-Samara-Moscow Railway, which, touching the Volga at

Samara, crosses it at Sisran.

{429}

Two northern branches, the Tiumen-Perm, and

Kotlass-Viatka-Perm, meeting at Ekaterinburg, the capital of

the rich Ural mineral district, run into the main Siberian

line at Cheliabinsk. From this latter point, too, a new route

has long been projected direct to St. Petersburg, via Viatka

and Vologda. So that, while the future will connect

Cheliabinsk, and with it the main Siberian railway, in a

direct line with the Baltic, not as now via Moscow, the

present joins it on the one side with that city, the business

centre of Russia, and on the other to the new northern through

route, which, via Kotlass and Archangel, is this year to bring

the cereals of Siberia to London."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series No. 533,

1900, pages 5-7).

"It may be a wild idea, but Russian engineers are actually

talking of a railroad from Stryetensk to Bering Strait, over a

comparatively easy route that does not enter the Arctic

Circle. This imaginary line, they hope, would connect with the

American line which is now being built to Dawson City, the

distance from which to Stryetensk is about three thousand

miles. If this road ever is completed they figure that New

York will be placed in railroad connection with London,

Calcutta and Cape Town."

A. H. Ford,

The Warfare of Railways in Asia

(Century, March, 1900).

"Siberia and the Amur lands are rich beyond belief. … This

vast territory, long looked upon as a barren waste, is

destined to be one of the world's richest and most productive

sections. In northern France, wheat ripens in 137 days; in

Siberia, in 107. Even heavy night frosts do not injure the

young seed. Under such conditions, the possibilities of

agriculture are practically unlimited. I may add that oats

require, in Siberia and in the Amur country, only 96 days, and

in the regions of the Yenisei only 107. The frost period lasts

only 97 days in the Irkutsk country. Transbaikalia lies

entirely within the agricultural regions; so, too, almost the

entire territory traversed by the Amur as far north as it

runs. Efforts are being made to obtain along the Amur at least

300,000 square kilometers (115,835 square miles) for the

higher forms of northern agriculture. Climatically, the best

of northern Asia's territory, for planting purposes, is the

Usuri country, which, in spite of its vast tracts of wood and

grazing lands, has 195,000 square kilometers (75,292 square

miles) of arable ground. The building of the Trans-Siberian

Railroad has already added to the Empire's wheat product.

"The mineral resources of western Siberia are vast. Between

Tomsk and Kooznesk lie 60,000 square kilometers (23,167 square

miles) of coal lands which have never been touched. The coal

is said to be excellent. In eastern Siberia, with its 280,000

square kilometers (108,112 square miles) of fruitful soil,

there are 400 places yielding gold. Rich mineral

deposits—graphite, lapis lazuli; iron mines, particularly rich

in quality (as high as 60 per cent); hard and soft coals, i.

e., black and brown coals—await hands willing to work for

them. To-day, thousands of colonists are hurrying to these

promising lands. Russia's output in gold and silver is already

very large, and is constantly increasing.

"The industries of Siberia are in their infancy; still, they

are growing and are bound to grow, so rich are the rewards

promised. Chemical, sugar, and paper mills have been put up in

several places and are paying well. Even Manchuria, a province so

vast that it might make an empire, is looking to Russia for

its future development. The wealth of this province, like that

of Siberia and all eastern Russia, is ripe for harvesting. The

traffic in Siberia and eastern Russia is increasing faster

than even the advocates of the great Trans-Siberian road

anticipated. The Ob, one of the world's big rivers, emptying

through the Gulf of Ob into the Arctic Ocean, has 102 steamers

and 200 tugs running already. On the Yenisei, 10 steamers

carry the mails regularly. The mouths of both these rivers

were visited last summer by English and Russian ships. This

proves the practicability of connecting eastern and western

Siberia with Europe by water."

United States Consular Reports,

November, 1899, page 411.

An official publication of the year 1900 from St. Petersburg,

furnished to American journals by the Russian embassy at

Washington, is the source of the following statements relative

to the rapid development of the vast Siberian country along

the line of the great railway:

"When viewed with reference to colonization Siberia divides

itself naturally into two zones, extending east and west, and

differing essentially from one another. The first of these

embraces the region traversed by the new Siberian railway, the

more populous southern portion of Siberia, in which the

conditions of climate and soil are favorable to the

development of agriculture and colonization. The other zone

occupies the extensive, deserted northern region, the land of

tundras, or polar marshes, with a constantly frozen subsoil

and a severe climate, a dreary tract of land totally unfit for

agriculture. Between these two zones stretches a broad belt of

forests of tall trees, partly primeval pine and fir, partly

leafy trees. The wealth of these broad agricultural and timber

areas is, moreover, augmented by mineral deposits of every

conceivable nature, as abundant and diversified as those of

America, and into this whole region immigration is pouring in

volume unequalled except in the history of American

colonization. Ever since the serfs were emancipated in 1861

they have formed the bulk of the emigrants from the thickly

populated agricultural districts of European Russia, but the

great tide of settlers in the new territory is only now

assuming tremendous proportions. During the twenty years'

period of 1860 to 1880 about 110,000 persons emigrated to

Siberia, while for the thirteen years from 1880 to 1892 there

were over 440,000, and for the succeeding years since the

great railway has been building the number of immigrants of

both sexes has been as follows:

1893,   65,000;

1894,   76,000;

1895,  109,000;

1896,  203,000;

1897,   87,000;

1898,  206,000;

1899,  225,000.

Total, 971,000.

According to the census of 1897, the population of Siberia had

risen to 8,188,368 inhabitants, of which the Russian peasantry

formed over 25 per cent."

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1899 (May).

Steps toward the abolition of transportation.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

{430}

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

Russian railway building and railway projects in

Persia and Afghanistan.

By several writers who seem to have knowledge of what is doing

in those parts of the eastern world, it was reported in the

spring of 1900 that an active projection, planning, and

building (to some extent) of railroads in Persia and

Afghanistan was on foot among the Russians. From Tiflis, it

was said, their plans contemplated a line of rail to Teheran;

thence to be extended by one branch, southward, via Ispahan,

to the Persian Gulf, and by another branch westward to Herat,

in Afghanistan. From their Central Asian acquisitions they had

advanced their railway to within 70 miles of Herat, and were

said to be confidently expecting to push it on, through

Kandahar and through Baluchistan, to the Arabian Sea. If these

extensive plans could be carried out, and if Russian influence

in Persia, said to be growing fast, should become actually

controlling, the Muscovite Power would have made an enormous

gain, by planting itself on the shores of the Indian Ocean.

How far Russia can continue to press forward in this line of

policy without collision with Great Britain and with

Germany—which seems to have aims in the same direction,

through Asiatic Turkey—is an interesting question for the

future.

The following is from a despatch to the "London Times" from

its correspondent at Vienna, February 24, 1901:

"According to trustworthy information from Teheran, Russia is

particularly active just now in Persia and the Persian Gulf. …

The road from Resht to Teheran, which has been built by a

Russian company, is of no value for European trade in the

absence of an agreement with Russia respecting the transit

traffic through that country. European commerce is dependent

upon the long and expensive caravan routes via Trebizond,

Bushire, Baghdad, Mochamera,&c. These occupy from four to six

months."

RUSSO-CHINESE BANK, Concessions to the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

S.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:

Resignation from Spanish Ministry.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:

Return to power.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:

Resignation.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1899.

SAGHALIEN.

See (in this volume)

SAKHALIN.

SAHARA, The: French possessions.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ST. KITTS: Industrial condition.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1896.

Republican National Convention.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

ST. VINCENT, The British colony of.

See (in this volume)

WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

SAKHALIN.

"Of late years … its increasing importance as a place of exile

for Russian political and criminal offenders has invested

Sakhalin with a certain interest, derived, perhaps, more from

penal associations than physical resources, which latter may,

when fully developed, materially affect trade and commerce in

the far East. The island of Sakhalin is 584 miles in length,

its breadth varying from 18 to 94 miles. The southern

extremity is separated from the island of Yezo, twenty miles

distant, by the Straits of La Perouse, and its western coast

by the shallow Gulf of Tartary (at one point barely five miles

across) from the mainland of Siberia. Although Dutch explorers

are said to have landed here in 1643, the first reliable

survey of the island was probably obtained in the year 1787 by

La Perouse. Russian fur traders followed in the early part of

the present century, but it was only in 1853 that,

disturbances having occurred with the natives, a score or so

of Cossacks were stationed at Dui on the west coast. In 1867

negotiations were entered into by the Russian and Japanese

Governments for joint occupation of Sakhalin, but the

subsequent discovery of coal, and consequent influx of Russian

convicts, rendered this arrangement highly unsatisfactory.

Further negotiations, therefore, ensued, with the result that,

in 1875, the island was formally ceded to Russia, Japan

receiving, in exchange, the entire Kurile Archipelago.

"Sakhalin is by no means easy of access. Even during the open

season (from May to September) but very few vessels visit the

island, and, with the exception of the monthly arrival of

convict-ships from Europe, and a couple of small Russian trading

steamers, there is no fixed service with Vladivostok, which, with

the exception of Nikolaefsk, is the only Siberian port whence

Sakhalin may, in three days, be reached. During the winter months

the island is completely ice-bound and unapproachable by water.

Communication with the mainland is then maintained by means of

dog-sledges, and the mails for Europe are dispatched across

the frozen Gulf of Tartary—a journey, under favourable

circumstances, of about three months. …

"Sakhalin is, for administrative purposes, divided into three

districts, viz.: Korsakovsky-Post in the south, Tymovsk in the

north, and Alexandrovsky-Post on the western coast. The

latter, which is situated in the centre of the coal district,

is a picturesque, straggling town of about 7,000 inhabitants,

consisting almost entirely of officials and convicts. This is

the most important penal settlement on the island, contains

the largest prison, and is, moreover, the residence of the

Governor of Sakhalin, a subordinate of the Governor-General of

Eastern Siberia. Alexandrovsky is garrisoned by about 1,500

men, and contains large foundries and workshops for convict

labour, but most of the prisoners are employed in the adjacent

coal mines of Dui. … Korsakovsky-Post, on the south coast, is

the next largest settlement, containing about 5,000 convicts

who are chiefly employed in agricultural pursuits. Although it

may seem a paradox, the remaining prisons in the interior of

the island, Derbynskaya, Rykovskaya, and Onor are not prisons

at all, but huge wooden barracks, innocent of bolts and bars.

Here, also, the work done is solely agricultural."

Harry de Windt,

The Island of Sakhalin

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1897).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:

Third Ministry.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

{431}

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:

Correspondence with the Government of the United States

on the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:

Fourth Ministry.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:

Tribute to Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

SALISBURY PLAIN: Purchase by Government.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

SALVADOR.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

SALVATION ARMY, The:

Secession of the American Volunteers.

Late account of the Army's work.

Much feeling in the American branch of the Salvation Army, and

among those who valued its work, was caused in January, 1896,

by an order from the London headquarters of the Army recalling

Mr. Ballington Booth, who had been its American Commander for

nine years. Commander Booth and Mrs. Booth had been remarkably

successful in their organization and direction of the

Salvation Army work, and had won a high place in the esteem,

not only of their own followers, but of the American public at

large. A wide and strong movement of protest against their

removal from the field failed to change the London order,

which was said to be made in obedience to a necessary rule of

the Army against long service in any one post. Miss Eva Booth,

representing her father, General Booth, with Colonel Nicol, from

London, and Commandant Herbert Booth, from Canada, came to New

York as mediators, endeavoring to heal a threatened breach in

the ranks; but their mission failed. Commander Ballington

Booth resigned his office, and withdrew from the Salvation

Army service, declining to return to London. After a time, he

and Mrs. Booth became the heads of a new organization called

the "Volunteers of America," for religious work, not in

rivalry with that of the Salvation Army, but directed more

towards the awakening of the interest of the working people,

Mr. Ballington Booth was succeeded as Commander in America by

a son-in-law of General Booth, Commissioner Frederick St.

Clair Tucker. —For an account of the origin and growth of the

Salvation Army see, under that heading, in the Supplement

(volume 5) of the original edition of this work, or in volume

4 of the revised edition.

Of results accomplished in that part of the work of the

Salvation Army known as the "Darkest England Scheme," General

Booth wrote, early in 1900, an extended account in the "Sunday

Strand." He stated that the public had subscribed altogether

for his scheme about $1,300,000. "It is a debated point," he

wrote, "with the intelligent admirers of the scheme and the

careful observers of its progress whether the benefits

bestowed on the wretched classes for whom it was originated

have been greater within than without our borders. The

copyists of our plan have been legion, both at home and

abroad, in church and state. The representatives of the

different governments specially charged with the

responsibility for the outcast classes have been gradually

coming to appreciate the principles and methods involved in

the scheme, and to show willingness to cooperate in giving it

a chance. They have done this in two ways:

(1) In attempting similar tasks themselves;

(2) in using and subsidizing the army for doing the work for

them.

Many governments make grants to our various institutions in

varying amounts toward the cost of dealing with different

classes of the submerged."

The following is a summary of the agencies which have been set

at work by the general: "We have now 158 shelters and food

depots for homeless men and women, 121 slum posts, each with

its own slum sisters, 37 labor bureaus, (10 labor factories

for the unemployed, 11 land colonies, 91 rescue homes for

women, 11 labor homes for ex-criminals, several nursing

institutions, 2 maternity hospitals for deserted women, an

institution with branches in forty-five countries and colonies

for finding lost and missing persons, together with a host of

allied and minor agencies which I am not able here to

enumerate. The total number of institutions named above is now

545, under the care of more than 2,000 trained officers and

others wholly employed, all working in harmony with the

principles I have laid down for helping the poorest and most

unfortunate of their fellows, and all more or less experts at

their work.

"Nearly 20,000 destitute men and women are in some way or

other touched by the operations of the scheme every day. No

less than 15,000 wretched and otherwise homeless people are

housed under our roofs every night, having their needs met, at

least in part, with sympathy and prayer and the opportunity

for friendly counsel. More than 300 ex-criminals are to-day in

our houses of reformation, having before them another chance

for this life, and in many cases the first they have ever had

for preparing for the life to come. More than 5,000 women

taken from lives of darkness and shame are safely sheltered in

our homes each year, on the way—as we have abundantly proved

in the case of others, in respect of a large proportion of

them—to a future of virtue, goodness, and religion. Over 1,000

men are employed on the land colonies. Many of them are working

out their own deliverance, and at the same time helping to

solve one of the most difficult problems of modern times, and

proving that many of the helpless loafers of the great cities

can be made useful producers on the soil. Over the gates of

every one of these homes, elevators, labor factories, and

colonies there might be written: 'No man or woman need starve,

or beg, or pauperize, or steal, or commit suicide. If willing

to work, apply within. Here there is hope for all.'" General

Booth adds that he has always 2,000 women in the rescue homes

of the army.

SAMOAN ISLANDS, The:

Ending of the joint control of the Islands by Germany,

England and the United States.

Partition between Germany and the United States.

Retirement of England.

Said President Cleveland, in his annual Message to the

Congress of the United States, December 4, 1893: "Led by a

desire to compose differences and contribute to the

restoration of order in Samoa, which for some years previous

had been the scene of conflicting foreign pretensions and

native strife, the United States, departing from its policy

consecrated by a century of observance, entered [in 1889] …

into the, treaty of Berlin [see, in volume 4, SAMOA], thereby

becoming jointly bound with England and Germany to establish

and maintain Malietoa Laupepa as King of Samoa.

{432}

The treaty provided for a foreign court of justice; a

municipal council for the district of Apia, with a foreign

president thereof, authorized to advise the King; a tribunal

for the settlement of native and foreign land titles, and a

revenue system for the Kingdom. It entailed upon the three

powers that part of the cost of the new Government not met by

the revenue of the islands. Early in the life of this triple

protectorate the native dissensions it was designed to quell

revived. Rivals defied the authority of the new King, refusing

to pay taxes and demanding the election of a ruler by native

suffrage. Mataafa, an aspirant to the throne, and a large

number of his native adherents were in open rebellion on one

of the islands. Quite lately, at the request of the other

powers and in fulfillment of its treaty obligation, this

Government agreed to unite in a joint military movement of

such dimensions as would probably secure the surrender of the

insurgents without bloodshed. The war ship Philadelphia was

accordingly put under orders for Samoa, but before she arrived

the threatened conflict was precipitated by King Malietoa's

attack upon the insurgent camp. Mataafa was defeated and a

number of his men killed. The British and German naval vessels

present subsequently secured the surrender of Mataafa and his

adherents. The defeated chief and ten of his principal

supporters were deported to a German island of the Marshall

group, where they are held as prisoners under the joint

responsibility and cost of the three powers. This incident and

the events leading up to it signally illustrate the impolicy

of entangling alliances with foreign powers."

United States, Message and Documents

(Abridgment), 1893-1894.

In his next annual Message, December 3, 1894, the President

thus summarized the later situation in the islands: "The

suppression of the Mataafa insurrection by the powers and the

subsequent banishment of the leader and eleven other chiefs,

as recited in my last message, did not bring lasting peace to

the islands. Formidable uprisings continued, and finally a

rebellion broke out in the capital island, Upolu, headed in

Aana, the western district, by the younger Tamasese, and in

Atua, the eastern district, by other leaders. The insurgents

ravaged the country and fought the Government's troops up to

the very doors of Apia. The King again appealed to the powers

for help, and the combined British and German naval forces

reduced the Atuans to apparent subjection, not, however,

without considerable loss to the natives. A few days later

Tamasese and his adherents, fearing the ships and the marines,

professed submission. Reports received from our agents at Apia

do not justify the belief that the peace thus brought about

will be of long duration. It is their conviction that the

natives are at heart hostile to the present Government, that

such of them as profess loyalty to it do so from fear of the

powers, and that it would speedily go to pieces if the war

ships were withdrawn. … The present Government has utterly

failed to correct, if indeed it has not aggravated, the very

evils it was intended to prevent. It has not stimulated our

commerce with the islands. Our participation in its

establishment against the wishes of the natives was in plain

defiance of the conservative teachings and warnings of the

wise and patriotic men who laid the foundations of our free

institutions, and I invite an expression of the judgment of

Congress on the propriety of steps being taken by this

Government looking to the withdrawal from its engagements with

the other powers on some reasonable terms not prejudicial to

any of our existing rights."

United States, Message and Documents

(Abridgment, 1894-1895).

In the Message of 1895 the subject was again pressed on the

attention of Congress without result.

In August, 1898, Malietoa Laupepa died. By the Berlin Treaty

of 1889 "it was provided that in case any question should

arise in Samoa, respecting the rightful election of King, or

of any other Chief claiming authority over the islands, or

respecting the validity of the powers which the King or any

Chief might claim in the exercise of his office, such question

should not lead to war, but should be presented for decision

to the Chief Justice of Samoa, who should decide it in

writing, conformably to the provisions of the Act, and to the

laws and customs of Samoa not in conflict therewith, and that

the Signatory Governments would accept and abide by such

decision. After the death of Malietoa an exchange of views

took place between the Powers, and it was agreed that there

should be no interference with the right of the Samoans to

elect a King, and that the election should proceed strictly in

accordance with the provisions of the Final Act. Some time

elapsed before any action was taken, pending the completion of

certain ceremonial usages customary in Samoa on the death of a

High Chief. … As soon as the funeral ceremonies were at an end,

deliberation and discussion among the Chiefs ensued. There

were in the first instance several candidates for the

succession. Their number was eventually reduced to two:

1. Malietoa Tanu, the son of the late King.

2. The High Chief Mataafa.

This Chief had been in rebellion against Malietoa Laupepa, but

had suffered defeat, and with other Chiefs had been deported,

by agreement between the three Powers, to the Marshall

Islands. On the recommendation of the Consular officers at

Apia, the Powers, in July 1898, consented to his return. … On

the 19th September, Mataafa and the other exiled Chiefs landed

in Samoa. It does not appear that he took any overt steps to

claim the vacant throne, but a section of the natives

pronounced in his favour and announced on the 12th November to

the Consuls and to the Chief Justice that he had been duly

elected King. On the 13th November the opposing faction

declared that the real election of a King had not taken place,

and on the following day announced that their choice had

fallen upon Malietoa Tanu. Both parties appealed to Mr.

Chambers, the Chief Justice, who considered himself then in a

position to take cognisance of the matter, according to the

provisions of the Final Act, a question having arisen 'in

Samoa respecting the rightful election or appointment of

King.'"

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Samoa, Number 1, 1899).

The decision of the Chief Justice was in favor of Malietoa

Tanu, and the adherents of Mataafa took up arms, defeating

those of the favored candidate and driving many of them to

take refuge on British and German ships of war. Subsequent

events were related by the President of the United States in

his Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, as follows: "In

this emergency a joint commission of representatives of the

United States, Germany, and Great Britain was sent to Samoa to

investigate the situation and provide a temporary remedy.

{433}

By its active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the

time being, the kingship being abolished and a provisional

government established. Recommendations unanimously made by

the commission for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan

question were taken under consideration by the three powers

parties to the General Act. But the more they were examined

the more evident it became that a radical change was necessary

in the relations of the powers to Samoa. The inconveniences

and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of supervision

and control in the Samoan group by powers having little

interest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry

had been once more emphasized by the recent events. The

suggested remedy of the Joint Commission, like the scheme it

aimed to replace, amounted to what has been styled a

'tridominium,' being the exercise of the functions of

sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of three powers. The

situation had become far more intricate and embarrassing from

every point of view than it was when my predecessor, in 1894,

summed up its perplexities and condemned the participation in

it of the United States. The arrangement under which Samoa was

administered had proved impracticable and unacceptable to all

the powers concerned. To withdraw from the agreement and

abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain would not be

compatible with our interests in the archipelago. To

relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best

anchorage in the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been

leased to the United States in 1878 by the first foreign

treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to be thought of

either as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests of

our growing commerce with the East. We could not have

considered any proposition for the abrogation of the

tripartite control which did not confirm us in all our rights

and safeguard all our national interests in the islands. Our

views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory

arrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany

and of England, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa

in view of compensations in other directions, and both powers

renounced in favor of the United States all their rights and

claims over and in respect to that portion of the group lying

to the east of the one hundred and seventy-first degree of

west longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo,

Olosenga, and Manua."

United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),

1899-1900, volume 1.

The compensations to England "in other directions" were given

by Germany, in the following provisions of a treaty signed at

London, November 14, 1899:

"ARTICLE II.

Germany renounces in favour of Great Britain all her rights

over the Tonga Islands, including Vavau, and over Savage

Island, including the right of establishing a naval station

and coaling station, and the right of extra-territoriality in

the said islands. … She recognizes as falling to Great Britain

those of the Solomon Islands, at present belonging to Germany,

which are situated to the east and southeast of the Island of

Bougainville, which latter shall continue to belong to

Germany, together with the Island of Buka, which forms part of

it. The western portion of the neutral zone in West Africa, as

defined in Article V of the present Convention, shall also

fall to the share of Great Britain. …

"ARTICLE IV.

The arrangement at present existing between Germany and Great

Britain and concerning the right of Germany to freely engage

labourers in the Solomon Islands belonging to Great Britain

shall be equally extended to those of the Solomon Islands

mentioned in Article II, which fall to the share of Great

Britain.

"ARTICLE V.

In the neutral zone the frontier between the German and

English territories shall be formed by the River Daka as far

as the point of its intersection with the 9th degree of north

latitude, thence the frontier shall continue to the north,

leaving Morozugu to Great Britain, and shall be fixed on the

spot by a Mixed Commission of the two Powers, in such manner

that Gambaga and all the territories of Mamprusi shall fall to

Great Britain, and that Yendi and all the territories of Chakosi

shall fall to Germany.

"ARTICLE VI.

Germany is prepared to take into consideration, as much and as

far as possible, the wishes which the Government of Great

Britain may express with regard to the development of the

reciprocal Tariffs in the territories of Togo and of the Gold

Coast.

"ARTICLE VII.

Germany renounces her rights of extra-territoriality in

Zanzibar, but it is at the same time understood that this

renunciation shall not effectively come into force till such

time as the rights of extra-territoriality enjoyed there by

other nations shall be abolished."

To the treaty was appended the following "Declaration":

"It is clearly understood that by Article II of the Convention

signed to-day, Germany consents that the whole group of the

Howe Islands, which forms part of the Solomon Islands, shall

fall to Great Britain. It is also understood that the

stipulations of the Declaration between the two Governments

signed at Berlin on the 10th April, 1886, respecting freedom

of commerce in the Western Pacific, apply to the islands

mentioned in the aforesaid Convention. It is similarly

understood that the arrangement at present in force as to the

engagement of labourers by Germans in the Solomon Islands

permits Germans to engage those labourers on the same

conditions as those which are or which shall be imposed on

British subjects nonresident in those islands."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication,

(Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 7, 1900).

Article III of the general treaty between the United States,

Germany and Great Britain stipulated: "It is understood and

agreed that each of the three signatory Powers shall continue

to enjoy, in respect to their commerce and commercial vessels,

in all the islands of the Samoan group, privileges and

conditions equal to those enjoyed by the sovereign Power, in

all ports which may be open to the commerce of either of

them."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 157.

{434}

On the 17th of April, 1900, an "instrument of cession" was

signed by the marks of twenty-two chiefs, conveying to the

United States the islands of the Samoan group lying east of

the 171st degree of west longitude, and the American flag was

raised over the naval station at Pago-Pago. From Pago-Pago,

March 27, 1901, a Press despatch announced: "The natives under

the United States Government number 5,800, according to a

census just taken, while the natives in the other islands

under German rule number 32,000. The population has increased

very slightly in the last thirty years, and the main cause of

this failure to increase is the infant mortality, due to the

violation of the simplest health principles in the care and

diet of children. … Reports from the six islands under United

States control show that the natives are improving in general

conditions, and that they show a desire to keep their houses

neat and to educate their children. Not a single native has

been arrested for drunkenness since the Americans assumed

control of Tutuila island."

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:

Commanding North Atlantic Station.

Blockade of Cuban ports.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: CUBA).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:

Operations at Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:

Destruction of Spanish squadron.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SAN DOMINGO.

See (in this volume)

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1898.

New city charter.

A city charter of a quite new and experimental character was

adopted by popular vote in May, to go into effect at the

beginning of the year 1900. Its main features were described

at the time by the "New York Tribune," as follows:

"The formation of this charter is an advanced example of the

exercise of municipal home rule. The constitution of

California gives the cities of the state the uncommon

privilege of framing their own charters subject simply to the

veto power of the legislature. Exercising that right, the

people, acting through fifteen free-holders, elected for that

purpose, have drawn up the new charter. … If the legislature

approves, it will become the local constitution. The charter

provides for its own amendment by the people without appeal to

the legislature. So the present provisions of that instrument

may be only a form to be entirely remodeled by the city at its

own pleasure until it has no resemblance to the laws to which the

state authorities gave approval. That is an extreme delegation

of powers, such as we think has never before been made in an

American state. The mayor has large powers of appointment and

removal. He can suspend all elected officers except the

supervisors—the city legislators—who may remove those whom he

suspends, and he may remove at any time for cause all

appointive officers. The elective list is large, for, though

there are only eighteen supervisors, the number of places

filled by election each year is thirty. This is a great

departure from the charter-making practice recently prevalent,

which has tended to the election of only a few administrative

officers who are responsible for the selection of agents in

different departments. Attempt is made to centre

responsibility in the mayor, but the supervisors and the

people both can pass ordinances likely to interfere with that

responsibility. So the charter is as far as possible from

inaugurating the one-man power, which has been much advocated

as the cure for the ills which spring from a municipal

administration animated by no uniform purpose or

intelligence."

SAN JUAN HILL, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SAND RIVER CONVENTION, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898(May-June).

Blockade of Spanish squadron in the Bay.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).

Attack and investment by American army.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).

Destruction of Spanish fleet.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 4-17).

Surrender of the city and Spanish forces.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (August).

Sickness in the American army.

Withdrawal of troops.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

SARGON OF AKKAD.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

SAYINGS OF OUR LORD, Discovery of a fragment of the.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:

In operations at Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:

Destruction of Spanish squadron.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SCHOOLS.

See EDUCATION.

SCHREINER, W. P.:

Resignation of the Premiership of Cape Colony.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (APRIL-JUNE).

SCHWAN, General:

Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

{435}

----------SCIENCE, RECENT: Start--------

NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENTS.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL DISCOVERY.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:

Acetylene Gas.

Acetylene gas has been known since 1832, when it was

discovered by Edmund Davy; but it remained a mere laboratory

product until 1892, when two experimenters, in America and

France, stumbled accidentally on the production, in an

electric furnace, of calcium carbide, which water decomposes,

readily yielding the gas in question. The American discoverer

was Mr. Thomas Willson, a Canadian electrician, residing at

Spray, North Carolina; his French rival was Professor Henry

Moisson, of Paris. The priority of Mr. Willson in the

discovery, or in the announcement of it, is most generally

recognized, and he secured patents in the United States and

elsewhere. Electrical developments since 1892 have economized

the manufacture of calcium carbide, by electric heat acting on

a mixture of lime and coke, and it has become an important

commercial product, at Niagara Falls and other seats of

electric power, bringing acetylene gas into extensive use as

an illuminant. There have been dangers and difficulties in the

use, however, not easily overcome.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:

Discovery of Argon and Helium.

"After Lord Rayleigh, in 1892, had proved that nitrogen

obtained from chemical combinations was about one-half per

cent lighter than that obtained from the atmosphere, a

determination that was again verified in 1894, Lord Rayleigh

and Professor Ramsay separated from atmospheric nitrogen an

elementary gas of great density which, by reason of its

chemical indifference, they called argon. They proved that

this gas formed about 0.8 or 0.9 per cent of the volume of

nitrogen, from which it could be separated either by

incandescent magnesium or by the continued action of the

electric spark. It was established beyond doubt that Cavendish

produced this gas a hundred years ago by the use of the

electric spark. Argon, either alone or accompanied by helium,

has also been found in natural waters as well as in minerals.

Its discovery in a meteorite of Augusta County, Virginia,

United States of America, may perhaps lead us to ascribe to it

an extra-terrestrial origin.

"The physical properties of argon are very distinct, and its

characteristic spectrum enables us to at once distinguish it

with certainty from any other substance, but from a chemical

point of view this gas is most extraordinarily inactive, and

we have not yet succeeded in making it form combinations as

the other elements do. This peculiarity, and also the

impossibility of finding a place in the periodic system for a

simple body having the molecular weight of argon (39.88), have

given rise to all sorts of hypotheses relative to the nature

of this gas. …

"Another most interesting discovery was that of helium, made

by Professor Ramsay. In 1891 Hillebrand showed that uranium

ore and ores of the same family when dissolved in acids or

fused with alkaline carbonates, or even merely heated in a

vacuum, may give off as much as 3 per cent of nitrogen.

Professor Ramsay obtained this gas from cleveite and by means

of spectroscopic examination demonstrated the presence of

argon; and in the course of his experiments—in March, 1895—he

observed beside the spectrum of argon another bright, yellow

line that did not belong to that spectrum, and which Crookes

recognized as identical with the line D that Lockyer had

already observed in 1868 in the spectrum of the solar

chromosphere, and which he had attributed to an element as yet

unknown upon the earth—helium. The same line had also been

distinguished in the spectra of other fixed stars,

particularly in the spectrum of Orion, so that it may be

admitted that helium exists in large quantities

extra-terrestrially. … On our planet it appears, on the

contrary, to be very rare, and may be ranked among the rarest

of elements. … "Helium is the lightest of all the gases except

hydrogen; Stoney deduces from this fact an explanation of the

existence of these two elements in but very small quantities

in a free state upon the face of the earth, while they are

distributed in enormous masses throughout the universe. The

comparatively small force of the earth's gravitation does not

form a sufficient counterpoise to the velocity of their

molecules, which therefore escape from the terrestrial

atmosphere unless restrained by chemical combination. They

then proceed to reunite around great centres of attraction,

such as the fixed stars, in whose atmospheres these elements

exist in large quantities."

C. Winkler,

The Discovery of new Elements within the last

twenty-five years

(Annual Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1897,

page 237, translated from Revue Scientifique,

4th series, volume 8).

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:

Liquefaction of Oxygen, Hydrogen and Air.

"The most remarkable recent work in refrigeration is that of

Professor James Dewar, of the Royal Institution in London. The

feat of liquefying oxygen by a succession of approaches to its

critical temperature has been thus described by him, in an

interview which appeared in 'McClure's Magazine,' November,

1893: 'The process of liquefying oxygen, briefly speaking, is

this: Into the outer chamber of that double compressor I

introduce, through a pipe, liquid nitrous oxide gas, under a

pressure of about 1,400 pounds to the square inch. I then

allow it to evaporate rapidly, and thus obtain a temperature

around the inner chamber of -90° C. Into this cooled inner

chamber I introduce liquid ethylene, which is a gas at

ordinary temperatures, under a pressure of 1,800 pounds to

the square inch. When the inner chamber is full of ethylene,

its rapid evaporation under exhaustion reduces the temperature

to -135° C. Running through this inner chamber is a tube

containing oxygen gas under a pressure of 750 pounds to the

square inch. The critical point of oxygen gas—that is, the

point above which no amount of pressure will reduce it to a

liquid—is—115° C., but this pressure, at the temperature of

-145° C., is amply sufficient to cause it to liquefy rapidly.'

{436}

"In May, 1898, Professor Dewar, by the use of liquid oxygen,

succeeded in liquefying hydrogen, producing a liquid having

but one-fourteenth the specific gravity of water; this exploit

brought him within 21° of the absolute zero of centigrade. He

afterward reduced the liquid to solid form, attaining a

temperature estimated at four to five degrees lower. Faraday

and other investigators of an earlier day surmised that

hydrogen, when solidified, would prove to be a metal; now that

the feat of solidification has been accomplished, hydrogen

astonishes the physicist by displaying itself as non-metallic.

…

"For some years the plan was to employ a series of chemical

compounds, each with a lower boiling-point than its

predecessor in the process, and all troublesome and hazardous

in manipulation. A better method has been developed by keeping

to simple air from first to last, as in the apparatus of Dr.

Linde, of Dr. Hampson, and of Mr. Charles E. Tripler.

"As the Tripler machine does its work on a bolder scale than

either of the others, let its operation be briefly outlined:

Air is first compressed to 65 pounds pressure to the square

inch; through a second pump this pressure is exalted to 400

pounds, and with a third pump the pressure is carried to 2,500

pounds. After each compression the air flows through jacketed

pipes, where it is cooled by a stream of water. At the third

condensation a valve, the secret of whose construction Mr.

Tripler keeps to himself, permits part of the compressed air

to flow into a pipe surrounding the tube through which the

remainder is flowing. This act of expansion severely chills

the imprisoned air, which at last discharges itself in liquid

form—much as water does from an ordinary city faucet."

G. Iles,

Flame, Electricity and the Camera,

chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:

Smokeless Powders.

"In recent years smokeless powders have largely superseded all

others. These contain usually nitro-cellulose (gun cotton), or

nitro-glycerine, or both, made up into a plastic, coherent,

and homogeneous compound of a gluey nature, and fashioned into

horn-like sticks or rods by being forced under pressure,

through a die plate having small holes, through which the

plastic material is strained into strings like macaroni, or

else is molded into tablets, pellets, or grains of cubical

shape. Prominent among those who have contributed to this art

are the names of Turpin, Abel and Dewar, Nobel, Maxim, Munroe,

Du Pont, Bernadou and others. In the recent years of the

Nineteenth Century great activity has been manifest in this

field of invention. In the United States more than 600

different patents have been granted for explosives, the larger

portion of them being for nitro-compounds which partake in a

greater or less degree of the qualities of gun cotton or

nitro-glycerine."

E. W. Byrn,

Progress of Invention in the 19th Century,

page 419.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:

X Rays.

The Discovery of Professor Rontgen.

"Fresh proofs await us of the supreme rank of both electricity

and photography as resources of art and science as we observe

the transcendent powers evoked by their union. From this union

no issue is more extraordinary, more weighty with meaning and

promise, than the X-ray pictures due to Professor Wilhelm

Konrad Rontgen. In these pictures he has but crowned labours

which began when Sir John Herschel noticed that a peculiar

blue light was diffused from a perfectly colourless solution

of quinine sulphate. Professor (now Sir) George Stokes

explained the phenomenon by showing that this blue light

consists of vibrations originally too rapid to be visible,

which are slowed down within the limits of perceptibility as

they pass through the liquid. …

"One path of approach to the achievement of Professor Röntgen

was opened by Sir John Herschel; another, as important, was

blazed and broadened by Professor (now Sir) William Crookes.

In 1874 and 1875 he was engaged upon the researches which gave

the world the radiometer, the tiny mill whose vanes rotate

with rays of light or heat. The action of this mill depends

upon its being placed in a glass bulb almost vacuous. When

such a bulb incloses rubies, bits of phenakite, or other

suitable objects, and electrical discharges are directed upon

them, they glow with the most brilliant luminescence known to

art. Excited by a cathode ray, that is, a ray from the

negative pole of an electrical machine, a Crookes bulb itself

shines with a vivid golden green ray which reminds the

onlooker of the fluorescence of earlier experiments. … "Year

by year the list of substances excitable to luminosity in a

Crookes bulb has been lengthened, and in 1894 it was the good

fortune of Professor Philipp Lenard to discover a wonderful

power of such a bulb. Emerging from it was a cathode ray which

passed nearly as freely through a thin plate of aluminium as

common sunshine does through a pane of glass. Hertz had, a few

years previously, discovered that metals in very thin sheets

were virtually transparent (or, to use Mr. Hyndman's term,

transradiable) to his electric waves. This property was found

by Professor Lenard to extend to the cathode ray and in a much

higher degree. … The ultra-violet ray of ordinary light has

the singular power of causing the gases which it may traverse

to become conductors of electricity, with the effect of

discharging an electrified metallic plate; this property is

shared by cathode rays. Associated with them are the rays of

still more extraordinary powers, discovered by Professor

Röntgen. In his own words let his achievement be recounted, as

published in 'McClure's Magazine,' April, 1896.

"'I have been for a long time interested in the problem of the

cathode rays from a vacuum tube as studied by Hertz and

Lenard. I had followed their and other researches with great

interest, and determined, us soon as I had the time, to make

some researches of my own. This time I found at the close of

last October. I had been at work for some days when I

discovered something new.' 'What was the date?' 'The 8th of

November.' 'And what was the discovery?' 'I was working with a

Crookes tube covered by a shield of black cardboard. A piece

of barium platino-cyanide paper lay on the bench there. I had

been passing a current through the tube, and I noticed a

peculiar black line across the paper.' 'What of that?' 'The

effect was one which could only be produced, in ordinary

parlance, by the passage of light. No light could come from

the tube, because the shield which covered it was impervious

to any light known, even that of the electric arc.' 'And what

did you think?' 'I did not think; I investigated. I assumed

that the effect must have come from the tube, since its

character indicated that it could come from nowhere else. I

tested it. In a few minutes there was no doubt about it. Rays

were coming from the tube which had a luminescent effect upon

the paper.

{437}

I tried it successfully at greater and greater distances, even

at two metres. It seemed at first a new kind of invisible

light. It was clearly something new, something unrecorded.'

'Is it light?' 'No.' 'Is it electricity?' 'Not in any known

form.' 'What is it?' 'I don't know.' And the discoverer of the

X rays thus stated as calmly his ignorance of their essence as

has everybody else who has written on the phenomena thus far.

"'Having discovered the existence of a new kind of rays, I of

course began to investigate what they would do.' He took up a

series of cabinet-sized photographs. 'It soon appeared from

tests that the rays had penetrative power to a degree hitherto

unknown. They penetrated paper, wood, and cloth with ease; and

the thickness of the substance made no perceptible difference,

within reasonable limits.' He showed photographs of a box of

laboratory weights of platinum, aluminium, and brass, they and

the brass hinges all having been photographed from a closed

box, without any indication of the box. Also a photograph of a

coil of fine wire, wound on a wooden spool, the wire having

been photographed and the wood omitted.

"'The rays,' he continued, 'passed through all the metals

tested, with a facility varying, roughly speaking, with the

density of the metal. These phenomena I have discussed

carefully in my report to the Würzburg Society, and you will

find all the technical results therein stated.' He showed a

photograph of a small sheet of zinc. This was composed of

smaller plates soldered laterally with solders of different

metallic proportions. The differing lines of shadow caused by

the difference in the solders were visible evidence that a new

means of detecting flaws and chemical variations in metals had

been found. A photograph of a compass showed the needle and

dial taken through the closed brass cover. The markings of the

dial were in red metallic paint, and thus interfered with the

rays, and were reproduced. 'Since the rays had this great

penetrative power, it seemed natural that they should

penetrate flesh, and so it proved in photographing the hand,

as I showed you.'" …

"Provided with a Röntgen bulb, the photographer passes from

the exterior to the interior of an object, almost as if he

were a sorcerer with power to transmute all things to glass.

Equipped with a simple X-ray apparatus, dislocations and

fractures are detected by the surgeon, diseases of bones are

studied, and shot, needles, and bits of glass or corroding

wire within the muscles of a patient are located with

exactitude. Thanks to the work of Mr. Mackenzie Davidson, the

like detection of renal calculi can be looked forward to with

a fair degree of certainty. The same means of exploration

offers equal aid to medicine: it demonstrates the

calcification of arteries, and aneurysms of the heart or of

the first part of the aorta; with improved methods it may be

possible to study fatty degenerations of the arteries and

larger blood-vessels. Dr. C. M. Mouillin, addressing the

Röntgen Society of London as its president, states that the

fluorescent screen has now reached such a degree of perfection

that the minutest movement of the heart and lungs, and the

least change in the action of the diaphragm, can be watched

and studied at leisure in the living subject. He considers it

probable that the examination of a patient's chest with this

screen may become as much a matter of common routine as with

the stethoscope to-day. …

"Manifestly, the unseen universe which enfolds us is steadily

being brought to the light of day. The investigations of Hertz

established that the light-waves which affect the eye are but

one octave in a gamut which sweeps indefinitely far both above

and below them. In his hands, as in those of Joseph Henry long

before, electric waves found their way through the walls and

floors of a house; in the Marconi telegraph these waves pass

through the earth or a fog, a mist or a rain-storm, with

little or no hindrance. What does all this mean? Nothing less

than that, given its accordant ray, any substance whatever is

permeable, and that, therefore, to communicate between any two

places in the universe is simply a question of providing the

right means."

G. Iles,

Flame, Electricity and the Camera,

chapter 24 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

In an article made public in the "New York Tribune" of January

6, 1901, Professor John Trowbridge, of Harvard University,

expressed his anticipations from the further improvement of

the use of the X rays, as follows: "At present all of the

great hospitals of the world examine injuries of the

extremities of the human body by means of these rays. In some

cases the thicker portions of the body can be studied by their

means. There is, however, much to be desired in the method,

for in general the rays exhibit only the shadows of the bones

of the extremities, or reveal at most the regions of greatest

density in the body. If the muscles and tendons or the veins

and arteries could be studied by means of these rays, an

immense aid to surgery would result. Some experiments I have

conducted with currents of great strength, lead me to believe

that much can be done in this direction, for I have in certain

cases obtained unmistakable traces of muscles and tendons, and

the direction in which to advance is becoming clearer. The use

of the X rays is not confined to the examination of the body.

Together with the ultra violet rays, the X rays are used to

cure cutaneous disorders. We are realizing that electricity is

an important factor in health and disease. The investigations

which have resulted from the discovery of these rays have

opened wide vistas in the molecular world."

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

Power.

Lighting.

Electro-chemical and Electro-metallurgical works.

The development at Niagara Falls.

"There were perhaps not more than twenty trolley cars in

actual service in 1887, and these were of doubtful success.

There were no regularly constituted electric railways worthy

of the name. The telephone and electric-lighting wires were

largely overhead, and frequently the construction was of the

most imperfect and temporary character. … Within the past

eight or ten years much has been done in the perfection of

thoroughly practical forms of meters and other instruments for

the measurement of electric forces and quantities. While such

work resembles in its delicacy that demanded by watch

mechanism, on the other hand the large station dynamos are

examples of the heaviest machine construction. … A few years

ago a dynamo was large if it demanded 100 or 200 horsepower to

drive it, while now such machines are diminutive when compared

with those of 2,000 horsepower commonly constructed.

{438}

Dynamos are in use at Niagara of 5,000 horsepower capacity. A

single one of these would supply more than 50,000 incandescent

lights such as are ordinarily used, or would give motion to

500 trolley cars. The period since 1887 has been marked by

great extension in electric lighting by both arc and

incandescent lamps. … One of the chief factors in this great

extension has been the application of alternating electric

currents, or currents of wave-like nature, reversing their

direction many times in each second. The direct or continuous

current had previously occupied the field alone. But the

alternating current possessed the advantage of readily

permitting the sending out over a long distance of a high

pressure current with but little loss and by means of

comparatively small and inexpensive lines. This current,

relatively dangerous, could then be exchanged for a safe

low-pressure current on the house mains for working the

lights. The device which makes the exchange is called a

transformer. It is in reality a modified induction coil—a

simple structure of copper wire, sheet-iron, and insulating

materials, with no moving parts to need attention or to get

out of order. The properties and use of the transformer in an

alternating-current system were comparatively unknown before

1887, but since that time it has played a part in electric

development the importance of which cannot easily [not?] be

overestimated. It has been, furthermore, brought to a high

degree of perfection by the persistent and painstaking effort

of numerous workers. In transforming a current of high

pressure to one of lower pressure, or the reverse, only a very

slight loss of power or energy is suffered. On a large scale,

this loss is barely 3 per cent of the energy of the

transformed current. The larger sizes of transformers now in

use have capacities equivalent to considerably over 1,000

horsepower. Some of these structures are employed at Niagara

and others at Buffalo. As in the case of the apparatus just

mentioned, the effort spent in the perfection of the huge

dynamo-electric generators used in lighting and power stations

has resulted in machines so perfect as to leave but little

chance of further increase of effectiveness. They waste only a

small percentage in converting mechanical power into

electrical energy, and run for years with but little attention

or need of repairs. Along with all this improvement has gone a

like betterment in the thousand and one details and minor

devices which go to make up an electric system. …

"Perhaps … no better example of the varied application of

electric energy exists than at Niagara. Certainly no grander

exemplification of the way in which electric forces may be

called into play, to replace other and unlike agencies, can be

cited. Here at Niagara we may forcibly realize the importance

of cheap and unfailing power developed from water in its fall.

We find the power of huge water wheels delivered to the

massive dynamos for giving out electric energy. This energy is

variously employed. The electric lighting of the city of

Niagara and surroundings and the electric railways naturally

depend upon the water power. Besides these, which may be

termed the ordinary applications of electricity, there are

clustered at Niagara a number of unique industrial

establishments, the importance of which will undoubtedly

increase rapidly. In the carborundum factory we find huge

furnaces heated by the passage of electric current, and

attaining temperatures far beyond those of the ordinary

combustion of fuel. These electric furnaces produce

carborundum, a new abrasive nearly as hard as the diamond,

which is a combination of carbon and silicon, unknown before

the electric furnace gave it birth. Sand and coke are the raw

substances for its production, and these are acted upon by the

excessively high heat necessary to form the new product,

already in extensive use for grinding hard materials. The

metal aluminum, which not many years ago cost $2 an ounce, is

now produced on a large scale at Niagara, and sold at a price

which makes it, bulk for bulk, cheaper than brass. Here,

again, electricity is the agent; but in this case its power of

electrolyzing or breaking up strong chemical unions is

employed. … Works for the production of metallic sodium and

other metals similarly depend upon the decompositions effected

by the electric current. Solutions of ordinary salt or brine

are electrolyzed on a large scale in extensive works

established for the purpose. … The very high temperature which

exists in an electric arc, or between the carbons of an arc lamp,

has in recent years found application in the manufacture of

another important compound, which was formerly but slightly

known as a chemical difficult to prepare. Carbide of calcium

is the compound referred to, and large works for its

production exist at Niagara. Here again, as in the carborundum

works, raw materials of the simplest and cheapest kind are

acted upon in what may be termed an electric-arc furnace.

Coke, or carbon, and lime are mixed and charged into a furnace

in which an enormous electric arc is kept going. … The

importance of carbide of calcium rests in the fact that, by

contact with water, it produces acetylene gas. The

illuminating power of this gas, when burned, is its remarkable

property.

"It will be seen that the metallurgical and chemical

developments at Niagara are the direct outgrowth of electrical

utilization of water power. With many water powers, however,

the outlet for the application of the electrical energy exists

many miles away from the place at which the water power is

found. Even at Niagara there is an example of the beginning of

long-distance transmission, by a high-pressure line extending to

Buffalo and delivering electric energy to an electric station

there. In this case 'step-up' transformers, as they are

called, are employed at the Niagara power plant to step up or

raise the electrical pressure or potential from that given by

the dynamos to that required for the transmission to Buffalo.

This transformation is from about 2,500 up to 10,000 volts. At

the Buffalo end the reverse process is carried on by 'step-down'

transformers, and the energy is delivered to the trolley lines

at about 500 volts. …  The whole Niagara plant has grown into

existence within the past five years, and as a consequence of

the technical advances within the period of the past ten

years. There are, however, in active operation, besides the

Niagara power plant, several other water-power transmissions,

some of them far exceeding in distance that between Niagara

and Buffalo, and some in which the amount of power conveyed,

as well as the pressure of the current used upon the line, is

much greater than is yet to be found at Niagara. … No limit

can as yet be definitely set as to the distance which can be

covered in an electrical transmission. … It may be said that

at present the range of distances is between 30 and 100 miles.

…

{439}

"Electricity seems destined at no distant day to play an

important part in revolutionizing passenger traffic between

large centers of population. The facility with which electric

service may be superposed on ordinary steam roads will greatly

further this development. The work with the third-rail system,

undertaken by one of our prominent railway organizations, has

abundantly demonstrated the practicability of such

superposition. The future will witness the growing

substitution of either single motor cars or two or three

coupled cars for long, heavy trains drawn by locomotives, and

a more frequent service will result. There is an eventual

possibility of higher average speeds, since stops will not

consume much time, and the time required to recover the speed

after a stop will be much less than at present. … The heating

power of the electric current is now utilized in a variety of

ways. Electric welding machinery has been put into service

either for accomplishing results which were not possible to be

obtained before its development, or to improve the work and

lessen the cost."

Elihu Thomson,

Electrical Advance in Ten Years

(Forum, January, 1898).

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

Development of Power at Niagara Falls.

The following description of the engineering work by which

Niagara was harnessed to turbines and dynamos, for an enormous

development of electrical power, is taken from a paper read by

Mr. Thomas Commerford Martin, of New York, at a meeting of the

Royal Institution of Great Britain, June 19, 1896, and printed

in the Proceedings of the Institution, Volume 15; reprinted in

the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1896, page

223:

"Niagara is the point at which are discharged, through two

narrowing precipitous channels only 3,800 feet wide and 160

feet high, the contents of 6,000 cubic miles of water, with a

reservoir area of 90,000 square miles, draining 300,000 square

miles of territory. The ordinary overspill of this Atlantic

set on edge has been determined to be equal to about 75,000

cubic feet per second, and the quantity passing is estimated

as high as 100,000,000 tons of water per hour. The drifting of

a ship over the Horse Shoe Fall has proved it to have a

thickness at the center of the crescent of over 16 feet.

Between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario there is a total difference

of level of 300 feet, and the amount of power represented by

the water at the falls has been estimated on different bases

from 6,750,000 horsepower up to not less than 16,800,000

horsepower, the latter being a rough calculation of Sir

William Siemens, who, in 1877, was the first to suggest the

use of electricity as the modern and feasible agent of

converting into useful power some of this majestic but

squandered energy. …

"It was Mr. Thomas Evershed, an American civil engineer, who

unfolded the plan of diverting part of the stream at a

considerable distance above the falls, so that no natural

beauty would be interfered with, while an enormous amount of

power would be obtained with a very slight reduction in the

volume of the stream at the crest of the falls. Essentially

scientific and correct as the plan now shows itself to be, it

found prompt criticism and condemnation, but not less quickly

did it rally the able and influential support of Messrs. W. B.

Rankine, Francis Lynde Stetson, Edward A. Wickes, and Edward

D. Adams, who organized the corporate interests that, with an

expenditure of £1,000,000 in five years, have carried out the

present work. So many engineering problems arose early in the

enterprise that after the survey of the property in 1890 an

International Niagara Commission was established in London,

with power to investigate the best existing methods of power

development and transmission, and to select from among them,

as well as to award prizes of an aggregate of £4,400. This

body included men like Lord Kelvin, Mascart, Coleman Sellers,

Turrettini, and Dr. Unwin, and its work was of the utmost

value. Besides this the Niagara Company and the allied

Cataract Construction Company enjoyed the direct aid of other

experts, such as Prof. George Forbes, in a consultative

capacity; while it was a necessary consequence that the

manufacturers of the apparatus to be used threw upon their

work the highest inventive and constructive talent at their

command.

"The time-honored plan in water-power utilization has been to

string factories along a canal of considerable length, with

but a short tail race. At Niagara the plan now brought under

notice is that of a short canal with a very long tail race.

The use of electricity for distributing the power allows the

factories to be placed away from the canal, and in any

location that may appear specially desirable or advantageous.

The perfected and concentrated Evershed scheme comprises a

short surface canal 250 feet wide at its mouth, 1¼ miles above

the fans, far beyond the outlying Three Sisters Islands, with

an intake inclined obliquely to the Niagara River. This canal

extends inwardly 1,700 feet, and has an average depth of some

12 feet, thus holding water adequate to the development of

about 100,000 horsepower. The mouth of the canal is 600 feet

from the shore line proper, and considerable work was

necessary in its protection and excavation. The bed is now of

clay, and the side walls are of solid masonry 17 feet high, 8

feet at the base, and 3 feet at the top. The northeastern side

of the canal is occupied by a power house, and is pierced by

ten inlets guarded by sentinel gates, each being the separate

entrance to a wheel pit in the power house, where the water is

used and the power is secured. The water as quickly as used is

carried off by a tunnel to the Niagara River again. …

"The wheel pit, over which the power house is situated, is a

long, deep, cavernous slot at one side, under the floor, cut

in the rock, parallel with the canal outside. Here the water

gets a fall of about 140 feet before it smites the turbines.

The arrangement of the dynamos generating the current up in

the power house is such that each of them may be regarded as

the screw at the end of a long shaft, just as we might see it

if we stood an ocean steamer on its nose with its heel in the

air. At the lower end of the dynamo shaft is the turbine in

the wheel pit bottom, just as in the case of the steamer shaft

we find attached to it the big triple or quadruple expansion

marine steam engine. …

{440}

The wheel pit which contains the turbines is 178 feet in

depth, and connects by a lateral tunnel with the main tunnel

running at right angles. This main tunnel is no less than

7,000 feet in length, with an average hydraulic slope of 6

feet in 1,000. It has a maximum height of 21 feet, and a width

of 18 feet 10 inches, its net section being 386 square feet.

The water rushes through it and out of its mouth of stone and

iron at a velocity of 26½ feet per second, or nearly 20 miles

an hour. More than 1,000 men were employed continuously for

more than three years in the construction of this tunnel. …

"The American Company has also pre-empted the great

utilization of the Canadian share of Niagara's energy. The

plan for this work proposes the erection of two power houses

of a total ultimate capacity of 125,000 horsepower. … With

both the Canadian and American plants fully developed, no less

than 350,000 horsepower will be available."

"Within the last five years," said the "Electrical Review," in

a "historical number" issued at the beginning of 1901, "there

have been built in many parts of the world electrical

installations of great magnitude, transmitting the power of

cataracts for considerable distances. The longest of these, in

California, operates over a distance of 115 miles. Perhaps the

largest of them is that at Niagara, where 105,000 horse power

is developed, and much of it transmitted … to the city of

Buffalo"—20 miles.

The first transmission of power from Niagara Falls to Buffalo

was made at midnight, November 15-16, 1896, when 1,000

horsepower was sent over the wires to the power-house of the

Buffalo Railway Company. The important event was signalled to

the citizens by the firing of cannon, the ringing of bells and

sounding of steam whistles.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

The rotary magnetic field.

Polyphased currents.

Nikola Tesla's inventions.

"At about the same time [1888], Galileo Ferraris, in Italy,

and Nikola Tesla, in the United States, brought out motors

operating by systems of alternating currents displaced from

one another in phase by definite amounts and producing what is

known as the rotating magnetic field. This invention seems

destined to be one of the most important that has been made in

the history of electricity. The result of the introduction of

polyphase systems has been the ability to transmit power

economically for considerable distances, and, as this directly

operated to make possible the utilization of water-power in

remote places and the distribution of power over large areas,

the immediate outcome of the polyphase system was power

transmission; and the outcome of power transmission almost

surely will be the gradual supersession of coal and the

harnessing of the waste forces of Nature to do useful work."

Electrical Review,

January 12, 1901.

The following description of Tesla's invention was given by N.

W. Perry in the "Engineering Magazine": "If the north and

south poles of a small horseshoe magnet be suspended over a

bar of soft iron free to revolve in a horizontal plane, or be

placed over an ordinary compass-needle, the latter will be

attracted at either end by the poles of the magnet and take up

a position parallel to a straight line drawn between the two

poles of the magnet. Now if the latter be revolved through any

angle the soft iron or needle will follow, being dragged

around by the magnet, and if the magnet be caused to revolve

regularly the iron will also revolve, being pulled around by

the full force of the magnet. It was not feasible, however, to

cause the magnet to revolve in this way, and Tesla's invention

consisted in obviating this trouble and, in fact, greatly

simplifying the problem. He conceived the idea that if he took

an iron ring and used two alternating currents, one of which had

its maximum value at the instant that the other had a zero

value—or, in other words, two currents whose periods were such

that one waned as the other increased—he could produce in that

iron ring by winding these circuits in alternate coils

surfaces that without any mechanical movement of the parts

would travel around that ring with a rapidity equal to the

number of changes of direction of the currents employed. He

thus had a ring, the north and south poles of which were

rapidly revolving just as would the poles of the horseshoe

magnet were it tied at its middle to a twisted string and

allowed to revolve. A piece of iron pivoted at its middle

placed concentric with this ring would therefore be dragged

around by the changing poles of the ring. He had thus

discovered what is somewhat awkwardly expressed by the

expression, 'the rotary magnetic field,' and also the use of

what have been termed 'polyphased currents'—the one referring

to the magnetism and the other to the combination of currents

by which this changing magnetism was produced. This discovery

is undoubtedly one of the most important that has ever been

made within the domain of alternating currents."

Engineering Magazine,

volume 7, page 780.

Another of Tesla's inventions or discoveries which excited

greater popular interest was that which produced what were

called "high frequency effects," first publicly shown in

connection with a lecture at Columbia College, in the spring

of 1890. "Mr. Tesla started with the idea of setting matter

into vibration at a rate approximating that of light (some two

and a half millions a second), with the expectation that

under such violent molecular agitation it would emit light. He

has not as yet succeeded in obtaining so high a rate, but a

much lower one produced some very surprising luminous effects.

… The dynamo method for getting very high frequencies was soon

abandoned as inadequate, and the oscillatory discharge of a

Leyden jar or plate condensers was substituted. … Perhaps the

most surprising of the new facts elicited from his

investigations is that the shock due to these very high

voltage and high frequency currents can be supported by a

person without any serious inconvenience. He passes a current

of two hundred thousand volts through his body with perfect

impunity."

F. J. Patten,

New Science Review,

volume 1, page 84.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

Development of the Telephone System.

The annual report of the American Telephone and Telegraph

Company (by which the property and business of the American

Bell Telephone Company were taken over at the close of the

year 1899) for the year ending December 31, 1900, contains the

following brief review of the development and growth of the

telephone system, especially in the United States: "The year

just passed rounds out the quarter century, within which is

compassed the discovery and application of the art of

transmitting speech by telephone.

{441}

A brief review of the development and growth of this new

industry, which has become so important a factor in commercial

and social life, seems appropriate at this time. Twenty-five

years ago the wonderful invention of Professor Bell was made

known to the world. Twenty-three years ago the first telephone

exchange in the world was established in the United States, and

from that beginning has been built up the great system of

exchanges, and the network of connecting lines over which

conversation can be held between points over a thousand miles

apart. Twenty years ago there were 47,880 telephone

subscribers in the United States, and 29,714 miles of wire in

use for telephonic purposes. At the end of last year, there

were 800,880 exchange stations equipped with our instruments,

and 1,961,801 miles of wire were employed for exchange and

toll line service. The United States has, from the beginning,

held the leading place among nations in respect not only of

the extensive development of the business, but in the

employment of modern and improved appliances, tending to

greater efficiency of service.

"In connection with the record of development of telephone

service in this country, some comparison of the systems of

foreign countries is of interest. The latest reports that can

be obtained, part of which are for the year 1899, others to

the close of 1900, show the countries next in order to the

United States, as respects the development of telephone

service, to be the German Empire, having 229,391 stations;

Great Britain, 171,660; Sweden, 73,500; France, 59,927;

Switzerland, 38,864: Austria, 32,255; Russia, 31,376;

Norway, 29,446.

"As before stated, there were, at the close of last year, more

than 800,000 stations connected with the exchanges of our

licensee companies, which exceeds the aggregate number of

subscribers in all the countries of Continental Europe. In

addition to this, there were over 40,000 private line stations

equipped with our telephones. The number of exchange and toll

line connections in the United States now reaches almost two

thousand millions yearly."

More detailed and precise statistics of the telephone service

in the United States are given in the report as follows:

January 1,   January 1,

1892.       1901.

Exchanges.                       788        1,348

Branch offices.                  509        1,427

Miles of wire on poles.      180,139      627,897

Miles of wire on buildings.   14,954       16,833

Miles of wire underground.    70,334      705,269

Miles of wire submarine.       1,029        4,203

Total miles of wire.         266,456    1,354,202

Total circuits.              186,462      508,262

Total employees.               8,376       32,837

Total stations.              216,017      800,880

The estimated number of exchange connections daily in the

United States, made up from actual count in most of the

exchanges, is 5,668,986. Or a total per year of about

1,825,000,000. The number of daily calls per station varies in

different exchanges from 1 to 15.9, the average throughout the

United States being 7.1. The average cost to the subscriber

varies according to the size of the exchange and character of

the service, from less than 1 to 9 cents per connection.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

Dr. Pupin's revolutionary improvement

in long-distance Telephony.

The most important advance in telephonic science that has been

made since the invention of the Bell instrument was announced

at about the beginning of the new century, as the result of

studies pursued by Dr. Michael I. Pupin, of Columbia

University, New York. Mathematical and experimental

investigations which Dr. Pupin had been carrying on, for

several years, led him to a determination of the precise

intervals at which, if inductance coils are inserted in a long

conductor, an electric current in traversing it may be made to

travel far without much loss of force. He is said to have

taken a hint from seeing how waves of vibration in a cord are

strengthened by lightly "loading" it at certain exact points,

determined by the wave lengths. It is probably correct to

describe his invention as being a scientific ascertainment of

the points in a long telephonic circuit at which to load the

electric current in it, and the precise loading to be applied.

In a paper published in the "Western Electrician," describing

his investigations mathematically, Dr. Pupin wrote: "If an

increase in efficiency of wave transmission over a cord thus

loaded is to be obtained, it is evident that the load must be

properly subdivided and the fractional parts of the total load

must be placed at proper distances apart along the cord,

otherwise the detrimental effects due to reflections resulting

from the discontinuities thus introduced will more than

neutralize the beneficial effects derived from the increased

mass. … The insertion of inductance coils at periodically

recurring points along the wave conductor produces the same

effect upon electrical wave transmission as the distribution

of the small loads along the stretched cord … produces upon

mechanical wave transmission along the cord."

The result is said to be that conversation by telephone over a

distance of 3,000 miles is made not only practicable but easy,

and that it is believed to be as practicable through submarine

cables as through overland wires. If it does not make the

telephone a common instrument of communication from continent

to continent, it will, at least, improve oceanic telegraphy

beyond measure. According to newspaper report, Dr. Pupin's

invention has been sold to the Bell Telephone Company for a

very large sum.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:

Wireless Telegraphy.

"In 1864 Maxwell observed that electricity and light have the

same velocity, 186,400 miles a second, and he formulated the

theory that electricity propagates itself in waves which

differ from those of light only in being longer. This was

proved to be true by Hertz, in 1888, who showed that where

alternating currents of very high frequency were set up in an

open circuit, the energy might be conveyed entirely away from

the circuit into the surrounding space as electric waves. … He

demonstrated that electric waves move with the speed of light,

and that they can be reflected and refracted precisely as if

they formed a visible beam. At a certain intensity of strain

the air insulation broke down, and the air became a conductor.

This phenomenon of passing quite suddenly from a

non-conductive to a conductive state is … also to be noted

when air or other gases are exposed to the X ray.

{442}

"Now for the effect of electric waves such as Hertz produced,

when they impinge upon substances reduced to powder or

filings. Conductors, such as the metals, are of inestimable

service to the electrician; of equal value are non-conductors,

such as glass and gutta-percha, as they strictly

fence in an electric stream. A third and remarkable vista

opens to experiment when it deals with substances which, in

their normal state, are non-conductive, but which, agitated by

an electric wave, instantly become conductive in a high

degree. As long ago as 1866 Mr. S. A. Varley noticed that

black lead, reduced to a loose dust, effectually intercepted a

current from fifty Daniell cells, although the battery poles

were very near each other. When he increased the electric

tension fourfold to sixfold, the black-lead particles at once

compacted themselves so as to form a bridge of excellent

conductivity. On this principle he invented a

lightning-protector for electrical instruments, the incoming

flash causing a tiny heap of carbon dust to provide it with a

path through which it could safely pass to the earth.

Professor Temistocle Calzecchi Onesti of Fermo, in 1885, in an

independent series of researches, discovered that a mass of

powdered copper is a non-conductor until an electric wave

beats upon it; then, in an instant, the mass resolves itself

into a conductor almost as efficient as if it were a stout,

unbroken wire. Professor Edouard Branly of Paris, in 1891, on

this principle devised a coherer, which passed from resistance

to invitation when subjected to an electric impulse from afar.

He enhanced the value of his device by the vital discovery

that the conductivity bestowed upon filings by electric

discharges could be destroyed by simply shaking or tapping

them apart. …

"The coherer, as improved by Marconi, is a glass tube about 1½

inches long and about 1/12 of an inch in internal diameter.

The electrodes are inserted in this tube so as almost to

touch; between them is about 1/30 of an inch filled with a

pinch of the responsive mixture which forms the pivot of the

whole contrivance. This mixture is 90 per cent. nickel

filings, 10 per cent. hard silver filings, and a mere trace of

mercury; the tube is exhausted of air to within 1/10000 part.

… The coherer, when unexcited, forms a link which obstructs

the flow of a current eager to leap across. The instant that

an electric wave from the sending-station impinges upon the

coherer it becomes conductive; the current instantly glides

through it, and at the same time a current, by means of a

relay, is sent through [a] powerful voltaic battery, so as to

announce the signal through an ordinary telegraphic receiver.

"An electric impulse, almost too attenuated for computation,

is here able to effect such a change in a pinch of dust that

it becomes a free avenue instead of a barricade. Through that

avenue a powerful blow from a local store of energy makes

itself heard and felt. No device of the trigger class is

comparable with this in delicacy. An instant after a signal

has taken its way through the coherer a small hammer strikes

the tiny tube, jarring Hs particles asunder, so that they

resume their normal state of high resistance. We may well be

astonished at the sensitiveness of the metallic filings to an

electric wave originating many miles away, but let us remember

how clearly the eye can see a bright lamp at the same distance

as it sheds a sister beam. Thus far no substance has been

discovered with a mechanical responsiveness to so feeble a ray

of light; in the world of nature and art the coherer stands

alone. …

"An essential feature of this method of etheric telegraphy,

due to Marconi himself, is the suspension of a perpendicular

wire at each terminus, its length twenty feet for stations a

mile apart, forty feet for four miles, and so on, the

telegraphic distance increasing as the square of the length of

suspended wire. In the Kingstown regatta, July, 1898, Marconi

sent from a yacht under full steam a report to the shore

without the loss of a moment from start to finish. This feat

was repeated during the protracted contest between the

'Columbia' and the 'Shamrock' yachts in New York Bay, October,

1899. On March 28, 1899, Marconi signals put Wimereux, two

miles north of Boulogne, in communication with the South

Foreland Lighthouse, thirty-two miles off. In August, 1899,

during the manœuvres of the British navy, similar messages

were sent as far as eighty miles. …

"A weak point in the first Marconi apparatus was that anybody

within the working radius of the sending instrument could read

its message. To modify this objection secret codes were at

times employed, as in commerce and diplomacy. A complete

deliverance from this difficulty is promised in attuning a

transmitter and a receiver to the same note, so that one

receiver, and no other, shall respond to a particular

frequency of impulses. The experiments which indicate success

in this vital particular have been conducted by Professor

Lodge."

G. Iles,

Flame, Electricity and the Camera,

chapter 16 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

"Shall we not," said Professor John Trowbridge, in an article

published in the "New York Tribune," January 6, 1901, "in the

next hundred years dispense with the limitations of wires and

speak boldly through space, reaching some expectant human ear

hundreds of miles away with the same ease that we now converse

in a room? It is already possible to send messages by dots and

dashes sixty to seventy miles without the use of wires. In the

early days of the telephone this was the practical limit of

that instrument, and we are all familiar with the immense

extension which has taken place. Shall we not see a similar

extension in the field of wireless telegraphy? Some late

experiments which I have made lead me to be optimistic in

regard to a possible great extension of the methods of

wireless telegraphy.

"In the first place, I believe that these experiments prove

that wireless telegraphy is not necessarily or merely

accomplished through the air, but, on the contrary, that the

earth plays the controlling part, and that the message flows,

so to speak, through the earth or over its surface rather than

through the air. The most striking experiment was as follows:

The poles of a storage battery of twenty thousand cells were

connected with the ground at the Jefferson Laboratory, and I

was enabled to receive the message in a room three quarters of

a mile from the laboratory without the use of masts or wires

of any sort. The earth was the medium of communication, and it

seems possible, by arranging the sending and receiving apparatus

suitably in connection with the electrical capacity of the

earth, that we may dispense with lofty masts and overcome in

this way the curvature of the earth."

{443}

Extensive experiments in wireless telegraphy are being

conducted by the United States Weather Bureau, of which the

following is a recent report: "Recognizing the advantage that

would result to commerce and navigation by the establishment

of wireless electrical communication between vessels at sea

and exposed points on our lake and sea coasts, and also

between islands along said coasts and the mainland, the

Weather Bureau was directed to systematically investigate the

various methods of electrical communication without wires. The

progress made is eminently satisfactory. New appliances have

been devised for the transmission of signals, and receivers

have been constructed that probably are more delicate than any

heretofore made. Messages already have been successfully

transmitted and received over 50 miles of land, which

presented a rough and irregular surface, conditions most

unfavorable for the transmission of electro-magnetic waves. It

is believed that the efficiency indicated by such transmission

overland is sufficient to operate successfully over several

hundred miles of water. The apparatus used is capable of

further improvement. I hope the time is near at hand when the

great number of craft employed in the coastwise commerce of

the United States and over its great inland seas will be

placed in instantaneous communication with the numerous

stations of our Weather Bureau, which are located at all

important ports. The matter is one of such great importance to

our commerce that I have authorized extensive experimentation,

which, from the success so far attending our efforts, will be

vigorously prosecuted."

United States, Annual Report of the

Secretary of Agriculture,

November 24, 1900, page 12.

On the 12th of March, 1901, the chief of the Weather Bureau,

Professor Moore, gave to the Press the following statement as

to experiments in progress along the Virginia and North

Carolina coast: "The most efficient method of long distance

transmission has been found to be from wire cylinders. The new

coast stations are being equipped with cylinders of sixteen

wires each and 140 feet in length. From these cylinders it is

expected to cover a magnetic field of not less than five

hundred miles. The stations now in operation are at Hatteras

and at Roanoke Island, in Pamlico Sound, North Carolina.

Workmen are beginning the construction of a station at Cape

Henry, which will be the third station. When this is finished

the two remote stations will be 127 miles apart."

MECHANICS:

Steam turbines.

"The latest form of steam-engine recalls the first. The

steam-turbines of De Laval and of Parsons turn on the same

principle as the æolipile of Hero. That simple contrivance was

a metallic globe mounted on axes, and furnished through one of

its trunnions with steam from a boiler near by. As steam rushed

out from two nozzles diametrically opposite to each other, and

at tangents to the globe, there resulted from the relieved

pressure a swift rotation which might have done useful work. …

Before the steam-turbine could be invented, metallurgists and

mechanics had to become skilful enough to provide machinery

which may with safety rotate 10,000 times in a minute; Watt

had to invent the separate condenser; means had to be devised

for the thorough expansion of high-pressure steam; and the

crude device of Hero had to be supplanted by wheels suggested

by the water-turbine.

"The feature which gives the Parsons steam-turbine its

distinction is the ingenious method by which its steam is used

expansively. In a piston-engine the cylinder is filled to

one-twelfth or one-fifteenth of its capacity with

high-pressure steam, when communication with the boiler is cut

off; during the remainder of its stroke the piston is urged

solely by the steam's elasticity. In the Parsons turbine, by

arranging what is practically a series of wheels on the same

shaft, the steam passes from one wheel to the next, and at

each wheel parts with only a fraction of its pressure and

velocity. …

"The 'Turbinia,' a torpedo-boat of 44½ tons displacement, 100

feet in length, and 9 feet in beam, driven by this turbine,

has consumed but 14½ pounds of steam an hour per indicated

horse-power. The 'Viper,' a torpedo-boat destroyer of 325

tons, and provided with a turbine capable of developing as

much as 12,000 horse-power, ran at the rate of 37 knots in a

rough sea during her trial trip in November, 1899."

G. Iles,

Flame, Electricity and the Camera,

chapter 5

(New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:

The determination of germ diseases.

"Since 1880 it has been proved that anthrax, Asiatic cholera,

cerebro-spinal meningitis, diphtheria, one form of dysentery,

erysipelas, glanders, gonorrhœa, influenza, certain epidemics

of meat poisoning, pyæmia and suppuration in general,

pneumonia, tetanus, relapsing fever, tuberculosis, bubonic

plague, and typhoid fever are due to minute vegetable

organisms known as bacteria; that malarial fevers, Texas

cattle fever, and certain forms of dysentery are due to forms

of microscopic animal organisms known as microzoa; and for

most of these diseases the mode of development and means of

introduction of the micro-organism into the body are fairly

well understood. To the information thus obtained we owe the

triumphs of antiseptic and aseptic surgery, a great increase

of precision in diagnosis, the use of specific anti-toxins as

remedies and as preventives, and some of the best practical

work in public hygiene."

Dr. John S. Billings,

Progress of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:

Antitoxine.

Treatment of diphtheria.

"In the early study of germs and their relation to disease it

was supposed that the symptoms of the disease depended

directly upon the germs themselves. This, however, has been

proven to be false with reference to most of the infectious

diseases studied. Thus, in diphtheria, the bacilli were found,

as a rule, only in the throat or upper air passages, while the

effects of the disease were far-reaching, involving the heart,

the nerves, and other distant parts of the body. This, and

other like observations, led to the careful study of the

products produced by the growth of bacteria. As the result of

the work of Roux in Paris, and Brieger in Berlin, the exact

nature of the toxic products of the diphtheria bacillus was

discovered. It was found that this bacillus produces in its

growth a poison which is known as the diphtheria 'toxine.'

This was isolated and injected into animals with the

reproduction of all the symptoms of diphtheria excepting the

membrane in the throat. …

{444}

"In his early work upon splenic fever and chicken-cholera

Pasteur, having established the causes of these diseases, set

himself the task of discovering means of preventing them.

After very many experiments he found that animals inoculated

with the germs of splenic fever, when these germs had been

cultivated at a relatively high temperature, were protected

against the disease itself, while these inoculations

themselves were harmless. … These methods of producing

immunity have been extensively used in Europe for the past

twenty years and have been of immense practical value.

"With the discovery that it was not the bacteria themselves

which produced most of the symptoms, but their poisonous

products or toxines, new experiments in immunity were made by

injecting these toxines into animals. It was found that if the

quantity of the diphtheria toxine introduced was at first so

small as not to kill the animal, the dose could gradually be

increased until finally such a tolerance was established that

the animal could resist enormous doses of it. Many theories

were advanced as to the manner in which this tolerance was

established. The conclusion was finally reached that it was

due to the gradual production in the blood of larger and

larger quantities of some substance which neutralized the

toxine, i. e., an 'antitoxine.' … Later experiments showed

that if some of the blood of an animal, which in this way had

been made insusceptible to diphtheria, was injected into

another animal, the latter likewise became to a certain degree

and for a certain time insusceptible; that is to say, became

'immunized. …

"The present plan of producing antitoxine is somewhat as

follows. Large animals, such as the horse or cow, are usually

employed for purposes of injection. In the beginning as large

a quantity of the toxine of diphtheria is injected as the

animal will bear without danger to life. … It is found that

the dose of the toxine can gradually be increased with each

injection until enormous quantities can be tolerated. When

this point is reached at which the injection of large amounts

of the toxine produces no reaction, the animal is said to

possess a high degree of immunity. At this time the

blood-serum contains a very large amount of the antitoxine. A

long time is required for the production of this condition,

the period being from three to twelve months, according to the

size of the animal, its susceptibility, and many other

conditions. … The antitoxine is obtained from the blood of the

animal, generally by bleeding from the jugular vein. … After

standing for a few hours this blood separates into a clot and

a clear portion above which is known as the serum. The

anti-toxine is contained in the blood-serum."

L. E. Holt,

The Antitoxine Treatment of Diphtheria

(Forum, March, 1895).

See, also (in this volume),

PLAGUE.

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:

Discovery of the secret of malaria.

Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of disease.

"Twenty-five years ago the best-informed physicians

entertained erroneous ideas with reference to the nature of

malaria and the etiology of the malarial fevers. Observation

had taught them that there was something in the air in the

vicinity of marshes in tropical regions, and during the summer

and autumn in semi-tropical and temperate regions, which gave

rise to periodic fevers in those exposed in such localities,

and the usual inference was that this something was of gaseous

form—that it was a special kind of bad air generated in

swampy localities under favorable meteorological conditions.

It was recognized at the same time that there are other kinds

of bad air, such as the offensive emanations from sewers and

the products of respiration of man and animals, but the term

malaria was reserved especially for the kind of bad air which

was supposed to give rise to the so-called malarial fevers. In

the light of our present knowledge it is evident that this

term is a misnomer. There is no good reason for believing that

the air of swamps is any more deleterious to those who breathe

it than the air of the sea coast or that in the vicinity of

inland lakes and ponds. Moreover, the stagnant pools, which

are covered with a 'green scum' and from which bubbles of gas

are given off, have lost all terrors for the well-informed

man, except in so far as they serve as breeding places for

mosquitoes of the genus Anopheles. The green scum is made up

of harmless algæ such as Spirogyra, Zygnema Protococcus,

Euglena, etc.; and the gas which is given off from the mud at

the bottom of such stagnant pools is for the most part a

well-known and comparatively harmless compound of hydrogen and

carbon-methane or 'marsh-gas.'

"In short, we now know that the air in the vicinity of marshes

is not deleterious because of any special kind of bad air

present in such localities, but because it contains mosquitoes

infected with a parasite known to be the specific cause of the

so-called malarial fevers. This parasite was discovered in the

blood of patients suffering from intermittent fevers by

Laveran, a surgeon in the French army, whose investigations

were conducted in Algiers. This famous discovery was made

toward the end of the year 1880; but it was several years

later before the profession generally began to attach much

importance to the alleged discovery."

G. M. Sternberg,

Malaria

(Popular Science Monthly, February, 1901).

"It was the French doctor Laveran who, after a stay in a

deadly malarial region of Algeria, discovered the malaria

parasite in 1880. True, that pigment-cells, which we should

now describe as malaria-parasites, were observed in human

blood as early as 1835, among others by Virchow; but their

relation to the disease was not known. In 1881, Laveran

embodied his researches in a book, but its importance was

overlooked. Bacteria attracted then general attention, and

Laveran's parasite, not being a bacterium, was little thought

of. He stuck, nevertheless, to his discovery, and was soon

joined in his researches by Golgi (the Italian professor to

whom we owe the method that led to the discovery of the

neurons), as also by Marchiafava, Celli, Councilman,

Sternberg, and the Viennese doctor Mannaberg who published in

1893 a full compendium of these researches. Dr. Mannaberg

proved in this book that the real cause of malaria is

Laveran's parasite, and he told its most interesting

life-history so far as it was then known.

"The parasite of malaria is not a bacterium. It is one of the

protozoa—namely, as it appeared later on, a coccidium, which,

like all other members of that family, undergoes in its

development a series of transformations. … Laveran saw that

some parasites ('corps à flagelles') would send out thin and

long flagella which soon parted company with the mother body,

and, owing to a proper helicoidal movement, disappeared in the

plasm of the blood. This never happened, however, in the body of

man, but only when a drop of his infected blood was drawn and

placed on the glass plate under the microscope.

{445}

Laveran noticed, moreover, minute 'crescent-shaped bodies'

which adhered to the red corpuscles and looked very much like

cysts, protected by a harder envelope. From fifteen to twenty

minutes after these bodies had been placed under the

microscope, they also gave origin to a great number of

'flagella'; and this evolution, too, he remarked, seemed to be

accomplished only when the cysts were taken out of the human

body.

"It was only natural to conclude from these observations that

the further development of the flagella may take place in the

body of some other animal than man, and this consideration

brought Laveran, in a book which he published in 1884, to the

idea that, taking into consideration the quantities of

mosquitoes in malarial countries, they may be the agents of

transition of malaria. This remark passed, however,

unperceived. Many had the suspicion that gnats may play some

part in the inoculation of malaria: the Italian peasants

always thought so, and in the medical literature an American

doctor, Mr. King, had advocated the same idea. But the

complete life-history of the malaria parasite being not yet

known fifteen years ago, the necessity of the mosquito or of

some other living being serving as a host for the completion

of the reproduction-cycle was not understood."

P. Kropotkin,

Recent Science

(Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1900).

Dr. Patrick Manson, of London, is credited with the final

formulation of the mosquito-malarial theory; but the proofs by

which it has been established have come from a number of

investigators, who have patiently traced the singular

life-history of the parasite, throughout its passage from man

to the mosquito and from the mosquito back to man, as a

vehicle of disease. Among the latter, prominence is given to

Major Ronald Ross, who lectured on the subject in London in

September, 1900, and was reported in "The Times" as follows:

"They first carried on their life in man—the intermediary

host—and later in the mosquito, the definitive host. These

Hæmamœbidæ began as spores which entered a blood corpuscle,

grew and became amœbæ. The nuclear matter divided, the

corpuscle containing it burst, the spores scattered, and each

spore then attached itself to a fresh corpuscle. The access of

the typical fever began with this scattering of the spores,

and thus the periodicity of the fever was accounted for.

Besides this neutral proliferation there was proliferation by

gametes. The blood of a fever patient exhibited the first

forms of the gametocytes. The spore grew inside the blood

corpuscle, and in that species which caused malignant fever it

grew until it had almost eaten the whole of the host. It was

then technically called a crescent. If this crescent were

examined under the microscope a wonderful development might be

observed to take place in a few moments. The crescent swelled

and became first oval, then spherical, and in about 15 minutes

after the drawing of the blood the microgametes made their escape

and were to be seen wriggling about in the 'liquor sanguinis.'

Ultimately they entered the macrogametocytes and produced

zygotes, which was nothing but a perfect example of the sperm

and the ovum process. "The whole process could be watched

under the microscope. The mosquito, having bitten a person in

whose blood these gametocytes were present, would take perhaps

100 of them into its own system, where the zygotes acquired a

power of movement, edging towards the wall of the mosquito's

stomach. About 12 hours afterwards they would be found

adhering to the walls of the stomach, through which they

passed and to which they finally attached themselves on the

outside. This process was accomplished in about 36 hours. The

zygotes then grew until they had increased to about eight

times their original diameter and were almost visible to the

naked eye. As the zygote increased it divided into meres

containing nuclear matter, which went to the surface. The

process here seemed to be closely similar to spermato-genesis,

and Professor Ray Lankester declared that the process was the

first known example of audrocratic parthenogenesis. When the

final development was reached the cells burst and the blasts

escaped and were immediately carried into all parts of the

insect. They made their way to the salivary gland, with the

evident purpose of seeking the blood of a fresh human host;

and the injection of the secretion of the mosquito's salivary

gland caused the bump which marked the mosquito's bite. A very

large series of experiments had shown conclusively that

malarial infection was caused by the bite of the mosquito.

"The parasites which infested human blood were carried only by

one genus of mosquito—'Anopheles'; the genus 'Culex' was

harmless. The two genera could be readily distinguished. For

example, 'Anopheles' rested on walls with their tails stuck

out perpendicular to the wall; 'Culex' attached themselves

with tails hanging downwards. 'Culex' bred in the water in

pots and tubs; 'Anopheles' in pools. The larvæ of 'Culex,' if

disturbed, sank to the bottom; the larvæ of 'Anopheles'

skimmed along the surface. It was doubtful whether the eggs of

'Anopheles' would live for more than a few days after

desiccation. The eggs were laid in an equilateral triangular

pattern; they were soon hatched, and the larvæ then began to

feed on the green scum in the water. A still evening, just

before or after rain, was the time most favourable for the

hatching out from the pupæ. As to the adults, he believed that

they could live for a year; at any rate, they had been kept

alive in tubes for more than a month; and it was certain that

in England and Italy they hibernated. The female of

'Anopheles' alone was the biter, and though the favourite

feeding time was at night, in West Africa the insects had been

found to bite all day. While 'Culex' could be detected by its

humming, 'Anopheles' was silent, and it was possible to be

bitten without knowing of it at the moment. He had found that

a blood diet was always necessary to the maturing of the eggs.

He had kept many thousands of mosquitoes under observation and

had never known one to lay eggs except after a meal of blood.

Malarial infection was derived chiefly from the native

children, who swarmed everywhere, and whose blood was full of

the infecting parasites."

An expedition sent out to West Africa by the Liverpool School

of Tropical Medicine, to pursue investigations there, reported

in December, 1900, that its observations confirm the

conclusion "that the blood parasite which gives rise to

malarial fever in man is carried by the mosquito from the

native to the European—and more especially from the native

children.

{446}

The examination of the blood of hundreds of native children

revealed the interesting fact that between 50 and 80 per cent.

of those under five years, between 20 and 30 per cent. of ages

between five and ten years, and a small percentage over ten

years contained malarial parasites, often in very large

numbers. The breeding places of the 'Anopheles' were found to

be chiefly the dug-out native canoes in the regions of the

mangrove swamps, claypits and puddles in the forested

district, and at Lokoja puddles and ditches on and alongside

the roads and footpaths. It was particularly noticed

everywhere how carelessness in the construction of roads and

footpaths, and more especially in the laying out of the areas

surrounding the factories of the European traders, was

accountable for the production of a large number of breeding

places for mosquitoes, which could easily have been avoided.

In fact, it is certain that in West Africa such conditions are

far more dangerous and more common than the proximity of a

marsh or swamp, which is often noted as a cause of fever. …

The two methods upon which alone any reliance can be placed as

measures for prevention are—(l) segregation of Europeans from

natives of all sorts, at a distance of about half a mile; and

(2) complete and efficient surface drainage of the whole

district in the immediate neighbourhood of European quarters."

The detection of the mosquito as a carrier of one disease drew

suspicion on the pestilent insect of other kindred crimes, and

strong evidence of its agency in propagating yellow fever has

been gathered already. A board of medical officers, which went

from the United States to Cuba in the summer of 1900 to study

the matter, reported in October that their investigations

tended quite positively to that conclusion. The board was

composed of Dr. Walter Reed, surgeon, United States Army, and

Dr. James Carroll, Dr. A. Agramonte, and Dr. Jesse W. Lazear,

all acting assistant surgeons of the United States Army. Two

months later, so much confirmation had been obtained that

Major-General Wood, Military-Governor of Cuba (himself a

medical man) was reported, on the 29th of December, to have

issued a general order directed to his post commanders,

"reciting that the chief surgeon of the Department of Cuba has

reported that it is now well-established that malaria, yellow

fever and filarial infection are transmitted by the bites of

mosquitoes. Therefore the troops are enjoined to observe

carefully two precautions: First—they are to use mosquito bars

in all barracks, hospitals and field service whenever

practicable. Second—They are to destroy the 'wigglers,' or

young mosquitoes, by the use of petroleum on the water where

they breed. Permanent pools or puddles are to be filled up. To

the others is to be applied one ounce of kerosene to each

fifteen square feet of water twice a month, which will destroy

not only the young but the old mosquitoes. This does not

injure drinking water if drawn from below and not dipped out.

Protection is thus secured, according to the order, because

the mosquito does not fly far, but seeks shelter when the wind

blows, and thus each community breeds its own mosquitoes."

This was followed in April, 1901, by an order from the chief

surgeon at Havana, approved by Surgeon-General Sternberg, U.

S. A., which says: "The recent experiments made in Havana by

the Medical Department of the Army having proved that yellow

fever, like malarial fever, is conveyed chiefly, and probably

exclusively, by the bite of infected mosquitoes, important

changes in the measures used for the prevention and treatment

of this disease have become necessary. So far as yellow fever

is concerned, infection of a room or building simply means

that it contains infected mosquitoes, that is mosquitoes which

have fed on yellow fever patients. Disinfection, therefore,

means the employment of measures aimed at the destruction of

these mosquitoes. The most effective of these measures is

fumigation, either with sulphur, formaldehydes or insect

powder. The fumes of sulphur are the quickest and the most

effective insecticide, but are otherwise objectionable.

Formaldehyde gas is quite effective if the infected rooms are

kept closed and sealed for two or three hours. The smoke of

insect powder has also been proved useful; it readily

stupefies mosquitoes, which drop to the floor and can then be

easily destroyed. The washing of walls, floors, ceilings and

furniture with disinfectants is unnecessary."

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:

Recent advances in surgery.

"In no department of surgery has greater progress been made

than in the treatment of diseases of the abdominal organs. …

At the present time no abdominal organ is sacred from the

surgeon's knife. Bowels riddled with bullet-holes are

stitched up successfully; large pieces of gangrenous or

cancerous intestine are cut out, the ends of the severed tube

being brought into continuity by means of ingenious

appliances; the stomach is opened for the removal of a foreign

body, for the excision of a cancer, or for the administration

of nourishment to a patient unable to swallow; stones are

extracted from the substance of the kidneys, and these organs

when hopelessly diseased are extirpated; the spleen, when

enlarged or otherwise diseased, is removed bodily; gall-stones

are cutout, and even tumours of the liver are excised. The

kidney, the spleen, and the liver, when they cause trouble by

unnatural mobility, are anchored by stitches to the abdominal

wall; and the stomach has been dealt with successfully in the

same way for the cure of indigestion. Besides all this, many

cases of obstruction of the bowels, which in days not very

long gone by would have been doomed to inevitable death, are

now cured by a touch of the surgeon's knife. The perforation

of the intestine, which is one of the most formidable

complications of typhoid fever, has in a few cases been

successfully closed by operation; and inflammation of the

peritoneum, caused by the growth of tuberculous masses upon

it, has been apparently cured by opening the abdominal cavity.

Among the most useful advances of this department of surgery

must be accounted the treatment of the condition known as

'appendicitis,' which has been to a large extent rescued from

the physician, with his policy of 'laissez faire,' and placed

under the more resolute and more efficient government of the

surgeon. A New York surgeon not long ago reported a series of

100 cases of operation for appendicitis, with only two deaths.

…

{447}

"That surgery could ever deal with the abdominal organs in the

manner just described would have seemed to our predecessors in

the earlier part of the Queen's reign the baseless fabric of a

vision. But the modern surgeon, clad in antisepsis, as the Lady

in 'Comus' was 'clothed round with chastity,' defies the

'rabble rout' of microbes and dares things which only a short

time ago were looked upon as beyond the wildest dreams of

scientific enthusiasm. It is scarcely twenty years since the

late Sir John Erichsen declared in a public address that

operative surgery had nearly reached its furthest possible

limits of development. He pointed out that there were certain

regions of the body into which the surgeon's knife could never

penetrate, naming the brain, the heart, and the lung as the

most obvious examples of such inviolable sanctuaries of life.

Within the last fifteen years the surgeon has brought each of

these organs, which constitute what Bichat called the 'tripod

of life,' within his sphere of conquest. … It must, however,

be admitted that the results of brain surgery, though

brilliant from the operative point of view, have so far been

somewhat disappointing as regards the ultimate cure of the

disease. In certain forms of epilepsy, in particular, which at

first seemed to be curable by removal of the 'cortical

discharging centre' in the brain which is the source of the

mischief, the tendency to fits has been found to return after

a time, and the last state of the patient has been worse than

the first. Still, the mere fact that the brain has been proved

to be capable of being dealt with surgically with perfect safety

is in itself a very distinct progress. …

"Other parts of the nervous system have been brought within

the range of surgical art. The vertebral column has been

successfully trephined, and fragments of bone pressing on the

cord have been taken away in cases of fractured spine; tumours

have also been removed from the spinal cord by Mr. Horsley and

others. There is a steadily increasing record of cures of

intractable neuralgia, especially of the face, by division or

removal of the affected nerve trunks. … The ends of cut nerves

have also been re-united, and solutions of their continuity

have been filled up with portions of nerve taken from animals.

… The heart naturally cannot be made so free with, even by the

most enterprising surgeon, as the brain or the lung. Yet

within the past twelve months a Norwegian practitioner has

reported a case which encourages a hope that even wounds of

the heart may not be beyond surgical treatment. … Tuberculous

and inflammatory diseases of bones and joints, formerly

intractable except by the 'ultima ratio' of the amputating

knife, are now cured without mutilation. Deformities are

corrected by division of tendons, the excision of portions of

bone, and the physiological exercise of muscles, without

complicated apparatus. The healing of large wounds is assisted

by the grafting of healthy skin on the raw surface; wide gaps in

bones and tendons are filled up with portions of similar

structures obtained from animals." …

Malcolm Morris,

The Progress of Medicine during the Queen's Reign

(Nineteenth Century, May, 1897).

See, also, X RAYS, below.

SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:

International cataloguing.

On the 22d of March, 1894, the Secretaries of the Royal

Society of London addressed the following communication to

various institutions and societies: "The Royal Society of

London, as you are probably aware, has published nine quarto

volumes of 'The catalogue of scientific papers,' the first

volume of the decade 1874-1883 having been issued last year.

This catalogue is limited to periodical scientific literature,

i. e., to papers published in the transactions, etc., of

societies, and in journals; it takes no account whatever of

monographs and independent books, however important. The

titles, moreover, are arranged solely according to authors'

names; and though the Society has long had under consideration

the preparation of, and it is hoped may eventually issue, as a

key to the volumes already published, a list in which the

titles are arranged according to subject-matter, the catalogue

is still being prepared according to authors' names. Further,

though the Society has endeavored to include the titles of all

the scientific papers published in periodicals of acknowledged

standing, the catalogue is, even as regards periodical

literature, confessedly incomplete, owing to the omission of

the titles of papers published in periodicals of little

importance, or not easy of access.

"Owing to the great development of scientific literature, the

task of the Society in continuing the catalogue, even in its

present form, is rapidly increasing in difficulty. At the same

time it is clear that the progress of science would be greatly

helped by, indeed, almost demands, the compilation of a

catalogue which should aim at completeness, and should contain

the titles of scientific publications, whether appearing in

periodicals or independently. In such a catalogue the titles

should be arranged not only according to authors' names, but

also according to subject-matter, the text of each paper and

not the title only being consulted for the latter purpose. And

the value of the catalogue would be greatly enhanced by a

rapid periodical issue, and by publication in such a form that

the portion which pertains to any particular branch of science

might be obtained separately. It is needless to say that the

preparation and publication of such a complete catalogue is

far beyond the power and means of any single society.

"Led by the above considerations, the president and council of

the Royal Society have appointed a committee to inquire into

and report upon the feasibility of such a catalogue being

compiled through international co-operation."

Library Journal,

March, 1895.

The movement thus initiated received cordial support and led

to the convening of an International Conference in London, in

1896. The Conference was opened on Tuesday, July 14, at

Burlington House. "The 42 delegates, representing nearly all

the governments of civilized countries and most of the leading

scientific societies of the world, were welcomed by Sir John

Gorst, as provisional president. … It was decided that

English, German and French should be the official languages of

the conference. … The conference closed on Friday, July 17,

the need of an international catalogue having been fully

recognized, and a plan for its preparation mapped out. It was

decided 'That it is desirable to compile and publish by means

of some international organization a complete catalogue of

scientific literature, arranged according both to

subject-matter and to authors' names. That in preparing such a

catalogue regard shall, in the first instance, be had to the

requirements of scientific investigators, to the end that

these may, by means of the catalogue, find out most easily

what has been published concerning any particular subject of

inquiry.'

{448}

"The preparation of the catalogue is to be in charge of an

international council, to be appointed, and the final editing

and publication shall be conducted by a central international

bureau, under the direction of the international council. Any

country that is willing to do so shall be entrusted with the

task of collecting, provisionally classifying, and

transmitting to the central bureau, in accordance with rules

laid down by the international council, all the entries

belonging to the scientific literature of that country. 'In

indexing according to subject-matter regard shall be had, not

only to the title (of a paper or book), but also to the nature

of the contents.' The catalogue shall comprise all published

original contributions—periodical articles, pamphlets,

memoirs, etc.—to the mathematical, physical, or natural

sciences, … 'to the exclusion of what are sometimes called the

applied sciences—the limits of the several sciences to be

determined hereafter.' …

"The central bureau shall issue the catalogue in the form of

'slips' or 'cards,' the details of the cards to be hereafter

determined, and the issue to take place as promptly as

possible. … It was also decided that the central bureau shall

be located in London, and that the Royal Society appoint a

committee to study all undecided questions relating to the

catalogue and to report later. … No system of classification

was adopted and the subject was turned over for consideration

to the committee of organization, which should also suggest

'such details as will render the catalogue of the greatest

possible use to those unfamiliar with English.' January 1,

1900, is fixed as the date for the beginning of the

catalogue."

Library Journal,

August, 1896.

A second international conference, to consider further the

plans previously outlined, was held October 11-13, 1898, at

Burlington House, London. "The attendance was a representative

one, including delegates from Austria, Belgium, France,

Germany, Hungary, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden,

Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States

(represented by Dr. Cyrus Adler), Cape Colony, India, Natal,

New Zealand, and Queensland. Russia, Spain and Italy were the

only large continental countries unrepresented. …

"Professor Forster having formally presented the report of the

Committee of the Royal Society, copies of which were forwarded

in April last to the several governments represented at the

conference, the discussion of the recommendations was opened,

and it was resolved: 'That the conference confirms the

principle that the catalog be published in the double form of

cards and books. That schedules of classification shall be

authorized for the several branches of science which it is

decided to include in the catalog. That geography be defined

as limited to mathematical and physical geography, and that

political and general geography be excluded. That anatomy be

entered on the list as a separate subject. That a separate

schedule be provided for each of the following branches of

science: Mathematics, Astronomy, Meteorology, Physics,

Crystallography, Chemistry, Mineralogy, Geology (including

Petrology), Geography, mathematical and physical,

Paleontology, Anatomy, Zoology, Botany, Physiology (including

Pharmacology and Experimental Pathology), Bacteriology,

Psychology, Anthropology. That each of the sciences for which

a separate schedule is provided shall be indicated by a

symbol.'" Resolutions were then adopted providing for the

regulations to be observed in the preparation of cards or

slips, and for the organization of the work through Regional

Bureaus.

"The following recommendations of the Royal Society providing

for international conventions in connection with the catalog

were adopted: 'Each region in which a Regional Bureau is

established, charged with the duty of preparing and

transmitting slips to the Central Bureau for the compilation

of the catalog, shall be called a constituent region. In 1905,

in 1910, and every tenth year afterwards, an international

convention shall be held in London (in July) to reconsider,

and, if necessary, revise the regulations for carrying out the

work of the catalog authorized by the international convention

of 1898. Such an international convention shall consist of

delegates appointed by the respective governments to represent

the constituent regions, but no region shall be represented by

more than three delegates. The rules of procedure of each

international convention shall be the same as those of the

international convention of 1898. The decisions of an

international convention shall remain in force until the next

convention meets.'

"The following recommendations of the Royal Society relating

to the constitution of an International Council, which shall

be the governing body of the catalog, were adopted: 'Each

Regional Bureau shall appoint one person to serve as a member

of a body to be called The International Council. The

International Council shall, within the regulations laid down

by the international convention, be the governing body of the

catalog. The International Council shall appoint its own

chairman and secretary. It shall meet in London once in three

years at least, and at such other times as the chairman, with

the concurrence of five other members, may specially appoint.

It shall, subject to the regulations laid down by the

convention, be the supreme authority for the consideration of

and decision concerning all matters belonging to the Central

Bureau. It shall make a report of its doings, and submit a

balance sheet, copies of which shall be distributed to the

several Regional Bureaus, and published in some recognized

periodical or periodicals in each of the constituent

regions.'"

Library Journal,

December, 1898.

The third international conference on a catalog of scientific

literature was held in London, June 12, 1900, under the

auspices of the Royal Society. "Unfortunately the United

States finds no place in the list [of delegates]. This was

owing to the failure to secure from Congress the necessary

appropriation enabling the United States to join in the

enterprise; and as the call to the conference required that

delegates be charged with full powers, it was impossible for

any representative of the United States to be in attendance. …

"The general results of the conference are reviewed by

Professor Henry E. Armstrong, in 'Nature,' as follows: 'There

can be little doubt that the ultimate execution of this

important enterprise is now assured. … Everyone was of opinion

that if a fair beginning can once be made, the importance of the

work is so great; it will be of such use to scientific workers

at large; that it will rapidly grow in favor and soon secure

that wide support which is not yet given to it simply because

its character and value are but imperfectly understood.

Therefore, all were anxious that a beginning should be made.

{449}

"'It has been estimated that if 300 sets or the equivalent are

sold the expenses of publication will be fully met. As the

purchase of more than half this number was guaranteed by

France, Germany, Italy, Norway, Switzerland, and the United

Kingdom, the conference came to the conclusion that the number

likely to be taken by other countries would be such that the

subscriptions necessary to cover the cost of the catalog would

be obtained. The resolution arrived at after this opinion had

been formed, That the catalog include both an author's and a

subject index, according to the schemes of the Provisional

International Committee, must, in fact, be read as a

resolution to establish the catalog.

"'Of the countries represented at the various conferences,

excepting Belgium, not one has expressed any unwillingness

eventually to co-operate in the work. Unfortunately, neither

the United States nor Russia was officially represented on the

present occasion. The attempts that have been made to induce

the government in the United States to directly subsidise the

catalog have not been successful: but that the United States

will contribute its fair share, both of material and pecuniary

support, cannot be doubted. There as here private or corporate

enterprise must undertake much that is done under government

auspices in Europe. As to Russia, the organization of

scientific workers there has been so little developed that it

is very difficult to secure their attention, and probably our

Russian colleagues are as yet but very imperfectly aware of

what is proposed. … A Provisional International Committee has

been appointed, which will take the steps now necessary to

secure the adhesion and co-operation of countries not yet

pledged to support the scheme.

"'Originally it was proposed to issue a card as well as a book

catalog, but on account of the great additional expense this

would involve, and as the Americans in particular have not

expressed themselves in favor of a card issue, it is resolved

to publish the catalog, for the present, only in the form of

annual volumes.

"'From the outset great stress has been laid on the

preparation of subject indexes which go behind the titles of

papers and give fairly full information as to the nature of

their contents. Both at the first and the second International

Conference this view met with the fullest approval. Meanwhile,

the action of the German government has made it necessary to

somewhat modify the original plan. In Germany, a regional

bureau will be established, supported by a government

subvention, and it is intended that the whole German

scientific literature shall be cataloged in this office; no

assistance will be asked from authors or editors or corporate

bodies. In such an office it will for the present be

impossible to go behind titles; consequently, only the titles

of German papers will be quoted in the catalog. In the first

instance, some other countries may prefer to adopt this course

on the ground of economy. But in this country, at least, the

attempt will be made to deal fully with the literature, and

the co-operation of authors and editors will be specially

invited. …

"'The catalog is to be published annually in seventeen

distinct volumes. The collection of material is to commence

from January 1, 1901. As it will be impossible to print and

issue so many volumes at once, it is proposed to publish them

in sets of four or five at quarterly intervals.'"

Library Journal,

September, 1900.

The fourth Conference was held at London, December 12-13,

1900, when "all arrangements were completed for the definitive

commencement of the work on January 1. … The responsibility

for publication and for the initial expenditure is undertaken

by the Royal Society. … A comprehensive and elaborate system

of classification has been devised with the assent of all the

countries interested. This uniformity in a region where

diversity of a perplexing kind has hitherto ruled is in itself

a great boon to scientific workers everywhere. It may be

anticipated that the scheme will by degrees be adopted in all

collections of scientific works. As to the nothing aspects of

this important undertaking, larger more need be said at

present than that the scientific cataloguing of all scientific

work most appropriately celebrates the opening of the

twentieth century."

[Transcriber's note: In the previous sentence the words

"nothing" and "larger" appear interchanged.]

London Times,

December 14, 1900.

SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:

In the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

----------Scientific Literature: End--------

----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.

Union of the Free and United Presbyterian Churches.

"In the ecclesiastical world only one event of the first

importance has happened [in Scotland, in 1900], the

consummation of the union between the Free and United

Presbyterian Churches, which has been the subject of

negotiation for six years past. The May meetings of the

leading representative courts of the two denominations were

occupied almost exclusively with the final arrangements for

the formal act of union, which was fixed to take place on

October 31. An attempt by a number of lay office-bearers of

the Free Church to postpone the final step, on the ground that

the congregations had not been directly and fairly consulted,

failed of its object. On October 30 the General Assembly of

the Free Church and the Synod of the United Presbyterian

Church held their last meetings in Edinburgh as independent

bodies. On the following day they formally constituted

themselves the United Free Church of Scotland in the Waverley

Market, the largest public hall in Scotland, in presence of an

audience computed to number 6,000 persons. The union has, as

is the rule in Scotland, been accompanied by a 'disruption.'

The minority of the Free Church, which on October 30 resolved

to remain outside the United Free Church, is very small in

number and is financially weak, but it claims to be the true

Free Church of Scotland, it is asserting itself vigorously in

the Highlands and islands, where Free Church

'constitutionalism' has always been strongest, and it has

taken the first step in a process of litigation for the

purpose of discovering whether it or the United Free Church is

legally entitled to the property of the original Free Church

founded in 1843. But for this secession, the strength of which

is not accurately estimable, the new denomination would,

according to the latest official returns, have opposed about

1,680 congregations and about 530,000 members to the 1,450

congregations and 650,000 members of the Church of Scotland."

London Times,

December 27, 1900.

{450}

SEA POWER.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

SEAL-KILLING DISPUTES.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

SEGAN FU,

SI-NGAN-FU,

The Chinese Imperial Court at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SEMINOLES,

United States Agreement with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

SENEGAL; A. D. 1895.

Under a French Governor-General.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

SENOUSSI, The Sect of the.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SERAPEION, Discovery of the.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT:

DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

SERVIA: A. D. 1894-1901.

Abolition of the constitution by royal proclamation.

Final exile and death of ex-King Milan.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

SERVIA: A. D. 1901 (April).

Promulgation of a new constitution.

A new constitution for Servia was promulgated by King

Alexander, at Belgrade, on the 19th of April, 1901. Of the

character of the instrument, the King had previously given

intimations in an interview conceded to the editor of the

"Revue d'Orient," the account of which, translated for the

"London Times," is partly as follows: "Our three Constitutions

of 1869, 1888, and 1901 differ from each other in important

matters of principle. That of 1869 practically amounted to

absolutism, if I may thus qualify any Constitution. It is true

that the executive power retained but few prerogatives, but

that was deceptive, as the rights of the Legislature were

surrounded by exceptions and restrictions which made it easy

to paralyse and annihilate them at any moment. The

Constitution of 1888 had the contrary defects. It subordinated

the executive power to that of the Legislature, only leaving to

the former an altogether insufficient sphere of action. It had

another great fault. It was excessively doctrinaire and

theoretical, affecting to foresee everything and to regulate

everything, so that the legislative power was bound hand and

foot and could not legislate freely. The Constitution which

will be promulgated on April 19, the anniversary of the day

when the fortress of Belgrade was finally evacuated by the

Turks in 1867, is a charter similar to those which organize

the public powers in several countries of Europe, as, for

instance, in England and in France. It settles the form of

government, the powers of the King and of the State, the

rights of subjects, the working of the national

representation, &c. But it leaves to the Legislature the

settlement of all details. What more particularly

distinguishes the Constitution of 1901 from that of 1869 is

that it prevents the use and abuse of ordinances by the

Executive, which will be obliged to frame special laws in

every case—that is to say, laws accepted and approved of by

the King, the Senate, and the Chamber of Deputies. Thus

legality will henceforth be the regulating wheel in the

machinery of government. The Chamber of Deputies will be much

better organized, as the enlightened classes will be much more

numerously represented. The Constitution of 1901 will also

present great advantages over that of 1888. The Legislature

will control the acts of the Government as far as can possibly

be desired. At the same time the constitutional regime as

established in the new Constitution will give the King all the

power that he ought to retain in a country that is still new,

like Servia, without diminishing any of the inviolable

liberties of the nation.

"I attach very great importance to the new political

institution with which I am going to endow Servia—namely, an

Upper Chamber. Considering that it already exists, not only in

monarchical countries, but also in most Republics, as, for

instance, in France and the United States, I cannot admit that

it should be regarded as involving the slightest aristocratic

tendency or idea. I know my country well enough to be sure

that I shall find a sufficient number of high-class

politicians to recruit the Senate, and that enough will remain

for the Chamber of Deputies. I am likewise fully persuaded

that the legislative task of the Parliament will be much

better performed when the Chamber of Deputies is conscious

that above it there exists a Senate whose business it is to

revise and improve the laws which it has elaborated, of course

for the greater benefit of the nation. Then, again, the Senate

will form a moderating element which was much wanting in our

Legislature. What Servia is suffering from is not any lack of

legislation, but from the circumstances that the existing laws

were hastily framed or were the outcome of party rancour. If

we had formerly had a Senate composed of men of experience and

good patriots, they would never have consented to the conclusion

of so many onerous loans, to the application of so many

iniquitous measures, nor to the convocation of the special

tribunal, 'le tribunal extraordinaire,' of 1899.

"At first the Radical party was not favourable to the

institution of an Upper Chamber, but it now recognizes the

great advantages it will offer, and has rallied to my project.

The Progressist party has always been favourable to it. The

majority of the Liberal party has also adhered to it. I

therefore believe that this new institution will be of the

greatest service to the country. All that is required, and

with a little good will it can be easily done, is that the

members of the two Chambers should endeavour honestly,

sincerely, and loyally to work for the good of the State and

of the nation. If I have not thought right to raise the

qualification for the suffrage, as desired by some people, it

is because I did not wish to disfranchise any of those who

have enjoyed the right of voting during the last 35 years. I

do not wish to restrict any of the rights of the nation.

{451}

"The application of the new Constitution will be the great

task of my Government, in which I have every confidence. The

Prime Minister, Dr. Vuitch, has the sympathy and support not

only of his own party but of all who would like to see the

country governed in a liberal spirit. His presence at the head

of the Ministry is a pledge for the active and sincere

co-operation of all elements of order and progress. … As soon

as the new Constitution has been promulgated, the Government

will invite the co-operation of all those which admit its

necessity and fitness. A large Conservative party will thus be

formed which will have the requisite power and authority for

all purposes of government, for the application of the

Constitution, and for the elaboration of financial and

economic laws necessary for the progress of the country.

"As regards the question of the succession to the Throne, I

wanted to settle it finally, as the members of the reigning

dynasty are not numerous unless the remote collateral lines be

included, which is not possible. Moreover, everybody wished me

to take in this matter such decisions as I might think proper

in view of securing the continuation of the Servian Monarchy.

The first thing to be done was to safeguard the rights of the

direct line without seeking to bind ourselves by the Salic

Law, which there is really no reason to apply in our country.

I should add here that there are no anti-dynastic elements in

Servia, with the exception, perhaps, of a few hare-brained

individuals who really do not enter into account. My people

are profoundly attached to the reigning dynasty, and never

lose an opportunity of showing me their loyalty. It is the

same with all the political parties.

"Before promulgating the Constitution I decided to consult the

most influential members of the parties in office. They agreed

with me, and promised me to assist harmoniously in the work. I

have also consulted the leading members of the Liberal party,

and with two or three exceptions they have given me the same

assurances. Such being the case, I may say that the

Constitution of 1901 is not a production of my will or of my

good pleasure, but that it is the result of an understanding

between the Sovereign and the leaders of the three political

parties. I consequently reckon upon their sincere and active

co-operation, and I trust they will not fail me. I am firmly

convinced that the new Constitution will act as a fresh and

vigorous stimulus to my country, and that it will bring it

that calm and stability which it sorely needs. I sincerely

regard it as a source of prosperity and welfare for Servia."

SEVERALTY ACT, The Indian.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

SEYMOUR, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward:

Expedition to relieve Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

SEYYIDIEH, The province of.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

SHAFTER, General:

Commanding the expedition against Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SHAFTER, General:

Surrender of Spanish forces at Santiago and all eastern Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

SHAFTER, General:

Report of sickness in army.

Removal of troops to Montauk Point.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

SHANGHAI.

"Shanghai is the New York of China. It occupies a position on

the coast quite similar to that of New York on our own eastern

coast, and its percentage of importations into China is about

the same as that which New York enjoys in the United States.

The large share of the foreign trade of China which Shanghai

controls is due largely to its position at the mouth of the

great artery through which trade flows to and from China—the

Yangtze-Kiang. Transportation in bulk in China up to the

present time having been almost exclusively by water, and the

Yangtze being navigable by steamers and junks for more than

2,000 miles, thus reaching the most populous, productive, and

wealthy sections of the country, naturally a very large share

of the foreign commerce entering or leaving that country

passes through Shanghai, where foreign merchants, bankers,

trade representatives, trade facilities, and excellent docking

and steamship conveniences exist. The lines of no less than

eight great steamship companies center at Shanghai, where they

land freight and passengers from their fleets of vessels which

are counted by hundreds, while the smaller vessels, for river

and coastwise service, and the native junks are counted

literally by thousands. The Yangtze from Shanghai westward to

Hankow, a distance of 582 miles, is navigable for very large

steamships that are capable of coasting as well as river

service. Hankow, which with its suburbs has nearly a million

people, is the most important of the interior cities, being a

great distributing center for trade to all parts of central

and western China and thus the river trade between Shanghai

and Hankow is of itself enormous, while the coastwise trade

from Shanghai, both to the north and south, and that by the

Grand Canal to Tientsin, the most important city of northern

China, is also very large."

United States, Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2191.

"When the English chose this position, in 1842, for their

mercantile settlement, it seemed difficult to believe that

they would ever succeed in making the place a rival of Canton

or of Amoy. It is true that Shanghai possessed important

commercial relations already, and the great geographical

advantage of commanding the entrance to the navigable river

which traverses the whole empire from west to east; but the

builders of the city there had to struggle with enormous

difficulties of soil and climate. They had to solidify and

drain the land, dig canals, dry up marshes, cleanse the air of

its miasms, besides incessantly dredging and clearing the

channel, to keep it open for their ships. The first European

merchants established at Shanghai were favored in fortune by

the national disasters of China. The Taiping war drove

fugitives in multitudes to the territory conceded to

foreigners, and when the town of Soutcheou was destroyed, in

1860, Shanghai succeeded it as the great city of the country."

É. Reclus,

Nouvelle géographie universelle,

volume 7, page 455.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1898.

Rioting consequent on French desecration of a cemetery.

Extension of foreign settlements.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

SHANTUNG, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

SHIMONOSEKI, Text of the Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

{452}

SHIPPING OF THE WORLD: In 1900.

Statement of number and net and gross tonnage of steam and

sailing vessels of over 100 tons of the several countries of

the world, as recorded in Lloyd's Register for 1900-1901

[dated July 1, 1900].

United States, Commissioner of Navigation,

Annual Report, 1900, page 125.FLAG                            STEAM.                SAIL.             TOTAL.

-------------------------  ------------------  -------------

Number. Net tons. Gross tons.  Number.  Net tons.  Number.  Tonnage.

British:

United Kingdom.  7,020   7,072,401  11,513,759   1,894   1,727,687   8,914  13,241,446

Colonies.          910     378,925     635,331   1,014     384,477   1,924   1,019,808

Total.           7,930   7,451,326  12,149,090   2,908   2,112,164  10,838  14,261,254

American

(United States):

Sea.              690      594,237     878,564   2,130   1,156,498   2,820   2,035,062

Lake.             242      436,979     576,402      73     138,807     315     715,209

Total.            932    1,031,216   1,454,966   2,203   1,295,305   3,135   2,750,271

Argentine.         95       36,938      57,239     106      30,407     201      87,646

Austro-Hungarian  214      240,808     387,471      56      28,613     270     416,084

Belgian.          115      111,624     162,493       2         420     117     162,913

Brazilian.        215       85,799     133,507     117      29,580     332     163,087

Chilean.           52       38,960      62,872      75      48,106     127     110,978

Chinese.           48       41,847      65,721       1         573      49      66,294

Colombian.          1          555         877       5       1,110       6       1,987

Danish.           369      240,599     412,273     433     106,738     802     519,011

Dutch.            289      307,574     467,209     117      63,068     406     530,277

French.           662      542,305   1,052,193     552     298,309   1,214   1,350,562

German.         1,209    1,344,605   2,159,919     501     490,114   1,710   2,650,033

Greek.            139      111,797     178,137     230      65,957     369     245,094

Haitian.            5          912       1,750       2         414       7       2,164

Italian.          312      343,020     540,349     864     443,306   1,176     983,655

Japanese.         484      303,303     488,187     582      86,370   1,006     574,557

Mexican.           25        6,562      11,460      13       3,081      38      14,541

Montenegrin.        1        1,064       1,857      14       3,513      15       5,370

Norwegian.        806      467,123     764,683   1,574     876,129   2,380   1,640,812

Peruvian.           3        3,204       4,869      33       9,607      36      14,476

Portuguese.        48       37,153      57,664     156      53,391     204     111,055

Roumanian.         17        9,686      17,361       3         659      20      18,020

Russian.          496      292,277     469,496     750     251,405   1,246     720,901

Sarawakian.         2          244         418                           2         418

Siamese.            4          821       1,435       1         294       5       1,729

Spanish.          422      416,882     642,231     175      52,549     597     694,780

Swedish.          678      260,023     418,550     755     218,722   1,433     637,272

Turkish.          135       58,974      94,781     170      48,709     305     143,490

Uruguayan.         17        6,438      10,468      19       4,032      36      14,500

Venezuelan.        12        2,450       4,246       8       1,185      20       5,431

Zanzibarian.        3        1,871       2,808                           3       2,808

Other countries:

Hawaii.            23       11,185      16,922      24      29,707      47      46,629

Cuba.              35       17,651      27,040      11       2,410      46      29,450

Philippine Islands 69       19,587      31,099      42       8,236     111      39,335

Various:

Arabia,

Salvador,

Ecuador,

Liberia,

Samos,

Nicaragua,

Bulgaria,

Costa Rica,

Egypt,

Persia,

Porto Rico,

etc.            31       10,130      17,717      22       9,127      53      26,844

Total.         15,898   13,800,513  22,309,358  12,524   6,674,370   28,422 29,043,728

SHIRE HIGHLANDS, The.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

SHOA.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

SHUN-CH'ING, Anti-missionary insurrection at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

SIAH CHAI, or Vegetarians, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

Declaration between Great Britain and France

with regard to Siam.

A declaration of agreement, in part as follows, between Great

Britain and France, was signed at London, January 15, 1896:

"I.

The Governments of Great Britain and France engage to one

another that neither of them will, without the consent of the

other, in any case, or under any pretext, advance their armed

forces into the region which is comprised in the basins of the

Petcha Bouri, Meiklong, Menam, and Bang Pa Kong (Petriou)

Rivers and their respective tributaries, together with the

extent of coast from Muong Bang Tapan to Muong Pase, the

basins of the rivers on which those two places are situated,

and the basins of the other rivers, the estuaries of which are

included in that coast; and including also the territory lying

to the north of the basin of the Menam, and situated between

the Anglo-Siamese frontier, the Mekong River, and the eastern

watershed of the Me Ing. They further engage not to acquire

within this region any special privilege or advantage which

shall not be enjoyed in common by, or equally open to, Great

Britain and France, and their nationals and dependents. These

stipulations, however, shall not be interpreted as derogating

from the special clauses which, in virtue of the Treaty

concluded on the 3rd October, 1893, between France and Siam,

apply to a zone of 25 kilometers on the right bank of the

Mekong and to the navigation of that river.

{453}

II.

Nothing in the foregoing clause shall hinder any action on

which the two Powers may agree, and which they shall think

necessary in order to uphold the independence of the Kingdom

of Siam. But they engage not to enter into any separate

Agreement permitting a third Power to take any action from

which they are bound by the present Declaration themselves to

abstain.

III.

From the mouth of the Nam Huok northwards as far as the

Chinese frontier the thalweg of the Mekong shall form the

limit of the possessions or spheres of influence of Great

Britain and France. It is agreed that the nationals and

dependents of each of the two countries shall not exercise any

jurisdiction or authority within the possessions or sphere of

influence of the other."

In a despatch to the British Ambassador at Paris, written on

the same day, Lord Salisbury explained the intent and purpose

of the agreement as follows: "It might be thought that because

we have engaged ourselves, and have received the engagement of

France, not under any circumstances to invade this territory,

that therefore we are throwing doubt upon the complete title

and rights of the Siamese to the remainder of their kingdom,

or, at all events, treating those rights with disregard. Any

such interpretation would entirely misrepresent the intention

with which this arrangement has been signed. We have selected

a particular area for the application of the stipulations of

this Treaty, not because the title of the King of Siam to

other portions of his dominions is less valid, but because it

is the area which affects our interests as a commercial

nation. The valley of the Menam is eminently fitted to receive

a high industrial development. Possibly in course of time it

may be the site of lines of communication which will be of

considerable importance to neighbouring portions of the

British Empire. There seems every prospect that capital will

flow into this region if reasonable security is offered for

its investment, and great advantage would result to the

commerce and industry of the world, and especially of Great

Britain, if capitalists could be induced to make such an

application of the force which they command. But the history

of the region in which Siam is situated has not in recent

years been favourable to the extension of industrial

enterprise, or to the growth of that confidence which is the

first condition of material improvement. A large territory to

the north has passed from the hands of the Burmese Government

to those of Great Britain. A large territory to the east has

passed from the hands of its former possessors to those of

France. The events of this recent history certainly have a

tendency to encourage doubts of the stability of the Siamese

dominion; and without in any degree sharing in those doubts,

or admitting the possibility, within any future with which we

have to deal, of the Siamese independence being compromised,

Her Majesty's Government could not but feel that there would

be an advantage in giving some security to the commercial

world that, in regard to the region where the most active

development is likely to take place, no further disturbances

of territorial ownership are to be apprehended."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: France, Number 2, 1896, pages 1-3).

Perhaps the above explanation can be better understood after

reading the following:

"In the early eighties France commenced the subjugation of

Tonquin. … It was not until 1893 that France openly attacked

Siam. The demand was subtly formulated—on behalf, not of the

Government of the French Republic, but of 'the Empire of

Annam.' But even so the French had been in Annam for perhaps a

quarter of a century, whereas Siam could show an undisturbed,

undisputed tenure of the Mekong River's 'rive gauche' for at

least ninety years. … The cession to France of territory

amounting to rather more than one-third of the entire kingdom

was insisted upon; and in March 1893 that Power sent the

ship-of-war Lutin to Bangkok, where she remained for months a

standing menace. A rigorous blockade of the Siamese seaboard

followed, resulting in a few short days in complete surrender

of the disputed territory to France and the payment of a heavy

war indemnity. … By the Anglo-French Convention of last year

[as given above] the King of Siam's position became, to say

the least, slightly anomalous. That agreement practically

amounted to the fair division, between France and England, of

the whole of Siam save that portion situate in the fertile

valley of the Meinam, whose autonomy they still guarantee to

preserve. … France holds, in addition to the long-coveted port

of Chantabûn, that part of the province of Luang Phrabang

which is situate upon the right bank of the Mekong. … The

Siamese king is 'nulli secundus' among Oriental monarchs as a

progressive ruler. And fate has been unkind to him indeed! He

has encouraged English customs and the English language by all

the means in his power—has taken the kindliest possible

interest in the introduction of electric light, electric

tramways, &c., into his capital—has endeavoured to model his

army and navy, his prison and other systems, upon the English

method—and has in person opened the first railway (that

connecting Bangkok with Pâknam) in Siam. It is, indeed, one of

the strangest and most interesting sights, as you stroll

through the streets of the capital, to witness the 'riksha and

gharry of comparative barbarism travelling in juxtaposition to

the electric tramcar and the bicycle! And for his broad and

enlightened views the King of Siam has been requited by the

wholesale and utterly unjustifiable plunder of his most

fertile lands."

Percy Cross Standing,

The Significance of the Siamese Visit

(Nineteenth Century, June, 1897).

Frequent collisions between French and Siamese in the

so-called "neutral zone" on the right bank of the Mekong

continued, until a new convention was agreed upon in May,

1890. This gave to France the province of Luang-Phrabang, in

return for which she agreed to withdraw entirely from the

neutral territory and from the port of Chantabûn.

SIAM: A. D. 1898.

Gift of relics of Buddha.

See (in this volume)

BUDDHA.

SIAM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

SIAN FU,

SI-NGAN-FU,

The Chinese Imperial Court at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SIBERIA.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA IN ASIA.

SIBERIAN ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1805, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900.

{454}

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

Extension of British authority over the Hinterland of the

Colony of Sierra Leone.

The hut tax.

Insurrection of natives.

"Immediately adjoining the Colony of Sierra Leone, lying to

the northward and eastward, is the Hinterland, the boundaries

of which were defined by the Agreement between Great Britain

and France which was concluded 21st January 1895. The extreme

depth from south to north is about 210 miles, lying between 7°

and 10° north latitude, and 180 miles from east to west, lying

between 10° 40' and 13° 20' of west longitude. The estimated area

is rather more than 30,000 square miles—about the size of

Ireland. … Unlike many regions on the west coast of Africa,

the country is, for the most part, well watered by rivers and

running streams. The population of the Hinterland has not been

ascertained. It has been variously estimated, before the

present troubles, at from about 750,000 up to about 2,000,000.

The trade and revenue of the Colony depend almost entirely on

the Hinterland. A very large proportion of the goods imported

into the Colony are carried into and consumed in the

Hinterland. These goods are paid for by means of the products

of the Hinterland, which are exported, and the profits derived

from the exchange enable the merchants to pay the Customs

duties, which constitute the bulk of the Colonial revenue. The

territories forming the Hinterland are, according to the

native organisation, ruled over by a large number of Chiefs

(or Kings, as they used to be, and still in native parlance

are, called). The portions of country under each Chief are

well ascertained, and recognised by the various Chiefs and

their subjects. …

"The relations between the English Government and the Chiefs

at the time of the conclusion of the Agreement between France

and England in 1895 was … that some of the Chiefs whose

territories lay most adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone

had contracted with the English Crown certain treaties of

cession, and treaties directed to definite objects of amity

and good offices. In addition there had sprung up by usage a

limited consensual and advisory jurisdiction, under which

Chiefs as well as persons not Chiefs would bring their

differences (mainly as to territorial boundaries) before the

Governor of Sierra Leone as a sort of arbitrator, and

implicitly follow his awards. This jurisdiction was exercised

over an area of no defined limits, so far as any rules were

concerned. As a fact, it was limited by conditions of distance

and facility of travel, so that whilst the usage was most

established in the countries nearest to Freetown, there was

none in the more distant regions, or if there was any it was

at most so rudimentary as to be jurally of no account. … I

have not been able to trace any instance in which, either

under treaty or any other form of consent, or without consent,

the English Government has imposed, or endeavoured to impose

any direct taxation upon the Chiefs or people of the

Hinterland prior to 1896.

"The agreement between France and Great Britain delimited the

respective spheres of interest of the two countries south and

west of the Middle or Upper Niger, and thus defined for

England in the Hinterland of Sierra Leone a territory within

which, so far as concerned any question between France and

England, England was at liberty to exercise whatever species

or extent of jurisdiction she might consider proper. It made,

of course, no alteration on the existing native organisation,

nor upon the existing relations between England and the native

Chiefs, who were not parties to the agreement in any sense. …

On 31st August 1896 a Proclamation was published setting forth

that Her Majesty had assumed a Protectorate over the

territories adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone in which

Her Majesty had acquired power and jurisdiction. For purposes

of administration the Hinterland was divided into five

districts, intended to be of about equal size, avoiding

severance as far as possible by the district boundary of the

territories of Paramount Chiefs. These districts have been

named as the Karene, Ronietta, Bandajuma, Pangmua, and

Koinadugu districts. In anticipation of the arrangements that

might become necessary for the government of the Protectorate,

an Order of the Queen in Council had been made on 24th August

1895, … whereby, … Her Majesty was pleased, by and with the

advice of her Privy Council, to order that it shall be lawful

for the Legislative Council, for the time being, of the Colony

of Sierra Leone, by Ordinance or Ordinances, to exercise and

provide for giving effect to all such jurisdiction as Her

Majesty may at any time, before or after the passing of the

Order in Council, have acquired in the said territories

adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone. … Following upon the

Order of the Queen in Council, an Ordinance, entitled 'An

Ordinance to Determine the mode of exercising Her Majesty's

Jurisdiction in the Territories adjacent to the Colony of

Sierra Leone,' was passed by the Legislative Council and

Governor of Sierra Leone for the Government of the

Protectorate, on 16th September 1896."

Great Britain,

Report and Correspondence on Insurrection in

the Sierra Leone Protectorate

(Parliamentary Publications:

Papers by Command, 1899, C. 9388, pages 10-17).

The Ordinance above mentioned, which was reenacted, with some

changes, in September, 1897, provided, among other things, for

the imposition of a house tax, or hut tax, upon the natives,

and this proved to be the main cause of a serious native

revolt in the Protectorate. "By way of asserting the Crown's

ownership of all lands, whether in use and occupation or

not—and also of attempting to make the people defray the cost

of governing them by methods they resent—the Protectorate

Ordinance imposes a 'house tax' of five shillings a year, and,

in the case of 'houses with four rooms or more,' of ten

shillings a year, on every 'householder'; the same to be paid

in 'sterling coin' on or after the 1st January in each year,

or, in default of payment on demand, to be distrained for with

so much addition as will defray the cost of removing the

property and disposing of it for 'the price current at the

nearest market.' The absurdity of thus importing the mechanism

of civilisation into 'house tax' levying among these ignorant

savages matches the injustice of the tax itself. The mud

hovels to be taxed are rarely worth more than the equivalent

of two or three shillings apiece, and shillings or other

'sterling coin' are rarely seen or handled by the natives,

such wages as they earn being generally paid in kind, and such

trade as they carry on being nearly always in the way of barter.

{455}

Few who are not chiefs or headmen own property worth as much

as five shillings, and property for which five shillings could

be obtained 'at the nearest market' might be worth the

equivalent of five pounds to them. There was no attempt to

raise the proposed house or hut tax before last January

[1898], and perhaps none of the natives have even yet any

understanding of the clauses of the Protectorate Ordinance

providing them with new-fangled 'courts of Justice,' and

taking from them all proprietary rights in their land. But as

soon as a proclamation was issued on 21st August, 1896,

notifying the contemplated changes, all who heard of them were

reasonably alarmed, and wherever the news spread seeds of fresh

discontent were sown. …

"There were burning of huts, buffeting of chiefs, and so

forth, in the south and east, as well as in the north, where,

owing to the alleged recalcitrancy of Bai Bureh and the zeal

of Captain Sharpe, the District Commissioner, the havoc was

greatest. Early in February several chiefs and headmen were

brought to Freetown from Port Lokko in manacles, to be tried,

or punished without trial, on a charge of 'refusing to comply

with the provisions of the Protectorate Ordinance, and

inciting their subjects to resist the law.' 'The most

affecting part of the matter,' says the newspaper report, 'is

that the natives all loudly affirm their unswerving loyalty to

the Government, and say that they do not refuse to pay the hut

tax because they do not wish to, but because they really

cannot pay.' Their apologies were not listened to. Instead, a

detachment of the West India Regiment was sent up to assist

Captain Sharpe in the little war on which he had already

embarked. A futile attempt to arrest Bai Bureh on 18th

February led to a general uprising, and the first battle was

fought on 3rd March, when the town of Karina was recovered

from the 'insurgents' who had occupied it, and over sixty of

them were killed. Another fight occurred at Port Lokko, on 5th

March, when the 'insurgents' lost about forty more. These

victories being insufficient, fresh troops were sent up in

batches, until the entire force of conquerors numbered 800 or

upwards. They found it easier to cow than to conquer the

people, and the unequal struggle went on for three months. At

the end of May operations had to be suspended during the rainy

season, and before they can be renewed it may be hoped that

peace will be patched up. Already, indeed, the 'rebellion'

appears to be practically crushed, and with it all the

civilisation and all the commerce that had been planted in the

Karina district. Hundreds of natives have been shot down, many

more hundreds have died of starvation. Nearly all the huts

that it was proposed to tax have been destroyed, either by the

owners themselves, or by the policemen and soldiers."

H. R. Fox Bourne,

Sierra Leone Troubles

(Fortnightly Review, August, 1898).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1895 (January-February).

Attitude of Free Silver majority in the U. S. Senate

towards the Treasury gold reserve.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);

and 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896.

In the American Presidential election.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896-1898.

The Indianapolis Monetary Commission report and

Secretary Gage's plan in Congress.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1897.

Negotiations by envoys from the United States for an

international bi-metallic agreement.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1900.

Practical settlement of the issue in the United States.

Attempted revival in the Presidential canvass.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER), and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SILVER REPUBLICANS.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SI-NGAN-FU,

SINGAN FU, The Chinese Imperial Court at.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SIRDAR, Egyptian.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1885.

Emancipation in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1895.

New anti-slavery law in Egypt.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1895.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1896.

Abolition in Madagascar.

See (in this volume)

MADAGASCAR: A. D. 1894-1896.

SLAVERY: SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.

Abolished in Zanzibar.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.

Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.

Subjugation of Fulah slave raiders in Nupé and Ilorin.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1899.

Forced labor in Congo State.

See (in this volume)

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

SLESWICK:

Complaints of German treatment.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

SMOKELESS POWDERS, Invention of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

SOCIAL DEMOCRACY, Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

SOCIALIST PARTIES.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after;

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895;

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY), and 1900 (JANUARY);

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1897 (JULY);

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY);

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898;

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SOKOTO.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SOLOMON ISLANDS, The:

Definite division between Great Britain and Germany.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

SOMALIS, Rising of, in Jubaland.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1900.

SOUDAN.

See (in this volume)

SUDAN.

"SOUND MONEY" DEMOCRATS.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

{456}

----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1881-1888.

Organization of the "Afrikander Bund."

The "Afrikander Bund" or National Party was formed in Cape

Colony in 1881, but held its first Congress, or convention, in

1888, at which meeting the following platform, or formal

statement of objects, was adopted:

"1. The Afrikander National party acknowledge the guidance of

Providence in the affairs both of lands and peoples.

2. They include, under the guidance of Providence, the

formation of a pure nationality and the preparation of our

people for the establishment of a 'United South Africa.'

3. To this they consider belong:

(a) The establishment of a firm union between all the

different European nationalities in South Africa, and

(b) The promotion of South Africa's independence.

4. They consider that the union mentioned in Article 3 (a)

depends upon the clear and plain understanding of each other's

general interest in politics, agriculture, stock-breeding,

trade, and industry, and the acknowledgment of everyone's

special rights in the matter of religion, education, and

language; so that all national jealousy between the different

elements of the people may be removed, and room be made for an

unmistakable South African national sentiment.

5. To the advancement of the independence mentioned in

Article 3 (b) belong:

(a) That the sentiment of national self-respect and of

patriotism toward South Africa should above all be

developed and exhibited in schools, and in families, and in

the public press.

(b) That a system of voting should be applied which not

only acknowledges the right of numbers, but also that of

ownership and the development of intelligence, and that is

opposed, as far as possible, to bribery and compulsion at

the poll.

(c) That our agriculture, stock-breeding, commerce, and

industries should be supported in every lawful manner, such

as by a conclusive law as regards masters and servants, and

also by the appointment of a prudent and advantageous

system of Protection.

(d) That the South African Colonies and States, either each

for itself or in conjunction with one another, shall

regulate their own native affairs, employing thereto the

forces of the land by means of a satisfactory burgher law;

and

(e) That outside interference with the domestic concerns of

South Africa shall be opposed.

6. While they acknowledge the existing Governments holding

rule in South Africa, and intend faithfully to fulfil their

obligations in regard to the same, they consider that the duty

rests upon those Governments to advance the interests of South

Africa in the spirit of the foregoing articles; and whilst, on

the one side, they watch against any unnecessary or frivolous

interference with the domestic or other private matters of the

burgher, against any direct meddling with the spiritual

development of the nation, and against laws which might hinder

the free influence of the Gospel upon the national life, on

the other hand they should accomplish all the positive duties

of a good Government, among which must be reckoned:

(a) In all their actions to take account of the Christian

character of the people.

(b) The maintenance of freedom of religion for everyone, so

long as the public order and honor are not injured thereby.

(c) The acknowledgment and expression of religious, social,

and bodily needs of the people, in the observance of the

present weekly day of rest.

(d) The application of an equal and judicious system of

taxation.

(e) The bringing into practice of an impartial and, as far

as possible, economical administration of justice.

(f) The watching over the public honor, and against the

adulteration of the necessaries of life, and the defiling

of ground, water, or air, as well as against the spreading

of infectious diseases.

7. In order to secure the influence of these principles, they

stand forward as an independent party, and accept the

cooperation of other parties only if the same can be obtained

with the uninjured maintenance of these principles.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1884-1894.

The restored independence of the Boers and their

dissatisfaction with its terms.

Frustration of their desire for extended territory.

The London Convention of 1884.

After the British-Boer War of 1880-81

(see, in volume 4, SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1806-1881),

which had been caused by an arbitrary annexation of the

Transvaal State to the dominions of the British crown, the

sense of justice in Mr. Gladstone led him to restore to the

Transvaal Boers (by the Convention or Treaty of Pretoria,

1881) their right of internal self-government, with a

reservation of "the suzerainty of Her Majesty," supposably

relative to nothing but foreign affairs. The Boers were not

satisfied with that concession, and began at once to strive

for the complete independence they had previously possessed,

under a Convention agreed upon and signed at Sand River, 1852,

which guaranteed (quoting its precise terms) "in the fullest

manner, on the part of the British Government, to the emigrant

farmers (boers) beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage

their own affairs and to govern themselves, without any

interference on the part of Her Majesty the Queen's

Government." To regain that status of complete independence

became the first object of the Boers. They went far towards

success in this endeavor, as early as 1884, when the British

Colonial Secretary, Lord Derby, was induced to agree to a new

Convention with the South African Republic (as it was then

styled) which superseded the Convention of 1881. The terms of

the later instrument are given below. The second aim of the

Boers appears to have been the widening of their territory, by

advances, in the first instance, southward into Zululand and

westward into Bechuanaland. In the former movement they had

success; in the latter they were thwarted. English

missionaries complained of their treatment of the natives, and

stirred up the British government to take the Bechuana tribes

under its protection. Their eastern frontier they succeeded,

after long controversies with Great Britain, in stretching

beyond Swaziland, but they were not allowed to push it to the

sea. Northward, they would provably have gone far, had it not

been for the appearance, at this time, of Mr. Cecil Rhodes,

who came upon the scene of South African politics with

imperial ambitions, with great energies and capabilities, with

few apparent hesitations, and with a vast fortune acquired in the

Kimberley diamond mines. He organized the British South Africa

Company, under a royal charter, got some settlers into the

country north of the Limpopo and set up a government there, in

1890, just in time, it appears, to forestall the Boers

See, in volume 4,

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

{457}

Of the effect of the two conventions, of 1881 and 1884, on the

relations of the British government to the South African

Republic, the following is an English view, by a well-known

publicist: "In the Treaty of Pretoria, bearing date the 5th of

April, 1881, it is stated that Great Britain guarantees

'complete self-government, subject to the Suzerainty of Her

Majesty, to the inhabitants of the Transvaal.' … Article 15

declares that 'the Resident will report to the High

Commissioner, as representative of the Suzerain, as to the

working and observance of the provisions of this Convention.'

… On the 31st of March, 1881, Lord Kimberley, who was then

Secretary of State for the Colonies, used these words in the

House of Lords with reference to the terms of the Convention,

upon which the Treaty of Pretoria was afterwards based: 'I

believe the word Suzerainty expresses very correctly the

relation which we intend to exist between this country and the

Transvaal. Our intention is that the Transvaal shall have

independent power as regards its internal government; and we

shall only reserve certain powers to be exercised by the

Queen. … With respect to our control over the relations of the

Transvaal with foreign Powers, … it is quite clear there ought

to be, as regards foreign relations, only one Government in

South Africa; that there ought to be no communication with

foreign Powers upon any subject except through the

representatives of the Queen.'

"On the 25th of June, 1881, Mr. Gladstone, while defending in

the House of Commons an assertion he had made during the

Midlothian Campaign about the blood-guiltiness of the war with

the Transvaal, referred to our Suzerainty in the following

words; 'I apprehend that the term which has been adopted, the

Suzerainty of the Queen, is intended to signify that certain

portions of Sovereignty are reserved. … What are these

portions of Sovereignty? The portions of Sovereignty we desire

to reserve are, first, the relations between the Transvaal

community and foreign governments, the whole care of the

foreign relations of the Boers. The whole of these relations

will remain in the hands of the Queen.'

"From these quotations it is obvious that when we agreed to

restore the independence of the Transvaal, the British public

were led to believe, both by the then Premier and the then

Colonial Minister, that this restoration left the control of

all relations between the Transvaal and foreign Powers

absolutely and entirely in the hands of Her Majesty's

Government. … It is possible, or even probable, that at the

time the Treaty of Pretoria was concluded, Mr. Gladstone, or

at any rate several of his colleagues, imagined that our

Suzerainty would really be made effective. But, when once the

treaty had been signed and sealed, and the South African

Republic had been granted absolute internal independence, it

became evident that our Suzerainty could only be rendered

efficacious, as against the sullen resistance of the Boers, by

the exercise of force—that is, by the threat of war in the

event of Boer non-compliance with the demands of the Suzerain

Power. …

"For the first two years which succeeded our surrender the

Boers were too much occupied in the reorganisation of the

Republic to trouble themselves greatly about their relations

to the Suzerain Power. … Disputes were mainly connected with

the treatment of the native chiefs, residing either within, or

on the borders of, the territory of the Republic, who

asserted, with or without reason, that they were the objects

of Boer hostility on account of the support they had given to

the British authorities during the period of British rule.

"In May 1883 Mr. Gladstone stated in Parliament, in answer to

certain protests about the proceedings of the Boers, that the

British Government had decided to send a Commissioner to the

Transvaal to investigate the working of the Convention

concluded at Pretoria in 1881. This intention, however, was

not carried out owing to the opposition of the South African

Republic. In lieu of the despatch of a British Commissioner to

the Transvaal, it was suggested at Pretoria that a Boer

deputation should be sent to London. The suggestion, as usual,

was accepted; and thereupon the Africander Bond in the Cape

Colony forwarded a petition to the Queen, praying Her Majesty

to entertain favourably the proposals of the Boer delegates

for the modification of the Treaty of Pretoria. The

deputation, consisting of President Kruger and Messieurs Du

Toit and Smit, arrived in London in October, and submitted to

the late Lord Derby, who had succeeded Lord Kimberley as

Minister for the Colonies, a statement of the modifications

they were instructed to demand. The memorandum in question

distinctly declared that the alleged impracticability of the

Treaty of Pretoria related, amongst other matters, 'to the

extent of the Suzerain rights reserved to Her Majesty by

Articles 2 and 18 of the Treaty of Pretoria, and to the vague

and indefinite terms in which the powers reserved to Her

Majesty's Government by the Convention are indicated.'

"To this memorandum Lord Derby replied, on the 20th of

November, 1883, admitting that 'expediency of substituting a

new agreement for that of 1881 might be matter for discussion,

but asking for information, in what sense it is wished that in

such new agreement some connection with England should be

maintained, and, if it is the desire of the Transvaal people

that their State should hereafter stand in any special

relation to this country, what is the form of connection which

is proposed?' In reply to this request the Boer delegates

answered as follows in the somewhat evasive fashion: 'In the

new agreement any connection by which we are now bound to

England should not be broken; but that the relation of a

dependency "publici juris" in which our country now stands to

the British Crown be replaced by that of two contractive

Powers.'

"The above documents were submitted to the Governor of Cape

Colony, the then Sir Hercules Robinson. Characteristically

enough, Sir Hercules recommended the surrender of our

Suzerainty on the ground that 'The Transvaal burghers

obviously do not intend to observe any condition in it (the

Convention of 1881) distasteful to themselves, which Her

Majesty's Government are not prepared to insist on, if

necessary, by the employment of force. Her Majesty's

Government, I understand, do not feel justified in proceeding

to this extremity; and no provision, therefore, of the

Convention which is not agreeable to the Transvaal will be

carried out.'

{458}

"A few days later the delegates submitted a draft treaty, in

which the following clause stands first: 'It is agreed that

Her Britannic Majesty recognises and guarantees by this treaty

the full independence of the South African Republic, with the

right to manage its own affairs according to its own laws,

without any interference on the part of the British

Government; it being understood that this system of

non-interference is binding on both parties.' To the letter

enclosing this draft treaty Lord Derby replied that the

proposed treaty was 'neither in form nor in substance such as

Her Majesty's Government could adopt.' Meanwhile the

discussion between the British Government and the Boer

delegates seems to have turned mainly upon the extension of

the territories of the Transvaal and the relations between the

Republic and the native chiefs, subjects which had only an

indirect bearing on the question of Suzerainty. It was only on

the 25th of January, 1884, that the Colonial Office wrote to

the delegates stating that if a certain compromise with regard

to the frontier line were accepted, the British Government

would be prepared 'to proceed at once with the consideration

of the other proposals for the modification of the Treaty of

Pretoria.' The delegates replied on the next day virtually

accepting the proposed frontier compromise, and requested the

British Government to proceed at once with the substitution of

a new Convention. … The draft treaty was signed on the 27th of

February, 1884. …

"The Convention of London did not repeat the preamble of the

original Convention in which the words 'subject to the

Suzerainty of Her Majesty' are to be found. Nor is the word

Suzerainty mentioned in the Convention of 1884, which declares

that the articles contained therein, if endorsed by the

Volksraad, 'shall be substituted for those of the Convention

of 1881.' No formal withdrawal, however, of the Queen's

Suzerainty is to be found in the Convention of 1884. On the

contrary, it is distinctly affirmed in Article 4 of the

modified Convention that 'the South African Republic will

conclude no treaty or engagement with any State or nation,

other than the Orange Free State, until the same has been

approved by Her Majesty the Queen.'"

Edward Dicey,

British Suzerainty in the Transvaal

(Nineteenth Century, October, 1897).

In its preamble, the Convention of 1884 recites that—"Whereas

the Government of the Transvaal State, through its Delegates,

consisting of [Kruger, Du Toit and Smit], have represented

that the Convention signed at Pretoria on the 3rd day of

August, 1881, and ratified by the Volksraad of the said State

on the 25th of October, 1881, contains certain provisions

which are inconvenient, and imposes burdens and obligations

from which the said State is desirous to be relieved, and that

the south-western boundaries fixed by the said Convention

should be amended with a view to promote the peace and good

order of the said State, … now, therefore, Her Majesty has

been pleased to direct," &c.—substituting the articles of a

new Convention for those signed and ratified in 1881.

Article I. of the new Convention describes the lines of

boundary as amended. Article II. binds the two governments,

respectively, to guard said boundaries against all

trespassing. Article III. provides for the reception and

protection, at Pretoria, of a resident British officer, "to

discharge functions analogous to those of a consular officer."

Article IV. reads as follows: "The South African Republic will

conclude no Treaty or engagement with any State or nation

other than the Orange Free State, nor with any native tribe to

the eastward or westward of the Republic, until the same has been

approved by Her Majesty the Queen. Such approval shall be

considered to have been granted if Her Majesty's Government

shall not, within six months after receiving a copy of such

Treaty (which shall be delivered to them immediately upon its

completion), have notified that the conclusion of such Treaty

is in conflict with the interests of Great Britain, or of any

of Her Majesty's possessions in South Africa."

Articles V. and VI. relate to public debts. Article VII.

guarantees the non-molestation of persons in the South African

Republic who "remained loyal to Her Majesty during the late

hostilities." Article VIII. is a declaration against slavery

in the Republic. Article IX. is in language as follows: "There

will continue to be complete freedom of religion and

protection from molestation for all denominations, provided

the same be not inconsistent with morality and good order; and

no disability shall attach to any person in regard to rights

of property by reason of the religious opinions which he

holds." Article X. relates to graves of British soldiers; XI.

to former grants of land which the present arrangement of

boundary places outside of the Republic; XII. to the

independence of the Swazis; XIII. to non-discrimination in

import duties on both sides.

Articles XIV. and XV. read thus: Article XIV. "All persons,

other than natives, conforming themselves to the laws of the

South African Republic, (a) will have full liberty, with their

families, to enter, travel or reside in any part of the South

African Republic; (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess

houses, manufactories, warehouses, shops and premises; (c)

they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any

agents whom they may think fit to employ; (d) they will not be

subject, in respect of their persons or property, or in

respect of their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether

general or local, other than those which are or may be imposed

upon citizens of the said Republic." Article XV. "All persons,

other than natives, who establish their domicile in the

Transvaal between the 12th day of April, 1877, and the 8th day

of August, 1881, and who within twelve months after such last

mentioned date have had their names registered by the British

resident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military service

whatever." Article XVI. provides for a future extradition

treaty; XVII. for the payment of debts in the same currency in

which they were contracted; XVIII. establishes the validity of

certain land grants; XIX. secures certain rights to the

natives; XX. nullifies the Convention if not ratified by the

Volksraad within six months from the date of its

signature—February 27, 1884.

{459}

With considerable reluctance, the Convention was ratified by

the Volksraad of the South African Republic in the following

terms: "The Volksraad having considered the new Convention

concluded between its deputation and the British Government at

London on 27th February 1884, as likewise the negotiations

between the contracting parties, which resulted in the said

Convention, approves of the standpoint taken by its deputation

that a settlement based upon the principle of the Sand River

Convention can alone fully satisfy the burghers of the

Republic. It also shares the objections set forth by the

deputation against the Convention of Pretoria, as likewise

their objections against the Convention of London on the

following points:

1st.

The settlement of the boundary, especially on the western

border of the Republic, in which the deputation eventually

acquiesced only under the express conditions with which the

Raad agree.

2nd.

The right of veto reserved to the British Crown upon treaties

to be concluded by the Republic with foreign powers; and

3rd.

The settlement of the debt.

Seeing, however, that in the said Convention of London

considerable advantages are secured to the Republic,

especially in the restoration of the country's independence,

Resolves, With acknowledgment of the generosity of Her

Britannic Majesty, to ratify, as it hereby does, the said

Convention of London."

Selected Official Documents of the South African

Republic and Great Britain

(Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy

of Political and Social Science, July, 1900).

Also in:

State Papers, British and Foreign, volume 75.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1885-1890.

The gold discoveries on the Rand and the influx

of Uitlanders (Outlanders or Foreigners).

"It was not until 1884 that England heard of the presence of

gold in South Africa. A man named Fred Stuben, who had spent

several years in the country, spread such marvellous reports

of the underground wealth of the Transvaal that only a short

time elapsed before hundreds of prospectors and miners left

England for South Africa. When the first prospectors

discovered auriferous veins of wonderful quality on a farm

called Sterkfontein, the gold boom had its birth. It required

the lapse of only a short time for the news to reach Europe,

America, and Australia, and immediately thereafter that vast

and widely scattered army of men and women which constantly

awaits the announcement of new discoveries of gold was set in

motion toward the Randt [the Witwatersrand or

Whitewatersridge]. … In December, 1885, the first stamp mill

was erected for the purpose of crushing the gneiss rock in

which the gold lay hidden. This enterprise marks the real

beginning of the gold fields of the Randt, which now yield one

third of the world's total product of the precious metal. The

advent of thousands of foreigners was a boon to the Boers, who

owned the large farms on which the auriferous veins were

located. Options on farms that were of little value a short

time before were sold at incredible figures, and the prices

paid for small claims would have purchased farms of thousands

of acres two years before. In July, 1886, the Government

opened nine farms to the miners, and all have since become the

best properties on the Randt. … On the Randt the California

scenes of '49 were being re-enacted. Tents and houses of sheet

iron were erected with picturesque lack of beauty and

uniformity, and during the latter part of 1886 the community

had reached such proportions that the Government marked off a

township and called it Johannesburg. The Government, which

owned the greater part of the land, held three sales of

building lots, or 'stands,' as they are called in the

Transvaal, and realized more than $300,000 from the sales. …

Millions were secured in England and Europe for the

development of the mines, and the individual miner sold his

claims to companies with unlimited capital. The incredibly

large dividends that were realized by some of the investors

led to too heavy investments in the Stock Exchange in 1889,

and a panic resulted. Investors lost thousands of pounds, and

for several months the future of the gold fields appeared to

be most gloomy. The opening of the railway to Johannesburg and

the re-establishment of stock values caused a renewal of

confidence, and the growth and development of the Randt was

imbued with renewed vigour. Owing to the Boers' lack of

training and consequent inability to share in the development

of the gold fields, the new industry remained almost entirely

in the hands of the newcomers, the Uitlanders [so called in

the language of the Boers], and two totally different

communities were created in the republic. The Uitlanders, who,

in 1890, numbered about 100,000, lived almost exclusively in

Johannesburg and the suburbs along the Randt. The Boers,

having disposed of their farms and lands on the Randt, were

obliged to occupy the other parts of the republic, where they

could follow their pastoral and agricultural pursuits. The

natural contempt which the Englishmen, who composed the

majority of the Uitlander population, always have for persons

and races not their intellectual or social equals, soon

created a gulf between the Boers and the newcomers."

H. C. Hillegas,

Oom Paul's People,

chapter 3

(with permission of D. Appleton & Co., copyright, 1899).

As the influx of newcomers increased and advanced, "the Boers

realized that the world and civilisation were once more upon

them. In spite of all the opposition that patriarchal

prejudice could muster, railways usurped the place of the slow

moving ox-waggon, and in the heart of their solitude a city

had arisen; while to the north and to the east between them

and the sea were drawn the thin red lines of British boundary.

… A primitive pastoral people, they found themselves isolated,

surrounded—'shut in a kraal for ever,' as Kruger is reported

to have said,—while the stranger was growing in wealth and

numbers within their gates. Expansion of territory, once the

dream of the Transvaal Boers, as their incursions into

Bechuanaland, into Zululand, and the attempted trek into

Rhodesia, all testify, was becoming daily less practicable.

One thing remained,—to accept their isolation and strengthen

it. Wealth, population, a position among the new States of the

world had been brought to them, almost in spite of themselves,

by the newcomer, the stranger, the Uitlander. What was to be

the attitude towards him politically? Materially he had made

the State—he developed its resources, paid nine-tenths of its

revenue. Would he be a strength or a weakness as a citizen—as

a member of the body politic? Let us consider this new element

in a new State—how was it constituted, what were its component

parts? Was it the right material for a new State to

assimilate?

{460}

Cosmopolitan to a degree—recruited from all the corners of the

earth—there was in it a strong South African element,

consisting of young colonists from the Cape Colony and

Natal—members of families well known in South Africa—and many

of them old schoolfellows or in some other way known to each

other. Then the British contingent, self-reliant, full of

enterprise and energy—Americans, for the most part skilled

engineers, miners and mechanics—French, Germans, and

Hollanders. A band of emigrants, of adventurers, and

constituted, as I think all emigrants are, of two great

classes—the one who, lacking neither ability nor courage, are

filled with an ambition, characteristic particularly of the

British race, to raise their status in the world, who find the

conditions of their native environment too arduous, the

competition too keen, to offer them much prospect, and who

seek a new and more rapidly developing country elsewhere; and

another, a smaller class who sometimes through misfortune,

sometimes through their own fault, or perhaps through both,

have failed elsewhere.

"Adventurers all, one must admit; but it is the adventurers of

the world who have founded States and Kingdoms. Such a class

as this has been assimilated by the United States and absorbed

into their huge fabric, of which to-day they form a huge and

substantial portion. What should the Transvaal Boers have done

with this new element so full of enterprise and vigour? This

had been for the last ten years the great question for them to

solve. … Enfranchisement, participation in the political life

of the State by the Uitlander,—this means, they said, a

transference of all political power from our hands to those of

men whom we do not trust. 'I have taken a man into my coach,'

said President Kruger, 'and as a passenger he is welcome; but

now he says, Give me the reins; and that I cannot do, for I

know not where he will drive me.' To the Boer it is all or

nothing; he knows no mean, no compromise. Yet in that very

mean lies the vital spirit of republicanism. What is the

position of the Boers in the Cape Colony? Are they without

their share, their influence, their Africander bond in the

political affairs of the country? And so it is throughout the

world today,—in the United States, in England, in France, in

the British Colonies, wherever the individual thrives and the

State is prosperous—the compromise of divided political power

among all classes, all factions, is the great guarantee of

their well being. … That the enfranchisement of the Uitlander

would mean a complete transference of political power into his

hands involves two assumptions: the first is that the

Uitlanders would form a united body in politics; the second is

that their representatives would dominate the Volksraad. The

most superficial acquaintance with the action of the

inhabitants of the Witwatersrand district on any public matter

will serve to refute the first of these. … The second of these

assumptions—though it is continually put forward—almost

answers itself. The number of representatives from the

Uitlander districts under any scheme of redistribution of

seats which the Boer could reasonably be expected to make

would fall considerably short of those returned from the Boer

constituencies. Such was the attitude of the Boers on this

vital question which led to the Reform Movement of 1895; and I

have stated what I believe to be the injustice of it as

regards the Uitlanders and the unwisdom of it in the true

interests of the Boers."

A. P. Hillier,

Raid and Reform,

pages 24-29 (London: Macmillan & Co.).

SOUTH AFRICA:

Portuguese Possessions: A. D. 1891.

Delagoa Bay Railway question.

See (in this volume)

DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

SOUTH AFRICA:

The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.

Estimated population.

In October, 1894, the British agent at Pretoria, J. A. de Wet,

estimated the population of the Transvaal (on the basis of a

census taken in 1890) as follows:

"Transvaalers and Orange Free Staters, 70,861:

British subjects, 62,509:

other foreigners, 15,558;"

total, 148,928.

SOUTH AFRICA:

The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.

The "Commandeering" question.

Visit of the British High Commissioner to Pretoria.

Demonstration of British residents.

The first question which came to a sharp issue between the

government of the South African Republic and the British

subjects resident in the gold fields related to the claim

which the former made on the latter for military service in

the wars of the Republic with neighboring native tribes. The

demand for such service was made, in each case, by what was

called a "commando," the commando being defined in the

military law of the Boers as follows: "By commando is

understood a number of armed burghers and subjects of the

state called together to suppress rebellion amongst the

natives, or disturbances amongst the white population."

British residents protested against the requirement of this

service from them; and the British Government, in 1894, opened

negotiations with that of the Boer Republic to obtain their

exemption from it. It was acknowledged that there is "nothing

contrary to international comity in the application of such a

law as the commando law to a foreigner"; but, said the British

Colonial Secretary, in a despatch (June 8, 1894) giving

instructions to the British High Commissioner in South Africa,

"Her Majesty's Government consider that a special reason for

now claiming exemption for our people is afforded by the fact

that treaties have been concluded by the South African

Republic under which, as they understand, the subjects of no

less than seven Powers—Portugal, Holland, Belgium, Germany,

France, Italy, and Switzerland—are now exempt from this

liability; and they consider that they can hardly be expected

to acquiesce in a state of things under which Her Majesty's

subjects, whose interests in the South African Republic are

greater and more intimate than those of any other Power,

should remain in a position of such marked disadvantage. I

have therefore to instruct you to address, in moderate and

courteous terms, a friendly representation to the Government

of the South African Republic on the subject."

Negotiations on the subject were then opened, which led to a

visit to the Boer capital by the British High Commissioner,

Sir H. B. Loch, on invitation from President Kruger. His

arrival at Pretoria (June 25) gave occasion for a

demonstration on the part of British residents which showed

the state of feeling existing more plainly, no doubt, than it

had appeared before. The circumstances were reported a few

days later by the High Commissioner, as follows: "When I

entered the carriage with President Kruger, two men got on to

the box with a Union Jack, and the crowd, notwithstanding the

President's remonstrances, took the horses out and dragged the

carriage to the hotel, a distance of nearly a mile, singing all

the way 'God save the Queen,' and 'Rule Britannia.'

{461}

On arrival at the hotel, the address was presented, to which I

briefly replied, and then called for three cheers for the

President, which were heartily given. He was then dragged in

his carriage to the Government Office. I am satisfied that no

personal insult was intended, by this demonstration, to the

President, and any annoyance with which he viewed the

occurrence seemed to be caused from the fact of the

arrangements for keeping order having been so defective. The

political atmosphere, however, was charged with such an amount

of electricity that every moment an explosion was imminent.

The Legislative and Executive enactments which press heavily

on the great industry which contributes upwards of £1,000,000

annually out of a total revenue of little more than a million

and a quarter, without the population that produces this

wealth possessing any franchise rights, or voice in the

government of the country, has created a deep-seated feeling

of dissatisfaction, shared alike by the English, American,

German, and other foreign residents in the country. The

compulsory commandeering was the last straw that broke down

the patience they had hitherto exhibited. … The Transvaal

Government were, before my arrival, seriously alarmed at the

state of feeling at Johannesburg, but when they came to

consider the real meaning of the demonstration on my arrival

at Pretoria, which showed to them how general the

dissatisfaction was amongst all classes of British subjects,

who formed the majority of the whole population of the

Republic, they, for the first time, realised the imminent

danger of the situation, and told me of their dread of a

collision that at any moment might occur between the Boer

burghers, who were in considerable numbers in the town, and

the English and foreign residents."

To avoid any further excitement of feeling, the Commissioner

declined to visit Johannesburg, which he had intended to do.

During his stay at Pretoria, he submitted to President Kruger

the draft of a Convention stipulating that "the subjects of

Her Majesty the Queen whilst residing within the limits of the

South African Republic, and the citizens of the South African

Republic whilst residing within the dominions of Her Majesty

the Queen, shall enjoy the same rights and privileges as the

subjects of the most favoured nation with regard to military

service and all obligations of a like nature"; and he received

from President Kruger a counter proposition, for the

negotiation of a new agreement, to take the place of the

London Convention of 1884, embodying the desired provision

concerning military service, along with other amendments of

the old Convention. To this proposal, President Kruger added:

"In order, however, to meet the request of Her Majesty's

Government, the Government will, in the meantime,

provisionally, no more commandeer British subjects for

personal military service." Practically, this assurance

disposed of the commandeering grievance; but no Convention on

the subject was attained.

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.

(Papers by Command, C. 8159).

"A great mass meeting was held at Johannesburg (July 14) for

the purpose of demanding that the franchise should be extended

to all aliens, and insisting that the Constitution should be

amended and made more genuinely democratic. In consequence of

this meeting the Volksraad passed at one sitting two readings

of a bill restricting severely the right of public meeting. No

outdoor meetings or addresses were to be allowed, and an

assemblage of six persons would be considered a public

meeting. The police were given power by this bill to order

those present to disperse, and everyone attending was made

liable to imprisonment for two years, while the callers of any

meeting that the police might consider to be against the

public peace might be fined £500 or sentenced to two years

hard labour. … On the return of the 'commandeered' men from

the war [with the rebellious chief Malaboch] President Kruger

welcomed them, and said that no doubt the Volksraad would

bestow on them the rights of full citizenship. The effect of

the Franchise Act passed in June, however, was in general to

prevent any citizen from obtaining the franchise unless his

father was born in the State or had been naturalized. The

formation of committees by aliens for the support of political

candidates was rendered penal. … The Volksraad postponed for

one year the consideration of the Government proposal to grant

the franchise to the foreign residents who had recently served

in the various 'commandos' against the Kaffir rebels."

Annual Register, 1894, page 369.

SOUTH AFRICA:

British South Africa Company: A. D. 1894-1895.

Extended charter and enlarged powers of the Company.

Its master spirit, Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes.

Attitude towards the South African Republic.

The British South Africa Company, royally chartered in 1889

for the promotion of "trade, commerce, civilization and good

government" in "the region of South Africa lying immediately

to the north of British Bechuanaland, and to the north and

west of the South African Republic, and to the west of the

Portuguese dominions," was now in full possession, both

politically and commercially, not only of the great domain of

the Matabeles and the Mashonas, stretching to the Zambesi

River, but likewise of a vast territory beyond that stream.

Its charter had been extended in 1891, to cover the whole

sphere of British influence north of the Zambesi, except the

strip of country called Nyassaland, which borders the western

shore of Nyassa Lake. It had subjugated the Matabeles,

extinguished their kingdom, driven its native sovereign, Lo

Bengula, to exile and death.

See in volume 4,

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

By a new agreement with the British Government, signed on the

23d of May, 1894, it had received political authority over

this imperial domain, in addition to the powers and privileges

which its broad charter gave.

The administration of the government of the region was to be

conducted by the Company, under an Administrator and a Council

of four members composed of a Judge and three other members.

The Administrator to be appointed by the Company, with the

approval of the Colonial Secretary, and to be removed either

by the Secretary or by the Company, with the approval of the

Secretary. The Judge, appointed by the Company, with the

approval of the Colonial Secretary, and removable only by the

Secretary, was to be a member of the Council ex officio.

{462}

The members of the Council, other than the Judge, to be

appointed by the Company, with the approval of the Secretary,

and to be removable by the Company. … The Administrator

should, as representative of the Company, administer the

government, but must take the advice of his Council on all

questions of importance. In cases of emergency, when he found

it impracticable to assemble a quorum, the Administrator might

take action alone, but must report such action to the Council

at its next meeting. Moreover, he might overrule the Council,

but must, in that case, report the matter forthwith to the

Company, with the reasons for his action; and the Company

might rescind the decision of the Administrator, whether made

with, or without, or against, the advice of the Council. With

the concurrence of at least two members of the Council, and

with the approval of the British High Commissioner for South

Africa, the Administrator was empowered to frame and issue

regulations, which should have the force of law; but the

Colonial Secretary or the Company could veto any such

regulation at any time within twelve months of the date of

approval by the High Commissioner. This power of making

ordinances included the power to impose such taxes as might be

necessary, and the right to impose and to collect customs

duties. The armed forces of the Company were expressly

forbidden to act outside the defined limits of its territory

without the permission of Her Majesty's Government.

The master spirit of the Company which exercised these

imperial powers of government over so great a dominion in

Africa was Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes, Premier of Cape Colony,

organizer and chief of the De Beers Consolidated Mining Co. in

the diamond fields,—millionaire projector and manager of

everything stupendous in the enterprises of the African world.

He seemed, in fact, to be more than a master spirit in the

Company. Apparently he had created it as an instrument of his

ambitions, and it moved in his shadow throughout. Its

Administrator, Dr. Leander S. Jameson, was his closely

confidential friend. Presently it stamped his name on the

broad empire which bore already the stamp of his personality

and will, by proclaiming (May 1, 1895): "The territories now

or hereafter placed under the control of the British South

Africa Company shall be named collectively Rhodesia. The

provinces at the present time included in the territory of

Rhodesia are Mashonaland, Matabeleland, and Northern

Zambesia." Great ambitions—imperial ambitions—had thus come

to be powerfully embodied in a corporation which practically

served the will of one remarkably able man. They were

ambitions which had been in conflict from the beginning with

the interests as well as the ambitions of the Boers of the

South African Republic, and the conflict was not to be ended

by the triumph which the Rhodesians had won. Naturally the

Boer was jealous and distrustful of the energetic men who had

seized lands which he desired and hemmed his republic in.

Naturally, too, the bold adventurers of Rhodesia, arrogant in

their success and as little scrupulous as "empire-builders"

are apt to be, looked with contempt and impatience at the

plodding Boer, as an obstacle to their booming development in

Africa of a civilization "up to date." Between the two

incongruous neighbors rose the cry of the angry Uitlanders at

Johannesburg, threatening the one and appealing to the

sympathy of the other. The consequences soon appeared.

SOUTH AFRICA:

The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (July).

Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.-

The opening of the railway to Delagoa Bay was celebrated with

much ceremony at Pretoria on the 8th of July.

SOUTH AFRICA:

The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (September-December).

Closing of Vaal River "drifts" (fords) as ports of entry.

Anger in Cape Colony.

A threatening situation.

In September, the government of the South African Republic

adopted a measure, for the benefit of its new railway,

connecting Delagoa Bay with Pretoria, and for the development

of foreign trade via Delagoa Bay rather than through Cape

Colony, which raised a storm of indignation at the Cape,

giving birth to a grievance there which became for a time more

threatening than the grievances of the Uitlanders of the Rand.

The measure in question was one that closed the "drifts" or

fords of the Vaal River, between Cape Colony and the

Transvaal, as ports of entry for the importation of over-sea

goods. As stated by the British High Commissioner, in a

despatch (October 7) to Mr. Chamberlain, the British Colonial

Secretary, the history of the case is as follows:

"In the year 1891 the Cape Government came to an agreement

with the Transvaal Government and the Netherlands Railway

Company to advance the latter £600,000 towards the

construction of the railway from the Vaal river to

Johannesburg, receiving in exchange for such advance

Netherlands Railway Company 4 per cent. bonds at £93,

guaranteed by the Transvaal Government. It was stipulated in

the agreement that the Cape Government might fix the traffic

rates on the Transvaal extension until the close of 1894, or

until the completion of the railway from Delagoa Bay to

Pretoria, if such completion should take place before that

date. The railway extension from the Vaal river so provided

for was opened in September, 1892, and the Cape Government

secured thereby, during the continuance of the agreement,

practically the monopoly of the Johannesburg traffic. The

agreement terminated on the 31st December, 1894, the Delagoa

Bay to Pretoria Railway having shortly before been completed

and commenced working. Up to the close of the agreement the

through-traffic rates from the coast to Johannesburg had been

fixed by the Cape at the average rate of about 2.4d. per ton

per mile. After the close of the agreement the Netherlands

Railway Company raised the rates on its 52 miles of railway,

from the Vaal river to Johannesburg, to an average of nearly

8d. per ton per mile. Upon this importers began to remove a

portion of their goods from the railway at the Vaal river, and

to send them on by road and bullock-waggon to their

destination in the Transvaal, instead of by the Netherlands

Railway to Johannesburg and elsewhere as before. This move has

recently been met by the Transvaal Government issuing a

Proclamation closing the drifts on the Vaal river alongside

the railway as ports of entry for over-sea goods, leaving them

open for other goods, the produce of South Africa. Importers of

over-sea goods have thus only the choice between making use of

the Netherlands line from the Vaal to Johannesburg at the

enhanced traffic rates imposed on that line, or of importing

via Delagoa Bay or Durban."

{463}

Vigorous remonstrances against this measure were made

instantly by the government of Cape Colony, not only on the

ground of its unfriendliness to the Colony, but also as being

an infraction of the 13th article of the London Convention of

1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), and the British government

was appealed to for its interference. To this appeal the

British Colonial Secretary replied with much caution, on the

1st of November, in a communication cabled to the High

Commissioner, as follows: "Subject to the conditions stated

further on, I am prepared to authorize you to send to the

Government of the South African Republic a message to the

following effect.:—'I am advised by the Law Officers of the

Crown (who, it is hardly necessary to state, have examined the

question from a purely legal standpoint) that the recent

action of the South African Republic is a breach of Article

XIII. of the London Convention. I am further advised that the

Government of the South African Republic cannot now set itself

right by making general the prohibition of entry by the

drifts, so as to include Colonial goods, if and when they

reissue their Proclamation, which, I am surprised to observe,

they appear to have some intention of doing. Her Majesty's

Government accept the legal advice which they have received;

but independently of their Conventional rights they are of

opinion that the closing of the drifts, and especially the

extension of that measure to Colonial goods, is so unfriendly

an action as to call for the gravest remonstrance on their

part. While anxious for an amicable settlement of the

question, they must therefore protest against what they regard

as an attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government in

Conference by a proceeding which almost partakes of the nature

of an act of hostility.' You will communicate this message

confidentially to your Ministers in writing, pointing out that

when once it is sent Her Majesty's Government cannot allow the

matter to drop until they have obtained a compliance with

their demands, even if it should be necessary to undertake an

expedition for that purpose. Her Majesty's Government do not

intend that such au expedition should, like most previous

Colonial wars, be conducted at the entire cost of this

country; and you should explain to your Ministers that you are

therefore instructed to require from them a most explicit

undertaking in writing that, if it becomes necessary to send

an expedition, the Cape Parliament will bear half the gross

expense, and that the Local Government will furnish a fair

contingent of the fighting force, so far as its resources in

men may suffice, besides giving the full and free use of its

railways and rolling stock for military purposes. If your

Ministers cannot give you such assurances you will report

fully by telegraph, and defer action pending further

instructions from me; but if you obtain these assurances in

writing, explicitly and without qualification, you may send

the above message to the Government of the South African

Republic."

This was followed by a further cautionary message, November 3,

in these words: "Referring to my telegrams of the 1st

November, although willing to support your Ministers on the

conditions already stated, I should think it would be well, in

their own interests, and those of South African commerce

generally, if they will be as moderate as they can find it

consistent with their duty to be in their demands as to their

share of railway business. I have no doubt that you have

availed yourself of any chances you may have had of impressing

such a view on them and if you think it expedient you may tell

them, confidentially, that such is my view." On the 4th, Sir

Hercules Robinson replied: "My Ministers, including Schreiner

and Faure, the two Dutch Members, were unanimous in their

decision to accept your conditions. I am assured by Mr. Rhodes

that he can count on the support of the majority in the Cape

Parliament, and there are no facts before me which would lead

me to a different view; but I do not think that the question

will arise, as the Government of the South African Republic

will not hold out against the united action of the Cape and

Her Majesty's Government." On the same day he transmitted to

President Kruger the message contained (as above) in Secretary

Chamberlain's despatch of November 1. On the 21st of November

the reply of the Transvaal Government was given, as follows:

"This Government most deeply regrets that the Cape Colony has

by its own acts created a condition of things, in consequence

of which it afterwards found itself compelled to invoke the

intervention of the British Government, and it still more

deeply regrets that Her Majesty's Government, on the 'ex

parte' representations of the Cape Colony, felt itself

constrained to telegraph to this Government in the terms of

the communication of the 3rd instant. From the reply of this

Government, it will be evident to your Excellency that it

wishes to contribute in every possible way to preserve the

good understanding in South Africa, and it therefore considers

a passage such as occurs in your Excellency's telegram of the 3rd

instant, 'An attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government

at the Conference by a measure which almost resembles the

nature of a hostile act,' not justified as regards this

Republic. This Government adheres to its opinion and view that

it has an undoubted right to regulate the ports of entrance on

the borders of the Republic, and if Her Majesty's Government

calls this an unfriendly act, this Government can only say

that it was the consequence of an unfriendly act of the Cape

Colony. In order not to be the cause of disturbance in South

Africa, this Government is prepared to submit the regulating

of the ports of entrance on the borders to arbitration, it

being convinced of the justice of its assertion that the

regulating of the ports of entrance on its borders by it is no

infringement of Article 13 of the Convention of London."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8474, pages 11-21.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (November).

The state of discontent among the Uitlanders, and its causes.

The franchise question.

Growth of British Imperialistic designs.

The suspension of commandeering went a very little way towards

removing the grievances of the British residents in the

Transvaal. Underlying that and all other causes of discontent

was the evident determination of the Boer inhabitants of the

Republic to keep in their own hands the whole power of

government, both state and municipal, and to deal with the

increasing multitude of incomers from the outside world (whom

they called Uitlanders, or Outlanders) permanently as aliens,

excluded from citizenship by as many bars as a jealous

legislature could raise.

{464}

Until 1882, a foreigner, settling in the Transvaal, could

become a citizen and a voter after a residence of two years.

The required residence was then raised to five years, and in

1887 it was carried up to fifteen. By this time the immigrant

population was growing numerous, and its complaints of

disfranchisement and non representation in the Volksraad, or

Legislature, soon took on angry tones. In 1890 a nominal

concession was made to the discontented Uitlanders, by the

creation of a Second Volksraad (see, in this volume,

CONSTITUTION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC—the bracketed

amendments or added articles following Article 29), to which

they could elect representatives. The suffrage in elections to

this new chamber was given after two years residence, on the

taking of an oath of allegiance to the Republic, and

qualification for sitting in it was acquired after a residence

of four years. But the Second Volksraad had no independent

power. It could act only on certain specified subjects,

taxation not included, and all that it did was subject to

overruling by the First Volksraad, while the enactments of the

latter were entirely valid without its consent. The Second

Volksraad, in fact, was no actual branch of the national

legislature, but a powerless appendage to it, where an

appearance of representation in the government could be given

to the Uitlander population without the reality.

Naturally, this aggravated rather than pacified the discontent

of the new comers. They were a rapidly increasing multitude,

congregated, for the most part, in one district, where it was

easy for them to feel and act in combination. By 1895 there

was said to be 100,000 of them in the 'Witwatersrand, and some

60,000 natives were working in their mines. They were being

heavily taxed, and they complained that they could get nothing

adequate in return for the taxation,—neither an efficient

police, nor decent sanitary regulations, nor a proper water

supply, nor a safe restraint upon the sale of liquors to their

native work people. At the same time it was charged that

corruption prevailed in the omnipotent First Volksraad, and

among public officials, and that, on the whole, the Republic

was in bad as well as in ignorant hands. This was not alone

the view of the complaining foreign residents, but was shared

more or less by unprejudiced visitors to the country,

including Mr. James Bryce, who travelled in the Transvaal in

1895, and who wrote of the grievances of the Uitlanders in

quite a sympathetic vein.

Until the gold-seekers came into it, the Republic had been

poor and its revenues small. Their coming gave it a full

treasury. They were the principal consumers of the imported

goods on which its tariff was laid. Their large use of

dynamite and other explosives in mining gave the government an

opportunity to make a highly profitable monopoly of the

manufacture, afterwards exchanged for an equally profitable

concession to a monopolistic company. Their mines were the

proper subject of a tax which yielded large returns. In fact,

the Republic was taking much to itself from the Uitlanders,—no

more, perhaps, than it had a fair right to take,—but,

according to what seems to be trustworthy testimony, it was

giving them far less in return for it than they had a just

right to demand, and it was offering them no prospect of

anything better in time to come.

It seems to be certain that responsibility for whatever was

hostile and unjust in the treatment of the foreign population

rested largely upon the President of the Republic, Mr. Paul

Kruger, who had been at the head of the government for many

years. He exercised an influence and authority that had

scarcely any limit. The Volksraad was obedient to his will,

and most of its legislation was understood to emanate from him

and from those whose council he took. There can be little

doubt that he practically shaped the whole policy of the Boer

Republic in its dealing with the Uitlanders, and that it

expressed the attitude of his mind toward foreigners in

general and Englishmen in particular. He distrusted even the

Dutch of Cape Colony, and sought Hollanders for the public

service when he needed qualifications which his own people did

not possess.

"While within the Transvaal there was growing discontent,

matters were so shaping themselves without as to still further

complicate the situation. The idea of a Confederation of

British South Africa and the extension of the British sphere

to the Zambesi, had long been the dream of imperialists, and

the ruling classes at the Cape had persistently urged this

upon the home government. … After the consolidation of the

diamond companies. Mr. Cecil Rhodes became the imperialist

leader in South Africa and marshaled behind him all the

corporate interests and combined influence of his many

associates. The Boer Republics stood in the way of the success

of imperialistic enterprise. Then too the 'scramble for

Africa,' which began with the efforts of the King of Belgium

to consolidate the native tribes of central Africa under

Belgian rule and which resulted in the carving out of the

Congo Free State, the assertion of German protection over

Damaraland and Namaqueland, and the joint effort of European

powers to check the British sphere, all lent zest to ambition

and brought the English popular mind into temper for concerted

action. Under such circumstances the 'little England' party

lost its standing and an imperial policy gained fullest

support. With such an atmosphere surrounding the Transvaal the

grievances of the 'aliens' within could not long be

disregarded without serious trouble."

F. A. Cleveland,

The South African Conflict

(The American Academy of Political and Social Science,

Number 265), pages 19-22.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895-1896.

Revolutionary conspiracy of disaffected Uitlanders

at Johannesburg with Rhodesians.

The Jameson Raid and its results.

In the fall of 1895, certain of the disaffected Uitlanders at

Johannesburg, leaders of an organization called the Transvaal

National Union, abandoned attempts to obtain what they sought

from the President and the Volksraad by petition and

agitation, and either invited or accepted proposals of

assistance from the armed forces of the British South Africa

Company, with a view to some kind of a revolutionary

undertaking. The story of the plot has been told with great

frankness by one of the actors in it, Mr. Alfred P. Hillier,

who writes:

{465}

"Mr. Cecil Rhodes, … accustomed as he was to success, quick

movement and rapid developments, in his great career, had …

watched with impatient eyes the setting back of the clock

within the South African Republic. His chief lieutenant, Dr.

Jameson, who had shared with him the labour of reclaiming from

barbarism and developing Rhodesia, and whose ambition was no

less than his superior's, discussed with him the desirability

of some active outside pressure; and between them was evolved

what is known as the Jameson plan. Mr. Beit, the capitalist

most largely interested in the mines of the Rand, an old

financial colleague of Mr. Rhodes, both in the De Beers

amalgamation and in the establishment of the Chartered

Company, promised both his influence and his purse in support

of the plan. Overtures were then made to Mr. Lionel Phillips,

who was at the head of the Chamber of Mines, and Mr. Charles

Leonard, the Chairman of the National Union. … The plan at

this early stage was presented in a very attractive form. A

force under Dr. Jameson was to be quietly gathered on the

border. The Johannesburg agitation, reinforced with capitalist

support, was to be steadily pushed forward. Rifles and

ammunition were to be smuggled into Johannesburg. Both the

High Commissioner and the Colonial Office might be counted on,

it was said, to support a vigorous forward movement for

reform. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Leonard, sick and weary of the

hopelessness of unsupported constitutional action, and of the

continual set back in Boer politics, already casting round in

their minds for some new departure, accepted and from that

time forth co-operated with Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jameson in the

development of the Jameson plan.

"In October, 1895, a meeting took place at Groote Schuur, Mr.

Rhodes' residence near Cape Town, at which were present, in

addition to Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Mr. Lionel Phillips, Mr.

Hammond, Mr. Charles Leonard, and Colonel Frank Rhodes. At

this meeting the plan was more fully discussed and matured;

and in November, 1895, when Dr. Jameson visited Johannesburg,

the details were finally settled. The letter of invitation was

written, signed and handed to Dr.Jameson, and the date of

combined action provisionally fixed for the end of December.

Dr. Jameson's force was to be about 1,000 strong, and the

start to be made when finally summoned by the signatories of

the letter. In the meantime the Johannesburg leaders were to

have sent in to them 4,500 rifles and 1,000,000 rounds of

ammunition, and were, if possible, to arrange for an attack on

the Pretoria Arsenal simultaneously with the move from

outside. With regard to the letter of invitation which was

subsequently used by Dr. Jameson as a justification for his

start, … Mr. Leonard, Colonel Rhodes, and Mr. Phillips have

all distinctly stated that this letter was never intended as

an authority to Dr. Jameson to enter the Transvaal, unless and

until he received a further summons from them. Such was in

brief the history of the Jameson plan as far as concerned

Johannesburg. And it is necessary here to refer to the

position with regard to it of the bulk of the men who

subsequently constituted the Reform Committee. They at this

time, with the exception of a few of their number, of which I

personally was one, were entirely ignorant of what was going

on. … The Johannesburg leaders, relying on the general

sentiment of the community, assumed the responsibility of

arranging a basis of operations. So that the plan when it was

gradually revealed to various men had either to be accepted by

them in its entirety or rejected. … Men demanded and received

assurance that the movement was to be a republican one, and in

no way to be an attempt on the independence of the country. A

sufficient number of rifles were also to be forthcoming, and

the High Commissioner was to be on the spot to expedite the

adjustment of matters immediately disturbances arose."

A. P. Hillier,

Raid and Reform,

pages 47-53.

The practical working of the conspiracy proved less easy than

the planning of it. Arms and ammunition were smuggled into

Johannesburg, but not in sufficient quantities. The time of

action had been fixed for the 28th of December. When it came

near there were found to be only 2,500 rifles at hand, instead

of the 10,000 that were wanted. A scheme for the surprising of

the Boer arsenal at Pretoria was pronounced at the last moment

impracticable. Still more disconcerting to many was a report

which came from Cape Town, that Jameson would require the

rising to be made under and in favor of the British flag. "The

movement within the Transvaal," says Mr. Hillier, "had from

its outset been one in favour, not of a British Colony, but of

a sound Republic. … Many Americans and South Africans had

accorded their support only on this understanding." Until a

clearer arrangement with the Rhodesians on this point could be

reached, the leaders in Johannesburg determined not to act.

Accordingly, on the 26th of December, two days before the

appointed date of insurrection, they telegraphed to Jameson,

in covert language which he understood, that it was

"absolutely necessary to postpone the flotation." On the

following day they issued a lengthy manifesto, setting forth

all their grievances, and deferring until the 6th of January a

general meeting of the National Union which had been called

for the 27th of December—the eve of the intended rising. The

manifesto concluded as follows:

"We have now only two questions to consider:

(a) What do we want?

(b) how shall we get it?

I have stated plainly what our grievances are, and I shall

answer with equal directness the question, 'What do we want?'

We want:

(1) the establishment of this Republic as a true republic:

(2) a Grondwet or Constitution which shall be framed by

competent persons selected by representatives of the whole

people and framed on lines laid down by them—a constitution

which shall be safeguarded against hasty alteration;

(3) an equitable franchise law, and fair representation;

(4) equality of the Dutch and English languages;

(5) responsibility of the Legislature to the heads of the

great departments;

(6) removal of religious disabilities;

(7) independence of the courts of justice, with adequate and

secured remuneration of the judges;

(8) liberal and comprehensive education;

(9) efficient civil service, with adequate provision for pay

and pension;

(10) free trade in South African products.

That is what we want. There now remains the question which is

to be put before you at the meeting of the 6th January. viz.,

How shall we get it?"

Great Britain: Papers by Command, 1896, C.—7933.

{466}

Acting, as appears, on his own responsibility, Dr. Jameson

refused to be stopped by the postponement at Johannesburg,

and, on the evening of December 29, he entered the Transvaal

territory, from Pitsani-Pitlogo, in Bechuanaland, with a force

of about 500 men. His movement created consternation in all the

circles of the conspiracy, and received no effectual support.

It was promptly disavowed and condemned by the British

authorities, and by the home officials of the British South

Africa Company. Cecil Rhodes could do nothing but tacitly

acknowledge his responsibility for what his lieutenant had

done (though the precipitation of the raid was evidently a

surprise and a trouble to him) by resigning the premiership of

Cape Colony. Meantime, the invaders had learned that the Boers

were not to be ridden over in the easy fashion they supposed.

Hasty levies had intercepted their march, had repulsed them at

Krugersdorp, with a heavy loss in killed and wounded,

surrounded them at Doornkop, and forced them to surrender on

New Year's day. A few days later, the Uitlanders at

Johannesburg, some of whom had made a confused and ineffectual

attempt to take arms, proclaiming a provisional government,

and around whose town the excited Boers had gathered in large

force, were persuaded by the British High Commissioner to

submit to the Transvaal authorities, and more than fifty of

the leaders were placed under arrest.

"With great difficulty, President Kruger overcame the desire

of his people that Jameson and his officers should be brought

to trial and punished in the country they had outraged by

their invasion, and they were handed over to the British

government for removal to England and trial by an English

court. The trial took place in July (20-28), before the Lord

Chief Justice (Lord Russell of Killowen), Baron Pollock, and

Justice Hawkins, with a special jury. The charge on which the

prisoners were tried was that of having fitted out a warlike

expedition against a friendly state, in violation of the

Foreign Enlistment Act. The charge of the Lord Chief Justice

gave the following questions to the jury: Were preparations

for a raid made by the defendants? Did they aid, abet,

counsel, or procure such preparation? Were they employed in

the actual expedition? Did the Queen exercise dominion and

sovereignty in Pitsani-Pitlogo? The jury returned affirmative

answers, which were held to constitute a verdict of "guilty,"

and sentence was pronounced,—fifteen months of imprisonment

for Dr. Jameson, and terms varying from five to ten months for

his four subordinate officers. During the trial and after

there were many demonstrations of popular sympathy with the

prisoners. Meantime, in April, the Transvaal authorities had

brought the imprisoned leaders of the Johannesburg "reform

committee" to trial at Pretoria on charges of treason and had

convicted them all. Four, namely, Colonel Rhodes (brother of

Cecil), Lionel Phillips, George Farrar, and John Hays Hammond

(an American), were sentenced to death; the remainder to a

payment of heavy fines. The death sentences were soon

commuted, first to imprisonment for fifteen years, and

subsequently to fines of $125,000 on each of four prisoners.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January).

Message of the German Emperor to President Kruger,

relative to the Jameson Raid.

The critical situation of affairs produced by the Jameson raid

was dangerously complicated at the beginning by the

publication of the following telegram, sent to President

Kruger, on the 3d of January, by the German Emperor: "I

express my sincere congratulations that, supported by your

people and without appealing for help to friendly powers, you

have succeeded by your own energetic action against the armed

bands which invaded your country as disturbers of the peace,

and have thus been enabled to restore peace, and safeguard the

independence of your country against attacks from without."

President Kruger replied: "I testify to Your Majesty my very

deep and heartfelt thanks for Your Majesty's sincere

congratulations. With God's help we hope to do everything

further that is possible for the holding of our dearly bought

independence and the stability of our beloved republic." This

kindled a white heat of indignation in England. It was

supposed to signify a disposition on the part of the German

Emperor to recognize the absolute independence which the South

African Republic claimed, and to threaten interference as

between Great Britain and the Boers. A powerful "flying

squadron" was instantly put in commission, and several ships

were ordered to Delagoa Bay. For some time the relations

between Great Britain and Germany were seriously strained; but

various influences gradually cooled the excited feeling in

England, though not a little distrust of German intentions has

remained.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January-April).

Urgency of the British Colonial Secretary for redress of

Uitlander grievances.

Invitation to President Kruger to visit England.

His requirement that Article IV. of the London Convention

shall be discussed.

Deadlock of the parties.

The complaints of the Uitlanders, effectually silenced for the

time being at Johannesburg by the vigorous action of the

Boers, were now taken up by the British Secretary of State for

the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain, and pressed in strenuous

despatches to the High Commissioner in South Africa, Sir

Hercules Robinson. On the 4th of January, 1896, four days

after the surrender of Jameson and four days before the

insurgent Uitlanders at Johannesburg had laid down their arms,

a long despatch was cabled by Mr. Chamberlain to the High

Commissioner, instructing him to make "friendly

representations" to President Kruger on the subject of those

complaints. "I am aware," wrote the Colonial Secretary, "that

victory of Transvaal Government over Administrator of

Mashonaland may possibly find them not willing to make any

concessions. If this is the attitude they adopt, they will, in

my opinion, make a great mistake; for danger from which they

have just escaped was real, and one which, if the causes which

led up to it are not removed, may recur, although in a

different form. I have done everything in my power to undo and

to minimise the evil caused by late unwarrantable raid by

British subjects into the territory of the South African

Republic, and it is not likely that such action will be ever

repeated; but the state of things of which complaint has been

made cannot continue forever. If those who are now a majority

of inhabitants of the Transvaal, but are excluded from all

participation in its government, were, of their own

initiative, and without any interference from without, to

attempt to reverse that state of things, they would, without

doubt, attract much sympathy from all civilised communities

who themselves live under a free Government, and I cannot

regard the present state of things in the South African

Republic as free from danger to the stability of its

institutions.

{467}

The Government of the South African Republic cannot be

indifferent to these considerations, and President of South

African Republic himself has on more than one occasion,

expressed his willingness to inquire into and to deal with

just reasons for discontent; and the Volksraad have now the

opportunity to show magnanimity in the hour of their success

and to settle all differences by moderate concessions. They

must fully admit the entire loyalty of yourself and of Her

Majesty's Government to the terms of London Convention, as

shown by their recent intervention, and they must recognise

that their authority in crisis through which they have passed

could not have been so promptly and effectively asserted

without that intervention. If they will recognise this by

making concessions in accordance with our friendly advice, no

one will be able to suggest that they are acting under

pressure, and their voluntary moderation will produce best

effect among all who are interested in well-being of the

Transvaal and in future of South Africa."

On the 13th of January the Colonial Secretary pursued the

subject in another despatch to Sir Hercules Robinson, as

follows: "Now that Her Majesty's Government have fulfilled

their obligations to the South African Republic, and have

engaged to bring the leaders in the recent invasion to trial,

they are anxious that the negotiations which are being

conducted by you should result in a permanent settlement by

which the possibility of further internal troubles will be

prevented. The majority of the population is composed of

Uitlanders, and their complete exclusion from any share in the

government of the country is an admitted grievance which is

publicly recognised as such by the friends of the Republic as

well as by the opinion of civilised Europe. There will always

be a danger of internal disturbance so long as this grievance

exists, and I desire that you will earnestly impress on

President Kruger the wisdom of making concessions in the

interests alike of the South African Republic and of South

Africa as a whole. There is a possibility that the President

might be induced to rely on the support of some foreign Power

in resisting the grant of reforms or in making demands upon

Her Majesty's Government; and in view of this I think it well

to inform you that Great Britain will resist at all costs the

interference of any foreign Power in the affairs of the South

African Republic. The suggestion that such interference was

contemplated by Germany was met in this country by an

unprecedented and unanimous outburst of public feeling. In

order to be prepared for all eventualities, it has been

thought desirable by Her Majesty's Government to commission a

Flying Squadron of powerful men-of-war, with twelve

torpedo-ships; and many other vessels are held in reserve. Her

Majesty's Government have no reason, at the present moment, to

anticipate any conflict of interest with foreign Powers; but I

think it right for you to know that Great Britain will not

tolerate any change in her relations with the Republic, and

that, while loyally respecting its internal independence,

subject to the Conventions, she will maintain her position as

the Paramount Power in South Africa, and especially the

provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884. It is my

sincere hope that President Kruger, who has hitherto shown so

much wisdom in dealing with the situation, will now take the

opportunity afforded to him of making of his own free will

such reasonable concessions to the Uitlanders as will remove

the last excuse for disloyalty, and will establish the free

institutions of the Republic on a firm and lasting basis."

To this Sir Hercules replied with a remonstrance, saying:

"Your telegram 13 January No.1 only reached me last night

after I had left Pretoria. I could, if you consider it

desirable, communicate purport to President of South African

Republic by letter, but I myself think such action would be

inopportune. … Nearly all leading Johannesburg men are now in

gaol, charged with treason against the State, and it is

rumoured that Government has written evidence of a

long-standing and wide-spread conspiracy to seize Government

of country on the plea of denial of political privileges, and

to incorporate the country with that of British South Africa

Company. The truth of these reports will be tested in the

trials to take place shortly in the High Court, and meanwhile

to urge claim for extended political privileges for the very

men so charged would be ineffectual and impolitic. President

of South African Republic has already promised municipal

government to Johannesburg, and has stated in a Proclamation

that all grievances advanced in a constitutional manner will

be carefully considered and brought before the Volksraad

without loss of time; but until result of trials is known

nothing, of course, will now be done." Mr. Chamberlain saw

force in the High Commissioner's objections, and assented to a

momentary suspension of pressure on the Transvaal President,

but not for long. "I recognise," he telegraphed on the 15th,

"that the actual moment is not opportune for a settlement of

the Uitlanders' grievances, and that the position of the

President of the South African Republic may be an embarrassing

one, but I do not consider that the arrest of a few score

individuals out of a population of 70,000 or more, or the

supposed existence of a plot among that small minority, is a

reason for denying to the overwhelming majority of innocent

persons reforms which are just in themselves and expedient in

the interests of the Republic. Whatever may be said about the

conduct of a few individuals, nothing can be plainer than that

the sober and industrious majority refused to countenance any

resort to violence, and proved their readiness to obey the law

and your authority. I hope, therefore, to hear at an early

date that you propose to resume the discussion with President

of South African Republic on lines laid down in my previous

telegrams. I do not see that the matter need wait until the

conclusion of the trial of the supposed plotters."

On the 28th of January the High Commissioner, under

instructions from London, addressed to President Kruger the

following invitation: "I am directed by Her Majesty's

Government to tender to your Honour a cordial invitation to

visit England, with a view to discussing with them all those

questions which relate to the security of the South African

Republic and the general welfare of South Africa. I am to add

that, although Her Majesty's Government cannot consent to

modify Article 4 of the London Convention [see above; A. D.

1884-1894], other matters are open to friendly discussion.

{468}

Her Majesty's Government hope that your Honour will come as

the guest of the British Government." While this invitation

was being considered, and before a reply to it had been made,

the British Colonial Secretary reopened his own discussion of

the questions at issue, February 4, in a despatch of great

length, reviewing the whole history of the relations of the

Uitlanders to the government of the South African Republic,

and of the recent occurrences which had been consequent upon

their discontent. It praised "the spirit of wisdom and

moderation" shown by President Kruger, who "kept within bounds

the natural exasperation of his burghers," and it gave

especial attention to a proclamation which President Kruger

had addressed to the inhabitants of Johannesburg, on the 10th

of January, in which he had said: "It is my intention to

submit a draft Law at the first ordinary session of the

Volksraad, whereby a Municipality with a Mayor at its head

will be appointed for Johannesburg, to whom the whole

municipal government of this town will be entrusted."

On this the Secretary made the following suggestions: "Basing

myself upon the expressed desire of President Kruger to grant

municipal government to Johannesburg, I suggest, for his

consideration, as one way of meeting the difficulty, that the

whole of the Rand district, from end to end, should be erected

into something more than a municipality as that word is

ordinarily understood; that, in fact, it should have a

modified local autonomy, with powers of legislation on purely

local questions, and subject to the veto of the President and

Executive Council; and that this power of legislation should

include the power of assessing and levying its own taxation,

subject to the payment to the Republican Government of an

annual tribute of an amount to be fixed at once and revised at

intervals, so as to meet the case of a diminution or increase

in the mining industry. As regards judicial matters in such a

scheme, the Rand, like the Eastern Provinces and the Kimberley

District of the Cape Colony, might have a superior court of

its own. It would, of course, be a feature of this scheme that

the autonomous body should have the control of its civil

police, its public education, its mine management, and all

other matters affecting its internal economy and well-being.

The central Government would be entitled to maintain all

reasonable safeguards against the fomenting of a revolutionary

movement, or the storage of arms for treasonable purposes

within the district. Those living in, and there enjoying a

share in the government of, the autonomous district, would

not, in my view, be entitled to a voice in the general

Legislature or the Central Executive, or the presidential

election. The burghers would thus be relieved of what is

evidently a haunting fear to many of them—although I believe

an unfounded one—that the first use which the enfranchised

newcomers would make of their privileges would be to upset the

republican form of government. Relieved of this apprehension,

I should suppose that there would not be many of them who

would refuse to deal with the grievances of the comparatively

few Uitlanders outside the Rand on those liberal principles

which characterized the earlier legislation of the Republic.

The President may rest assured that in making the above

suggestions I am only actuated by friendly feeling towards

himself and the South African Republic. They are not offered

in derogation of his authority, but as the sincere and

friendly contribution of Her Majesty's Government towards the

settlement of a question which continues to threaten the

tranquillity of the Republic and the welfare and progress of

the whole of South Africa. A proper settlement of the

questions at issue involves so many matters of detail which

could be more easily and satisfactorily settled by personal

conference, that I should be glad to have the opportunity of

discussing the subject with the President, if it suited his

convenience, and were agreeable to him, to come to this

country for the purpose. Should this be impracticable, I rely

upon you to make my views known to him and to carry on the

negotiations."

This despatch, as soon as it had been forwarded from the

Colonial Office, was published in the "London Gazette," so

that a telegraphed summary of its contents reached President

Kruger before it came to him officially,—which naturally added

something to the irritations existing at Pretoria. However,

the President, on the 8th of February, by telegram to the High

Commissioner, and more fully on the 25th by letter, responded

to the invitation to visit England. In his telegram he said:

"In order to give me the liberty to let the Honourable

Volksraad judge whether permission and power to act will be

given me to go out of the country, an understanding must, of

course, first be come to as to what points will he discussed

or not, so that I may lay those points before the Volksraad

for deliberation and resolution." In his letter he wrote:

"At the commencement, I wish to observe that the object of

this letter is to pave the way for a friendly discussion of

the matters herein mentioned, in order to arrive at a

satisfactory solution, and further that, although as yet I

desire no positive and direct assent to the desires expressed

herein, I would, nevertheless, to prevent a misunderstanding,

desire to have an assurance that they will be taken into the

most mature consideration with the earnest endeavour and the

sincere desire to comply with my wishes. The desire to receive

this assurance will be respected by your Excellency and Her

Majesty's Government as reasonable, when I say that,

considering especially my advanced age and the unavoidable

delay, owing to my absence, in the transaction of matters

affecting the highest State interests, I would, with

difficulty, be able to make the sacrifice in going only to

discuss matters without arriving at the desired result, and it

is evident that if the assurance referred to by me cannot be

given by Her Majesty's Government, in all probability the

Honourable Volksraad would not grant its consent and

commission. … Although, as already said, the Government could

tolerate no interference in its internal relations and the

official discussion of affairs with the object of requiring

changes therein will have to be avoided, on the other hand I

wish it to be understood that private hints given by statesmen

of experience in the true interest of the country and its

independence will always be warmly appreciated by me, from

whatever side they may come.

{469}

"Going over to a summing up of the points which, in my

opinion, should be brought under discussion, I wish to mention

in the first place:—

1. The superseding of the Convention of London with the eye,

amongst others, on the violation of the territory of the South

African Republic: because in several respects it has already

virtually ceased to exist; because in other respects it has no

more cause for existence; because it is injurious to the

dignity of an independent Republic; because the very name and

the continual arguments on the question of suzerainty, which

since the conclusion of this Convention no longer exists, are

used as a pretext, especially by a libellous press, for

wilfully inciting both white and coloured people against the

lawful authority of the Republic; for intentionally bringing

about misunderstanding and false relations between England and

the Republic, whereby in this manner the interests of both

countries and of their citizens and subjects are prejudiced

and the peaceful development of the Republic is opposed. In

the discussion of the withdrawal of the Convention as a whole,

Article IV. should naturally not be kept back. I have reason

to believe that the British Government has come to the

decision to make no alteration in this on account of false

representations made to it and lying reports spread by the

press and otherwise with a certain object, to the effect that

the Government of the Republic has called in, or sought, the

protection of other Powers. While I thankfully acknowledge and

will ever acknowledge the sympathy of other Powers or their

subjects, and the conduct of the last named has, in the light

of the trials recently passed through, on the whole offered a

favourable contrast to that of British subjects, there is

nevertheless nothing further from my thoughts than to strive

for the protection of a foreign power, which I will never even

seek. Neither I nor the people of the Republic will tolerate an

interference with the internal relations from any power

whatever, and I am prepared, if the course proposed by me be

adopted, to give the necessary assurances for this, in order

that Her British Majesty's Government need have no fear that

Her interests in South Africa should be injured.

2. Further should be discussed the superseding of the

Convention by a treaty of peace, commerce and friendship, by

which the existing privileges of England in the dominion of

commerce and intercourse and the interests of British subjects

in the Republic will be satisfactorily guaranteed on the

footing of the most-favoured nation, and herein I would be

prepared to go to the utmost of what can reasonably be asked.

3. Then the necessary guarantees will have to be given against

a repetition of the violation of territory out of the

territory of the Chartered Company or the Cape Colony, and of

disturbing military operations and unlawful military or police

or even private movements on the borders of the Republic.

4. Further should be discussed the compensation for direct and

indirect injury to be given or caused to be given by England

for and by reason of the incursion that recently took place.

The reasons for this are evident and need no argument. The

amount to be demanded it is impossible as yet to determine,

but, if required, it can still be given before my departure to

England.

5. I would, although in the following respects I would not

insist beforehand on an assurance such as that intended with

regard to the above-mentioned points, nevertheless wish to

request the earnest consideration of a final settlement of the

Swaziland question, in this sense, that that country shall

henceforth become a part of the Republic. …

6. Further, I would very much like to have discussed the

revocation of the charter of the Chartered Company, which, if

this does not take place, will continue to be a threatening

danger to the quiet and peace of the Republic and thereby also

to the whole South Africa. I am of opinion that all the above

desires are fair and just. … I will be pleased to receive the

views of Her Majesty's Government on the points herein brought

forward, in order that I may be enabled to bring the matter

for decision before the Honourable Volksraad."

Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this communication was, in part, as

follows: "Her Majesty's Government regret that President has

given no definite reply to invitation to visit England which

was sent to him on 28th January. This invitation was the

result of private information conveyed to Her Majesty's

Government that the President was desirous of arranging with

them a settlement of all differences, and of placing on a

permanent and friendly basis the relations between the United

Kingdom and the South African Republic. Before forwarding the

invitation, Her Majesty's Government knew that his Honour was

in full possession of their opinion, that no arrangement can

be satisfactory or complete which does not include a fair

settlement of those grievances of the Uitlander population

which have been recognized by the general public opinion of

South Africa, and which have been the cause of discontent and

agitation in the past, and are likely—unless remedied—to lead

to further disturbances in future, Her Majesty's Government

also took care to satisfy themselves that the President had

been made aware that they were not prepared to modify in any

way the provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884,

and this was again made clear in the formal invitation to

visit England. Under these circumstances, it was with great

surprise that Her Majesty's Government learnt from the

Despatch of the President of 25th February that his Honour

objected to discuss the question of the reforms asked for by

the Uitlanders, and that he desired to propose withdrawal of

Article IV. of the Convention, and Her Majesty's Government

regret that they were not informed of his Honour's views on

the subject at an earlier date, as they would not have felt

justified in inviting the President to encounter the fatigue

of a journey to this country if they had not been led to

believe that he was in agreement with them as to the general

object of such a visit.

"In their view, Her Majesty's Government were able to offer a

complete guarantee in the future to the South African Republic

against any attack upon its independence, either from within

any part of Her Majesty's dominions or from the territory of a

foreign Power. In return, they assumed that the President

would make known to them the measures which he proposed to

take to remedy the acknowledged grievances of the Uitlanders,

and to consider any suggestions which Her Majesty's Government

might wish to offer as to the adequacy of these measures for

the removal of all cause of internal disturbances. … Such a

discussion as they contemplate would not involve any

acknowledgment on the part of the President of a right of

interference in the internal concerns of the Republic, but

would only at the most amount to a recognition of the friendly

interest of Her Majesty's Government in its security, and in

the general welfare of South Africa.

{470}

The President would be, of course, at liberty to accept or to

reject any advice that might be tendered to him by Her

Majesty's Government, but in the latter case the

responsibility for the result would naturally rest wholly with

him. Her Majesty's Government have already expressed a

willingness to give full consideration to any representations

which his Honour may wish to make on the other points named in

his letter, although some of them are matters wholly in

jurisdiction of Her Majesty's Government. But unless the

President is satisfied with the explanations I have now given,

Her Majesty's Government are reluctantly obliged to come to

the conclusion that no good purpose can be served by the

proposed visit."

In return to this despatch, President Kruger, on 17th of

March, expressed his "deep disappointment" at its contents, by

reason of which, he said, "it is not possible for me to

proceed to convene a special session of the Volksraad at once"

for the purpose of action upon the invitation of the British

Government. Thereupon (April 27), the Colonial Secretary

cabled to the High Commissioner in South Africa: "Her

Majesty's Government have no alternative but to withdraw the

invitation, which it appears from the President's message was

given under a misapprehension of the facts." Thus the two

parties were at a deadlock.

Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1896,

C. 7933, pages 19-91; and C. 8063, pages 11-17.

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1896 (March-September).

Matabele revolt.

Taking advantage of the confusion in affairs which followed

the Jameson raid, and its removal of part of the police force

from the country, the Matabele rose in revolt. The main

provocation of the rising appears to have been from severe

measures that were adopted for stamping out rinderpest in the

country. Many whites were killed in the regions of scattered

settlement, and Buluwayo and Gwelo, where considerable numbers

had taken refuge, were in much danger for a time. But prompt

and vigorous measures were taken by the colonial and imperial

authorities, as well as by the officers of the South Africa

Company. Troops were sent from Cape Colony, Natal, and

England, and Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington was

ordered from Gibraltar to take command. Cecil Rhodes hastened

to Salisbury on the first news of the outbreak and organized a

force of volunteers for the relief of the beleaguered towns. The

Transvaal government offered help. By June, when General

Carrington arrived, and Lord Grey had succeeded Dr. Jameson as

Administrator, the insurgent natives had been put on the

defensive and had nearly ceased their attacks. They were

driven into the Matoppo hills, where their position was

formidably strong. At length, in August, Mr. Rhodes opened

negotiations with some of the chiefs, and went, with three

companions, unarmed, into their stronghold. He there made an

agreement with them, which the British military authorities

and many of the Matabele warriors refused to be bound by. But

the revolt had been practically broken and soon came to an

end.

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (June).

Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

On the 26th of June the resignations of Cecil J. Rhodes and

Mr. Beit from the Board of Directors of the British South

Africa Company, and of Mr. Rutherford Harris as its Secretary,

were accepted by the Board.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1896 (July).

Investigation of the Jameson Raid.

Responsibility of Cecil J. Rhodes.

On the 17th of July a Select Committee of the Cape Colony

House of Assembly, appointed in the previous May "to inquire

into the circumstances, as affecting this colony, in connexion

with the preparations for and carrying out of the recent armed

inroad into the territory of the South African Republic," made

its report, rehearsing at length the facts ascertained, with

evidence in full, and submitting a number of "conclusions,"

among them the following: "Your Committee are of opinion that

no member of the then Colonial Government with the exception

of the then Prime Minister [Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes], had any

knowledge whatever or suspicion of the intention to send an

armed force across the border of the South African Republic. …

Your Committee is convinced that the stores and workshops of

the De Beers Consolidated Mines were for some time previous to

the inroad used for the storage and for the unlawful

exportation of arms destined for the South African Republic,

in connexion with this inroad, and also that 11 men were sent

from De Beers to Johannesburg, who were afterwards allowed to

resume their positions. The evidence is clear, and leaves no

room for doubt on this point. The local directors give an

emphatic denial to any guilty knowledge on their part, and

your Committee must acquit them of anything beyond negligence,

which, looking to the magnitude of the transactions and the

length of time over which they extended, must have been very

marked. It is not conceivable that such proceedings could have

been permitted without the knowledge and approval of the

Chairman and Life Governor, Mr. C. J. Rhodes. With regard to

the Chartered Company, your Committee find that the principal

officials in Cape Town either knew, or were in a position to

have known, the existence of this plot. Two at least of the

directors, Mr. Beit and the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes,

were, together with the Administrator, Dr. Jameson, and Dr.

Harris, the South African Secretary of the Company, active as

promoters and moving spirits throughout, and they were from

time to time kept informed of the preparations. … The whole

movement was largely financed and engineered from outside, and

in both cases certain directors and officials of the Chartered

Company of British South Africa were active throughout. As

regards the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes, your Committee can

come to no other conclusion than that he was thoroughly

acquainted with the preparations that led to the inroad. That

in his capacity as controller of the three great joint-stock

companies, the British South Africa Company, the De Beers

Consolidated Mines, and the Gold Fields of South Africa, he

directed and controlled the combination which rendered such a

proceeding as the Jameson raid possible. … It would appear

that Mr. Rhodes did not direct or approve of Dr. Jameson's

entering the territory of the South African Republic at the

precise time when he did do so, but your Committee cannot find

that that fact relieves Mr. Rhodes from responsibility for the

unfortunate occurrences which took place. Even if Dr. Jameson

be primarily responsible for the last fatal step, Mr. Rhodes

cannot escape the responsibility of a movement which had been

arranged, with his concurrence, to take place at the precise

time it did, if circumstances had been favourable at

Johannesburg."

Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897,

C. 8380, pages 7-9.

{471}

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (July).

Parliamentary movement to investigate its administration.

In the British House of Commons, on the 30th of July, Mr.

Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, made a

motion for the appointment of a select committee of fifteen to

conduct an inquiry into the administration of the British

South Africa Company, and the motion was adopted.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).

Continued controversies between the British Colonial

Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, and the Government of the

South African Republic.

Complaints and counter complaints.

Aliens Immigration Law, etc.

For a time after the abandonment of the proposed visit of

President Kruger to England, the older questions at issue

between Great Britain and the Transvaal fell into the

background; but new ones were constantly rising. Each party

watched the other with suspicious and critical eyes, sharply

questioning things that would hardly have been noticed in

ordinary times. The Boer authorities, on their side, were

naturally disturbed and made inquisitive by every movement of

troops or arms in the surrounding British territory, both of

which movements were being somewhat increased by the revolt of

the Matabeles. They were impatient, too, for some action on

the part of the British government against the chief authors

of the recent invasion,—the officials of the British South

Africa Company,—and against the Company itself. On the 11th of

May, 1896, the State Secretary of the Transvaal government

telegraphed to the British High Commissioner as follows: "The

newspapers of the last few days state that Her Majesty's

Government still continue to take the part of the Directors of

British South Africa Company, especially Mr. Rhodes. This

Government will not believe the accuracy of these reports, but

it is of opinion that the Chartered Company as administering

the Government up to now is a source of danger to whole of

South Africa. The inroad into this Republic was made by

officers, troops, and arms of that Chartered Company, and even

the explicit prohibition of Her Majesty's Government was

unable to restrain them, notwithstanding the Chartered Company

had taken upon itself the international obligations of Great

Britain. The behaviour of the persons who knew of the scheme

of the inroad beforehand and supported it is, as we see,

defended by saying that they acted thus in the interests of

and for the extension of Imperialism in South Africa. This

Government does not believe that the end justifies the means,

and is convinced that Her Majesty's Government does not wish

to be served by misdeed."

When this had been communicated to the British Colonial

Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, he replied (May 13) that the

President of the South African Republic "has been misinformed

if he supposes that Her Majesty's Government have taken the

part of any of British South Africa Company Directors,

including Mr. Rhodes, with regard to any connexion which they

may be hereafter proved to have had with the recent raid. … On

the contrary, while appreciating Mr. Rhodes's services in the

past, Her Majesty's Government have condemned the raid, and

the conduct of all the parties implicated by the telegrams

recently published. Her Majesty's Government have promised a

full Parliamentary inquiry, as soon as legal proceedings

against Dr. Jameson and his officers have been concluded, to

examine the Charter granted to British South Africa Company

and the operation of its provisions, and to consider whether

any improvements in it are desirable. Such an inquiry will go

into the whole subject, not only of recent events, but of the

whole administration. Her Majesty's Government cannot be

expected to announce any decision as to the future of the

Company until the Parliamentary Committee has made its

recommendations."

On the 15th President Kruger replied: "This Government is very

pleased at receiving the assurance that a searching inquiry is

being instituted against British South Africa Company and its

Directors, and will follow its course with interest." But the

following month found the authorities at Pretoria still

unsatisfied as to the intention of the British government to

bring Mr. Rhodes and the South Africa Company to account for

what they had done. On the 19th of June, the then Acting High

Commissioner (Sir Hercules Robinson having gone to England on

leave) transmitted to Mr. Chamberlain two telegrams just

received by him from the government of the South African

Republic. The first was as follows: "Acting under

instructions, I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency,

for the information of Her Majesty's Government, that, with a

view to the welfare and peace of South Africa, this Government

is convinced that the proofs in the possession and at the

disposal of Her Majesty's Government now completely justify

and compel the bringing to trial of Messrs. Cecil Rhodes,

Alfred Beit, and Doctor Rutherford Harris, as has already been

done with Doctor Jameson and his accomplices. In the interests

of all South Africa, this Government feels itself obliged to

press the taking of this step upon Her Majesty's Government. I

have also the honour to request your Excellency to communicate

this despatch by cable to Her Majesty's Government in London."

The second was in this language: "This Government regards with

great regret the delay in the matter of the inquiry with

respect to the complicity and responsibility of British South

Africa Company in connexion with the raid of Doctor Jameson

and his band within the territory of this Republic. This

Government considers it its right and duty to press for the

speedy holding of the inquiry, not merely because it is the

injured party but also because of its interest and share in

the well-being of South Africa, whose interests, as repeatedly

intimated, are also dear to Her Majesty the Queen. This

Government is also convinced that it is urgently necessary

that the entire control and administration, as well civil as

military, be taken out of hands of British South Africa

Company and transferred to Her Majesty's Government, and I am

instructed to press this point on behalf of this Government. I

have further the honour to request your Excellency to cable

this despatch to Her Majesty's Government in London."

{472}

To these communications Mr. Chamberlain made a somewhat

haughty response. "Inform the Government of the South African

Republic," he cabled on the 25th of June, "that Her Majesty's

Government have received their telegrams of the 19th June,

which were published in London almost simultaneously with

their receipt by me. Her Majesty's Government do not require

to be reminded of their duty in regard to the recent invasion

of the South African Republic, and they cannot admit the claim

of the Government of the Republic to dictate the time and

manner in which they shall fulfil their obligations. I am

unable to understand the reasons which have suddenly

influenced the Government of the South African Republic to

make representations which are inconsistent with their

previous statements. On 18th April and on 15th May the

Government of the Republic appeared to be satisfied with the

assurances given them by Her Majesty's Government, from which

there has never been any intention of departing. It would not

be in accordance with English ideas of justice to condemn the

British South Africa Company and deal with its powers as

proposed in the telegrams before an enquiry had been made, and

before the Company had been heard in its own defence. With

regard to the demand of the Government of the South African

Republic that the three gentlemen specifically named shall now

be placed on their trial, you will remind them that Her

Majesty's Government can only act in this matter upon the

advice of the Law Officers of the Crown, and in accordance

with the principles of English law."

But Mr. Secretary Chamberlain, on his side, was

equally—perhaps more than equally—watchful and critical of the

doings and omissions of the government of the South African

Republic. He kept an eye upon them that was especially alert

for the detection of infractions of the London Convention of

1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), with its provisions very

strictly construed. He found treaties negotiated with foreign

powers in contravention of Article IV. of that Convention, and

laws passed which he deemed an infringement of its Article

XIV. He arraigned the government of the Republic upon each as

it came to his knowledge, and then, on the 6th of March, 1897,

went back over the record of his complaints and summed them

up, as follows: "It will be convenient if I recapitulate

briefly the occasions for such complaint, beginning with the

cases relating to Article IV. of the Convention. …

"1.—Netherlands Treaty.

On the 9th November 1895, an Extradition Treaty between the

South African Republic and the Netherlands was signed at the

Hague, and the ratifications were exchanged on the 19th June

last, without the Treaty being submitted for the approval of

Her Majesty. The case was therefore one of a clear infraction

of the Convention, inasmuch as the Treaty had not been

submitted to Her Majesty's Government on its completion, and

had been concluded by the exchange of ratifications without

obtaining the previous approval of the Queen. The Government

of the South African Republic, on their attention being called

to the infraction, did not deny that there had been a

departure from the general practice, but urged that they had

made no publication of the Treaty in anticipation of the

approval of Her Majesty. The Treaty had, however, been

published in the 'Netherlands Gazette' of the 3rd July, and I

observed that when the Treaty was published in the 'Staats

Courant' of the South African Republic after Her Majesty's

approval had been given, the official notice merely stated

that the Treaty was signed and ratified on certain dates, no

reference being made to that approval.

"2.-The Accession of the South African Republic to the

Geneva Convention.

After Dr. Jameson's raid, owing to a report made by the St.

John's Ambulance Association, Her Majesty's Government

determined to invite the South African Republic to accede to

the Geneva Convention, and the necessary instructions were

sent to Sir J. de Wet, who, however, omitted to carry them

out. The South African Republic, on the 30th September,

formally communicated to the Swiss Government, through their

Representative at the Hague, their act of accession to the

Geneva Convention. Her Majesty's Government, in the

circumstances, did not hesitate to convey the Queen's

approval, but the action of the Government of the Republic

none the less constituted a breach of the London Convention.

"3.—Portuguese Treaty.

An Extradition Treaty between the South African Republic and

Portugal was signed on the 3rd November 1893, but, contrary to

the usual practice, has not yet been submitted for the Queen's

approval, although two years have elapsed since Lord Ripon, in

his Despatch of the 25th February 1895, requested your

predecessor to call the attention of the President to the

omission to communicate this Convention to Her Majesty's

Government under the provisions of Article IV. of the London

Convention. … I now pass to the consideration of some of the

recent legislation of the Volksraad in its relation to Article

XIV. It will be found that it involves in more than one case

actual or possible breaches of the Convention. Article XIV.

runs as follows:—'All persons, other than natives, conforming

themselves to the laws of the South African Republic

(a) will have full liberty, with their families, to enter,

travel, or reside in any part of the South African

Republic;

(b) they will be entitled to hire or possess houses,

manufactories, warehouses, shops, and premises;

(c) they may carry on their commerce either in person or by

any agents whom they may think fit to employ;

(d) they will not be subject, in respect of their persons

or property, or in respect of their commerce or industry,

to any taxes, whether general or local, other than those

which are or may be imposed upon citizens of the said

Republic.'

"4.—The Aliens Immigration Law.

This law imposes upon aliens conditions of a new and

burthensome character in excess of the simple requirement that

they must conform themselves to the laws of the Republic. … 2.

The Aliens Expulsion Law. This law empowers the President,

with the advice and consent of the Executive Council, after

consulting the State Attorney, to expel, without an appeal to

the Court, any foreigner who, by word or writing, excites to

disobedience or transgression of the law, or takes any steps

dangerous to public peace and order. … Her Majesty's

Government … do not admit that the Government of the Republic

have a right to expel foreigners who are not shown to have

failed to conform to the laws of the Republic, and they

reserve the right to object to proceedings under the Act which

may amount to a breach of the Convention.

{473}

3. The Press Law. This law empowers the State President, on

the advice and with the consent of the Executive, to prohibit

entirely or for a time the circulation of printed or published

matter the contents of which are, in his judgment, contrary to

good morals or a danger to the peace and order in the

Republic. The suppression of the 'Critic' newspaper, the

property of a British subject, under this law, is a matter

which may raise a serious question as to whether the action of

the Government of the Republic has been consistent with the

Convention, but as Her Majesty's Government have not yet

received the explanation of the Government of the Republic in

that case, it is only necessary for me to make a passing

allusion to it in this Despatch.

"In several of the cases above cited, the strict letter of the

Convention could apparently have been observed without any

difficulty, while in others the objects which the Government

of the South African Republic had in view could have been

attained without any infringement of the Convention by a

previous understanding with Her Majesty's Government. Her

Majesty's Government therefore cannot conceal from themselves

that the Government of the South African Republic have in

these cases failed to give effect in practice to the

intention, so frequently expressed in public and official

utterances, of upholding the Convention on the part of the

Republic, and of maintaining that good understanding with Her

Majesty's Government which is so necessary in the interests of

South Africa."

Of the laws complained of by Mr. Chamberlain, that relating to

immigrant aliens had raised the most protest, because of its

requirement that all such aliens who were permitted to enter

and remain in the country must carry "travelling and

residential passes," to be shown on demand. The Transvaal

Government had met Mr. Chamberlain's first remonstrance on

this subject, in January, by saying: "It is an evident fact

that, especially during the last time, the immigration of

aliens of the lowest class and without any means of

subsistence has been increasing in a disquieting manner. These

persons are dangerous to the peace of the inhabitants and of

the State itself, and, in the opinion of this Government, no

country whatever can be obliged to admit such undesirable

persons. The regulation of unrestricted entry, as it at

present takes place, is thus, from the point of view of police

requirement, not only necessary but also entirely justified

and constitutes no infringement of Article 14 of the

Convention. This Government does not desire as yet to express

any opinion on the suggestion that under the circumstances

mentioned it should have approached Her Britannic Majesty's

Government with a view to arriving at an understanding. In

case, however, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty has

another practical measure to propose whereby its

above-mentioned subjects, whose presence here is not desired

for the reasons stated, can be prevented from seeking an

outlet on the soil of the South African Republic, and that

measure can be found to be applicable to the subjects of other

Powers as well (since the law makes no distinction in that

respect) it will be ready, with gratitude, to give its full

consideration to such measure."

Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8423.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and Natal: A. D. 1897.

Conference of colonial premiers with

the British Colonial] Secretary.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1897 (January).

Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

In January, 1897, the Deputy Commissioner of the British

government in Rhodesia made a report to the High Commissioner

on several subjects pertaining to the native administration of

the British South Africa Company which he had been instructed to

investigate. One question to be answered was "whether there

exists a law or practice whereby compulsory labor is exacted

from natives, either by the government of the British South

Africa Company, or by private persons with consent of the

government, or by both?" From his lengthy report on this

subject the High Commissioner deduced the following summary of

conclusions, which he communicated to the colonial secretary:

"(1.) That compulsory labour did undoubtedly exist in

Matabeleland, if not in Mashonaland.

(2.) That labour was procured by the various Native

Commissioners for the various requirements of the Government,

mining companies, and private persons.

(3.) That the Native Commissioners, in the first instance,

endeavoured to obtain labour through the indunas, but, failing

in this, they procured it by force."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: 1897, C.—8547.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (January-March).

Conflict of the Judiciary with the Executive and the Volksraad.

The case of R. E. Brown.

In January, 1897, a decision was rendered by the High Court of

the Republic which brought it into conflict with President

Kruger and the Volksraad. This decision was given in

connection with a suit brought against the government of the

South African Republic by an American engineer, Mr. R. E.

Brown, and the claim of Mr. Brown had arisen out of

circumstances which were subsequently related by a speaker in

the United States Senate, as follows: Mr. R. E. Brown, a young

American mining engineer, living and operating in the Cœur

d'Alene district, in the State of Idaho, about eight years

ago, at the invitation of English capitalists, left this

country to go to the South African Republic for the purpose of

assisting in the development of the gold mines of that

country. It was about that time that Hammond, Clements, and

other American engineers went there, and it is not too much to

say that the genius and the energy of those young Americans

more than anything else made that country a great gold

producer and its mines the most valuable of any in the world.

At that time most of the mines were held by English companies

or Germans. The laws were very simple, but in some respects

appear to have been drawn in the interest of the wealthy

syndicates. Upon the discovery of new mines the President of

the Republic by proclamation opened them to mining locations,

fixing a day and hour at which they would be opened to such

location. Thereafter persons desiring to stake out mines had

to go to the office of the responsible clerk of the district

in which the mines were located to make application for

licenses to locate the mines, and thereafter they were

authorized, either in person or by deputy, to go on the ground

and make mining locations.

{474}

Under this system most of the valuable mines of the country

had been absorbed, as I said, by English and German

syndicates. The mode in which they operated to absorb the

mines was to place their men upon the newly opened ground and

at the earliest possible moment apply for licenses to locate

the mines, and then by means of couriers with swift horses, or

by signals from mountain to mountain where that was possible, to

convey information to their men and cause the mines to be

located before their rivals could get on the ground. Mr. Brown

had not been in the country very long before he learned of this

antiquated system, and he determined on the next opening of

mines to apply to their location some of the snap and go of

American methods.

"In June, 1895, President Kruger by proclamation opened the

mines on the Witfontein farm, district of Potchefstroom, the

responsible clerk for which resided at Doornkop, in that

district. Mr. Brown determined that he would acquire some of

these mines, at least, and as large a number of them as

possible. Witfontein was only 30 miles from Doornkop. The

mines were known to be very valuable, because they had been

prospected on each side and it was found that valuable

gold-bearing reefs ran through them from end to end.

Accordingly he purchased heliographic instruments and employed

expert heliographic operators, and without the knowledge of his

rivals established heliographic communication between Doornkop

and Witfontein. Then he placed his men upon the ground, and on

the 19th day of July, 1895, the earliest period at which he

was permitted to do so, he appeared at the office of the

responsible clerk and sought licenses to locate 1,200 mines

upon this ground. However, on the day before the opening of

the mines his rivals had found out about the heliographic

communication, but they were beaten in the race. In that

extremity they communicated with President Kruger by wire and

induced him on the night of the 18th to issue a second

proclamation, withdrawing the mines of Witfontein from the

privilege of mining locations, and when Mr. Brown appeared at

the office of the responsible clerk and tendered his money he

was met with the information of this action on the part of the

President of the South African Republic, and his application

was refused. But nothing daunted he caused his agents on the

ground to locate the mines the same as if the licenses had

been granted to him, and then he brought suit before the high

court of justice of the South African Republic against the

Republic, alleging the facts substantially as I have stated

them and praying that the authorities be compelled to issue to

him licenses for the mines located, or in lieu thereof that

compensation be made to him in the sum of £372,400, amounting

to about $1,850,000. While this suit was pending it was sought

to re-enforce the action of the President in withdrawing these

lands, and the Volksraad [passed a resolution approving the

withdrawal and declaring that no person should be entitled to

compensation on account of it]."

United States Congressional Record,

January 21, 1901, page 1370.

On Mr. Brown's suit, the High Court of the Republic decided

that the claimant's right to the land was good, and could not

be set aside by ex post facto measures of the Executive or the

Legislature. The President and the Volksraad refused to submit to

this decision, and passed a law to overrule it, on the ground

that, under the Grondwet (constitution), the Volksraad is the

highest power in the state. In a subsequent public statement

of the matter, Justice Kotze, the Chief Justice, explained the

issue that was thus raised between his court and the

President, and also related the circumstances of a compromise

by which it was settled temporarily, as follows:

"This so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 seeks to deprive the

judges of the testing right, authorizes the President to put a

certain question to the members of the bench that they would

not arrogate to themselves the so-called testing power, and

empowers him to instantly dismiss the judge or judges from

whom he receives no answer, or, in his opinion, an

unsatisfactory answer. The judges for the future are also

subjected to a humiliating form of oath. This measure, it

seems almost superfluous to observe, is no law. It alters the

constitution of the country without any previous reference to

the people, and for the reasons given in the Brown case it is

devoid of all legal validity. The five judges, on March 1,

1897, unanimously issued a declaration, stating that by this

so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 a vital violation of the

independence of the bench had taken place, and that the judges

were exposed in future to the suspicion of bribery. In fact,

the nature and tendency of this measure are so immoral that

one of the judges openly said that no honorable man can occupy

a seat on the bench while Law Number 1 of 1897 remains on the

statute book.

"The question above referred to was duly put by the President

to the judges, who had unanimously signed a letter to the

effect that they did not feel themselves at liberty to give

any answer, when the chief justice of the Cape Colony arrived

in Pretoria, and through his mediation a written understanding

was proposed by the judges on March 19, and accepted without

any qualification by the President on March 22, 1897. By the

terms of this compact the judges undertook not to test laws

and resolutions of the Volksraad on the distinct understanding

that the President would as soon as possible submit a draft

Grondwet to the Volksraad providing how alone the Grondwet can

be altered by special legislation in a manner analogous to the

provisions contained in the constitution of the Orange Free

State on the subject, and incorporating the guaranties for the

independence of the judiciary. By these means the judges

intended to protect both the constitution and the bench

against sudden surprises and attacks, such as, for instance,

the oft-quoted measure known as Law Number 1, of 1897. They

did this to avert a crisis, and, in order to help the

Government and Volksraad out of a difficulty of their own

creation, placed themselves under a temporary obligation upon

the faith of the President as speedily as possible complying

with his portion of the understanding."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 618.

The promised amendment of the Grondwet was not made, and the

issue concerning it was brought to a crisis in the next year.

See below: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (February):

Appointment of Sir Alfred Milner.

In February, Sir Alfred Milner was appointed High Commissioner

for South Africa and Governor of Cape Colony, to succeed Sir

Hercules Robinson, retired, and raised to the peerage as Lord

Rosmead.

{475}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February).

The franchise.

The government of the Transvaal extended the full franchise to

862 Uitlanders who supported it at the time of the Jameson

raid.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February.)

Indemnity claimed by the South African Republic for

the Jameson Raid.

On the 16th of February, 1877, the State Secretary of the

South African Republic, Dr. W. J. Leyds, presented to the

British High Commissioner the following "specification of the

compensation to which the Government of the South African

Republic lays claim for and in connexion with the incursion

into the Territory of the South African Republic by Dr.

Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered Company at the end of

December 1895 and the beginning of January 1896.

1. Expenditure for military and commando

services In connexion with the incursion,

the sum of.                                  £136,733 s.4 d.3

2. Compensation to the Netherlands South

African Railway Company for making use,

in accordance with the concession granted

to that Company, of the railway worked by

it during the commando on account of the

incursion of Dr. Jameson.                      £9,500 s.0 d.0

3. Disbursements to surviving relatives

of slain and wounded.                            £234 s.19 d.6

4. For annuities, pensions, and disbursements

to widows and children of slain burghers and

to relatives of unmarried slain burghers, as

also to wounded burghers, a total sum of.     £28,243 s.0 d.0

5. Expenses of the telegraph department,

for more overtime, more telegrams on service

in South African communication, more

cablegrams, &c.                                £4,692 s.11 d.9

6. Hospital expenses for the care of the

wounded and sick men, &c. of Dr. Jameson.        £225 s.0 d.0

7. For support of members of the families of

commandeered burghers during the commando.       £177 s.8 d.8

8. Compensation to be paid to the and the

commandeered burghers for their services

troubles and cares brought upon them.         £62,120 s.0 d.0

9. Account of expenses of the Orange

Free State.                                £36,011 s.19 d.1

Total                                        £677,936 s.3 d.3

"Moral or intellectual compensation to which the Government of

the South African Republic lays claim for and in connexion

with the incursion into the Territory of the South African

Republic by Dr. Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered

Company at the end of December 1895 and the beginning of

January 1896. One million pounds sterling (£1,000,000)."

To this claim the British colonial secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,

replied on the 10th of April, saying, with reference to the

specification under the second head, "for moral or

intellectual damage," that "Her Majesty's Government … regret

that they do not feel justified in presenting it to the

British South Africa Company"; and adding: "Her Majesty's

Government fear that they may be compelled to take similar

exception to certain of the items composing the first head,

especially in view of the very short period which elapsed

between the crossing of the frontier by Dr. Jameson's force

and its surrender; but as it is apparent from the nature of

the figures that the Government of the South African Republic

have proceeded on very precise data in arriving at the various

sums to which they lay claim, Her Majesty's Government, before

offering any observations on this part of the claim, would ask

his Honour to be so good as to furnish them with full

particulars of the way in which the different items comprised

in the first head have been arrived at."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: C.—8404, 1897; and C.—8721, 1898.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February-July).

British parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

A Committee of the British House of Commons, appointed "to

inquire into the origin and circumstances of the incursion

into the South African Republic by an armed force, and into

the administration of the British South Africa Company," began

its sittings on the 16th of February, 1897. Among the members

of the Committee were the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the

Attorney-General, Mr. Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for

the Colonies, Sir William Harcourt, Sir John Lubbock, Sir H.

Campbell-Bannerman, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. John Ellis, Mr.

Buxton, Mr. Blake, and others. Mr. Rhodes, who was first

examined by the Committee, read a statement of the

circumstances leading up to the raid, in which he said that,

as one largely interested in the Transvaal, he felt that the

unfriendly attitude of the Boer Government was the great

obstacle to common action among the various states in South

Africa, and that, therefore, he had assisted the movement in

Johannesburg with his purse and influence. "Further," he said,

"acting within my rights, in the autumn of 1895 I placed a

body of troops under Dr. Jameson, prepared to act in the

Transvaal in certain eventualities." Subsequently Mr. Rhodes

declared: "With reference to the Jameson raid, I may state

that Dr. Jameson went in without my authority." He concluded

his statement by declaring that in what he did he was greatly

influenced by his belief that the policy of the Boer

Government was to "introduce the influence of another foreign

Power into the already complicated system of South Africa."

Mr. Rhodes was kept under examination before the Committee for

four days, and then "almost the next thing heard of him was

that he had started for South Africa on his way back to

Rhodesia." Another witness examined was Sir Graham Bower,

Secretary to the High Commissioner at the Cape. "His evidence

was certainly most startling, and at the same time of great

importance. He stated that late in October, 1895, Mr. Rhodes

came into his office and said: 'I want you to give me your

word of honour that you will not say a word to anyone about

what I am going to tell you.' Sir Graham Bower—who, as he

said, had a great many Cape secrets in his possession—pledged

his word, and soon found he was in possession of a secret

which it was his official duty to disclose to the High

Commissioner and his private duty not to disclose. Mr. Rhodes

then said that he was negotiating about the Protectorate, that

there was going to be a rising in Johannesburg, and that he

wished to have a police force on the border. He added in

substance: 'If trouble comes I am not going to sit still. You

fellows are infernally slow.' It further transpired that on

the fateful Sunday (December 28) Mr. Rhodes had told him that

Jameson had gone in, but that he hoped that the message he had

sent would stop him."

{476}

When Dr. Jameson was examined he fully acknowledged his

conspiracy with the Johannesburg revolutionists, and stated

that he had given information of it to Mr. Rhodes, adding; "He

agreed, and we arranged that when the rising took place he

should go to Johannesburg or Pretoria with the High

Commissioner and Mr. Hofmeyr to mediate between the Transvaal

Government and the Uitlanders. With these matters settled, I

left Cape Town and joined my camp at Pitsani. I required no

orders or authority from Mr. Rhodes, and desired neither to

receive nor to send any messages from or to Cape Town."

In the course of the inquiry, Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial

Secretary, desired to give testimony, and related that Dr.

Harris, the Secretary in South Africa to the British South

Africa Company, said to him, "I could tell you something in

confidence," or "I could give you some confidential

information"; but that he (Chamberlain) stopped him at once,

saying, "I do not want to hear any confidential information. I

am here in an official capacity, and I can only hear

information of which I can make official use"; and adding: "I

have Sir Hercules Robinson in South Africa. I have entire

confidence in him, and I am quite convinced he will keep me

informed of everything I ought to know." In concluding his

testimony, Mr. Chamberlain said: "I desire to say, in the most

explicit manner, that I did not then have, and that I never

had, any knowledge or—until, I think it was, the day before

the raid took place—the slightest suspicion of anything in the

nature of a hostile or armed invasion of the Transvaal." The

Committee having called upon Mr. Rhodes' solicitor, a Mr.

Hawksley, to produce telegrams which had passed between Mr.

Rhodes and himself, refused to do so.

"The proceedings which ensued were not to the credit of the

Committee, for instead of reporting the matter to the House at

once in a special report, they decided to refer to it in the

interim report on the raid. Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake alone

opposed this course, which was either a confession of

unwillingness to reach the bottom of the business, or the

suggestion that somebody was to be shielded. … Having devoted

two days to hearing counsel on behalf of Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Beit

and Dr. Harris, the Committee adjourned to consider its

report. The general feeling was that the proceedings had been

conducted with singular laxity or want of skill. Those

interested in keeping secret the true history of the raid were

entirely successful, and it was generally by the merest chance

that any fact of importance was elicited from the witnesses.

The representatives of the Opposition, Sir William Harcourt,

Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman and Mr. Buxton, were, after Mr.

Rhodes had been unaccountably permitted to quit England,

willing to allow the breakdown of the proceedings; and what

was even more surprising in so strict a parliamentarian as Sir

William Harcourt, a witness was allowed to treat the Committee

with defiance, and to pass unchecked. To a very great extent the

inquiry had been obviously factitious, but in whose interest

concealment was considered necessary remained undivulged. It

was surmised that reasons of State had been found which

outweighed party considerations, and that the leaders of the

Opposition had been privately convinced that the alleged

grounds were sufficient for the course adopted."

The report of the majority of the Committee, signed by all of

its members except Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake (the former of

whom submitted a minority report), was made public on the 13th

of July. The results of its inquiry were summed up under the

following heads:

I. "Great discontent had, for some time previous to the

incursion, existed in Johannesburg, arising from the

grievances of the Uitlanders.

II. Mr. Rhodes occupied a great position in South Africa; he

was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, and, beyond all other

persons, should have been careful to abstain from such a

course of action as that which he adopted. As managing

director of the British South Africa Company, as director of

the De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Gold Fields of South

Africa, Mr. Rhodes controlled a great combination of

interests; he used his position and those interests to promote

and assist his policy. Whatever justification there might have

been for action on the part of the people of Johannesburg, there

was none for the conduct of a person in Mr. Rhodes' position

in subsidising, organising, and stimulating an armed

insurrection against the Government of the South African

Republic, and employing the forces and resources of the

Chartered Company to support such a revolution. He seriously

embarrassed both the Imperial and Colonial Governments, and

his proceedings resulted in the invasion of the territory of a

State which was in friendly relations with her Majesty, in

breach of the obligation to respect the right to

self-government of the South African Republic under the

conventions between her Majesty and that State. Although Dr.

Jameson 'went in' without Mr. Rhodes' authority, it was always

part of the plan that these forces should be used in the

Transvaal in support of an insurrection. Nothing could justify

such a use of such a force, and Mr. Rhodes' heavy

responsibility remains, although Dr. Jameson at the last

moment invaded the Transvaal without his direct sanction.

III. Such a policy once embarked upon inevitably involved Mr.

Rhodes in grave breaches of duty to those to whom he owed

allegiance. He deceived the High Commissioner representing the

Imperial Government, he concealed his views from his

colleagues in the Colonial Ministry and from the board of the

British South Africa Company, and led his subordinates to

believe that his plans were approved by his superiors.

IV. Your committee have heard the evidence of all the

directors of the British South Africa Company, with the

exception of Lord Grey. Of those who were examined, Mr. Beit

and Mr. Maguire alone had cognisance of Mr. Rhodes' plans. Mr.

Beit played a prominent part in the negotiations with the

Reform Union; he contributed large sums of money to the

revolutionary movement, and must share full responsibility for

the consequences.

V. There is not the slightest evidence that the late High

Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Rosmead, was made

acquainted with Mr. Rhodes' plans. The evidence, on the

contrary, shows that there was a conspiracy to keep all

information on the subject from him. The committee must,

however, express a strong opinion upon the conduct of Sir

Graham Bower, who was guilty of a grave dereliction of duty in

not communicating to the High Commissioner the information

which had come to his knowledge. Mr. Newton failed in his duty

in a like manner.

VI. Neither the Secretary of State for the Colonies nor any of

the officials of the Colonial Office received any information

which made them, or should have made them or any of them,

aware of the plot during its development.

{477}

VII. Finally, your committee desire to put on record an

absolute and unqualified condemnation of the raid and of the

plans which made it possible."

"The result caused for the time being grave injury to British

influence in South Africa. Public confidence was shaken, race

feeling embittered, and serious difficulties were created with

neighbouring States. The course of action subsequently taken by

the Government increased the suspicions which were aroused by

such an emasculated report. Two days after its publication

(July 15), Mr. Balfour was asked to set apart a day for the

formal discussion of so important a matter. To this request

Mr. Balfour, with the tacit concurrence of the front

Opposition bench, replied that he saw no useful purpose to be

served by such a debate."

Those who were known as the "Forward Radicals," or "Forwards,"

in the House, were not to be silenced in this manner, and

debate was forced upon a motion expressing regret at "the

inconclusive action and report of the select committee on

British South Africa," and summoning Mr. Hawksley to the bar

of the House, to produce "then and there," the telegrams which

he had refused to the committee. In the course of the

discussion which followed, Mr.Chamberlain expressed his

conviction that, "while the fault of Mr. Rhodes was about as

great a fault as a politician or statesman could commit, there

existed nothing which affected his personal character as a man

of honour." When Sir Elliott Lees, a supporter of the

government, rose to protest against such a doctrine, he was

met by cries which silenced his speech. The House then

divided, and the resolution was defeated by 304 to 77. "It was

an open secret that throughout the debate one member,

unconnected with either front bench, sat with the famous

telegrams in his pocket, and with them certain correspondence

relating thereto which he had been instructed to read in the

event of Mr. Rhodes' character being aspersed."

Annual Register, 1897.

"The position … stands thus. The Colonial Office conceals its

own documents. From none of its officials have we had any

detailed or frank statement as to their relations to South

African affairs during the critical period. The High

Commissioner himself has not been examined. Mr. Rhodes has

been allowed to go without any serious inquiry into this

branch of the case. The most important cables are refused by

Mr. Rhodes's order, and the Committee decline to exercise

their power to compel the production of them. The story, in

fact, so far as it concerns this question of the truth or

falsity of the allegation that Mr. Chamberlain was 'in it,' is

being smothered up, with an audacious disregard of the

principles which guide all ordinary tribunals. The last steps

in this proceeding have been taken with the direct assent of

the leader of the Opposition. Everybody, therefore, is

inquiring what reason can have induced Sir William Harcourt to

execute this startling change of front. There is only one

reason that can, with any probability, be assigned-that is,

that some member of the Government has made a 'Front Bench

communication' to the leader of the Opposition, indicating to

him explicitly that there are 'reasons of State' for stopping

the disclosures. There can be little doubt that this is what

has happened, and conjecture, not only in this country but

elsewhere, will naturally be keen to know what the nature of

this momentous disclosure was.

"If Mr. Chamberlain was as absolutely free from knowledge of

the Jameson plan as he has professed to be, it is hard to see

how full disclosure could do any damage to the Empire, or

could do anything but good to the Colonial Secretary himself.

Mr. Chamberlain, of course, professes in words his private

desire that everything should come out. He has not, however,

assisted in the attainment of that result. The consequence is

that a national and international question of very grave

importance has arisen. It is said in circles usually well

informed, that when the Raid occurred, it became necessary to

give assurances to foreign Governments, and in particular to

Germany, that the Queen's Government was in no way

compromised. These assurances, it is said, were given. It is

even said that they were given expressly in the name of the

Queen. Something of this kind may well have happened; but it

is hard to see how, if it did happen, and if the Colonial

Office was as innocent as it claims to be, the disclosure of

the facts can do anything but confirm the Queen's word. That

documents exist which are supposed to be compromising, and

which the very authors of them allege to be compromising, is a

fact past hiding. It casts, unless it is cleared up, a damning

doubt. Therefore it would appear to be the duty of all honest

men, and, above all, of the Parliament of Great Britain, to

see that an immediate end is put to a policy which may be

aptly described as 'thimble-rigging,' and that the truth,

whether it suits Mr. Rhodes or Mr. Chamberlain, or neither of

them, must be told at fist."

Contemporary Review,

July, 1897.

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State and Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).

Treaty of alliance.

In April, the two republics entered into a treaty for mutual

support and defense against attacks on the independence of

either, each opening its political franchises to the citizens

of the other on the taking of an oath of allegiance.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).

Military expenditure by British and Boer Governments.

The budget of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer,

submitted to the House of Commons in April, contained an item

of '£200,000 for increased military expenditure in South

Africa. This was promptly attacked by the opposition, who

accused the government of pursuing a war policy in its

dealings with the Transvaal. Sir William Harcourt declared

that Mr. Chamberlain had, "in every utterance of his during

the last few months, been endeavouring to exasperate sentiment

in South Africa, and to produce what, thank God! he had failed

in producing—a racial war." Mr. Chamberlain retorted that Sir

William Harcourt's attitude was unpatriotic and injurious to

the cause of peace. He denied aggressiveness in the policy of

the government, asserting that the South African Republic had

been spending millions on armaments imported from abroad, in

view of which the strengthening of the British garrison at the

Cape by an additional regiment and three batteries was no

unreasonable measure. Mr. Balfour, also, begged the House and

the country to believe that the troops were sent only as a

measure of precaution, to maintain admitted rights.

{478}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (May-October).

The British assertion of suzerainty and declination of

proposal to arbitrate disagreements.

On the 7th of May, 1897, the Acting State Secretary of the

South African Republic addressed to the British Agent at

Pretoria a communication of great length, reviewing the

positions taken by Mr. Chamberlain in his several arraignments

of the government of the Republic for alleged violation of the

London Convention of 1884, and proposing an arbitration of the

questions involved. "The complaint," he wrote, "which Her

British Majesty's Government has advanced in an unmistakably

pronounced manner over an actual or possible breach of the

Convention has deeply grieved this Government, as it thinks

that it has fulfilled its obligations. It sees in the

fulfilment of the mutual obligations under the Convention one

of the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual good

understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.

To this good understanding and that confidence, however,

severe shocks have been given by events which cannot be

lightly forgotten. And if it were not that this Government

wishes to guard itself against adopting a recriminating tone,

it might put the question whether, for example, the incursion

of Dr. Jameson, whether considered as a breach of the

Convention or a grievance, is not of immeasurably greater

importance than the various matters adduced by Her British

Majesty's Government would be, even if the contention that

they constitute breaches of the Convention could be accepted.

There should, in the view of this Government, be a strong

mutual endeavour to restore the shocked confidence and to calm

the excited spirit which this Government with sincere regret

sees reigning throughout almost the whole of South Africa.

This Government is anxious to co-operate for this end, for the

desire of the Republic, with the maintenance of its

independence and rights, is for peace, and where for the

reasons given it has been unable to entertain the proposal of

Her British Majesty's Government in the matter of the Aliens

Law,—and it appears very difficult to arrive at a solution of

the question by means of correspondence,—it wishes to come to

a permanent good understanding along a peaceful course, not

only with respect to its undisturbed right to make an alien

law, but also with regard to all points touching the

Convention which are referred to in the two Despatches under

reply by Her British Majesty's Government. While it respects

the opinion of Her British Majesty's Government, it takes the

liberty, with full confidence in the correctness of its own

views, to propose to Her British Majesty's Government the

principle of arbitration with which the honourable the First

Volksraad agrees, in the hope that it will be taken in the

conciliatory spirit in which it is made. …

"Although this Government is firmly convinced that a just and

impartial decision might be obtained even better in South

Africa than anywhere else, it wishes, in view of the

conflicting elements, interests, and aspirations, which are

now apparent in South Africa, and in order to avoid even the

appearance that it would be able or desire to exercise

influence in order to obtain a decision favourable to it, to

propose that the President of the Swiss Bondstate, who may be

reckoned upon as standing altogether outside the question, and

to feel sympathy or antipathy neither for the one party nor

for the other, be requested to point out a competent jurist,

as has already oftener been done in respect of international

disputes. The Government would have no objection that the

arbitrator be subject to a limitation of time, and gives the

assurance now already that it will willingly subject itself to

any decision if such should, contrary to its expectation, be

given against it. The Government repeats the well-meant wish

that this proposal may find favour with Her British Majesty's

Government, and inasmuch as the allegations of breaches of the

Convention find entrance now even in South Africa, and bring

and keep the feelings more and more in a state of suspense,

this Government will be pleased if it can learn the decision

of Her Majesty's Government as soon as possible."

Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this proposal was not written until

the 16th of the following October, when he, in turn, reviewed,

point by point, the matters dealt with, in the despatch of Mr.

Van Boeschoten. With reference to the Jameson raid he said: "Her

Majesty's Government note with satisfaction that the

Government of the South African Republic see in the fulfilment

of the mutual obligations under the London Convention one of

the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual

understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.

Her Majesty's Government have uniformly fulfilled these

obligations on their part, and they must strongly protest

against what appears to be an implication in the Note under

consideration that the incursion of Dr. Jameson can be

considered as either a breach of the Convention by Her

Majesty's Government or a grievance against them. That

incursion was the act of private individuals unauthorised by

Her Majesty's Government, and was repudiated by them

immediately it became known. The immense importance to the

Government of the South African Republic of that repudiation,

and of the proclamation issued by the High Commissioner under

instructions from Her Majesty's Government, is recognised

throughout South Africa. Her Majesty's Government maintain

strongly that since the Convention of 1881 there has never

been any breach or even any allegation of a breach on their

part of that or the subsequent Convention, and, as the subject

has been raised by the implied accusation contained in the

Note under consideration, Her Majesty's Government feel

constrained to contrast their loyal action in the case of the

Jameson raid with the cases in which they have had cause to

complain that the Government of the South African Republic

failed to interfere with, if they did not countenance,

invasions of the adjacent territories by its burghers in

violation of the Convention, and they feel bound to remind the

Government of the Republic that in one of these cases Her

Majesty's Government were compelled to maintain their rights

by an armed expedition at the cost of about one million

sterling, for which no compensation has ever been received by

them."

Concerning the proposal of arbitration, the reply of the

British colonial secretary was as follows: "In making this

proposal the Government of the South African Republic appears

to have overlooked the distinction between the Conventions of

1881 and 1884 and an ordinary treaty between two independent

Powers, questions arising upon which may properly be the

subject of arbitration.

{479}

By the Pretoria Convention of 1881 Her Majesty, as Sovereign

of the Transvaal Territory, accorded to the inhabitants of

that territory complete self-government subject to the

suzerainty of Her Majesty, her heirs and successors, upon

certain terms and conditions and subject to certain

reservations and limitations set forth in 33 articles, and by

the London Convention of 1884 Her Majesty, while maintaining

the preamble of the earlier instrument, directed and declared

that certain other articles embodied therein should be

substituted for the articles embodied in the Convention of

1881. The articles of the Convention of 1881 were accepted by

the Volksraad of the Transvaal State, and those of the

Convention of 1884 by the Volksraad of the South African

Republic. Under these Conventions, therefore, Her Majesty

holds towards the South African Republic the relation of a

suzerain who has accorded to the people of that Republic

self-government upon certain conditions, and it would be

incompatible with that position to submit to arbitration the

construction of the conditions on which she accorded

self-government to the Republic. One of the main objects which

Her Majesty's Government had in view was the prevention of the

interference of any foreign Power between Her Majesty and the

South African Republic, a matter which they then held, and

which Her Majesty's present Government hold, to be essential

to British interests, and this object would be defeated by the

course now proposed. The clear intention of Her Majesty's

Government at the time of the London Convention, that

questions in relation to it should not be submitted to

arbitration, is shown by the fact that when the delegates of

the South African Republic, in the negotiations which preceded

that Convention, submitted to Her Majesty's Government in the

first instance (in a letter of the 26th of November, 1883,

which will be found on page 9 of the Parliamentary Paper C.

3947 of 1884) the draft of a treaty or convention containing

an arbitration clause, they were informed by the Earl of Derby

that it was neither in form nor in substance such as Her

Majesty's Government could adopt."

Great Britain, Papers by Command.

C.—8721, 1898.

SOUTH AFRICA: Natal: A. D. 1897 (December).

Annexation of Zululand.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898.

The position of political parties.

The Progressives and the Afrikander Bund.

"The present position of parties at the Cape is as unfortunate

and as unwarranted as any that the severest critic of

Parliamentary institutions could have conjured up. … The Cape

has always had the curse of race prejudice to contend with.

Time might have done much to soften, if not to expunge it, if

home-made stupidities had not always been forthcoming to goad

to fresh rancour. The facts are too well known to need

repetition. It is true not only of the Transvaalers that 'the

trek has eaten into their souls,' and up to the time of

emancipation and since, every conceivable mistake has been

committed by those in authority. Thus, when the breach was, to

all appearances, partly healed, the fatal winter of 1895 put

back the hands of the clock to the old point of departure. As

Englishmen, our sympathies are naturally with the party that

is prevalently English, and against the party that is

prevalently Dutch; but to find a real line of political

difference between them other than national sentiment requires

fine drawing. … According to our lines of cleavage both

Bondsmen [Afrikander Bund] and Progressives are Conservatives

of a decided type. Practically they are agreed in advocating

protective duties on sea-borne trade, although in degree they

differ, for whilst the Bond would have imposts as they are,

the Progressives wish to reduce the duties on food stuffs to

meet the grievance of the urban constituencies, and might be

induced to accord preferential treatment to British goods. On

the native question neither party adopts what would in England

be considered an 'advanced' programme, for education is not

made a cardinal point, and they would equally like, if

possible, to extend the application of the Glen Grey Act,

which, by levying a tax on the young Kaffirs who have not a

labour certificate, forces them to do some service to the

community before exercising their right of 'putting the

spoon,' as the phrase is, 'into the family pot.' Neither party

wishes to interfere with the rights of property or the

absolute tenure of land under the Roman-Dutch law. A tax on

the output of diamonds at Kimberley has been advocated by some

members of the Bond as a financial expedient, but it is

understood to have been put forward rather as a threat against

Mr. Rhodes personally than as a measure of practical politics.

Questions of franchise are tacitly left as they are, for no

responsible politicians wish to go back upon the enactment

which restricted the Kaffir vote to safe and inconsiderable

limits. The redistribution of seats was the subject of a Bill

upon which the last House was dissolved, after the rebuff that

the Ministry received upon a crucial division, but it has been

dealt with rather for practical than theoretical reasons. Two

schemes of redistribution have been formulated, and each has

been proposed and opposed with arguments directed to show the

party advantage to be derived. For political reform, in the

abstract, with or without an extension of the suffrage, there

is no sort of enthusiasm in any quarter. Railway

administration furnishes, no doubt, an occasional battle-field

for the two sides of the House. Roughly, the Progressives

favour the northern extension, and are willing to make

concessions in rates and charges to help on the new trade with

Rhodesia; whilst the Bond declare themselves against special

treatment of the new interests, and would spend all the money

that could be devoted to railway construction in the farming

districts of the colony itself. Mr. Rhodes, however, has

warned the Cape that any hostile action will be counteracted

by a diversion of traffic to the East, and it is unlikely that

any line of policy will be pursued that is likely to injure

the carrying trade of the southern ports. Between the

followers of Mr. Rhodes and the followers of Mr. Hofmeyr there

is no wide divergence of principle on public affairs of the

near future, so far as they have been or are to be the subject

of legislation; where the difference comes in is in the

attitude they severally assume towards the two republics and

the territories of the north, but when talk has to yield to

action it is improbable that there will be much in their

disagreement."

N. L. W. Lawson,

Cape Politics and Colonial Policy

(Fortnightly Review, November 1898).

{480}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898 (January-February).

Re-election of President Kruger.

Renewed conflict of the Executive with the Judiciary.

Dismissal of Chief-Justice Kotze.

The Presidential election in the South African Republic was

held in January and February, the polls being open from the 3d

of the former month until the 4th of the latter. President

Kruger was re-elected for a fourth term of five years, by

nearly 13,000 votes against less than 6,000 divided between

Mr. Schalk Burger and General Joubert, who were opposing

candidates. Soon afterwards, the conflict of 1897 between the

Judiciary and the Executive (see above: A. D. 1897,

JANUARY-MARCH), was reopened by a communication in which

Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court, called the attention

of the President to the fact that nothing had been done in

fulfilment of the agreement that the independence of the Court

and the stability of the Grondwet should both be protected by

law against arbitrary interference, and giving notice that he

considered the compromise then arranged to be ended. Thereupon

(February 16) President Kruger removed the judge from his

office and placed the State Attorney in his seat. Justice

Kotze denied the legality of the removal, and adjourned his

court sine die. In a speech at Johannesburg, some weeks

afterwards, he denounced the action of President Kruger with

great severity, saying: "I charge the President, as head of

the State, with having violated both the constitution and the

ordinary laws of the land; with having interfered with the

independence of the High Court; and invaded and imperilled the

rights and liberties of everyone in the country. The

guarantees provided by the constitution for the protection of

real and personal rights have disappeared, and these are now

dependent on the 'arbitrium' of President Kruger."

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia and the British South Africa Company:

A. D. 1898 (February).

Reorganization.

In February, the British government announced the adoption of

plans for a reorganization of the British South Africa Company

and of the administration of its territories. The Company,

already deprived of military powers, was to give up, in great

part, but not wholly, its political functions. It was still to

appoint an Administrator for Rhodesia south of the Zambesi,

and to name the majority of members in a council assisting

him, so long as it remained responsible for the expenses of

administration; but, by the side of the Administrator was to

be placed a Resident Commissioner, appointed by the Crown, and

over both was the authority of the High Commissioner for South

Africa, to whom the Resident Commissioner made reports. At

home the status of the Board of Directors was to be

considerably altered. The life directorships were to be

abolished, and the whole Board of Directors in future to be

elected by the shareholders,—any official or director removed

by the Secretary of State not being eligible without his

consent. The Board of Directors was to communicate all

minutes, etc., to the Secretary of State, and he to have the

power of veto or suspension. Finally, the Secretary of State

was to have full powers to inspect and examine all documents;

Colonial Office officials named by him were, in effect, to

exercise powers like those of the old Indian Board of Control.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898 (March-October).

Election in favor of the Afrikander Bund.

Change in the government.

Elections to the Upper House of the Cape Parliament, in March,

gave the party called the Progressives, headed by Mr. Rhodes, a

small majority over the Afrikander Bund—more commonly called

the Bond. The Parliament opened in May, and the Progressive

Ministry, under Sir Gordon Sprigg, was defeated in the Lower

House in the following month, on a bill to create new

electoral divisions. The Ministry dissolved Parliament and

appealed to the constituencies, with the result of a defeat on

that appeal. The Bond party won in the elections by a majority

of two, which barely enabled it to carry a resolution of want

of confidence in the government when Parliament was

reassembled, in October. The Ministry of Sir Gordon Sprigg

resigned, and a new one was formed with Mr. Schreiner at its

head.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898-1899.

Continued dispute with the British Government

concerning Suzerainty.

During 1898 and half of 1899, a new dispute, raised by Mr.

Chamberlain's emphatic assertion of the suzerainty of Great

Britain over the South African Republic, went on between the

British Colonial Office and the government at Pretoria.

Essentially, the question at issue seemed to lie between a

word and a fact and the difference between the disputants was

the difference between the meanings they had severally drawn

from the omission of the word "suzerainty" from the London

Convention of 1884. On one side could be quoted the report

which the Transvaal deputation to London, in 1884, had made to

their Volksraad, when they brought the treaty back, and

recommended that it be approved. The treaty, they reported,

"is entirely bilateral [meaning that there were two sides in

the making of it] whereby your representatives were not placed

in the humiliating position of merely having to accept from a

Suzerain Government a one-sided document as rule and

regulation, but whereby they were recognized as a free

contracting party. It makes, then, also an end of the British

suzerainty, and, with the official recognition of her name,

also restores her full self-government to the South African

Republic, excepting one single limitation regarding the

conclusion of treaties with foreign powers (Article 4). With

the suzerainty the various provisions and limitations of the

Pretoria Convention which Her Majesty's Government as suzerain

had retained have also, of course, lapsed."

On the other side, Mr. Chamberlain could quote with effect

from a speech which Lord Derby, then the British Colonial

Secretary, who negotiated the Convention of 1884 with the Boer

envoys, made on the 17th of March, that year, in the House of

Lords. As reported in Hansard, Lord Derby had then dealt with

the very question of suzerainty, as involved in the new

convention, and had set forth his own understanding of the

effect of the latter in the following words: "Then the noble

Earl (Earl Cadogan) said that the object of the Convention had

been to abolish the suzerainty of the British Crown. The word

'suzerainty' is a very vague word, and I do not think it is

capable of any precise legal definition.

{481}

Whatever we may understand by it, I think it is not very easy

to define. But I apprehend, whether you call it a

protectorate, or a suzerainty, or the recognition of England

as a paramount Power, the fact is that a certain controlling

power is retained when the State which exercises this

suzerainty has a right to veto any negotiations into which the

dependent State may enter with foreign Powers. Whatever

suzerainty meant in the Convention of Pretoria, the condition

of things which it implied still remains; although the word is

not actually employed, we have kept the substance. We have

abstained from using the word because it was not capable of

legal definition, and because it seemed to be a word which was

likely to lead to misconception and misunderstanding."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: C. 9507, 1899, pages 24 and 34.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (March).

Petition of British subjects to the Queen.

A fresh excitement of discontent in the Rand, due especially

to the shooting of an Englishman by a Boer policeman, whom the

Boer authorities seemed disposed to punish lightly or not at

all, led to the preparation of a petition to the British

Queen, from her subjects in the South African Republic,

purporting to be signed in the first instance by 21,684, and

finally by 23,000. The genuineness of many of the signatures

was disputed by the Boers, but strenuously affirmed by those

who conducted the circulation of the petition. It set forth

the grievances of the memorialists at length, and prayed Her

Majesty to cause them to be investigated, and to direct her

representative in South Africa to take measures for securing

from the South African Republic a recognition of their rights.

The petition was forwarded to the Colonial Office on the 28th

of March.

Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9345.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-June).

The Bloemfontein Conference between President Kruger and

the British High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner.

There seems to be no mode in which the questions at issue

between the British and the Boers, and the attitude of the two

parties, respectively, in their contention with each other,

can be represented more accurately than by quoting essential

parts of the official report of a formal conference between

President Kruger and the British High Commissioner in South

Africa, Sir Alfred Milner, which was held at Bloemfontein, the

capital of the Orange Free State, during five days, May

31-June 5, 1899. The meeting was arranged by President Steyn,

of the Orange Free State, with a view to bringing about an

adjustment of differences by a free and full discussion of

them, face to face. In the official report of the

conversations that occurred, from which we shall quote, the

remarks of President Kruger are given as being made by the

"President," and those of the High Commissioner as by "His

Excellency." The latter, invited by the President to speak

first, said:

"There are a considerable number of open questions between Her

Majesty's Government and the Government of the South African

Republic on which there is at present no sign of agreement. On

the contrary, disagreements seem to increase as time goes on.

… In my personal opinion the cause of many of the points of

difference, and the most serious ones, arises out of the

policy pursued by the Government of the South African Republic

towards the Uitlander population of that Republic among whom

many thousands are British subjects. This policy, the bitter

feeling it engenders between the Government and a section of

Uitlanders, and the effect of the resulting tension in South

Africa, and the feeling of sympathy in Great Britain, and even

throughout the British Empire generally, with the Uitlander

population, creates an irritated state of public opinion on

both sides, which renders it much more difficult for the two

Governments to settle their differences amicably. It is my

strong conviction that if the Government of the South African

Republic could now, before things get worse, of its own motion

change its policy towards the Uitlanders, and take measures

calculated to content the reasonable people among them, who,

after all, are a great majority, such a course would not only

strengthen the independence of the Republic but it would make

such a better state of feeling all round that it would become

far easier to settle outstanding questions between the two

Governments. … The President, in coming here, has made a

reservation as to the independence of the Republic. I cannot

see that it is in any way impairing the independence of the

Republic for Her Majesty's Government to support the cause of

the Uitlanders as far as it is reasonable. A vast number of

them are British subjects. If we had an equal number of

British subjects and equally large interests in any part of

the world, even in a country which was not under any

conventional obligations to Her Majesty's Government we should

be bound to make representations to the Government in the

interests of Her Majesty's subjects, and to point out that the

intense discontent of those subjects stood in the way of the

cordial relations which we desire to exist between us. I know

that the citizens of the South African Republic are intensely

jealous of British interference in their internal affairs.

What I want to impress upon the President is that if the

Government of the South African Republic of its own accord,

from its own sense of policy and justice, would afford a more

liberal treatment to the Uitlander population, this would not

increase British interference, but enormously diminish it. If

the Uitlanders were in a position to help themselves they

would not always be appealing to us under the Convention. …

"President.—I shall be brief. I have come with my commission,

in the trust that Your Excellency is a man capable of

conviction, to go into all points of difference. … I should

like His Excellency to go point by point in this discussion,

so that we can discuss each point that he thinks requires

attention, not with a view to at once coming to a decision,

but to hear each side, and we can go back on any point if

necessary, and see if we can arrive at an understanding. I

would like to give concessions as far as is possible and

practicable, but I want to speak openly, so that His

Excellency may be able to understand. I should like to say

that the memorials placed before Her Majesty's Government came

from those who do not speak the truth. I mean to convey that

we do give concessions wherever we think it practicable to do

so, and after we have discussed it in a friendly way Your

Excellency will be able to judge whether I or the memorialists

are right. I have said that if there are any mistakes on our

side, we are willing to discuss them. Even in any matter

concerning internal affairs I would be willing to listen to

his advice if he said it could be removed in this way or that

way. But when I show him that by the point we may be

discussing our independence may be touched, I trust he will be

open to conviction on that subject. …

{482}

"His Excellency.—I think the point which it would be best to

take first, if the President agrees, … would be the Franchise.

… There are a number of questions more or less resting upon

that. … I should like to know a little more about the

President's views. I want to know more because if I were to

begin and say I want this, that, and the other, I know I

should be told this was dictation. I do not want to formulate

a scheme of my own, but I can, if necessary.

"President.—As long as I understand that it is meant in a

friendly manner, and you mean to give hints, I won't take it

that they are commands. It has already been arranged that you

give me friendly hints and advice, and I will not take it as

dictation, even though it should be on points on which I

should consider you have no right to interfere. … I would like

you to bear one point in view, namely, that all kinds of

nations and languages, of nearly all powers, have rushed in at

the point where the gold is to be found. In other countries …

there are millions of old burghers, and the few that come in

cannot out-vote the old burghers, but with us, those who

rushed in to the gold fields are in large numbers and of all

kinds, and the number of old burghers is still insignificant;

therefore we are compelled to make the franchise so that they

cannot all rush into it at once, and as soon as we can assure

ourselves by a gradual increase of our burghers that we can

safely do it, our plan was to reduce the time for anyone there

to take up the franchise, and that is also my plan. … As His

Excellency doubtless knows, I have proposed to the Volksraad

that the time should be reduced by five years, and gradually

as more trusted burghers join our numbers, we can, perhaps, go

further. There are a number who really do not want the

franchise, but they use it as pretext to egg on people with

Her Majesty. … You must remember, also, on this subject, that

the burghers in our Republic are our soldiers, who must

protect the land, and that we have told these men to come and

fight when we have had difficulties with the Kaffirs. They

wanted the vote, but they would not come and fight. Those who

were willing to help obtained the franchise, but it appears

that many do not want to have it.

"His Excellency.—They did not want to take the obligations

without the rights of citizenship, and in that I sympathize

with them. If they should obtain that right, then naturally

they would have to take those burdens upon them.

"President.—Those who want the franchise should bear the

burdens.

"His Excellency.—Yes. Immediately they get the franchise they

take upon themselves the obligations connected therewith."

[From this the talk wandered to the subject of commandeering,

until the High Commissioner brought it back to the franchise

question.]

"His Excellency.—If I made a proposal to admit strangers under

such conditions as to swamp the old burghers it would be

unreasonable. But the newcomers have, at present, no influence

on the legislation of the Republic, which makes an enormous

difference. They haven't got a single representative. The

First Volksraad consists of 28 members, and not one member

represents the feelings of the large Uitlander population.

"President.—Men from any country could after two years vote

for the Second Volksraad, and after two years more sit in the

Second Raad. There are Englishmen who have obtained the full

franchise in that way, and are eligible for the Volksraad. And

now I have proposed to shorten the last ten years of the

period required for the full franchise and make it five years.

"His Excellency.—There are a great many objections of the

gravest kind to the process by which men may now obtain

burgher rights. First of all, before he can begin the process

of gradually securing burgher rights—which will be completed

in 14 years at present, and in 9 years according to the

President—he has to forswear his own allegiance. Take the case

of a British subject, which interests me most. He takes the

oath, and ceases to be a British subject by the mere fact of

taking that oath; he loses all the rights of a British

subject, and he would still have to wait for 12 years, and

under the new plan 7 years, before he can become a full

citizen of the Republic. British subjects are discouraged by

such a law from attempting to get the franchise. Even if they

wanted to become citizens, they would not give up their

British citizenship on the chance of becoming in 12 years

citizens of the Republic.

"President.—The people are the cause of that themselves. In

1870 anyone being in the land for one year had the full

franchise.

"His Excellency.—That was very liberal.

"President.—In 1881, after the war of independence, some of

our officials and even members of our Raad then said that they

were still British subjects, although they had taken the oath

of allegiance, and I had to pay back, out of the £250,000,

what I had commandeered from them. That was the reason the

oath had to be altered. …

"His Excellency.—In 1882, after all this had happened, there

was a franchise law in the Transvaal, which demanded five

years' residence, but it did not require the oath that is now

taken. It required a simple declaration of allegiance to the

State, though all this that the President refers to happened

before. Why was not it necessary to introduce this alteration

then?

"President.—The people who, before the annexation, had taken

that oath, but had not forsworn their nationality, 1887, sent

a lying memorial, as they are sending lying memorials now, to

say that everybody was satisfied, as they now say that

everybody is dissatisfied.

"His Excellency.—I think I must just explain a little more

clearly my views on the point we are now discussing. … I think

it is unreasonable to ask a man to forswear one citizenship

unless in the very act of giving up one he gets another, and I

think it is also unnecessary to ask him to do more than take

an oath of fealty to the new State, of willingness to obey its

laws and to defend its independence, when it is known and

certain that the taking of that oath deprives him of his

existing citizenship. I think the oath should be a simple oath

of allegiance, and that it should not be required of a man

until the moment he can get full rights in a new State. Now

that was the position under the law of 1882, and all these

reasons which the President has been giving are based on what

happened before that.

{483}

Why were they not considered and acted upon when the law of

1882 was made? … As for the period required to qualify for the

full franchise, I do not see why the length of time should be

longer in the South African Republic than in any other South

African State. They are all new countries. In the new country

which is springing up in the north, and which is getting a new

Constitution this year, the period is one year. The people who

have conquered that country for the white race may find that

the newcomers are more numerous than they are. But I do not

expect that anything like that will be done in the South

African Republic; something far short of that would be

reasonable. What I do think and desire, and that is the object

of my suggestion, is this: that the numerous foreign population

engaged in commerce and industry—to which the country, after

all, owes its present great position in wealth and influence—

should have a real share in the government of the Republic,

not to over-rule the old burghers—not at all—but to share the

work of Government with them, to give them the benefit of

their knowledge and experience, which is in many cases greater

than that of the old burghers, so that through their gradual

co-operation a time may come when, instead of being divided

into two separate communities they will all be burghers of the

same State. It is not enough that a few people should be let

in. It is obvious, however, that you could not let in the

whole crowd, without character or anything—I do not ask

it—but you want such a substantial measure that in elections

of members of the Volksraad the desires of the new industrial

population should have reasonable consideration. They have not

got it now, and when the questions that interest them come

before the Volksraad it is too evident that they are discussed

from an outside point of view. The industrial population are

regarded as strangers. … I do not want to swamp the old

population, but it is perfectly possible to give the new

population an immediate voice in the legislation, and yet to

leave the old burghers in such a position that they cannot

possibly be swamped.

"President.—I hope you will be open to conviction on that

point. I would like to convince you on the subject, and to

show you that it would be virtually to give up the

independence of my burghers. In the Republic the majority of

the enfranchised burghers consider they are the masters. Our

enfranchised burghers are probably about 30,000, and the

newcomers may be from 60,000 to 70,000, and if we give them

the franchise to-morrow we may as well give up the Republic. I

hope you will clearly see that I shall not get it through with

my people. We can still consult about the form of oath, but we

cannot make the time too short, because we would never get it

through with the people—they have had bitter experience. I

hope His Excellency will think about what I have said, and

weigh it well.

"His Excellency.—I see your point, and want to meet it.

"President.—I will think over what has been said, and will try

and meet every difficulty.

At the opening of the Conference on the second day the

President spoke of reports of an increase of British forces in

South Africa, which the High Commissioner assured him were

untrue. The latter in turn referred to accounts that had

appeared of an extensive purchase of arms in the Transvaal;

and was assured by the President that the armament of the

burghers was only for their proper preparation to deal with

the surrounding natives. The President then produced a

memorial purporting to be signed by 21,000 Uitlanders,

contradictory of the representations contained in the memorial

sent to the Queen in March (see above). After discussion upon

this, the conversation returned to the question of the

franchise.

"His Excellency.—What makes this whole discussion so difficult

is the intense prejudice on the side of the present burghers,

and their intense suspicion of us. They think Her Majesty's

Government wants to get their country back in one way or

another. Her Majesty's Government does not; but what it does

desire is that it should have such a state of rest in the

country as will remove causes of friction and difficulty

between the Republic and Her Majesty's possessions in South

Africa, and the whole of the British Empire, and my

suggestions here are directed to that end. I do not want to

say it over and over again, I say it once for all. …

"President.—I should like to make a slight explanation to His

Excellency. His Excellency yesterday mentioned that in some

States those going in from outside speedily got burgher

rights, but he must not forget, as I said before, they are

glad of the people who come in. But, here we have all nations

and all kinds, and if they were to get burgher rights quickly

then that would be the end of our independence, and then they

could send us away where they liked. I would like His

Excellency to bear that in mind.

"His Excellency.—I do not see how the old burghers can have it

both ways. They cannot have a very large population streaming

in to develop the resources of the country, and giving it a

much higher position in the world than it would otherwise

have, and at the same time exclude these people from

participation in the Government of the country.

"President.—Your Excellency must bear this in mind. There is

no Gold Law in the world that is so liberal as that of the

Republic."

The President then recurred to the right which the Uitlanders

might obtain, of voting for the Second Volksraad after two

years, and becoming eligible to seats in it after four years,

and said that it was in the Second Volksraad that their own

interests were dealt with—not in the First. The High

Commissioner asked if the Second Raad could act without

consent of the First. The President acknowledged that the

latter could alter any law which "appears to be against the

general welfare," but contended that it had no wish to go into

gold field matters, though it has the power, and that it had

interfered with action of the Second Rand in but three or four

instances. The High Commissioner remarked that Uitlanders who

abandoned their own nationality to wait years for full

citizenship in the Republic might have the latter prospect

taken away from them at any moment by a single resolution of

the First Raad. The President replied: "They haven't done it

yet. The legislatures of all the world have the same power."

To which the High Commissioner made answer: "This power

existing, the new comers cannot be expected—I should not

recommend one of them—to give up his present citizenship for

the mere chance of becoming a citizen of the new country."

{484}

"His Excellency.—If the President thinks we are asking too

much … I must report to Her Majesty's Government that the

President rejects our friendly suggestions.

"The President.—I would be misleading you if I should tell you

that I can give all the strangers the franchise in a very

short time. I would consider that our independence was

sacrificed thereby: but I say this, let His Excellency keep

impartially in view my points of difficulty, and let him make

his proposals and submit them to us, so that we can consider

them and judge about them. … I have already said that perhaps

means may be found to alter the form of oath. … I would now

like His Excellency to propose a scheme.

"His Excellency.— … What I suggest is this: That every

foreigner who can prove satisfactorily that he has been

resident in the country for five years, and that he desires to

make it his permanent place of residence, that he is prepared

to take the oath to obey the laws, to undertake all the

obligations of citizenship, and to defend the independence of

the country, should be allowed to become a citizen on taking

that oath. This should be confined to persons possessing a

certain amount of property, or a certain amount of yearly

wages, and who have good characters. In order to make that

proposal of any real use for the new citizens who mostly live

in one district in the Republic, and a district which only

returns one member in 28 to the First Raad, and one in 28 to

the Second Raad, I propose that there should be a certain

number of new constituencies created, the number of which is a

detail upon the discussion of which I will not now enter. But

what is vital from my point of view is that the number of

these districts should not be so small as to leave the

representatives of the new population in a contemptible

minority.

"President.—With us the majority of the enfranchised burghers

constitutes the ruling voice, and must be listened to in the

Volksraad. If the 60,000 came in immediately, they would swamp

the 30,000. … I mean this: that if they are all enfranchised then

they would at once form the majority of the whole population,

and the majority of enfranchised burghers, according to our

law, must be listened to by the Volksraad; since in a Republic

we cannot leave the sovereign voice out of account.

"His Excellency.—This is pure theory, that the Volksraad have

to do what the majority of the people desire. The Volksraad

does what it considers right in its own eyes; it is elected by

the people, and does what it thinks right, and the President has

made it quite clear during the last year or two that anything

the Volksraad does is law."

At an afternoon meeting on the same day, there was a long

discussion of the dynamite grievance of the Uitlanders, and

the President wished to bring up other points; but the High

Commissioner objected:

"His Excellency.—I think the discussion will be of

interminable length if we are to proceed in this way, and if

we cannot approach one another on the point on which I have

made my suggestions, and which lies outside all the pending

questions between the two Governments, these other

controversies may as well be allowed to go on in the usual

course. If the President to-morrow will give me an answer on

the first subject I raised, and then wishes to bring forward

his grievances, I will consider them to-morrow. I do not want

to go on with a long list of my own until I understand what is

the basis on which I stand in regard to what I consider the

most important question of all.

"President.—I think it would be as well if we returned in a

little while to discuss our points, but I would like to give

His Excellency some things to think over. The first point I

would like to mention is my wish that Swaziland should now be

handed over to me as a portion of my land. … Secondly, the

demand made with regard to the damages for the Jameson Raid,

Mr. Chamberlain said he was against paying the million, but he

is not against paying the expenses incurred. Thirdly, that

differences such as those now existing between us, should be

settled by arbitration, and then no war or quarrel could arise

between us. … These are some of the questions I wish His

Excellency to think about."

At the opening of the Conference on the third day, the

President sought to commit the High Commissioner to an

"understanding," that "if we came," he said, "to some

agreement on the franchise Her Majesty's Government then would

engage not in any way to concern itself with internal affairs in

the Republic any longer, and that in future questions that

then may arise, whether out of the Convention or otherwise,

Her Majesty would agree to have such questions referred to

arbitration." The High Commissioner declined to deal with the

subject of the franchise as a matter of "bargain." It was a

subject of grievances and discontent, dangerous to the

Republic and dangerous to the relations between the Republic

and Great Britain, which ought to be dealt with on its merits

alone. Nevertheless, after some controversy, he said:

"His Excellency.— … As far as the Jameson Indemnity is

concerned I know that a despatch is on the way to me at this

present moment, which forwards a statement from the British

South Africa Company examining the details of the claim which

has been sent in, and asking that the question of the amount

payable in respect of the Raid may be submitted to

arbitration. I have received a telegram that that despatch is

coming. The position is this—the British Government have

admitted in principle that the Company must pay what is fairly

due on account of that raid; but the question of the amount is

still under discussion, and I hope that this proposal will lead

to a settlement. As to the question of arbitration, which I

think is the matter that interests the President most, I am in

so far entirely with him that I want if possible to have in

future as few questions to discuss with the Government of the

South African Republic, as I now have with the Government of

the Orange Free State. I feel that the President will need, if

he accepts my scheme of franchise, or any other similar

proposal, to have some assurance that there shall not be

perpetual controversies between him and England, and that if

there are controversies, some regular way of dealing with them

should be devised.

{485}

The President once proposed that some question, or a number of

questions, should be submitted to the President of the Swiss

Republic. The British Government refused that on the general

principle—from which I am sure they will not depart—that they

will not have any foreign Government, or any foreign

interference at all, between them and the South African

Republic. But if some other method can be devised of

submitting to an impartial tribunal questions that may in

future arise between us, and perhaps even some questions which

exist at present—but in any case to provide for the future—if

such a plan can be devised and suggested to me, I will lay it

before Her Majesty's Government and do what I can personally

to assist in a satisfactory solution of the matter. The

President must understand that I cannot pledge Her Majesty's

Government in any way on this subject. The question has taken

me by surprise; I didn't come here contemplating a discussion

on it, but I must say if it could be satisfactorily arranged

while excluding the interference of the foreigner, it would

seem to me to open a way out of many difficulties. But all the

same, I adhere firmly to my proposal that we should first try

and settle on the scheme which the President would accept as

regards the matter which I put forward."

At the close of the morning interview, both parties expressed

hopelessness of agreement. On meeting again in the afternoon,

the President submitted in writing the following proposals

concerning the franchise: "As the purpose I had in view at

this Conference principally consists in the removal of

existing grounds of disagreement and further to provide for

the friendly regulation of the way of settling future disputes

by means of arbitration, the following proposals with regard to

the franchise must be considered as conditional and dependent

on the satisfactory settlement of the first mentioned points,

and on the request that my request to incorporate Swaziland in

the South African Republic shall be submitted by the High

Commissioner to Her Majesty's Government. Subject to the

foregoing I undertake to submit without delay to the approval

of the Volksraad and the people the following proposals about

the franchise:

"I. Every person who fixes his residence in the South African

Republic has to get himself registered on the Field-cornets'

books within fourteen days after his arrival according to the

existing law; will be able after complying with the conditions

mentioned under 'A.,' and after the lapse of two years to get

himself naturalised; and will five years after naturalisation,

on complying with the conditions mentioned under 'B.,' obtain

the full franchise.

"A.—

1. Six months' notice of intention to apply for naturalisation;

2. Two years' continued registration;

3. Residence in the South African Republic during that period;

4. No dishonouring sentence;

5. Proof of obedience to the laws; no act against Government

or independence;

6. Proof of full State citizenship and franchise or title

thereto in former country;

7. Possession of unmortgaged fixed property to the value of

£150 approximately, or occupation of house to the rental of

£50 per annum, or yearly income of at least £200. Nothing,

however, shall prevent the Government from granting

naturalisation to persons who have not satisfied this

condition;

8. Taking of an oath similar to that of the Orange

Free State.

"B.—

1. Continuous registration five years after naturalisation;

2. Continuous residence during that period;

3. No dishonouring sentence;

4. Proof of obedience to the laws, &c.;

5. Proof that applicant still complies with the condition A(7).

"II. Furthermore, the full franchise shall be obtained in the

following manner:—

(a.)

Those who have fixed their residence in the South African

Republic before the taking effect of Act 4, 1890, and who get

themselves naturalised within six months after the taking

effect of this Act on complying with the conditions under 1A,

shall obtain the full franchise two years after such

naturalisation on proof of compliance with the conditions

mentioned under 1B (altering the five into two years). Those

who do not get themselves naturalised within six months under

Article 1,

(b.)

Those who have been resident in the South African Republic for

two years or more can get themselves immediately naturalised

on compliance with the conditions under 1A., and shall five

years after naturalisation obtain the full franchise on

compliance with the conditions under 1B.

(c.)

Those who have been already naturalised shall five years after

naturalisation obtain the full franchise on compliance with

the conditions under 1B."

At the meeting next day, the High Commissioner presented to

the President a written memorandum in reply to the proposals

of the latter. He admitted that "the scheme proposed is a

considerable advance upon the existing provisions as to

franchise," but said that he could not recommend its

acceptance as adequate to the needs of the case. "Under this

plan," he continued, "no man who is not already naturalised,

even if he has been in the country 13 or 14 years, will get a

vote for the First Volksraad in less than 2½ years from the

passing of the new law. There will be no considerable number

of people obtaining that vote in less than five years, that is

if they come in and naturalise. But I fear the majority of

them will not come in, because the scheme retains that

unfortunate provision, first introduced in 1890, by which,

owing to the two stages—first, naturalisation with a partial

franchise, and then, after five years, full franchise—a man

has to abandon his old citizenship before he becomes a

full-fledged citizen of his new country. My plan avoided this.

My doctrine is that, however long a period of residence you

fix before a man becomes a citizen of your State, you should

admit him, once for all, to full rights on taking the oath of

allegiance. And this is especially important in the South

African Republic, because, owing to the facility and frequency

with which laws—even fundamental laws—are altered, the man who

takes the oath and thereby loses his old country will never

feel quite sure that something may not happen in the interval,

when he is only half a citizen, to prevent his becoming a whole

one. The vote for the First Volksraad is the essential point.

According to the present constitution of the Transvaal, the

First Volksraad and the President really are the State. But

under this scheme it will be a considerable time before any

number of Uitlanders worth mentioning can vote for the First

Volksraad, and even then they will only command one or two

seats. My point was to give them at once a few

representatives. They might be a minority, even a small

minority.

{486}

I have said over and over again I do not want to swamp the old

burghers. But as long as the representatives of the new comers

are entirely excluded from the supreme legislative council,

they will, as a body, remain an inferior caste. The

co-operation and gradual blending of the two sections of the

population will not take place. The old separation and

hostility will continue. I see no prospect here of that

concord to which I had looked both to bring about a more

progressive system of government, and to remove causes of

friction between the Government of the South African Republic

and Great Britain. For these reasons I regret to say the

scheme seems to me so inadequate that I think it would be

wasting the time of the Conference to discuss its details."

The President rejoined in another memorandum, which added one

more to his former proposals, namely this: "I am ready to

propose and to recommend to the First Volksraad to increase

the number of members of the First Volksraad, whereby the Gold

Fields will be represented by five, instead of as now by two,

members."

The response to this by the High Commissioner was a review, at

length, of all that had been proposed, leading to the

conclusion which he expressed as follows:

"If I am asked whether I think they will satisfy the Uitlander

community, and are calculated to relieve the British

Government from further solicitude on the score of its

Uitlander subjects, I cannot answer in the affirmative. Still

less can I encourage the idea that the British Government can

be asked to give something in exchange for such legislation

as the President proposes. My own proposal was put forward in

no bargaining spirit. I asked myself, in advancing it, what is

the smallest measure of reform that will really be of any use,

that is to say, which will allay the present unrest and enable

the Uitlanders to exercise within a reasonable time an

appreciable influence on the Government of the country. It was

in that spirit that I suggested the outline of a scheme,

intentionally not working it out in detail (for I was ready to

listen as to details), but indicating a certain minimum from

which I am not prepared to depart. … When I came here I came

in the hope that I might be able to report to Her Majesty's

Government that measures were about to be adopted which would

lead to such an improvement in the situation as to relieve Her

Majesty's Government from pressing for the redress of

particular grievances on the ground that the most serious

causes of complaint would now gradually be removed from

within. I do not feel that what His Honour has seen his way to

propose in the matter of franchise or what he indicates as the

extreme length to which he might, at some future time, be

willing to go in the extension of local government is

sufficient to justify me in reporting in that sense."

The Conference was ended by a last memorandum from the

President, in which he said: "As it is my earnest wish that

this Conference should not be fruitless, I wish to make the

following proposal to His Excellency, viz.:—As according to

his own admission my proposal about franchise is an important

step in the right direction, I shall be prepared to lay my

proposal before the Volksraad and to recommend it, even though

His Excellency does not fully agree with it. From his side I

shall then expect that His Excellency will lay before and

recommend to Her Majesty's Government my request about

arbitration on future matters of difference under the

Convention. His Excellency will, however, readily understand

that if Her Majesty's Government should not meet me so far, so

as to grant my acknowledged fair request for arbitration, it

could be with difficulty expected that the people of the South

African Republic would approve of my comprehensive proposal

with regard to franchise."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9404.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-August).

Advice to President Kruger from Cape Afrikanders, and

from Holland and Germany.

Several private letters written at the time of these

occurrences by Sir J. E. De Villiers, a leading Afrikander,

Chief Justice of Cape Colony, and one of the Commissioners who

negotiated the Convention of 1881, addressed to persons who

might have influence with President Kruger, were made public a

year later. In the first of these letters, written to

President Steyn of the Orange Free State, on the 21st of May,

1899, Justice De Villiers used strong expressions, as follows:

"On my recent visit to Pretoria I did not visit the President

as I considered it hopeless to think of making any impression

on him, but I saw Reitz, Smuts, and Schalk Burger, who, I

thought, would be amenable to argument, but I fear that either

my advice had no effect on them, or else their opinion had no

weight with the President. I urged upon them to advise the

President to open the Volksraad with promises of a liberal

franchise and drastic reforms. It would have been so much

better if these had come voluntarily from the Government

instead of being gradually forced from them. In the former

case they would rally the greater number of the malcontents

around them, in the latter case no gratitude will be felt to

the Republic for any concessions made by it. Besides, there

can be no doubt that as the alien population increases, as it

undoubtedly will, their demands will increase with their

discontent, and ultimately a great deal more will have to be

conceded than will now satisfy them. The franchise proposal

made by the President seems to be simply ridiculous. I am

quite certain that if in 1881 it had been known to my fellow

Commissioners that the President would adopt his retrogressive

policy, neither President Brand nor I would ever have induced

them to consent to sign the Convention. They would have

advised the Secretary of State to let matters revert to the

condition in which they were before peace was concluded; in

other words, to recommence the war. … If I had any influence

with the President I would advise him no longer to sit on the

boiler to prevent it from bursting. Some safety-valves are

required for the activities of the new population. In their

irritation they abuse the Government, often unjustly, in the

press, and send petitions to the Queen; but that was only to

be expected. Let the Transvaal Legislature give them a liberal

franchise and allow them local self-government for their

towns, and some portion of the discontent will be allayed. The

enemies of the Transvaal will not be satisfied; on the

contrary, the worst service that can be done to them is the

redress of the grievance, but it is the friends of the country

who should be considered."

{487}

On the 31st of July, the Justice wrote still more urgently and

impatiently to a Mr. Fischer, who was in close relations with

the Transvaal President: "I do not think that President Kruger

and his friends realize the gravity of the situation. Even now

the State Secretary is doing things which would be almost

farcical if the times were not so serious. Some time ago I

begged of him to drop the censorship of telegrams because it

serves no useful purpose and only delays the publication of

lies by a few days. His answer was that the Government should

not disseminate lies by its own wires. He might as well have

said Government should not disseminate lies by its own

post-office. To crown all, I see that he has now gone so far

as to stop a private telegram (which had been paid for)

because it contained a lie. I really do not know where he is

going to stop or whether he intends to guarantee that all

telegrams allowed to pass contain the truth and nothing but

the truth. Could you not induce him to stop such childish

nonsense? The Transvaal will soon not have a single friend

left among the cultivated classes. Then there is the Franchise

Bill, which is so obscure that the State Attorney had to issue an

explanatory memorandum to remove the obscurities. But surely a

law should be clear enough to speak for itself, and no

Government or Court of Law will be bound by the State

Attorney's explanations. I do not know what those explanations

are, but the very fact that they are required condemns the

Bill. That Bill certainly does not seem quite to carry out the

promises made to you, Mr. Hofmeyr, and Mr. Herholdt. The time

really has come when the friends of the Transvaal must induce

President Kruger to become perfectly frank and take the

newcomers into his confidence. It may be a bitter pill to have

to swallow in yielding to further demands, but it is quite

clear to the world that he would not have done as much as he

has done if pressure had not been applied. What one fears is

that he will do things in such a way as to take away all grace

from his concessions. Try to induce him to meet Mr.

Chamberlain in a friendly manner and at once remove all the

causes of unrest which have disturbed this unhappy country for

so many years. As one who signed the Convention in 1881, I can

assure you that my fellow Commissioners would not have signed

it if they had not been led to believe that President Kruger's

policy towards the Uitlanders would have been very different

from what it has been."

Three confidential despatches sent to President Kruger, in the

same period, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the

Netherlands government were laid before the States General at

The Hague, October 25, 1900, and made public through Reuter's

press agency, as follows:

"In the first despatch, which is dated May 13, 1899, the

Minister states that news received from different capitals

leads him to believe in the imminence of the danger of a

violent solution of the problem in South Africa. As a faithful

friend he counsels Mr. Kruger in the true interests of the

Republic to show himself as conciliatory and moderate as

possible, and adds that he learns from a trustworthy source

that the German Government fully shares that opinion. Mr.

Kruger replied that he had always been conciliatory and did

not desire war, but that he could not sacrifice the

independence of the Republic. He was willing enough to grant

the suffrage, but he could not tolerate Englishmen remaining

subjects of the Queen while receiving at the same time the

right to vote in the Republic. In the second despatch, dated

August 4, 1899, the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs

advised President Kruger, in the interests of the country, not

to refuse peremptorily the British proposal for an

international commission. Mr. Kruger replied that the

commission would not be international, but an Anglo-Transvaal

commission. He intended to ask for further information from

Great Britain as to the scope and composition of the

commission, and did not mean to give a decided refusal.

Finally, the Netherlands Minister, in a telegram dated August

15, 1899, stated that the German Government entirely shared

his opinion as to the inadvisability of declining the English

proposal, adding that the German Government, like himself, was

convinced that any request to one of the Great Powers at such

a critical moment would be barren of result and highly

dangerous to the Republic. To this Mr. Kruger replied that the

British proposal would result in very direct interference by

the English in the internal affairs of the Republic. He added

that he had no intention of appealing to a Great Power."

Speaking in the German Reichsrath, on the 10th of December,

1900, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von Bülow, referred to

the above publications by the Dutch government, and confirmed

them, saying that it was in accordance with the views of the

German Government that the Dutch Foreign Minister "strongly

advised Mr. Kruger to maintain a moderate attitude. In June,

1899, Mr. Kruger was advised by Germany through the Dutch

Government to invite mediation, but Dr. Leyds informed the

Dutch Minister in Paris that Mr. Kruger did not consider 'that

the moment had yet come for applying for the mediation of

America.' Some time afterwards Mr. Kruger made the attempt to

obtain arbitration, but 'feeling had become too heated,' and

in August Mr. Kruger complained to the Dutch Government that

arbitration could not be arranged. The answer to this

complaint is given in the Dutch Yellow-book under the date of

August 15, 1899, and points out that the German Government

would at that date have regarded any appeal to a Great Power

as hopeless and as very dangerous for the Republics. The

German Government also shared the Dutch view that Mr. Kruger

ought not to reject the English proposal then before him."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (July-September)

Amendment of the Franchise Law.

After much discussion and many changes, an amended Franchise

Law was adopted by the First Volksraad of the Republic and

published on the 26th of July. It conceded to foreigners who

had already been resident in the Republic for seven years a

possibility of obtaining full burgher rights simultaneously

with the taking of the oath of allegiance, but subjected the

proceeding to conditions which would make it, in Uitlander

opinion, of service to very few. The judgment of Sir Alfred

Milner, the High Commissioner, as expressed to Secretary

Chamberlain, was to the effect that "the bill, as it stands,

leaves it practically in the hands of the Government of the

South African Republic to enfranchise or not enfranchise the

Uitlanders as it chooses. If worked in a liberal spirit, its

clumsy and unreasonable provisions may be got over.

{488}

But if it is to be enforced rigidly, there will be practically

unlimited opportunities of excluding persons whom the

Government may consider undesirable, nor does the tone of the

debate in the Raad leave much doubt as to the spirit in which

some at least of the authors of the Bill would like to see it

worked." His criticism applied especially to the certificate

required from every applicant. "The certificate," he said,

"which every applicant must obtain from three different

officials, as to (a) continuous registration and domicile, (b)

obedience to the laws, (c) committing no crime against the

independence of the country, is one which these officials,

even if well disposed, would be able in hardly any case to

give. None of them can have any such knowledge of the

Uitlander population as would enable them to give this

comprehensive certificate; it is acknowledged that some of the

Johannesburg lists have been lost; and the Field-cornet has, I

believe, held his present office for less than four years."

Moreover, a requirement of "continuous" registration "may

mean," said the High Commissioner, "(and I cannot understand

what else it could mean) registration for seven years in one

ward and district; so that a person having resided and been

registered in one district and subsequently removed to another

would forfeit the benefit of his first period of residence. Even

if this were not so, he would doubtless have to get a double

set of certificates."

Simultaneously with the publication of the new Franchise Law

it was announced that the Executive Council had decided to

give the Witwatersrand Gold Fields a representation of five

members (out of 31) in the First Volksraad, as well as

representation by the same number in the Second Volksraad. To

the British Agent at Pretoria, Mr. Conyngham Greene, this

seemed to be "so wholly inadequate as not to be worthy of

serious consideration."

In view of the complexities and uncertainties involved in the

new Franchise Law, the High Commissioner addressed the

following communication to the government of the South African

Republic, August 1:

"Her Majesty's Government authorize me to invite President

South African Republic to appoint delegates to discuss with

delegates to be appointed by me on behalf of Her Majesty's

Government, whether Uitlander population will be given

immediate and substantial representation by franchise law

recently passed by Volksraad, together with other measures

connected with it, such as increase of seats, and, if not,

what additions or alterations may be necessary to secure that

result. In this discussion it should be understood that the

delegates of Her Majesty's Government would be free to make

any suggestions calculated to improve measures in question and

secure their attaining the end desired."

The reply to this proposal was given by the Boer government to

the British Agent at Pretoria in two notes, the first, dated

August 19, as follows: "With reference to your proposal for a

joint enquiry contained in your despatches of the 2nd and 3rd

August, Government of South African Republic have the honour

to suggest the following alternative proposal for

consideration of Her Majesty's Government, which this

Government trusts may lead to a final settlement.

(1.) The Government are willing to recommend to the Volksraad

and the people a 5 years' retrospective franchise, as proposed

by His Excellency the High Commissioner on the 1st June, 1899.

(2.) The Government are further willing to recommend to the

Volksraad that 8 new seats in the First Volksraad, and, if

necessary, also in the Second Volksraad, be given to the

population of the Witwatersrand, thus with the 2 sitting

members for the Goldfields giving to the population thereof 10

representatives in a Raad of 36, and in future the

representation of the Goldfields of this Republic shall not

fall below the proportion of one-fourth of the total.

(3.) The new Burghers shall equally with the old Burghers be

entitled to vote at the election for State President and

Commandant-General.

(4.) This Government will always be prepared to take into

consideration such friendly suggestions regarding the details

of the Franchise Law as Her Majesty's Government, through the

British Agent, may wish to convey to it.

(5.) In putting forward the above proposals Government of

South African Republic assumes:

(a) That Her Majesty's Government will agree that the

present intervention shall not form a precedent for future

similar action and that in the future no interference in

the internal affairs of the Republic will take place.

(b) That Her Majesty's Government will not further insist

on the assertion of the suzerainty, the controversy on the

subject being allowed tacitly to drop.

(c) That arbitration (from which foreign element other than

Orange Free State is to be excluded) will be conceded as

soon as the franchise scheme has become law.

(6.) Immediately on Her Majesty's Government accepting this

proposal for a settlement, the Government will ask the

Volksraad to adjourn for the purpose of consulting the people

about it, and the whole scheme might become law say within a

few weeks.

(7.) In the meantime the form and scope of the proposed

Tribunal are also to be discussed and provisionally agreed

upon, while the franchise scheme is being referred to the

people, so that no time may be lost in putting an end to the

present state of affairs. The Government trust that Her

Majesty's Government will clearly understand that in the

opinion of this Government the existing Franchise Law of this

Republic is both fair and liberal to the new population, and

that the consideration that induces them to go further, as

they do in the above proposals, is their strong desire to get

the controversies between the two Governments settled, and

further to put an end to present strained relations between

the two Governments and the incalculable harm and loss it has

already occasioned in South Africa, and to prevent a racial

war from the effects of which South Africa may not recover for

many generations, perhaps never at all, and therefore this

Government, having regard to all these circumstances would

highly appreciate it if Her Majesty's Government, seeing the

necessity of preventing the present crisis from developing

still further and the urgency of an early termination of the

present state of affairs, would expedite the acceptance or

refusal of the settlement here offered.

(Signed) F. W. REITZ."

The second note, which followed on the 21st of August, was

in these terms:

{489}

"In continuation of my despatch of the 19th instant and with

reference to the communication to you of the State Attorney

this morning, I wish to forward to you the following in

explanation thereof, with the request that the same may be

telegraphed to His Excellency the High Commissioner for South

Africa, as forming part of the proposals of this Government

embodied in the above-named despatch.

(1.) The proposals of this Government regarding question of

franchise and representation contained in that despatch must

be regarded as expressly conditional on Her Majesty's

Government consenting to the points set forth in paragraph 5

of the despatch, viz.:

(a) In future not to interfere in internal affairs of the

South African Republic.

(b) Not to insist further on its assertion of existence of

suzerainty.

(c) To agree to arbitration.

(2.) Referring to paragraph 6 of the despatch, this Government

trusts that it is clear to Her Majesty's Government that this

Government has not consulted the Volksraad as to this question

and will only do so when an affirmative reply to its proposals

has been received from Her Majesty's Government.

(Signed) F. W. REITZ."

The above notes were repeated by cable, in full, to the

Colonial Secretary, at London, and, on the 28th of August, he

returned by the same medium his reply, as follows:

"Her Majesty's Government have considered the proposals which

the South African Republic Government in their notes to the

British Agent of 19th and 21st August have put forward as an

alternative to those contained in my telegram of 31st July.

Her Majesty's Government assume that the adoption in principle

of the franchise proposals made by you at Bloemfontein will

not be hampered by any conditions which would impair their

effect, and that by proposed increase of seats for the

Goldfields and by other provisions the South African Republic

Government intend to grant immediate and substantial

representation of the Uitlanders. That being so, Her Majesty's

Government are unable to appreciate the objections entertained

by the Government of the South African Republic to a Joint

Commission of Inquiry into the complicated details and

technical questions upon which the practical effect of the

proposals depends. Her Majesty's Government, however, will be

ready to agree that the British Agent, assisted by such other

persons as you may appoint, shall make the investigation

necessary to satisfy them that the result desired will be

achieved and, failing this, to enable them to make those

suggestions which the Government of the South African Republic

state that they will be prepared to take into consideration.

Her Majesty's Government assume that every facility will be

given to the British Agent by the Government of the South

African Republic, and they would point out that the inquiry

will be both easier and shorter if the Government of the South

African Republic will omit in any future Law the complicated

conditions of registration, qualification and behaviour which

accompanied previous proposals, and would have entirely

nullified their beneficial effect. Her Majesty's Government

hope that the Government of the South African Republic will

wait to receive their suggestions founded on the report of the

British Agent's investigation before submitting a new

Franchise Law to the Volksraad and the Burghers. With regard

to the conditions of the Government of the South African

Republic: First, as regards intervention; Her Majesty's

Government hope that the fulfilment of the promises made and

the just treatment of the Uitlanders in future will render

unnecessary any further intervention on their behalf, but Her

Majesty's Government cannot of course debar themselves from

their rights under the Conventions nor divest themselves of

the ordinary obligations of a civilized Power to protect its

subjects in a foreign country from injustice. Secondly, with

regard to suzerainty Her Majesty's Government would refer the

Government of the South African Republic to the second

paragraph of my despatch of 13th July. Thirdly, Her Majesty's

Government agree to a discussion of the form and scope of a

Tribunal of Arbitration from which foreigners and foreign

influence are excluded. Such a discussion, which will be of

the highest importance to the future relations of the two

countries, should be carried on between the President and

yourself, and for this purpose it appears to be necessary that

a further Conference, which Her Majesty's Government suggest

should be held at Cape Town, should be at once arranged. Her

Majesty's Government also desire to remind the Government of

the South African Republic that there are other matters of

difference between the two Governments which will not be

settled by the grant of political representation to the

Uitlanders, and which are not proper subjects for reference to

arbitration. It is necessary that these should be settled

concurrently with the questions now under discussion, and they

will form, with the question of arbitration, proper subjects

for consideration at the proposed Conference."

On the 2d of September the Boer government replied to this at

length, stating that it considered the proposal made in its

note of August 19 to have lapsed; again objecting to a joint

inquiry relative to the practical working of the Franchise

Law, but adding: "If they [the Government] can be of

assistance to Her Majesty's Government with any information or

explanation they are always ready to furnish this; though it

appears to it that the findings of a unilateral Commission,

especially when arrived at before the working of the law has

been duly tested, would be premature and thus probably of

little value."

Meantime, on the 31st of August, Sir Alfred Milner had

telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain: "I am receiving

representations from many quarters to urge Her Majesty's

Government to terminate the state of suspense. Hitherto I have

hesitated to address you on the subject, lest Her Majesty's

Government should think me impatient. But I feel bound to let

you know that I am satisfied, from inquiries made in various

reliable quarters that the distress is now really serious. The

most severe suffering is at Johannesburg. Business there is at

a standstill; many traders have become insolvent; and others

are only kept on their legs by the leniency of their

creditors. Even the mines, which have been less affected

hitherto, are now suffering owing to the withdrawal of

workmen, both European and native. The crisis also affects the

trading centres in the Colony. In spite of this, the purport

of all the representations made to me is to urge prompt and

decided action; not to deprecate further interference on the

part of Her Majesty's Government. British South Africa is

prepared for extreme measures, and is ready to suffer much in

order to see the vindication of British authority. It is

prolongation of the negotiations, endless and indecisive of

result, that is dreaded."

{490}

On the 8th of September, the High Commissioner was instructed

by Mr. Chamberlain to communicate the following to the

government of the Transvaal:

"Her Majesty's Government are still prepared to accept the

offer made in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of the note of the 19th

August taken by themselves, provided that the inquiry which

Her Majesty's Government have proposed, whether joint—as Her

Majesty's Government originally suggested—or unilateral, shows

that the new scheme of representation will not be encumbered

by conditions which will nullify the intention to give

substantial and immediate representation to the Uitlanders. In

this connection Her Majesty's Government assume that, as

stated to the British Agent, the new members of the Raad will

be permitted to use their own language. The acceptance of

these terms by the Government of the South African Republic

would at once remove the tension between the two Governments,

and would in all probability render unnecessary any further

intervention on the part of Her Majesty's Government to secure

the redress of grievances which the Uitlanders would

themselves be able to bring to the notice of the Executive and

the Raad."

In a lengthy response to this by State Secretary Reitz,

September 16, the following are the essential paragraphs:

"However earnestly this Government also desires to find an

immediate and satisfactory course by which existing tension

should be brought to an end, it feels itself quite unable, as

desired, to recommend or propose to South African Republic

Volksraad and people the part of its proposal contained in

paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of its note 19th August, omitting the

conditions on the acceptance of which alone the offer was

based, but declares itself always still prepared to abide by

its acceptance of the invitation [of] Her Majesty's Government

to get a Joint Commission composed as intimated in its note of

2nd September. It considers that if conditions are contained

in the existing franchise law which has been passed, and in

the scheme of representation, which might tend to frustrate

object contemplated, that it will attract the attention of the

Commission, and thus be brought to the knowledge of this

Government. This Government has noticed with surprise the

assertion that it had intimated to British Agent that the new

members to be chosen for South African Republic Volksraad

should be allowed to use their own language. If it is thereby

intended that this Government would have agreed that any other

than the language of the country would have been used in the

deliberations of the Volksraad, it wishes to deny same in the

strongest manner."

Practically the discussion was ended by a despatch from the

British Colonial Secretary, September 22d, in which he said;

"Her Majesty's Government have on more than one occasion

repeated their assurances that they have no desire to

interfere in any way with independence of South African

Republic, provided that the conditions on which it was granted

are honourably observed in the spirit and in the letter, and

they have offered as part of a general settlement to give a

complete guarantee against any attack upon that independence,

either from within any part of the British dominions or from

the territory of a foreign State. They have not asserted any

rights of interference in the internal affairs of the Republic

other than those which are derived from the Conventions

between the two countries or which belong to every

neighbouring Government (and especially to one which has a

largely predominant interest in the adjacent territories) for

the protection of its subjects and of its adjoining

possessions." Referring to his despatch of September 8, the

Secretary concluded: "The refusal of the Government of the

South African Republic to entertain the offer thus made,

coming as it does at the end of nearly four months of

protracted negotiations, themselves the climax of an agitation

extending over a period of more than five years, makes it

useless to further pursue a discussion on the lines hitherto

followed, and Her Majesty's Government are now compelled to

consider the situation afresh, and to formulate their own

proposals for a final settlement of the issues which have been

created in South Africa by the policy constantly followed for

many years by the Government of the South African Republic.

They will communicate to you the result of their deliberations

in a later despatch."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

1899, C. 9518, 9521, 9530.

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1899 (September-October).

The Free State makes common cause with

the South African Republic.

On the 27th of September, President Steyn communicated to the

British High Commissioner a resolution adopted that day by the

Orange Free State Volksraad, instructing the government to

continue efforts for peaceful settlement of differences

between the South African Republic and Great Britain, but

concluding with the declaration that "if a war is now begun or

occasioned by Her Majesty's Government against South African

Republic, this would morally be a war against the whole of

white population of South Africa and would in its results be

calamitous and criminal, and further, that Orange Free State

will honestly and faithfully observe its obligations towards

South African Republic arising out of the political alliance

between the two Republics whatever may happen."

On the 11th of October, the High Commissioner communicated to

President Steyn the ultimatum that he received from the South

African Republic, and asked: "In view of Resolution of

Volksraad of Orange Free State communicated to me in Your

Honour's telegram of 27th September I have the honour to

request that I may be informed at Your Honour's earliest

possible convenience whether this action on the part of the

South African Republic has Your Honour's concurrence and

support." The reply of the Orange Free State President was as

follows:

"The high handed and unjustifiable policy and conduct of Her

Majesty's Government in interfering in and dictating in the

purely internal affairs of South African Republic,

constituting a flagrant breach of the Convention of London,

1884, accompanied at first by preparations, and latterly

followed by active commencement of hostilities against that

Republic, which no friendly and well-intentioned efforts on

our part could induce Her Majesty's Government to abandon,

constitute such an undoubted and unjust attack on the

independence of the South African Republic that no other

course is left to this State than honourably to abide by its

Conventional Agreements entered into with that Republic. On

behalf of this Government, therefore, I beg to notify that,

compelled thereto by the action of Her Majesty's Government,

they intend to carry out the instructions of the Volksraad as

set forth in the last part of the Resolution referred to by

Your Excellency."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

1899, C.—9530, pages 38 and 67.

{491}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and Orange Free State:

A. D. 1899 (September-October).

Preparations for war.

Troops massed on both sides of the frontiers.

Remonstrances of Orange Free State.

The Boer Ultimatum.

Before the controversy between Boer and Briton had reached the

stage represented above, both sides were facing the prospect

of war, both were bringing forces to the frontier, and each

was declaring that the other had been first to take that

threatening step. Which of them did first begin movements that

bore a look of menace seems difficult to learn from official

reports. On the 19th of September, the British High

Commissioner gave notice to the President of the Orange Free

State that "it has been deemed advisable by the Imperial

military authorities to send detachments of the troops

ordinarily stationed at Cape Town to assist in securing the

line of communication between the Colony and the British

territories lying to the north of it"; and "as this force, or

a portion of it, may be stationed near the borders of the

Orange Free State," he wished the burghers of that State to

understand that the movement was in no way directed against

them. Eight days later, President Steyn, of the Orange Free

State, addressed a long despatch to the High Commissioner,

remonstrating against the whole procedure of the British

government in its dealing with the South African Republic, and

alluding to the "enormous and ever increasing military

preparations of the British government." On the 2d of October

he announced to the Commissioner that he had "deemed it

advisable, in order to allay the intense excitement and unrest

amongst our burghers, arising from the totally undefended state

of our border, in the presence of a continued increase and

movement of troops on two sides of this State, to call up our

burghers, to satisfy them that due precaution had been taken."

The High Commissioner replied on the 3d: "Your Honour must be

perfectly well aware that all the movements of British troops

which have taken place in this country since the beginning of

present troubles, which have been necessitated by the natural

alarm of the inhabitants in exposed districts, are not

comparable in magnitude with the massing of armed forces by

government of South African Republic on the borders of Natal."

Some days previous to this, on the 29th of September,

Secretary Chamberlain had cabled from London to Sir Alfred

Milner: "Inform President of Orange Free State that what he

describes as the enormous and ever-increasing military

preparations of Great Britain have been forced upon Her

Majesty's Government by the policy of the South African

Republic, which has transformed the Transvaal into a permanent

armed camp, threatening the peace of the whole of South Africa

and the position of Great Britain as the paramount State."

On the 9th of October the High Commissioner received another

telegram from the President of the Orange Free State, of which

he cabled the substance to London as follows: "He demurs to

statement that military preparations of Her Majesty's

Government have been necessitated by conversion of South

African Republic into an armed camp. Her Majesty's Government

must be entirely misinformed and it would be regrettable if,

through such misunderstanding, present state of extreme

tension were allowed to continue. Though Her Majesty's

Government may regard precautions taken by South African

Republic after Jameson Raid as excessive, Government of South

African Republic cannot be blamed for adopting them, in view

of large Uitlander population constantly being stirred up,

through hostile press, to treason and rebellion by persons and

organizations financially or politically interested in

overthrowing the Government. Arming of Burghers not intended

for any purpose of aggression against Her Majesty's dominions.

People of South African Republic have, since shortly after

Jameson Raid, been practically as fully armed as now, yet have

never committed any act of aggression. It was not till Her

Majesty's Government, with evident intention of enforcing

their views on South African Republic in purely internal

matters, had greatly augmented their forces and moved them

nearer to borders that a single Burgher was called up for the

purpose, as be firmly believed, of defending country and

independence. If this natural assumption erroneous, not too

late to rectify misunderstanding by mutual agreement to

withdraw forces on both sides and undertaking by Her Majesty's

Government to stop further increase of troops."

But, in reality, it was already too late; for, on the same day

on which the above message was telegraphed from Bloemfontein,

the government of the South African Republic had presented to

the British Agent at Pretoria a note which ended the

possibility of peace. After reviewing the issue between the

two governments, the note concluded with a peremptory

ultimatum, as follows: "Her Majesty's unlawful intervention in

the internal affairs of this Republic in conflict with the

Convention of London, 1884, caused by the extraordinary

strengthening of troops in the neighbourhood of the borders of

this Republic, has thus caused an intolerable condition of

things to arise whereto this Government feels itself obliged,

in the interest not only of this Republic but also [?] of all

South Africa, to make an end as soon as possible, and feels

itself called upon and obliged to press earnestly and with

emphasis for an immediate termination of this state of things

and to request Her Majesty's Government to give it the

assurance

(a) That all points of mutual difference shall be regulated by

the friendly course of arbitration or by whatever amicable way

may be agreed upon by this Government with Her Majesty's

Government.

(b) That the troops on the borders of this Republic shall be

instantly withdrawn.

(c) That all reinforcements of troops which have arrived in

South Africa since the 1st June, 1899, shall be removed from

South Africa within a reasonable time, to be agreed upon with

this Government, and with a mutual assurance and guarantee on

the part of this Government that no attack upon or hostilities

against any portion of the possessions of the British Government

shall be made by the Republic during further negotiations

within a period of time to be subsequently agreed upon between

the Governments, and this Government will, on compliance

therewith, be prepared to withdraw the armed Burghers of this

Republic from the borders.

{492}

(d) That Her Majesty's troops which are now on the high seas

shall not be landed in any port of South Africa. This

Government must press for an immediate and affirmative answer

to these four questions, and earnestly requests Her Majesty's

Government to return such an answer before or upon Wednesday

the 11th October, 1899, not later than 5 o'clock p. m., and it

desires further to add that in the event of unexpectedly no

satisfactory answer being received by it within that interval

[it] will with great regret be compelled to regard the action

of Her Majesty's Government as a formal declaration of war,

and will not hold itself responsible for the consequences

thereof, and that in the event of any further movements of

troops taking place within the above-mentioned time in the

nearer directions of our borders this Government will be

compelled to regard that also as a formal declaration of war."

To this ultimatum the British government gave its reply, in a

despatch from Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Alfred Milner, October

10, as follows: "Her Majesty's Government have received with

great regret the peremptory demands of the Government of the

South African Republic conveyed in your telegram of 9th

October, Number 3. You will inform the Government of the South

African Republic, in reply, that the conditions demanded by

the Government of the South African Republic are such as Her

Majesty's Government deem it impossible to discuss."

Great Britain,

Papers by Command: 1899, C.—9530.

Efforts which were being made at the time in Holland to assist

the Boer Republic in pacific negotiations with Great Britain

were suddenly frustrated by this action. A year later (in

November, 1900) it was stated in the States General at The

Hague that "in the autumn of 1899 the Netherlands Government

offered in London its good offices for the resumption of

negotiations with the Transvaal, but these efforts had no

result in consequence of the sudden ultimatum of the Transvaal

and the commencement of hostilities by the armies of the

Republics, actions which surprised the Netherlands Government.

When once the war had broken out any effort in the direction of

intervention would have been useless, as was shown by the

peremptory refusal given by Great Britain to the offer of the

United States."

An Englishman who was in the country at the time gives the

following account of the Boer preparation for war: "In the

towns the feeling was strongly against war; in the country

districts war was popular, as the farmers had not the

slightest doubt they would be able to carry out their threat

of 'driving the English into the sea.' … Skilled artillerymen

were finding their way into the country towards the end of

August last [1899]. The Boers themselves did not put much

faith in their artillery, but they were reassured by the

officers who told them that they would yet learn to respect

its usefulness and efficiency—a prophecy which to our cost has

been more than fulfilled. … General Joubert was always ready

and willing, at any time, to inspect and test new guns or

military necessaries, and no expense was spared to make the

Transvaal burgher army a first-class fighting-machine. …

Surprise has been expressed at the inaccurate statements made

by colonials as to the fighting strength of the Boers. They

had not allowed for the enormous increase of population. From

an absolutely reliable source the writer ascertained in

September last that they could put in the field between 50 and

60 thousand men, made up as follows: Transvaal burghers,

22,000; resident foreigners, etc., 10,000; Free Staters,

16,000; colonists who would cross the border and join, 6,000;

total, 54,000. … As soon as war seemed likely, no time was

lost in perfecting the military arrangements. Before Great

Britain had thought of mobilizing a soldier, the Boer

emissaries were again scouring the colonies of Natal and the

Cape, sounding the farmers as to what part they were prepared

to take in the coming conflict. … While people at home were

wondering what the next move would be, the Boers were ready to

answer the question. Towards the middle of September all

preparations were completed, the Government had laid in large

quantities of supplies (mainly of flour, Boer meal, and tinned

foods), which they anticipated would tide them over twelve to

eighteen months, and by that time, if they had not beaten the

British, they relied on foreign intervention. They had also

received large sums of money from Europe, and some additional

supplies of arms and ammunition. Ammunition was distributed in

large quantities throughout the country, each burgher

receiving a sealed packet in addition to his ordinary supply.

The last batch of the Mauser rides was distributed, and the

mobilization scheme finally arranged, by which, on a given

word being telegraphed to the different centres, the first

Republican army corps would be mobilized within twenty-four

hours. This actually took place. … The British Government

could hardly fail to be aware of the fact that the Transvaal

was in earnest this time. A visit to the country districts

towards the end of August, about the time when the Boer

Executive themselves sounded the country through their private

agencies, would have revealed the fact that the people were

not only perfectly willing to go to war, but that they

absolutely wished for it. As one Boer put it to the writer:

'We look on fighting the English as a picnic. In some of the

Kaffir wars we had a little trouble, but in the Vryheids

Oorlog (the Boer War of 1881) we simply potted the Rooineks as

they streamed across the veld in their red jackets, without

the slightest danger to ourselves.' They had the utmost

contempt for Tommy Atkins and his leaders, many of them

bragging that the only thing that deterred them from

advocating war instanter was the thought that they would have

to kill so many of the soldiers, with whom individually they

said there was no quarrel. With such a state of things, which

should have been perfectly clear to the Intelligence

Department (and through it to the War Office) in

London—because no resident with eyes to see could be deceived

in the matter—we allowed the present war to find us

unprepared!"

J. Scoble and H. H. Abercrombie,

The Rise and Fall of Krugerism,

chapter 16 (New York: F. A. Stokes Co.).

The Boer Republics and the Surroundings.

{493}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-November).

The Boer advance.

Invasion of Cape Colony and Natal.

The invaders joined by Dutch farmers of the colony.

The British unprepared.

Investment of Kimberley and Mafeking.

In a despatch dated January 16, 1900, Sir Alfred Milner gave

particulars of the first advance of the Boer forces from the

Orange Free State into Cape Colony, and of the extent to which

they were joined by Dutch farmers in districts south of Orange

River. He wrote: "The portion of the Colony with which I

propose to deal is that which lies south of the Orange River.

The districts north of that river have been so completely cut

off, and our accounts of what has been, and is, going on there

are so scanty and imperfect, that the history of their

defection cannot yet be written. I shall content myself with

quoting an extract from a report upon the state of affairs in

that region by a gentleman lately resident in Vryburg, which

undoubtedly fairly expresses the truth so far as he has been

in a position to observe it:—'All the farmers in the Vryburg,

Kuruman, and Taungs districts,' he says, 'have joined the

Boers, and I do not believe that you will find ten loyal

British subjects among the Dutch community in the whole of

Bechuanaland.' … The districts invaded by the enemy south of

the Orange River are:—Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North,

Wodehouse, and Barkly East. It was on the 12th October that

the enemy committed the first act of war and of invasion near

Vryburg, on the western border, but it was not till more than

a month later, namely, the 14th November, that they occupied

Colesberg. Apparently they were waiting for reinforcements,

for when they actually did cross the frontier they were 1,100

strong. Whatever the cause of their delay, it was not due to

any discouragement from the people of Colesberg. The small

British garrison then in the country being engaged elsewhere,

and the district being entirely unguarded save by a few

policemen, people from there continually visited the river to

communicate with the enemy. The Chief Constable reports that

when he left the town 300 Colesberg farmers had already joined

the enemy, and that 400 more were expected from the adjoining

district of Philipstown. … On the 16th November General

Grobler, the Boer Commandant, addressed the following telegram

to Bloemfontein:—'Colesberg was occupied by me without

opposition. … I was very well pleased with the conduct of the

Afrikanders. We were everywhere welcomed.' … Eastwards along

the border the tide of insurrection ran strong. In the closing

days of October a Boer force assembled at Bethulie Bridge, which

was guarded only by a handful of police. As the days passed

and the alarm grew, the Cape police force was withdrawn from

Burghersdorp, which lies south of Bethulie, down the line to

Stormberg, while, in their turn, the Imperial forces abandoned

the important position of Stormberg, and retired on

Queenstown, thus leaving the district clear for the invaders.

That they did not immediately advance was certainly not owing

to any fear of resistance at Burghersdorp, the inhabitants of

which fraternised with the commando stationed on the river,

continually passing to and fro. Finally, on the 14th November,

the date of the occupation of Colesberg, the advance was made,

and on the following morning a body of 500 Boers occupied the

town. … According to the despatch of the Boer Commandant,

dated 16th November, Burghersdorp was occupied 'amidst cheers

from the Afrikanders,' and 'the Colonial burghers are very

glad to meet us.' Commandeering at once began throughout the

district of Albert, and a Burghersdorp resident estimated that

about 1,000 farmers were prepared to join at the date of his

leaving the place. …

"Within a space of less than three weeks from the occupation

of Colesberg, no less than five great districts—those of

Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North, Barkly East, and

Wodehouse—had gone over without hesitation, and, so to speak,

bodily, to the enemy. Throughout that region the Landdrosts of

the Orange Free State had established their authority, and

everywhere, in the expressive words of a Magistrate, British

loyalists were 'being hunted out of town after town like

sheep.' In the invaded districts, as will be seen from the

above, the method of occupation has always been more or less

the same. The procedure is as follows:-A commando enters, the

Orange Free State flag is hoisted, a meeting is held in the

Court-house or market-place, and a Proclamation is read,

annexing the district. The Commandant then makes a speech, in

which he explains that the people must now obey the Free State

laws generally, though they are at present under martial law.

A local Landdrost is appointed, and loyal subjects are given a

few days or hours in which to quit, or be compelled to serve

against their country. … The number of rebels who have

actually taken up arms and joined the enemy during their

progress throughout the five annexed districts can for the

present only be matter of conjecture. I shall, however, be on

the safe side in reckoning that during November it was a

number not less than the total of the invading commandos, that

is, 2,000, while it is probable that of the invading commandos

themselves a certain proportion were colonists who had crossed

the border before the invasion took place. And the number,

whatever it was, which joined the enemy before and during

November has been increased since. A well-informed refugee

from the Albert district has estimated the total number of

Colonial Boers who have joined the enemy in the invaded

districts south of the Orange River at 3,000 to 4,000. In the

districts north of that river, to which I referred at the

beginning of this despatch, the number can hardly be less.

Adding to these the men who became burghers of the Transvaal

immediately before, or just after, the outbreak of war, with

the view of taking up arms in the struggle, I am forced to the

conclusion that, in round figures, not less than 10,000 of

those now fighting against us in South Africa, and probably

somewhat more, either are, or till quite recently were,

subjects of the Queen."-

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Cd. 264, 1900, pages 1-5.

The above relates to movements from the Orange Free State into

Cape Colony, where the most of reinforcement from Afrikander

inhabitants of British soil was to be got. From the Transvaal,

the movement of Boer forces across the frontiers, both

eastward and westward, was equally prompt. Early on the

morning of the 12th they were in Natal, advancing in three

strong columns, under General Joubert, upon Newcastle,

threatening the advance posts of the British at Dundee and

Glencoe (some 40 miles northeast of Ladysmith), where valuable

coal mines claimed defence. At the same time, another Boer

army, under General Cronje, had passed the western border and

was moving upon Mafeking, where Colonel (afterwards General)

Baden-Powell, with an irregular force of about 1,200 men, was

preparing for a siege.

{494}

The inhabitants of the town, including refugees, numbered

about 2,000 whites and 7,000 blacks. A few days later Boer

forces were skirmishing with the defenders of the diamond

mines at Kimberley, where Colonel Kekewich commanded about

1,000 men, and where Cecil Rhodes was among the beleaguered

citizens. The population of Kimberley was 33,000, more than

half blacks. It is plain that the British were wholly

unprepared for so vigorous an opening of hostilities on the

part of the Boers. A military writer in the "London Times,"

discussing the "Lessons of the War," at the end of a year

after its beginning, made the following statements and

comment:—"There was no difficulty in obtaining the fullest

information as to the resources of the Transvaal and the Free

State, and we have been officially informed that 'the armed

strength of the Boers, the number of their guns, with their

character and calibre,' as laid down in the report of the

Director of Intelligence, 'corresponds exactly with our

recently-ascertained knowledge of what the enemy has put into

the field.' Whether or not these reports ever travel from

Queen Anne's gate to Pall-mall seems uncertain, since the

Commander-in-Chief publicly stated that 'We have found that

the enemy … are much more powerful and numerous than we

expected.' The report of the Intelligence Department seems,

therefore, to have been as valueless for practical purposes as

were those transmitted to Paris by Colonel Stoffel prior to

the outbreak of the Franco-German war, and Lord Wolseley was

apparently as little aware of the fighting resources of the

Boers as was Marshal Lebœuf of those of the Germans. When,

early in September, 1899, it became a pressing necessity to

reinforce the troops in South Africa, it was painfully

realized that not a single unit at home was ready to take the

field. One weak battalion and three field batteries, hastily

compounded by wholesale drafting from others, represented the

available contribution from a standing army at home whose

nominal effectives considerably exceeded 100,000. The

reinforcements, totally inadequate to meet the crisis, were

made up by drawing upon India and the colonial garrisons."

London Times, November 22, 1900.

Another writer in "The Times," reviewing, at nearly the same

time, the previous year of the war, gave this account of its

opening circumstances:—"If the organization of the British

Army had permitted the despatch at short notice of 30,000

troops from Great Britain, the whole course of the war would

have been different. It was a prevailing illusion that Mr.

Kruger would yield to diplomatic pressure not backed by

available force, and political expediency, over-riding

military considerations, led to a compromise. It was tardily

decided to bring the forces in South Africa up to a total of

about 22,000 by drawing on India and the colonial garrisons;

mobilization was deferred till October 7. Thus the first

reinforcements arrived barely in time to prevent Natal from

being over-run by the Boers, and the expeditionary force did

not begin to reach Durban [the port of Natal] till after

Ladysmith had been closely invested. … There were advisers of

the Cabinet who held that the military strength of the Boers

was a bubble easily pricked. Thus it was widely believed that

a severe repulse in Northern Natal would suffice to break up

the Boer forces, and, knowing only that a body of 4,000

British troops was assembled at Dundee and another somewhat

larger at Ladysmith, we hastily assumed that these places were

naturally well suited and had been specially prepared for

defence. When, on the 26th, the concentration at Ladysmith was

accomplished, after a painful and a hazardous march, it was

imagined that our forces occupied an intrenched camp, which,

if necessary, could be held with ease. Later it became clear

that Ladysmith was exceedingly ill-adapted for defence, that

it was practically unfortified when invested, and finally

that, if the attacking force had been composed of trained

troops, it must have fallen, in spite of every effort on the

part of the garrison. The occupation of Dundee, it was

discovered, was maintained against the military judgment of

Sir G. White. …

"When at length the army corps and the cavalry division began,

early in November, to arrive in South Africa, we believed that

the bulk of this large force, which was apparently ready to

take the field, would invade the Orange Free State and strike

for Bloemfontein, clearing Cape Colony and inevitably drawing

Boer forces away from the investments of Kimberley and of

Ladysmith. This was another illusion. At least one-half of the

expeditionary force was despatched to Durban and the rest was

frittered away between three separate lines of advance. There

were thus four separate groupings of British troops, spread

over an immense front, and incapable of affording each other

mutual support. Moreover, the Commander-in-Chief being

involved in a difficult campaign in Natal, there was no

responsible head in Cape Colony, where partial chaos soon

supervened. … Faulty as was the strategy which substituted

scattered efforts with insufficient force for a primary

object, that of the Boers was happily even more ill-conceived.

In place of attempting to occupy our troops in Natal and throwing

their main strength into Cape Colony, where a Dutch rising on

a large scale would inevitably have occurred, they also

preferred to fritter away their strength, devoting their main

efforts against Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, and

contenting themselves with the occupation of Colesberg and

Stormberg in small force, which, however, was quickly swelled

by local rebels."

London Times,

November 5, 1900.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-December).

The early battles.

British reverses.

Siege of Ladysmith.

The serious fighting of the war began in Natal, as early as

the 20th of October, when three columns of the Boer forces

closed in on the British advance post at Glencoe. The first of

the Boer columns to arrive opened a precipitate attack, and in

the hard battle which ensued (at Talana Hill) the British

could claim the final advantage, though at very heavy cost.

Their commander, General Sir W. Penn Symons, received a mortal

wound and died three days afterwards, kindly cared for and

buried by the enemy, his successor in the command, General

Yule, having found it necessary to retreat from Glencoe and

Dundee to Ladysmith. The Boers were already striking at the

railroad between Glencoe and Ladysmith, and sharp fighting had

taken place on the 21st at Elandslaagte, a station on the line

only seventeen miles from the latter town.

{495}

The Boers, in that encounter, had been driven from the

neighboring hills, but the British had again suffered greatly,

and began to realize the quality of the foe with which they had

to deal. A graphic account of the battle at Elandslaagte was

written by the famous newspaper correspondent, G. W. Steevens,

who died shortly afterwards at Ladysmith. Two days after

Elandslaagte there was another engagement at Reitfontein,

still nearer to Ladysmith, fought for the purpose of keeping

the Boers from intercepting the retreat of General Yule. The

British forces defending Natal were now concentrated at

Ladysmith, which they had chosen for their main position, and

in which they had been collecting large quantities of military

stores. General Sir George White was there in general command.

The Boers, with General Joubert in chief command, were rapidly

closing in upon the town, and, on the 29th, they had a Creusot

(French) six-inch gun on a neighboring hill, within range,

ready to drop shells into its streets. That night General

White made an attempt to break their lines which ended in sore

disaster. One column, which marched far out, to a hill called

Nicholson's Nek, for a flanking attack on the enemy, lost most

of its ammunition and its battery, by a stampede of mules, and

then was caught in so helpless a position that it had to lay down

its arms. "The cursed white flag," wrote Mr. Steevens. "was up

again over a British force in South Africa. The best part of a

thousand British soldiers, with all their arms and equipment

and four mountain guns, were captured by the enemy. The Boers

had their revenge for Dundee and Elandslaagte in war; now they

took it full measure in kindness. As Atkins had tended their

wounded and succoured their prisoners there, so they tended

and succoured him here. One commandant wished to send the

wounded to Pretoria; the others, more prudent as well as more

humane, decided to send them back into Ladysmith. They gave

the whole men the water out of their own bottles; they gave

the wounded the blankets off their own saddles and slept

themselves on the naked veldt. They were short of transport,

and they were mostly armed with Martinis; yet they gave

captured mules for the hospital panniers and captured

Lee-Metfords for splints." It is consoling to come on a bit of

incident like this in the generally horrid story of war.

A few days later the communications of Ladysmith southward

were cut off, and the forces commanded by General White, about

10,000 in number, were hemmed in by superior numbers of the

Boers. British reinforcements were now beginning to arrive in

South Africa, and great numbers were at sea, not only imperial

troops, coming from England, India, Ceylon and elsewhere, but

colonial troops, offered by Canada, New Zealand and the

Australian colonies, and accepted by the imperial government.

The first operations of the British campaign were planned with

three objects, more or less distinct, namely, to rescue

General White's army, at Ladysmith, to relieve Kimberley, and

to expel the Boers from northern Cape Colony. They were

conducted on three lines, from the Natal port of Durban,

towards Ladysmith, under General Clery at the beginning; from

Cape Town towards Kimberley, under General Lord Methuen; from

Port Elizabeth and East London to Queenstown and the Cape

districts occupied by the Boers, under General Gatacre.

In the early battles of General Methuen's campaign, fought at

Belmont, November 23d, at Enslin, or Graspan, on the 25th, and

at Modder River, only 25 miles from Kimberley, on the 28th, he

carried his point, and kept up his advance, but at a heavy

sacrifice of men. The battle with Cronje's forces at Modder

River was a desperate struggle of ten hours duration, in which

the British lost nearly 500 men and gained little. The Boers

withdrew to an equally strong position, behind fortified lines

which extended, some six miles in length, on hills between two

points which bore the names of Spytfontein and Majesfontein.

There General Methuen attacked them again, December 11, and

met with a terrible repulse. His Highland Brigade, advancing

in the darkness, before daybreak, was in the midst of the

enemy's intrenchments before it knew them to be near, and was

horribly cut to pieces, losing 53 officers, including its

commander, General Wauchope, and 650 men. The British fell

back to Modder River, leaving not less than 1,000 men behind.

Just one day before this catastrophe, on the 10th, another of

like nature, but little less serious, was sustained by General

Gatacre's column, moving from Queenstown. He, too, attempted a

night march and an early morning attack on the Boers in a

fortified position at Stormberg, was misled by guides,

miscalculated the distance, neglected to send scouts ahead,

and so took his men to the very muzzles of waiting guns. From

the storm which then opened on them there were more than 500

who did not escape. Besides the dead and wounded, many went as

prisoners to Pretoria. Before the week of these defeats

reached its end, another, far worse, had been added in the

Natal campaign. General Sir Redvers Buller, appointed to the

chief command in South Africa, had arrived at Cape Town on the

last day of October, and, after some general study of the

field at large, had taken personal direction of the operations

in Natal, for the relief of Ladysmith. His movements were

undoubtedly hurried by urgent appeals from General White. On

the 15th of December he felt prepared to attempt the passage

of the Tugela River, near Colenso, and did so with his full

force, at two drifts, or fords, some two miles apart. Like

Methuen and Gatacre, he seems to have been strangely

misinformed as to the location and strength of the

intrenchments of the Boers. The latter had succeeded again and

again in concealing lines of deadly rifle-pits and batteries

until their assailants fairly stumbled against them, within

fatally close range. This happened at Colenso, as at Stormberg

and Majesfontein and the ill-managed attempt to begin an

advance upon Ladysmith cost 165 men and officers killed, 670

wounded, 337 prisoners and missing, besides 11 guns.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900.

Fighting qualities of the Boers.

"Take a community of Dutchmen of the type of those who

defended themselves for fifty years against all the power of

Spain at a time when Spain was the greatest power in the

world. Intermix with them a strain of those inflexible French

Huguenots who gave up home and fortune and left their country

forever at the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.

The product must obviously be one of the most rugged, virile,

unconquerable races ever seen upon earth.

{496}

Take this formidable people and train them for seven

generations in constant warfare against savage men and

ferocious beasts, in circumstances under which no weakling

could survive, place them so that they acquire exceptional

skill with weapons and in horsemanship, give them a country

which is eminently suited to the tactics of the huntsman, the

marksman, and the rider. Then, finally, put a finer temper

upon their military qualities by a dour fatalistic Old

Testament religion and an ardent and consuming patriotism.

Combine all these qualities and all these impulses in one

individual, and you have the modern Boer—the most formidable

antagonist who ever crossed the path of Imperial Britain."

A. C. Doyle,

The Great Boer War,

chapter 1.

Count Adalbert von Sternberg, a German officer who served with

the Boers, and who has since related his experiences in a

book, writes to the same effect. "The Boers," he remarks,

"were mounted, whilst the English were on foot, a matter of

considerable importance in these hot countries. Given the same

or even slightly superior forces, no Continental army would

have played its part better than the English, and I even doubt

whether, in regard to practical equipment and technical smartness

and efficiency the Continent would have done as well. The fact

is the Boer is an enemy of quite exceptional a character, such

as never has been met before, or is likely to be met again.

Mounted sharpshooters, armed with the very best of weapons,

acclimatized, fanatical, and accustomed to habits of war, are

terrible opponents, and cannot be dealt with off hand as if

they were hordes of savages. One must not forget that the

Boers have the keenest eyes imaginable, and that they

understand better than anyone else how to get the fullest

advantage of cover. All these are advantages which go far

towards compensating defective leading and the weakening of

moral due to being always on the defensive. … The Boers would

have had much greater successes if they had not abandoned all

idea of taking the offensive. They could not be brought to

that, for that they lacked courage, and to that lack of

courage they owe their destruction."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (January-February).

Continued British disasters on the Tugela.

Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener in the field.

Invasion of Orange Free State.

Capture of General Cronje and army.

Relief of Kimberley and Ladysmith.

The dark and heavy clouds of disaster which overhung the

British in South Africa at the close of the year shadowed

England with anxiety and gloom. For the first time, the

seriousness of the task of war in which the country had become

engaged was understood, and energies corresponding to it were

roused. Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, of Indian and Afghan

renown, was sent out to take supreme command, with the equally

famous Lord Kitchener, subjugator of the Egyptian Sudan, for

his chief of staff. Immense reinforcements of troops were

provided for with haste. On the 1st of January it was

estimated that 30,000 fresh troops were afloat or on the point

of embarkation, and that Lord Roberts would have 200,000 men

at command when all then assigned to South Africa should have

reached Natal and the Cape. Lord Roberts landed at the Cape on

the 10th of January, and was occupied for a month in

organizing and preparing for new movements in the field.

Meantime, General Buller had made a second attempt to turn the

strongly fortified position of his opponent on the Tugela,

between his own army and the beleaguered force at Ladysmith,

and had failed more discouragingly than before. Crossing the

Tugela, some miles west of Colenso, on the 17th, he pressed a

hard-fought, uphill advance, from one to another of the rocky

hills (called kopjes) of the region, for several days. On the

23d his troops stormed the fortifications of the Boers on

Spion Kop, a spur of the Drakenberg mountains, and carried

them with heavy loss, only to find that they were commanded

from other heights and could not be held. Again he drew back

to the southern bank of the Tugela, on the 29th; but only for

a few days. On the 5th of February his army was once more

pushed beyond the river, and entrenched in a position among

the hills, which it held until the 9th, and was then, for the

third time, withdrawn. This third movement is supposed to

have been a feint, intended to detain the Boer forces in his

front, either from some assault feared at Ladysmith or from

interference with the campaign which Lord Roberts was about to

open. The besieged at Ladysmith were holding out with grim

resolution, but they were known to be in sore straits.

Occasional messages by the heliograph told of much sickness

and fast approaching starvation in the town. Fever was killing

more than the shells from the bombarding guns; and the chances

of relief seemed to have almost disappeared.

But a sudden change in the whole military situation was about

to be made. Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener had organized

arrangements of transportation and supplies for handling the

immense force now at their command, and were ready to execute

their plans. The former arrived at Modder River on the 9th of

February; two days later his columns were set in motion, and

the Boer forces, under General Cronje, were too greatly

outnumbered to withstand the avalanche which fell upon them.

General French led a cavalry expedition to Kimberley, reaching

the town on the 15th and raising the siege. The next day

General Cronje was in retreat towards Bloemfontein, the Free

State capital, harassed by British cavalry, and with the main

army of Lord Roberts straining every nerve to strike him

before he reached it. On the 18th he was brought to bay, at a

point on the Madder River, near Paardeberg, where he defended

himself for nine days, in a situation that was impregnable to

assault, but terribly exposed to artillery fire from

surrounding heights. He was expecting help from the forces in

Natal and elsewhere, and several attempts were made by his

associates to reach him; but the British were too strong to be

driven from their prey. After suffering to such a degree that

his men would endure no more, the brave and stubborn Boer

surrendered on the 27th, his army, reduced to about 4,000,

laying down their arms. Some 500 had been taken in the

previous fighting, and considerable numbers in the last days

of the siege, are said to have deserted and found means to

slip through the enemy's lines. The prisoners were sent, for

convenience of custody, to the island of St. Helena, the

general being accompanied by his whole family, and treated

with much respect.

{497}

While these operations were being carried to success by Lord

Roberts, General Buller was again attacking the formidable

fortifications of the enemy in his front. From the 14th of

February until the 23d he sacrificed great numbers of men in

assaults which failed to break a passage through the kopjes

defended by Boer guns. But Lord Roberts's invasion of the Free

State had, by this time, caused large withdrawals of Boers

from the line of the Tugela, and they were preparing to raise

the siege of Ladysmith. Consequently, when the British attack

was renewed, on the 27th, it achieved success, at last. The

Boers were driven from their main position and abandoned their

whole line. Ladysmith was reached by a swift advance of

cavalry the next day, and the half-starved garrison and

citizens were soon receiving supplies.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March).

Overtures of peace from Presidents Kruger and Steyn.

The reply of Lord Salisbury.

Death of General Joubert.

On the 5th of March, the Presidents of the South African

Republic and the Orange Free State addressed the following

telegram, jointly, to Lord Salisbury: "The blood and tears of

the thousands who have suffered by this war, and the prospect

of all the moral and economic ruin with which South Africa is

now threatened, make it necessary for both belligerents to ask

themselves dispassionately, and as in the sight of the Triune

God, for what they are fighting, and whether the aim of each

justifies all this devouring misery and devastation. With this

object, and in view of the assertions of various members of

the British Parliament to the effect that this war was begun

and is being carried on with the set purpose of undermining

Her Majesty's authority in South Africa, and of setting up an

Administration over all South Africa independent of Her

Majesty's Government, we consider it our duty solemnly to

declare that this war was undertaken solely as a defensive

measure for securing the threatened independence of the South

African Republic, and is only continued in order to secure the

incontestable independence of both Republics as sovereign

international States, and to ensure that those of Her

Majesty's subjects who have taken part with us in this war

shall suffer no harm whatever in person or property. On these

conditions, but on these conditions alone, are we now, as in

the past, desirous of seeing peace reëstablished in South

Africa, and of putting an end to the evil now reigning over

South Africa; while, if Her Majesty's Government is determined

to destroy the independence of the Republics, there is nothing

left to us and our people but to persevere to the end in the

course already begun, in spite of the overwhelming

pre-eminence of the British Empire, confident that the God who

lighted the unextinguishable fire of the love of freedom in

the hearts of our fathers will not forsake us, but will

accomplish His work in us and in our descendants. We hesitated

to make this declaration earlier to Your Excellency, as we

feared that as long as the advantage was always on our side,

and as long as our forces held defensive positions far in Her

Majesty's Colonies, such a declaration might hurt the feelings

of honour of the British people; but now that the prestige of the

British Empire may be considered to be assured by the capture

of one of our forces by Her Majesty's troops, and that we are

thereby forced to evacuate other positions which our forces

had occupied, that difficulty is over, and we no longer

hesitate clearly to inform your Government and people in the

sight of the whole civilised world why we are fighting, and on

what conditions we are ready to restore peace."

On the 11th Lord Salisbury replied as follows: "I have the

honour to acknowledge Your Honours' telegram, dated the 5th of

March, from Bloemfontein, of which the purport is principally

to demand that Her Majesty's Government shall recognise the

'incontestable independence' of the South African Republic and

Orange Free State 'as sovereign international States,' and to

offer, on those terms, to bring the war to a conclusion. In

the beginning of October last peace existed between Her

Majesty and the two Republics under the Conventions which then

were in existence. A discussion had been proceeding for some

months between Her Majesty's Government and the South African

Republic, of which the object was to obtain redress for

certain very serious grievances under which British residents

in the South African Republic were suffering. In the course of

those negotiations, the South African Republic had, to the

knowledge of Her Majesty's Government, made considerable

armaments, and the latter had, consequently, taken steps to

provide corresponding reinforcements to the British garrisons

of Cape Town and Natal. No infringement of the rights

guaranteed by the Conventions had, up to that point, taken

place on the British side. Suddenly, at two days' notice, the

South African Republic, after issuing an insulting ultimatum,

declared war upon Her Majesty; and the Orange Free State, with

whom there had not even been any discussion, took a similar

step. Her Majesty's dominions were immediately invaded by the

two Republics, siege was laid to three towns within the

British frontier, a large portion of the two Colonies was

overrun, with great destruction to property and life, and the

Republics claimed to treat the inhabitants of extensive

portions of Her Majesty's dominions as if those dominions had

been annexed to one or other of them. In anticipation of these

operations the South African Republic had been accumulating

for many years past military stores on an enormous scale,

which by their character could only have been intended for use

against Great Britain. Your Honours make some observations of a

negative character upon the object with which these

preparations were made. I do not think it necessary to discuss

the questions you have raised. But the result of these

preparations, carried on with great secrecy, has been that the

British Empire has been compelled to confront an invasion

which has entailed upon the Empire a costly war and the loss

of thousands of precious lives. This great calamity has been

the penalty which Great Britain has suffered for having in

recent years acquiesced in the existence of the two Republics.

In view of the use to which the two Republics have put the

position which was given to them, and the calamities which

their unprovoked attack has inflicted upon Her Majesty's

dominions, Her Majesty's Government can only answer Your

Honours' telegram by saying that they are not prepared to

assent to the independence either of the South African

Republic or of the Orange Free State."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Africa, Number 2, 1900.

{498}

On the 27th of March, the Boer cause experienced a great loss,

in the sudden death, from peritonitis, of General Joubert, the

Commandant-General and Vice President of the South African

Republic.

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (March).

Proclamation to the burghers by the British commander.

Soon after entering the Orange Free State, Lord Roberts issued

a proclamation addressed to the burghers, assuring them that

the British government did not believe them to be responsible

for the aggressive act of war committed by the government of

the Orange Free State, and bore them no ill-will. "I,

therefore," his proclamation continued, "warn all Burghers to

desist from any further hostility towards Her Majesty's

Government and the troops under my command, and I undertake

that any of them, who may so desist and who are found staying

in their homes and quietly pursuing their ordinary

occupations, will not be made to suffer in their persons or

property on account of their having taken up arms in obedience

to the order of their Government. Those, however, who oppose

the forces under my command, or furnish the enemy with

supplies or information, will be dealt with according to the

customs of war. Requisitions for food, forage, fuel, or

shelter, made on the authority of the officers in command of

Her Majesty's troops, must be at once complied with; but

everything will be paid for on the spot, prices being

regulated by the local market rates. If the inhabitants of any

district refuse to comply with the demands made on them, the

supplies will be taken by force, a full receipt being given.

Should any inhabitant of the country consider that he or any

member of his household has been unjustly treated by any

officer, soldier or civilian attached to the British Army, he

should submit his complaint, either personally or in writing,

to my Headquarters or to the Headquarters of the nearest

General Officer. Should the complaint on enquiry be

substantiated, redress will be given. Orders have been issued

by me, prohibiting soldiers from entering private houses, or

molesting the civil population on any pretext whatever, and

every precaution has been taken against injury to property on

the part of any person belonging to, or connected with, the

Army."

After the occupation of Bloemfontein, Lord Roberts issued a

second proclamation, announcing that he had received authority

from his government to offer the following terms to those "who

have been engaged in the present war": "All Burghers who have

not taken a prominent part in the policy which has led to the

war between Her Majesty and the Orange Free State, or

commanded any forces of the Republic, or commandeered or used

violence to any British subjects, and who are willing to lay

down their arms at once, and to bind themselves by an oath to

abstain from further participation in the war, will be given

passes to allow them to return to their homes and will not be

made prisoners of war, nor will their property be taken from

them."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Cd. 261, 1900, pages 62-63.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and the Free State:

A. D. 1900 (March).

Boer Peace Commissioners to Europe and America.

In March, three commissioners, Messrs. Fischer, Wolmeraans and

Wessels were sent to Europe and America by the two Boer

governments to solicit intervention in their behalf. They

visited several European countries and proceeded thence to the

United States, in May. There were many demonstrations of

popular sympathy in their reception, on both sides of the

ocean, but they failed to obtain official recognition.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March-May).

The British in Bloemfontein and Kroonstad.

The relief of Mafeking.

From the scene of the surrender of General Cronje Lord Roberts

moved quickly on the Free State capital. His advance was

resisted by considerable forces of the Boers, but he was able

to turn most of their positions, and fought only one severe

battle, at Driefontein, on the 10th of March. On the 12th his

cavalry was in possession of Bloemfontein, and the

Field-Marshal entered the city on the following day, receiving

from the municipal officers a formal surrender of the keys of the

public buildings, and being welcomed by some part of the

population with demonstrations of joy. President Steyn and

most of the members of the government of the Republic had

retired to Kroonstad and established the seat of authority

there. The lighting and the forced marches of a single month,

since he began his advance, had now exhausted the mobility of

Lord Roberts's army, worn out the means of transportation

which Lord Kitchener had hastily organized for it,—while his

troops were being stricken with fever,—and he was compelled to

suspend his campaign for some weeks. The situation at that

time was probably described with accuracy by a military

contributor to "Blackwood's Magazine" for June, 1900, who

wrote: "Lord Roberts found himself at Bloemfontein with the

wreck of an army and a single narrow-gauge line of railway

between himself and his base, upwards of 700 miles distant. It

was very soon known in Boer headquarters at Kroonstad that he

could not move beyond Bloemfontein for some weeks. The

triumphal march of Generals Gatacre and Clements through the

recently captured territory, accepting submissions, hoisting

union-jacks and picking up rifles of antique date, afforded

much amusement to the Boers, who saw their opportunity and

streamed down in large numbers on the small British posts

which were scattered east and south of the railway."

There was a good deal of raiding and fighting on a minor

scale, with a number of mortifying mishaps to the British

arms; but little of importance occurred in the military field

until near the end of April, when Lord Roberts had reinforced

and mobilized his army sufficiently to move forward again,

towards Pretoria. On the 12th of May he entered Kroonstad, and

the Free State government was again in flight. He paused at

Kroonstad for some days, and while he paused there came news

of the relief of Mafeking, which caused a wilder joy in

England than any other event of the war. There had been

painful anxiety on account of the besieged in that remote

town, in the far corner of Bechuanaland, on the border of the

Transvaal,—so far from help, and so stoutly defended for seven

weary months by a very small force. From a point near

Kimberley, a flying column of mounted men, mostly colonial

troops, commanded by Colonel Mahon, had been started northward

on the 4th of May, taking a route east of the railway, to avoid,

as much as possible, the Boers.

{499}

On the 15th they were 20 miles west of Mafeking, and there

they were joined by another detachment, under Colonel Plumer,

which had been operating in the northern region for some weeks

without being able to break up the siege. The two advanced on

the works of the besiegers, drove them out by hard fighting,

and entered the town on the 18th of May. Meantime, another

column, under General Hunter, had been securing and opening

the railway, to bring up the sorely needed supplies for the

famished and worn-out garrison and people of the town. The

defense of Mafeking was one of the finest performances of the

war, and gave distinction to Colonel Baden-Powell.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (April-June).

The question of the treatment of Cape Colonists who had taken

part with the Boers in the war.

Resignation of Premier Schreiner.

On the 28th of April, the Ministers of Cape Colony addressed

to the Governor, Sir Alfred Milner, a Minute upon the subject

of the treatment of those inhabitants of the Colony who had

joined or given aid to the Boers in the war, and who had thus

made themselves liable to the pains and penalties of high

treason. "Ministers submit," they said, "that the ends of

justice would be served by the selection of a certain limited

number of the principal offenders, whose trials would mark the

magnitude of their offence, and whose punishment, if found

guilty, would act as a deterrent. For the remainder, Ministers

believe that the interests both of sound policy and of public

morality would be served if Her Gracious Majesty were moved to

issue, as an act of grace, a Proclamation of amnesty under

which, upon giving proper security for their good behaviour,

all persons chargeable with high treason, except those held

for trial, might be enlarged and allowed to return to their

avocations. Ministers urge such a course not only on the

ground of that natural desire for clemency towards her erring

subjects which they feel sure would spring from Her Gracious

Majesty, but from a deep sense of the importance of such a

step upon the future well-being of this country."

The substance of the Minute was transmitted by cable to Mr.

Chamberlain, and he replied to it on the 5th of May, objecting

to the proposed proclamation of a broad amnesty, saying:

"Clemency to rebels is a policy which has the hearty sympathy

of Her Majesty's Government, but justice to loyalists is an

obligation of duty and honour. The question is how can these

two policies be harmonized. It is clear that in the interest

of future peace it is necessary to show that rebellion cannot

be indulged in with impunity, and above all that if

unsuccessful it is not a profitable business for the rebel.

Otherwise the State would be offering a premium to rebellion.

The present moment, therefore, while the war is still

proceeding, and while efforts may still be made to tempt

British subjects into rebellious courses, is in any case not

appropriate for announcing that such action may be indulged in

with absolute impunity. And if, as has been suggested, a great

many of the Queen's rebellious subjects are the mere tools of

those who have deceived them, it is important that these

should be made aware individually that whatever their leaders

may tell them rebellion is a punishable offence." This

attitude of the Imperial Government on the subject of amnesty

occasioned differences in the Ministry of Cape Colony which

led to the resignation of the Premier, Mr. W. P. Schreiner, on

the 13th of June, and the appointment of a new Ministry, under

Sir Gordon Sprigg.

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

July, 1900, Cape Colony, Cd. 264.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May).

The British army stricken with fever.

The losses of the British army in battle during this campaign

of Lord Roberts had not been severe; but it had encountered a

worse enemy than the Boers, and was being terribly thinned and

shattered by the ravages of enteric or typhoid fever. The

sanitary condition of the army in May, and the lack of due

provision for dealing with the dreadful epidemic, have been

graphically described by the writer already quoted, in

"Blackwood's Magazine." Referring to the outset of the

campaign, in February, he wrote:

"The movement of men and cattle depends on flesh and muscle—it

cannot go on for ever; the strain of incessant marching on

insufficient food and forage will find out the weak spot even

in the most willing. General French started on his memorable

ride with 4,800 horses, of which 990 dropped by the way,

though the loss in the ranks, exclusive of Paardeberg, was

only fifty men,—the brunt of the battle for life lay with the

horses. But not for long. The men with worn-out boots,

tattered clothes, hurrying through scorching days and frosty

nights, with half a biscuit and water tainted with dead Boers,

to satisfy an appetite and thirst compelled by hard work at an

altitude of 4,000 feet, who marched in as soldiers, proud of the

victory they had won, staggered and fell out, victims to the

curse that creeps in, unnoticed, wherever camps are

crowded—enteric. … Of all things on which we prided ourselves

was the care and the money we had lavished to provide comforts

for our sick soldiers. The foremost surgeons of the day had

volunteered; military hospitals had been arranged on the

latest plan; private benevolence had provided as many more;

ladies of every rank in life had gone out to nurse: the

soldiers, at all events, would be looked after. Letters from

the front had come from patients to say how well they had been

treated. Mr. Treves at the Reform Club made a speech eulogizing

the perfection of the hospitals in Natal, and Sir W. MacCormac

spoke of the medical arrangements as admirable—our minds

rested content. All this was so long ago as the 10th March,

but what happened in March, for all we knew, was happening in

May. Then Mr. Burdett-Coutts told us that hundreds of men were

lying in the worst stages of typhoid, with only a blanket to

cover them, a thin water-proof sheet (not even that for many)

between them and the ground; no milk and hardly any medicines;

without beds, stretchers, or mattresses; without pillows, without

linen of any kind, without a single nurse amongst them, with a

few private soldiers as orderlies, and only three doctors to

attend on 350 patients; their faces covered with flies in

black clusters, the men too weak to brush them off, trying in

vain to dislodge them by painful twitching of the

features—there was no one to do it for them. And this a mile

from Bloemfontein, where the army had been for six weeks. It

is true that a terrible epidemic had followed it from

Paardeberg, to break out when it halted. Lord Roberts tells us

that before he left on May 3rd the sick gradually increased to

2,000, reaching on June 4th the appalling number, in

Bloemfontein, of over 5,000 suffering from typhoid alone.

{500}

Such were the bare facts as stated on either side—a sudden and

devastating epidemic with totally inadequate hospital

arrangements to meet it. … Yet typhoid has always been the

scourge of armies in the field,—in South Africa the

water-supply, invariably surface drainage fouled by dead

animals, is proverbial—that at least was known. The medical

authorities on the spot were repeatedly warned by local

medical men that from February onwards ten men would be down

with typhoid for one with wounds. Ladysmith is in evidence of

the persistent presence of typhoid—every one who has visited

South Africa bears witness to the same—it can hardly be urged

that an outbreak was unreasonable to expect; yet when it did

occur it seems to have been taken by the medical

administration at the base as an unwarrantable intrusion."

The War Operations in South Africa

(Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1900).

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (May).

Speech of President Kruger to the Volksraads.

The following translation of a speech addressed to both

Volksraads by President Kruger, in May, 1900, was published in

England some months later: "It is known to you," said the

President, "how, before the war started, pressure was brought

to bear to obtain the franchise. It is known to you that the

Government conceded, after the Rand had consented, although

this body saw the difficulty in the matter, till even the

burghers made petitions to the effect that we had parted with

all our rights. The Government had in view the prevention of

shedding blood. The Raad then consented to a seven years'

franchise, and also to grant immediately the franchise to

people resident here longer than seven years. There were then

nearly 30,000 who would obtain the franchise immediately, and

so much was conceded that when these had obtained the

franchise they would have been able to out-vote the old

burghers. We consented to this solely to prevent the shedding

of blood. Yet they were not satisfied and they wanted the

franchise after five years' residence. Our burghers were

against this, and there were also members of the Raad who

would not agree to this, yet, nevertheless, the Government

made a proposition about it, because they had discovered that

it was not about the franchise, but that it was a pretence

full of Pharisaic hypocrisy, because documents had been found

that in 1896 it was decided that the two independent Republics

should not be allowed to exist any more. I cannot express

myself otherwise than to call it a devilish fraud. Peace was

spoken of while a resolution had already been passed to

annihilate us. Even if we had conceded more, yea, even if we

had said that the franchise could be obtained after one year,

then that would not have been accepted. It was proved by

documents that, as this nation could not be allowed to be a

free nation, as was pointed out in the address, the

Government, to prevent the further shedding of blood, made a

proposition to Chamberlain and Salisbury about this matter,

and what was the reply? You have, doubtless, read the paper,

and, although I cannot verbally repeat the contents of the

said document, it amounts to this. That they were annoyed ever

to have acknowledged us as an independent nation, and that,

notwithstanding all conventions made, they would never

acknowledge this nation as self-supporting. Honourable

gentlemen, I had to express that which was in my mind. Psalm

83 speaks of the assault of the evil one on the Kingdom of

Christ. That must not exist. The self-same words of Salisbury

also appear, because he says 'this nation must not exist,' and

God says, 'this nation shall exist.' Who will be victorious?

Certainly the Lord. You see therein the deceit which they then

already practised, even they, for though our nation did not

wish to part with any rights, the Executive Council conceded

so far that we nearly lost the country. The intention was not

to obtain these rights. They wanted our country not to be

independent any longer. Every other proposition was

unsatisfactory to them.

"Let us look this matter in the face and see the cunning

deceit enveloped therein. They wrote to the Orange Free State

that they had nothing against them, but that they had some

grievance against this Republic. Their intention was to tear

the two Republics asunder, and it has been proved by

documentary evidence that neither of them would be allowed to

remain. You see the deception which lies therein. The

documents prove that this was already decided in 1896, from

the time of Jameson's invasion, and yet they maintain that if

the Orange Free State had laid down their weapons that that

country would remain in existence. The Orange Free State

decided not to lay down their arms, and we started together.

We were 40,000 men, but everywhere we had to watch the

Kaffirs, and even the commander of Mafeking informed us that

certain Kaffir chiefs would assist him. We know that these

numbered 30,000 able-bodied men. The number of Kaffirs nearly

equalled the number of our forces. Besides them, more than

200,000 English troops arrived, and against these we have to

fight. Now, gentlemen, look on God's government. Is it not

wonderful that 40,000 men having to fight these thousands,

besides the coloured people, still live? Acknowledge therein

the hand of God. The matter I wish to impress is this. It is

remarkable that when we meet the enemy we stand in the

proportion of 10 to 100. Yet the Lord hath spared us thus far.

I do not wish to prophesy, but I wish to point out that our

guidance is in the word of God. It is extraordinary, but this

war is a sign of the times. What it amounts to is this. That

the power of the Beast is an obstinate power to persecute the

Church and will continue this until the Lord says, 'Thus far

and no further: and why? Because the Church must be tried and

purified as there is so much iniquity among us. That is why

the war is extraordinary and is a sign of the times. Every one

will be convinced that the word of God can be plainly traced

in this matter. They say that the people 'shall not exist,'

but God says, 'it shall exist and be purified.' In my mind it

lies clear and discernable that the day of grace is not far

off. The Lord will prove to be ruler, and nothing shall take

place without His will. When He allows chastisement to come

upon us we must bend ourselves and humble ourselves, confess

our sins and turn again to the Lord. When the whole nation has

been humbled, and it is seen that we can do nothing ourselves,

the Lord will help us and we shall have peace immediately.

{501}

This humility has not grasped our hearts sufficiently at

present, and we must perform our earnest duty as Peter says in

1 Peter, chapter v., v. 7 and 8:—'Casting all your care upon

Him; for He careth for you'; but in the eighth verse it

states:—'Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary the

Devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may

devour.' That is the point on which we must be careful. If we

fall into disbelief then we lower ourselves.

"I ask you, brothers, what is their behaviour? In an open

letter Kaffirs are called up by them as at Derdepoort, and

women and children are murdered. The English assert that no

Kaffirs were utilized against us but only coloured people, but

it is a fact that Montsioa with his Kaffirs are in Mafeking,

and are employed to fight against us. Now, gentlemen, you must

not come to the conclusion that everyone who fights against us

belongs to the Beast (vide Revelations, chapter 13). There are

certainly hundreds of God's children with them who, however,

through fear are the Beast's, and are forced to act with them,

but God knows all hearts. We did not seek to spill the blood

which lies strewn upon the earth, as we conceded nearly all

our rights; but when they wanted to murder us, we could not

give way any more. How did it fare with Ahab? The mighty foe

came on to the walls of the city, and they lost heart. Then

the prophet of God came and said, Fear nothing. Then God

arose, and in that God we must put our trust, because He is

the same God. Let us not, therefore, live as if no God

existed; He reigns. In the beginning was the Word, and the

Word was God, and the Word became flesh and lived amongst us.

Look at history, it must be an example to us. He is still the

same God who led out Israel and hardened the heart of Pharaoh

to the end, until finally all the first-born of the Egyptians

died, whereupon Pharaoh allowed the Israelites to go. He is

still the same God who calmed the winds and storms on the sea,

and His arm is not shortened. Some ask, 'Does not this only

have reference to the Church in the two Republics?' No. See

the three youths in the burning oven. Did these rejoice alone?

No; but God's people of the whole earth. Was it solitary for

Daniel in the lions' den? No, but all Christians on the whole

earth rejoiced. So the Lord often chooses a small body to whom

He shows His miracles as an example for the whole Christian

world. Look upon the blood which has been spilt upon this

earth. Who is the cause of it? We have wanted peace and our

freedom since 1836, and the Lord has given it us, and will the

Lord ever give anything and then withdraw? No. But let us

humble ourselves before the Lord. There is no doubt about it

that eventually the Lord will lead us to victory. The day of

grace is not far from His people. Do not let us doubt but

remain true to God's word and fight in His name. When the cup

of humiliation is brought to our lips and we earnestly humble

ourselves before the Lord, then the day of grace has arrived.

Let each one then acknowledge that it is the hand of God which

makes us free and nothing else, then we shall not boast. Yet He

uses man as His instrument.

"I have laid my address before you, and I hope that the Raad

will not sit over it longer than to-morrow morning. There are

several members of the Raad who are burghers or military

officers in the field, so there will be no time to treat

ordinary subjects. I trust that you will only treat such

subjects as I lay before you. I have appointed an acting

Commandant General since I have lost my right-hand man,

although I do not infer that I have not more such men. The

late most noble Commandant General, Messrs. Kock and

Wolmarans, members of the executive council, are lost to me.

The State Secretary is a newly appointed one, and I am the

only one remaining of the old members of the executive

council, yet I have experienced much assistance and support

from the present members, and God will also support us. The

Lord is still our Commander-in-Chief; He gives orders and He

knows when to say, 'Thus far and no further.' It is surprising

how other Powers are unanimously with us and how the whole of

Europe prays for us, and will the Lord lend a deaf ear to

these prayers? Oh, no! Trust in the Lord and let us stand by

Him, and He will perform miracles. Even if I have to go to St.

Helena, the Lord will bring His people back and make them free,

and the same judgment will fall on the present Babylon, the

cause of all the spilt blood. We fight for the freedom which

God granted to us. I say again, should any brothers from this

Raad and private persons fall by the sword, they fought in the

name of the Lord and believed, and they, so says the word of

the Lord, are sacrificed on the altar for the glorification of

His name and of the glorious Church, which, at this time, is to

be revealed. The Church must be tried and purified, and that

is why I cannot see that this extraordinary war will be

allowed to destroy us. This war will be continued until the

Lord says, 'Thus far and no further,' remain at that, abide by

that, and fight with me. I give myself in the hands of the

Lord, whatever He has destined for me, I shall kiss His rod

with which He chastizes me because I am also guilty. Let

everyone humble himself before the Lord, I have said."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (May).

Annexation by proclamation of Lord Roberts to the

Dominions of the Queen.

"In view of Lord Robert's opinion that early annexation would

tend towards the pacification of the country, by removing a

feeling of uncertainty as to the return of President Steyn's

government," the following commission by the Queen to Lord

Roberts was issued on the 21st of May:

"Victoria R. I., by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of

Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith,

Empress of India: To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved

Councillor Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar, Field

Marshal of Our Forces, Knight of Our Most Illustrious Order of

Saint Patrick, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Honourable Order

of the Bath, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Exalted Order

of the Star of India, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most

Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, upon whom We have

conferred the Decoration of the Victoria Cross. Greeting:

Whereas the territories in South Africa heretofore known as

the Orange Free State have been conquered by Our forces, And

whereas it is expedient that such territories should be

annexed to and should henceforth form part of Our Dominions:

Now know you that We, reposing especial trust and confidence

in you the said Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar,

do hereby authorize and empower you in Our name to annex the

said territories and to declare that the said territories

shall henceforth form part of Our Dominions.

{502}

And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon

Administrator of the said territories provisionally and until

Our pleasure is more fully known. And We do authorize and

empower you as such Administrator to take all such measures,

and to make and enforce such laws as you may deem necessary

for the peace, order, and good government of the said

territories. And we do strictly charge and command all Our

officers, civil and military, and all other Our faithful

subjects, that in their several places, and according to their

respective opportunities, they do aid and assist you in the

execution of this Our Commission, and for so doing this shall

be your Warrant. Given at Our Court at St. James's, this 21st

day of May, One thousand nine hundred, in the Sixty-third Year

of Our Reign." The commission was executed by a public reading

of the proclamation of Lord Roberts at Bloemfontein on the

24th of May.

Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1900,

Cd. 261, pages 136, 144.

A counter-proclamation, referring to that of the British

commander, was issued by President Steyn, from Reitz, on the

11th of June, declaring: "Whereas an unjust war was forced on

the people of the Orange Free State and of the South African

Republic by Great Britain in the month of October 1899, and

whereas these two small Republics have maintained the unequal

struggle with the powerful British Empire for more than eight

months and still maintain it; … Whereas the forces of the

Orange Free State are still in the field and the Orange Free

State has not been conquered and whereas the aforesaid

proclamation is thus in contradiction with International Law;

Whereas the independence of the Orange Free State has been

acknowledged by nearly all the civilised Powers; Whereas it is

notorious that the British authorities have lately recognised

that the Orange Free State is governed in an exemplary manner,

and that it is both a violation of the laws of civilization

and a denial of the fundamental rights of such people to rob

it on what a pretence soever, of its freedom, and whereas I

consider it desirable to make known to all whom it may concern

that the aforesaid Proclamation is not recognised by the

Government and the people of the Orange Free State; So,

therefore, I, M. T. Steyn, State President of the Orange Free

State, in consultation with the Executive Council, and in the

name of the independent people of the Orange Free State, do

hereby proclaim that the aforesaid annexation is not

recognised and is hereby declared to be null and of no avail.

The people of the Orange Free State is and remains a free and

independent people, and refuses to submit to British rule."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Cd. 261, 1900, page 155.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (May).

Opposition of Cape Colony Afrikanders to the annexation

of the Republics.

A "People's Congress" of the Afrikanders, or Bondmen, of Cape

Colony, was held at Graaff-Reinet, on the 30th of May, to

protest against the annexation of the Boer Republics. The

following resolution was adopted by acclamation: "Whereas,

were the Republics to be annexed the majority of Cape

Colonists would feel themselves bound morally to work

unceasingly by every right and lawful means for the

restoration of independence to the Republics, and to make that

end their first political object; And whereas from our

knowledge of the history and character of the Republics we are

convinced they would never become the willing subjects of the

Empire, but would seize any and every opportunity which might

offer itself to recover their independence, possibly by force

of arms, once they were to be deprived of it; And whereas

instead of the annexation of the Republics tending to promote

the welfare of their people, as has been claimed, it would, if

successfully maintained for any long period, tend to degrade

those people and their offsprings, seeing that the servitude

of a self-governing State is as demoralising to its people as

the more direct form of personal slavery; And whereas, as the

annexation of the Republics by Great Britain would be as great

a wrong morally as the theft by a rich man of a poor man's

hard-earned savings; On that general ground alone it is not

believable that permanent good could result from such a

policy. Therefore be it resolved now that we, on behalf of the

majority of Cape Colonists, do hereby declare our solemn and

profound conviction that the annexation of the two South

African Republics would be disastrous to the peace and welfare

of South Africa and of the Empire as a whole." Also the

following: "Be it resolved that it is the opinion of the

people in Congress here assembled that a settlement of the

South African question on the following basis would prove a

blessing to South Africa and the Empire, namely, that the two

Republics should have their unqualified independence; that the

Colonies should have the right to enter into treaties of

obligatory arbitration with the Republics for the settlement

of all disputes affecting the internal affairs of the South

African Continent, and that this colony, and any other colony

so deserving it, should have a voice in the selection of its

Governors. Be it further resolved that a settlement on the

above basis would make the majority of the people who have

made South Africa their home the warm friends and staunch

allies of the British Empire, and that in no other way known

to us can that end now be attained."

In transmitting a report of this meeting to Secretary

Chamberlain, the High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, wrote:

"I do not myself take a very gloomy view of the prospect of

racial relations in the Colony, much less in South Africa

generally. If it is true, as the conciliators are never tired

of threatening us, that race hatred will be eternal, why

should they make such furious efforts to keep it up at the

present moment? The very vehemence of their declarations that

the Africanders will never forgive, nor forget, nor acquiesce,

seems to me to indicate a considerable and well-justified

anxiety on their part lest these terrible things should after

all happen."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

July, 1900, South Africa, Cd. 261, pages 182-188.

{503}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May-June).

The British invasion of the Transvaal.

Occupation of Johannesburg and Pretoria.

Expulsion of the Boers from Natal.

Discussion of terms of surrender.

On the 22d of May, Lord Roberts resumed his forward movement

from Kroonstad, with a strong column of cavalry, under General

French, in advance on the west, and another, of mounted

infantry, under General Ian Hamilton, on the east. The Boers,

under General Botha, had prepared defensive works on the

Rhenoster River, but were too much endangered by the flanking

column of General Hamilton to make a stand there, and fell

back. Again at the Vaal River, their fortifications were

untenable, as against an invasion of such numbers, with so

large a mounted force. With little resistance the British army

crossed the Vaal on the 26th and 27th and entered the

territory of the South African Republic. On the 30th it was

before Johannesburg, and the town was surrendered on the

following day. Thence the invading force moved upon Pretoria,

meeting some opposition, but evidently none that was hopefully

made, and the capital was surrendered unconditionally to Lord

Roberts on the 5th of June. President Kruger and the officials

of his government had left the town, with their archives and

their treasure, and movable offices had been prepared for them

in railway cars, which were transferred for the time being to

Machadodorp, at some distance eastward. Most of the armed

burghers had escaped from the town, and they had been able to

remove about 900 of their British prisoners; but a large

number of the latter were set free. General Botha gathered up

his broken and discouraged forces and intrenched them in a

strong position on the Lorenzo Marquez railway, only 15 miles

eastward from Pretoria. Lord Roberts moved against him on the

11th and compelled him to retreat, after hard fighting for

five hours. This ended important operations in that part of

the field.

In Natal, General Buller, since early in May, had been pushing

his army northward, in a movement co-operative with that of

Lord Roberts. He had turned the flank of the Boer forces in

the positions they had fortified against his advance, regained

Glencoe and Dundee, and moved on to Newcastle. Then, with more

serious fighting, he forced Botha's Pass through the

mountains, compelled the Boers to evacuate their strongholds

on Laing's Nek and Majuba Hill, and was substantially in

possession of Natal.

On the 30th of May, General Buller sent word to General Chris

Botha that Lord Roberts had crossed the Vaal, and suggested

surrender, further resistance appearing useless. This led to a

meeting of the opposed commanders, at which Botha asked what

terms Lord Roberts would offer. Buller immediately referred

the question to Lord Roberts, saying: "Can you let me know

your terms of peace for individual and separate commandos? … I

think they are inclined to give in, and that I have in front

of me about half the Transvaal forces now in the field. If you

think it worth while please let me know if I may mention any

terms of peace to them. I think, even if assisted from the

Orange Free State, it will cost me about 500 men killed and

wounded to get out of Natal." The reply of Lord Roberts, dated

June 3, 1900, was as follows: "Your telegram of yesterday. My

terms with the Transvaal Government are unconditional

surrender. With regard to troops, those who deliver up their

arms and riding animals are allowed to go to their homes on

signing pledge that they will not fight again during present

war. The exceptions to this rule are those who have commanded

portions of the Republican forces, or who have taken an active

part in the policy which brought about the war, or who have

been guilty of or been parties to wanton destruction of

property, or guilty of acts contrary to the usages of

civilized warfare. Principal officers should remain with you

on parole until you receive instructions regarding their

disposal." General Botha declined the terms.

Nine days later (June 12) Lord Roberts opened correspondence

on the same subject with General Louis Botha, Acting

Commandant-General of the Boer forces, endeavoring to persuade

him, "in the cause of humanity, to refrain from further

resistance." The Commandant-General wrote in return: "For the

purpose of arriving at a decision, it is not only absolutely

necessary for me to call a General Council of War of my

Officers and to consult them, but above all it is necessary

for me to consider the subject with my Government. I trust

that for the sake of humanity your Excellency will give me the

opportunity for such consideration and consultation. As some

of my Officers are near the Natal Border, and I am also a long

way separate from my Government, this will require some time.

I ask your Excellency kindly, therefore, for an armistice for

six days, beginning from to-morrow morning at sunrise, during

which time no forward movement will be made on either side

within the territory of the South African Republic."

Lord Roberts replied: "I am anxious to meet your wishes and to

enable your Honour to communicate with the Government of the

South African Republic, but as the movement of my troops in

that Republic are intimately connected with operations in

progress in other parts of South Africa, it is impossible for

me to accede to your Honour's request that there should be an

armistice for 6 days, during which time no forward movement

will be made on either side within the territory of the South

African Republic. I am willing, however, to refrain from

making further movements in the district to the east of the

Elands River Railway Station, our present most advanced post

in that direction, and also in the district north of the

Volksrust and Johannesburg Railway, for a period of five (5)

days, commencing at dawn on the 15th June, on the condition

that no movement westward or southward is made by the Army of

the South African Republic during that same period. This will,

I trust, give your Honour the opportunity you desire of

consulting your Officers and conferring with your Government,

and I sincerely hope that the result will be of such a

satisfactory nature as to prevent further unnecessary loss of

life."

The proposal was declined by General Botha, in the following

note (June 15): "In answer to your letter, dated 14th June,

just received by me, wherein your Excellency consents to an

armistice for five days, but with the reservation of the right

to your Excellency to move your Army in all directions within

the South African Republic, except cast of Elands River

Station and north of the Volksrust-Johannesburg Railway line,

I must, to my great regret, inform your Excellency that this

reservation makes it impossible for me to accept this

armistice, which I have so much desired."

{504}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Continued resistance of the Boers in guerilla warfare.

An outline of the events of seven months.

A British view of the later situation.

"After the occupation of Pretoria, exhaustion of the mounted

forces and of the transport again supervened and Lord Roberts

was preoccupied with the double task of bringing up large

numbers of horses and masses of stores by a railway exposed to

attack along a distance of 290 miles, and at the same time of

dealing, as best he could, with scattered bodies of the enemy,

nowhere formidable in a military sense, but capable of much

mischief. The period beginning with the occupation of

Bloemfontein, during which the Boers developed and maintained

warfare of guerilla type, imposed highly responsible duties

upon British officers in charge of scattered posts and

convoys. In some cases those duties were not adequately

discharged, and for a time the defences of the important line

of communications appeared to be somewhat imperfectly

organized and supervised. There were signs of the tendency to

relax precautions after a conspicuous success, which has been

shown by British armies on other occasions. It was clear that

the main centre of Boer activity was in the Bethlehem

district, and at the end of June Lord Roberts despatched a

strong column south under Lieutenant-General Hunter to

co-operate with Major-Generals MacDonald, Clements, and Paget

from the west. Bethlehem was captured on July 7, and by the

end of the month Commandant Prinsloo, caught in the Brandwater

Basin between the forces of Lieutenant-Generals Hunter and

Rundle, surrendered with more than 4,000 men and a large

number of horses and wagons. … Meanwhile, Lord Roberts, who

had driven back the Boers along the Lorenzo Marques line, in

two actions near Eerste Fabrieken, on June 11 and 12, began an

advance eastward on July 23, and on August 7 Sir R. Buller

moved northwards from Paarde Kop. On August 25 the

Commander-in-Chief met Sir R. Buller and Generals French and

Pole-Carew at Belfast, and after the fighting of the 27th the

resistance of the Boers in this district practically

collapsed. Starting from Machadodorp on September 1, Sir R.

Buller moved slowly towards Spitzkop, driving the enemy before

him through a difficult mountainous region, and General French

pressed on to Barberton, which was occupied on the 13th

without opposition. On the 24th the Guards reached Komati

Poort. The rugged hill country east of Belfast offered great

opportunities for the tactics in which the Boers appeared to

excel; but the 'natural fortress surrounded by a glacis of

about 1,500 yards absolutely without cover' near Bergendal

Farm was not defended with the tenacity shown on previous

occasions, and the subsequent British advance led to a

wholesale destruction of artillery material and to the

surrender of some 3,000 men to the Portuguese. This, the third

great disaster which has befallen the Boers, left them without

any centre of resistance or any considerable gathering of

fighting men.

"Before the outbreak of war we estimated their available

strength at about 45,000, to which must be added some 10,000

colonial rebels and perhaps 5,000 mercenaries. It is doubtful

whether the force actually in the field at any one time

reached 45,000, and the total loss in killed, wounded and

prisoners, cannot be much less than 30,000. … Exhaustion of

supplies and of ammunition must soon begin to tell heavily

upon the Boers; but it cannot be said that they have at

present given evidence of personal demoralization.

Comparatively small bodies, lightly equipped, still hold the

field and show much activity over a wide area. It is

impossible to provide British garrisons for every town and

village, and wherever the roving bands of the enemy appear

there is a recrudescence of local hostility, even in districts

which have been apparently tranquil for months. Large mobile

columns are employed in pursuit, but the Boers carefully avoid

general engagements and attack only when there appears to be a

chance of surprising and overpowering small detachments. …

Mounted forces, marching as light as possible and capably

commanded, are the principal requirements of the situation. It

is necessary to give the roving commandos no rest and to make

every effort to capture their leaders. The work is not easy,

and it requires great energy and sound military judgment; but

it will be successfully accomplished, and the scale of the

operations will steadily dwindle into measures of police.

Meanwhile a gradual withdrawal of troops from South Africa is

taking place, and progress is doubtless being made with the

new organization under Lieutenant-General Baden-Powell, which

will be specially fitted for the work that now lies before us.

…

"The total casualties of the war up to the 31st ult. are

estimated at about 46,000, and 'the reduction of the military

forces' due to a campaign of more than a year is returned at

12,769, of which total 11,739 are accounted for by death,

including 6,482 victims to disease. It is impossible to rank

the Boer war among the great campaigns of the British Army;

but the peculiar difficulties must never be forgotten. The

closest parallel is probably that of the American Civil war,

in which an armed people long resisted far superior forces and

carried invasion into the territory of the stronger Power. The

military potentiality of the Southern States was at first as

little realized in Washington as was that of the Boers in

London, and disasters therefore resulted. In both cases the

issue was certain as soon as adequate force in strong hands

was available. The Southern leaders, like the Boers, hoped and

strove for foreign intervention in vain; but the former were

far less prepared for war than the latter. On the other hand

the Boers, though ably led in a limited sense, have produced

no commanders with a genius for war comparable to that of Lee

and of Jackson, nor have they shown the discipline and the

cohesion which characterized the Southern armies when at their

best. Desultory and irregular warfare may still be prolonged

for a time; great activity and ample vigilance will still be

required."

London Times,

November 5, 1900.

At the end of the year the "Times" summed up the later

features of the situation as follows: "The spirit of the Boers

remained unbroken, and small mobile commandos, scattered over

the vast area of the countries which we had undertaken to

occupy, perfectly familiar with the ground, and in close touch

with the civil population, have succeeded up to the present

time in making the task of the British Generals one of extreme

difficulty. The Boer resistance has centered chiefly in three

men, Commandants Louis Botha in the northeast, Delarey to the

west of Pretoria, and De Wet in the Orange Free State. The

first, who since the death of General Joubert, was in chief

command in Natal, and afterwards in the Eastern Transvaal, has

not been conspicuously active since September, but the other two

have achieved a great deal with their very limited resources,

and have earned enduring fame as guerrilla

chieftains.

{505}

De Wet, especially, after having been 'routed' and

'surrounded' times without number, has succeeded in giving

occupation to several British Generals and their forces up to

the present time, has kept the eastern part of the Orange

Colony in a continual ferment, and till now has defied the

energetic efforts of General Charles Knox to capture him.

Delarey, after remaining fairly quiescent for several weeks,

suddenly advanced through the Magaliesburg in the middle of

the present month with a force variously estimated at 1,500 or

3,000 men, surrounded and captured a position held by four

companies of the Northumberlands, and compelled the retreat of

General Clements and the evacuation of his camp. It is true

that these things are but the episodes of the later stages of

a war in which there will be no more great battles, but they

are exhausting, costly, and sometimes humiliating."

London Times,

December 31, 1900.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (August-December).

Farm-burning by the British troops.

Under proclamations issued by Lord Roberts in August and

September, aimed at the suppression of irregular warfare, a

punitive policy was adopted, which included the burning of

farmhouses where guerrilla bands were sheltered, or whose

inmates acted with such bands, and which soon came to be

denounced as one of shameful barbarity. Such different

representations have been made, as to the manner in which the

orders of Lord Roberts were carried out, and as to the measure

of devastation and suffering produced, that it seems to be

impossible to judge whether the British farm-burning in the

Transvaal and Orange Free State has or has not gone beyond the

usual brutalities that belong to the very nature of war. Mr.

Kruger, in speeches made after he went to Europe, represented

it as monstrous beyond example. "The war waged against us," he

said, on landing at Marseilles, "is a war of barbarians. I

have witnessed wars of barbarians and never have I seen

committed barbarities so monstrous as those committed daily

among us. Our farms, which we had had so much difficulty to

construct, are burned. The women whose husbands are at the war

are hunted down and brutally separated from their children,

who are deprived of bread and necessaries." The Afrikanders of

Cape Colony held similar language. Men of conscience and heart

in England were troubled by such accusations. Mr. Trevelyan, M.

P., wrote to "The Times," on the 24th of November: "What so

many of us feel, in the first place, is that we are not in a

position to form a fair judgment from sheer lack of the most

elementary reliable information of what has been done and is

still doing. An officer returned from the war about two months

told me the other day that he supposed only about 40 farms had

been burnt. I read in the 'Westminster Gazette' from an

equally honourable gentleman that it would not be an

exaggeration to say that one-third of the farms in the Orange

River Colony were in ashes. Clearly it is impossible for the

nation to make out the truth when such contradictory

statements are universally current. … One thing we do know for

certain—that on September 2 Lord Roberts, regarding the war as

having degenerated into guerrilla fighting, proclaimed that

all farms would be burnt within a radius of ten miles of any

point upon the railway raided by the Boers. It is now November

24. We know that many people innocent of any dealing with De

Wet have lost all they possess owing to his misguided energy.

Has it diminished sensibly the Boer forces in the field? If

not, what is its utility? … If the resistance of the Boers is

being lessened by these destructions, let us at least have the

poor consolation of knowing it. Again, we want to know what

really happens to the women and children whom our soldiers

conduct, I believe, generally to the nearest town after their

homes have been burned. People whose property has been totally

destroyed in a country where war has stopped all industry

obviously cannot keep themselves."

When Parliament met in December the subject was brought up

there, by Mr. Trevelyan and others, and debated at length,

without much clearer light on it being found. The government

could give no definite information as to what was being done,

but stoutly upheld the course which the military leaders had

taken. Mr. Balfour said: "The ordinary laws of war as

practised by civilized countries depend essentially upon

drawing a sharp distinction between combatant and

non-combatant. The combatant has his particular privileges,

the non-combatant has his particular privileges. What has been

universally found intolerable is that a man should oscillate,

according to his convenience, from one category to the

other—be a peaceful agriculturist when it suits him and an

effective combatant when circumstances seem to be favourable.

That practice is so intolerable that I believe all nations

have laid down the severest rules for repressing it. I have in

my hands the instructions to the army of the United States in

the field, dated 1898. I should like to read to the House two

extracts from this document. Rule 52 says:— 'If a people of a

country, or any portion of same already occupied by the army,

rises against it, they are violators of the laws of war, and

are not entitled to their protection.' The 82nd rule is to the

effect that men, or squads of men, who take part in raids of

any kind without permission, and without being part or portion

of an organized hostile army, are not public enemies, and

therefore if captured are not entitled to be treated as

prisoners of war, but shall be treated as highway robbers or

pirates."

Mr. Chamberlain said: "Lord Roberts's proclamation was to the

effect that, in the first instance, general officers were

authorized to burn down farmhouses as a punishment in cases in

which they were used as fortified places or places for the

concealment of arms, or in which the white flag had been

improperly used, or where they had been the scenes of gross

treachery and of acts contrary to the laws of war. As a matter

of right and morality, the Government are prepared to sustain

Lord Roberts absolutely. … Lord Roberts was placed in the most

difficult position in which a general could possibly be

placed. He had his base 1,500 miles away at least from his

front, through a most difficult country, and he was served

only by a single line of railway, and any catastrophe to the

railway might have meant a catastrophe to the whole army. It

is all very well to talk of humanity, but you must take first

account of our own people.

{506}

Now, Sir, it was of the first importance, it was the clear

duty of Lord Roberts, to take any steps in his power to

prevent the cutting of the line and the danger which would

thereby accrue to his force, and he accordingly issued a

proclamation that in the case of the destruction of the line

persons in the vicinity would be held responsible, and that

farmhouses in the vicinity might be destroyed. We understood

his proclamation to mean that he would require evidence of

some complicity on the part of the persons whose farmhouses

were destroyed. … We inquired the other day, when the matter

assumed greater importance, whether the construction we

placed upon the proclamation was true, and we have a reply

from Lord Kitchener, who has now taken the place of Lord

Roberts, that we are perfectly right in that assumption. …

According to the proclamation of Lord Roberts, whose humanity

is proverbial, and who therefore could not under any

circumstances be accused of unnecessary cruelty, cattle are

always to be paid for by the troops, or a receipt given,

which is as good as payment, except in those cases in which

the owner of the cattle has been guilty of acts of war or of

outrages which are punishable by all civilized nations who

are at war. Therefore the taking of cattle does not mean

necessarily that the owner of the cattle is placed in the

impossibility of continuing his occupation. If he has not got

the cattle he has got the money for them except in the cases

in which destruction has taken place as a punitive measure.

In all other cases the instructions are precise, and I

believe from all the information we have obtained from the

reports of the generals in the field they have been strictly

carried out. Never in the history of war has war been carried

out with so much humanity on the part of the officers and of

the soldiers concerned as in the present war. The honourable

member also spoke of the deportation of women. That sounds

like something serious, but I believe it will be found that

it is only for their own protection. If we are unable in this

vast country to occupy and garrison every bit of it, when our

troops are removed, if women and children are left alone they

remain there in some danger—in danger from those marauding

bands of which I have spoken and also from the vast native

population. And, Sir, this native population is answerable, I

believe, for every case of proved outrage either upon women

or children. I believe, and the last reports we have received

confirm that belief, that in no case has a British soldier

been justly accused of such an outrage."

The following proclamation, issued by Lord Roberts, November

18, seems to indicate that there had been practices in

farm-burning, before that time, which he could not approve:

"As there appears to be some misunderstanding with reference

to burning of farms and breaking of dams, Commander-in-Chief

wishes following to be lines on which General Officers

Commanding are to act:—No farm is to be burnt except for act

of treachery, or when troops have been fired on from premises,

or as punishment for breaking of telegraph or railway line, or

when they have been used as bases of operations for raids, and

then only with direct consent of General Officer Commanding,

which is to be given in writing, the mere fact of a burgher

being absent on commando is on no account to be used as reason

for burning the house. All cattle, wagons, and foodstuffs are

to be removed from all farms; if that is found to be

impossible, they are to be destroyed, whether owner be present

or not."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Cd. 426, 1900, page 23.

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1900 (September).

Protectorate over Barotsiland.

The "Cape Times" of September 19, 1900, stated that a

"Government Gazette Extraordinary" had been issued containing

an Order in Council proclaiming a protectorate over

Barotsiland—North-Western Rhodesia. "The limits of the country

included in the protectorate are the parts of Africa bounded

by the River Zambesi, the German South-West African

Protectorate, the Portuguese possessions, the Congo Free

State, and the Kafukwe or Loengi River. The Order provides

that the British South Africa Company may nominate officials

to govern the territory, and that these are to be confirmed by

the High Commissioner. The High Commissioner may, amongst

other things, from time to time by proclamation provide for

the administration of justice, the raising of revenue by the

imposition of taxes (which may include a tax in respect of the

occupation of native huts), and Customs duties or otherwise,

and generally for the peace, order, and good government of all

persons within the limits of the order, including the

prohibition and punishment of acts tending to disturb the

public peace. The expenses of the administration of this

country, if not entirely borne by the revenues of the country,

will be borne by the British South Africa Company, and if the

revenue more than meet the expenses, the excess will be paid

to the Chartered Company."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (September).

Leave of absence to President Kruger.

His departure for Europe.

Proclamation of Lord Roberts.

The following proclamation by the Executive Council of the

Boer government was issued from Nelspruit on the 10th of

September, 1900: "Whereas the advanced age of His Honour the

State President makes it impossible for His Honour further to

accompany the Commandos; and whereas the Executive Council is

convinced that the highly-valued services of His Honour can

still be usefully applied in the interest of Land and People,

the Executive Council hereby determines to grant His Honour

leave of absence to Europe for the period of six months, in

order still to advance our cause there, and Mr. S. W. Burger,

Vice-President, takes his place according to law.

[Signed] S. W. BURGER, Vice President.

F. W. REITZ, State Secretary."

Lord Roberts seems to have regarded the acceptance of this

"leave of absence" by President Kruger as equivalent to a

resignation of his office; for he published, on the 14th of

September, a proclamation in the following words:

"The late President, Mr. Kruger, and Mr. Reitz, with the

archives of the South African Republic, have crossed the

Portuguese frontier, and arrived at Lourenço Marques with a

view to sailing for Europe at an early date. Mr. Kruger has

formally resigned the position he held as President of the

South African Republic, thus severing his official connection

with the Transvaal. Mr. Kruger's action shows how hopeless in

his opinion is the war which has now been carried on for

nearly a year, and his desertion of the Boer cause should make

it clear to his fellow burghers that it is useless for them to

continue the struggle any longer.

{507}

"It is probably unknown to the inhabitants of the Transvaal

and Orange River Colony that nearly 15,000 of their

fellow-subjects are now prisoners of war, not one of whom will

be released until those now in arms against us surrender

unconditionally. The burghers must by this time be cognisant

of the fact that no intervention on their behalf can come from

any of the Great Powers, and, further, that the British Empire

is determined to complete the work which has already cost her

so many valuable lives, and to carry to its conclusion the war

declared against her by the late Governments of the South

African Republic and Orange Free State, a war to which there

can be but one ending. If any further doubts remain in the

minds of the burghers as to Her Britannic Majesty's

intentions, they should be dispelled by the permanent manner

in which the country is gradually being occupied by Her

Majesty's Forces, and by the issue of the Proclamations signed

by me on the 24th May and 1st September 1900, annexing the

Orange Free State and the South African Republic respectively,

in the name of Her Majesty.

"I take this opportunity of pointing out that, except in the

small area occupied by the Boer army under the personal

command of Commandant-General Botha, the war is degenerating,

and has degenerated, into operations carried on in an

irregular and irresponsible manner by small, and in very many

cases, insignificant bodies of men. I should be failing in my

duty to Her Majesty's Government and to Her Majesty's Army in

South Africa if I neglected to use every means in my power to

bring such irregular warfare to an early conclusion. The means

which I am compelled to adopt are those which the customs of

war prescribe as being applicable to such cases. They are

ruinous to the country, and entail endless suffering on the

burghers and their families, and the longer this guerrilla

warfare continues the more vigorously must they be enforced."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

1900, Cd. 420, page 78, and Cd. 426, page 17.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (October).

Proclamation of annexation to the British Dominions.

In terms similar to those used in proclaiming the annexation

of the Orange Free State (see above: MAY) the annexation of

the Transvaal to the Dominions of Her British Majesty was

proclaimed with great ceremony at Pretoria on the 25th of

October.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (November).

Return of Lord Roberts to England, leaving Lord Kitchener

in command.

Having been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the British Army,

in the place of Lord Wolseley, Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, on

the 29th of November, delivered the command in South Africa to

Lord Kitchener, and returned to England. At the same time,

Lord Kitchener was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and the Transvaal:

A. D. 1900 (December).

Afrikander Congress.

Lord Kitchener to the burghers of Pretoria.

From 6,000 to 8,000 persons were reported to be in attendance

at an "Afrikander Congress," held at Worcester, in Cape

Colony, December 6, which adopted the following resolutions:

"1. We men and women of South Africa assembled and represented

here, having heard the report of the people's deputation to

England, and having taken into earnest consideration the

deplorable condition into which the people of South Africa

have been plunged, and the grave danger threatening our

civilization, record our solemn conviction that the highest

interests of South Africa demand, first, the termination of

the war now raging with untold misery and horror, such as the

burning of houses, the devastation of the country, the

extermination of the white nationality, and the treatment to

which women and children are subjected, which will leave a

lasting heritage of bitterness and hatred, while seriously

endangering further relations between civilization and

barbarism in South Africa; secondly, the retention by the

Republics of their independence, whereby alone the peace of

South Africa can be maintained.

2. The congress desires full recognition of the right of the

people of this colony under its Constitution to settle and

manage their own affairs and to express grave disapproval of

the policy pursued and the attitude adopted in this matter by

the Governor and High Commissioner, his Excellency Sir Alfred

Milner.

3. The congress solemnly pledges itself to labour in a

constitutional way unceasingly for the above resolutions, and

resolves to send a deputation to his Excellency Sir Alfred

Milner, asking him to bring the resolutions officially to the

notice of her Majesty's Government."

On the 21st of December Lord Kitchener addressed a meeting, at

Pretoria, of burghers who had surrendered to the British and

who desired to bring about peace. In his remarks he was

reported to have said: "The Boers had fought a good fight, but

they were overpowered. There would be no dishonour in the

leaders recognizing this fact. The proclamations that had been

issued were of little use, as means were adopted to prevent

them from reaching the burghers. He trusted that the committee

would endeavour to acquaint the Boers in the field with the

true position. He desired to give them every chance to

surrender voluntarily, and to finish the war by the most

humane means possible. If the conciliatory methods now being

adopted failed he had other means which he would be obliged to

exercise. He would give the committee notice if the time

arrived to consider conciliation as a failure. The principal

difficulties were that burghers desirous of surrendering were

afraid they would not be allowed to remain in their own

districts or that they would be punished for violating their

oath of neutrality. General Kitchener declared that he had

issued instructions that burghers who surrendered would, with

their families and stock, be protected in their own districts.

Those who had broken the oath of neutrality under compulsion

would be accorded the same treatment. Deserted women and

children would be kept in laagers, where their friends could

freely join them. It was essential to clear the country. While

food remained the commandos were enabled to continue in the

field. General Kitchener added that it must be understood that

the British would not be responsible for stock unless it was

brought in and kept within protected limits. In conclusion

General Kitchener said that he had come to speak to the

burghers personally in order that they might be able to tell

their friends what they had heard from his own lips."

{508}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (December).

Numbers of British troops employed in the war from the

beginning, and their losses.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

SOUTH AFRICA: British Colonies: A. D. 1901 (January).

New heads of the Colonial Governments.

The following appointments were announced by the British

Colonial Office on the 4th of January, 1901: Sir Alfred Milner

to be Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.

The Honourable Sir Walter Francis Hely-Hutchinson (Governor of

Natal and Zululand since 1893) to be Governor of Cape Colony.

Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Henry C. McCallum (Governor of

Newfoundland since 1898, and aide-de-camp to the Queen since

1900) to be Governor of Natal. Major Hamilton John Goold-Adams

(Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate) to be

Lieutenant-Governor of the Orange River Colony.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1901 (January).

Boer invasion.

Declaration of martial law.

On New Year's Day, 1901, the Cape Town correspondent of the

"London Times" was compelled to write: "The immediate aspect

of affairs in Cape Colony at the opening of the new year is

scarcely less gloomy than at the beginning of 1900. The number

of Boers invading the country to-day may be less than it was a

year ago, but they have penetrated further south, and their

presence near such centres of hostile Dutch feeling as Graaf

Reinet constitutes an element of danger which was not present

last January. The proclamation issued this morning by the High

Commissioner calling for volunteers to defend the lines of

communication proves that the military authorities are at last

alive to the critical nature of the situation, but the measure

comes very late in the day."

On the 17th of January a cable message from Cape Town

announced: "An extraordinary gazette issued this afternoon

contains a proclamation placing the whole of the Cape Colony

under martial law, with the exception of the Cape Town,

Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth and East London districts

and the territories of the Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand and

East Pondoland. The gazette also states that the

peace-preservation act will be enforced in the Cape Colony,

Wynberg and Simonstown districts. Under this act all the civil

population will be called upon to deliver up their arms."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1901 (January).

Peace movement.

Condition of country described.

Defiant proclamation of Steyn and De Wet.

Early in January, a "Central Peace Committee," formed at

Kroonstad, addressed an open letter to their fellow citizens,

appealing for submission and peace, saying: "The country is

literally one vast wilderness. The farmers are obliged to go

to the towns for protection, and huge refugee camps have been

formed by the British for them and their families. These

people have lost everything, and ruin and starvation stare

them in the face. All this misery is caused by a small and

obstinate minority, who will not bow to the inevitable and who

make the majority suffer. Any encouragement to the men still

on commando to continue the hopeless struggle can only injure

us and cause us further misery. We have done our best and

fought to get Africa under one flag, and we have lost. Let

there be no mistake about this. England has spent millions and

sacrificed thousands of lives, and no reasonable being can

believe for one moment that she will now give up the fruits of

victory. It is, therefore, a duty for us, her beaten foe, to

accept the terms offered by our conqueror. … We appeal to you

and ask you to appoint another congress, and nominate men of

influence out of your midst to visit Mr. Steyn and General De

Wet, and try to persuade them to accept the terms offered by

England. These two men are the only obstacles to peace. We ask

you to believe us when we say that Mr. Kruger and the late

Transvaal Government have been willing twice already to accept

British terms, but Mr. Steyn refused to have anything to do

with surrender. He continued the war and encouraged the

burghers in the hope that we should get European assistance.

To-day he is cut off from all communication with the outside

world. You know and we know how unfounded that hope is and it

is your duty to assist us to make him understand this. We

appeal to you to help us to make an end to this unhappy state

of affairs, which is plunging everybody into poverty and

despair."

As if in response to this cry for peace, Steyn and De Wet

issued the following proclamation a few days later: "Be it

known to all that the war which was forced on the Republics by

the British Government still rages in the Orange Free State

and in the South African Republic; and that the customs of

civilized warfare and also the Conventions of Geneva and The

Hague have not been observed by the enemy, who has not

scrupled, contrary to the Geneva Convention, to capture

doctors and ambulances and to deport them, in order to prevent

our wounded from getting medical assistance. He has seized

ambulances and material appertaining thereto, and has not

hesitated, contrary to the recognized primitive rules of

warfare, and contrary to his solemn agreement at The Hague, to

arrest neutrals and deport them, and to send out marauding

bands to plunder, burn, and damage the burghers' private

property. He has armed Kaffirs and natives and made use of

them against us in war. He has been continually busy capturing

women and children, old and sickly men. Many women's deaths

have been occasioned because the so-called Christian enemy had

no consideration for women on a sick bed or for those whose

state of health should have protected them against rough

treatment. Honourable women and tender children have not only

been treated roughly, but also in an insulting manner by the

soldiers, by order of their officers. Moreover, old mothers

and women have been raped, even wives and children. The

property of prisoners of war, and even of killed burghers, has

not been respected. In many instances the mother and father

have been taken from the house, which was thus left

unprotected, and all have been left to their fate, an easy

prey to the savage. The world has been untruthfully informed

by the enemy that he was obliged to carry out this destruction

because the burghers blew up the line and cut the wires, or

misused the white flag. Nearly all the houses in the two

Republics have been destroyed, whether in the neighbourhood of

the railway line or not; while with regard to the misuse of

the white flag, that is simply a continuance of the

everlasting calumny against which the Afrikander has had to

strive since God brought him into contact with Englishmen.

Robbing his opponent of his goods has not satisfied him; he

will not be satisfied till he has robbed him of his good name

also.

{509}

"Then he wishes to inform the world that the Republics are

conquered and the war ended, and that only here and there

small plundering bands are to be found who continue the strife

in an irresponsible manner. It is an untruth. The Republics

are not yet conquered. The war is not finished. The burgher

forces of the two Republics are still led by responsible

leaders, as from the commencement of the war, under the

supervision of the Governments of both Republics. The fact

that Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener choose to term the

burgher forces marauding bands does not make them such.

Similarly, saying that the war is over does not put an end to

it while fighting still continues. When was this war over?

After the battle of Spion Kop or after Paardeberg? After the

occupation of Bloemfontein or Pretoria? Or perhaps after the

battles of Dewetsdorp or Commando Nek, in both of which

irregulars were captured and the enemy totally vanquished. The

burghers would be less than men if they allowed the enemy to

go unpunished after ill-treating their wives and destroying

their homes from sheer lust of destruction. Therefore a

portion of our burghers have again been sent into Cape Colony,

not only to wage war, but to be in a position to make

reprisals as they have already done in the case of the

ambulances. Therefore we again warn the officers of her

Majesty's troops that unless they cease the destruction of

property in the Republics, we shall wreak vengeance by

destroying the property of her Majesty's subjects who are

unkindly disposed to us; but at the same time, to avoid being

misunderstood, we hereby openly declare that the women and

children will always remain unmolested, despite anything done

to ours by her Majesty's troops. We ask for nothing from our

brothers in Cape Colony, but we call upon them, as well as

upon the civilized world, to assist on behalf of civilization

and Christianity in putting an end to the barbarous manner of

the enemy's warfare. Our prayer will always be that the God of

our fathers will not desert us in this unrighteous strife.

"On the field, January 14. STEYN. DE WET."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).

Report of British military forces in South Africa from the

beginning of the war, with the number of killed and wounded

and the deaths from wounds and disease.

A Parliamentary paper issued on the 26th of February, 1901,

contained the following table, showing the strength of the

garrison in South Africa on the 1st of August, 1899, before

the beginning of the war, with the subsequent reinforcements

and casualties, and the total strength of forces on the 1st of

February, 1901:

|NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.

OFFICERS|CAVALRY|ARTILLERY|INFANTRY|OTHERS|TOTAL|TOTAL

AND                   OFFICERS

MOUNTED               AND MEN

INFANTRY

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

I.  Garrison on

Aug. 1, 1899      318    1,127    1,035      6,428  1,032 9,622  9,940

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

II.

Reinforcements,

Aug. 1, 1899,

to Oct. 11, 1899

(outbreak of war)

(1.) From Home.       280      …        743      5,620    …   6,363  6,643

(2.) From India

(some of these did

not reach South

Africa until after

the outbreak of

hostilities)          259    1,564      653      3,427    …   5,644   5,903

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

539    1,564    1,396      9,047    …  12,007  12,546

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

III. Further

reinforcements

from Oct. 11,

1899, to end

of July, 1900

Regulars

(1.) From Home

and Colonies.       5,748   11,003   14,145    110,292 14,347 149,787   155,535

(2.) From India.      132      713      376        670    …     1,759     1,891

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

5,880   11,716   14,521    110,962 14,347 151,546   157,426

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Colonials

(1.) From Colonies

other than

South African.        550      287      692      9,788   267   11,034    11,584

(2.) Raised in

South Africa.       1,387       …         …        …      …    28,932    30,319

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1,937       …         …        …      …    39,966    41,903

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Imperial yeomanry.    536       …         …        …      …    10,195    10,731

Volunteers from

United Kingdom.       342       …        358     9,995   434   10,787    11,129

Militia.              831       …        617    19,753   256   20,626    21,457

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Total all arms

sent to, and

raised in,

South Africa

up to Aug. 1, 1900,

including garrison

on Aug. 1, 1899.   10,383      …         …        …        …  254,749   265,132

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

IV. Further

reinforcements

from Aug. 1, 1900,

to Jan. 31, 1901

(1.) Regulars         820    3,213      652     10,439    975  15,279    16,099

(2.) Militia            7      …         …       1,141      …   1,141     1,148

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

11,210      …         …         …        … 271,169   282,379

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

{510}

NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.

Officers Cavalry. Artillery. Infantry  Others.  Total.   Total

and                        Officers

Mounted                    and Men

Infantry

V. Numbers

(1.) Killed to

Jan. 31, 1901           334.                                         3,346     3,680

(2.) Wounded to

Jan 31, 1901.         1,242.                                        14,914    16,156

(3.) Died of disease

or wounds or accidentally

killed in South Africa

to Jan. 31, 1001.            301.                                         9,008     9,309

(4.) Disbanded and

discharged in South Africa.  299.                                         5,231     5,530

(5.) In hospital in South

Africa on Dec. 28, 1900

(latest returns).            415.                                        13,716    14,131

VI. Numbers left

South Africa

(1.) For England

not invalids.         1,214                                        11,109      12,323

(2.) For England

sick, wounded, and

died on passage            1,703                                        39,095      40,198

(3.) Returned to India

direct from South Africa.     20                                            70          90

(4.) Returned to Colonies

direct from South Africa

(a) Regulars, including two

battalions to Ceylon.         98                                         2,041       2,139

(b) Colonials.               177                                         3,384       3,561

VII. Present strength of

Forces in South Africa,

Feb. 1, 1901

(1.) Regulars.             4,305   12,600    12,000     99,700    12,885  137,185   141,490

(2.) Colonials.            1,339                                           27,000    28,339*

(3.) Imperial yeomanry       495                                            7,500     7,995

4.) Volunteers.              200                                            7,500     7,700

5.) Militia.                 725                                           18,700    19,425

TOTAL                      7,064                                          197,885   204,949*

* Exclusive of recently raised Colonials whose numbers have not yet been reported.

On the 9th of February the following announcement was issued

officially from the British War Office:

"In view of recent Boer activity in various directions his

Majesty's Government have decided, in addition to the large

forces recently equipped locally in South Africa, to reinforce

Lord Kitchener by 30,000 mounted troops beyond those already

landed in Cape Colony. The recruiting for Imperial Yeomanry

has proceeded so rapidly that it is anticipated not less than

10,000 will be shortly available. The South African Mounted

Constabulary, including those enlisted in the colonies, may be

relied upon to the extent of 8,000. The new colonial

contingents to replace those withdrawn will probably reach

5,000. The remainder of the force will be made up by cavalry

and mounted infantry from the home establishment. The

enlistment of Volunteer companies to replace those who have

served a year in South Africa is also being proceeded with.

Arrangements have been made for the prompt equipment and

transportation of the force."

In reply to a question in Parliament the 18th of February,

1901, Mr. Brodrick, the Secretary of State for War, stated

that the total number of cases of typhoid or enteric fever in

the British army, from the beginning of the war to the end of

December, 1900, had been 19,101; deaths 4,233; invalided and

sent home, 10,075.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).

The declared policy of the British Government.

Speaking in the House of Commons on the 18th of February,

1901, the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, declared the

government policy of dealing with the Boers, with strong

emphasis, in the following words:

"From the moment when the invasion took place, and the first

shot was fired by the Boers, from that moment we declared our

policy, that not one shred of the independence which the Boers

had abused should ever again be conceded to them. That was the

policy stated by the Prime Minister in his answer to the

representations which were made to him by the Presidents of

the two Republics. That was the policy, is the policy, and

will be the policy of His Majesty's Government to the end. Let

there be no mistake about that. It is no use arguing with us

on the subject of independence. That, as far as we are

concerned, is a closed question. Raise it, if you like to

raise it, not in speeches, but by amendments. We are quite

ready. We challenged you at the last election. You have never

ceased to complain of the challenge. We challenge you in the

House of Commons. If you believe the annexation we have

announced ought to be repudiated; if you think, with the

honorable and learned gentleman who has just spoken, that we

ought to restore the independence of these two Republics, in

any form, it is for you to say so in a definite amendment. It

is for you to put the issue before the House of Commons and

the country and we are perfectly prepared to meet you.

Assuming that we are all agreed that annexation cannot be

undone, then the policy of the Government is to establish

equality and protection and justice for the native population

and to grant the fuller liberties involved in our definition

of self-government as soon as that can safely be conceded. …

The Boers know perfectly well, they have been told again and

again, directly and indirectly, and it has been repeatedly

stated in this House that at the earliest possible moment they

will be granted self-government."

{511}

The Liberal leader interrupted the speaker to intimate that he

understood a Crown colony government to be in contemplation,

and that his objection was to that. On which Mr. Chamberlain

proceeded to say: "Either the right honourable gentleman does

not know what Crown colony government is or else he is

quibbling about words. Will he be satisfied if I call it a

civil government, with Ministers and a Governor appointed by

his Majesty and a council to advise him? That is civil

government, and it has this about it—that the Imperial

Government has control in the last resort. That is what we

mean. … We are quite ready to establish the civil government

of which I have spoken, we are ready to maintain equality, we

are ready to secure justice to all the inhabitants of the

Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, but we are not prepared

to put into their hands the whole control of the

administration and civil government until we know it will be

safe to do so. It is said that our views have not been

communicated to the Boers and that a proclamation which I

promised I would endeavour to have circulated has not yet been

so distributed. I wish to say that, so far as the leaders are

concerned, I am convinced they know perfectly well what terms

we are willing to offer. There is no excuse on their part. It

is possible that many of their followers, being ignorant

people—when they come to us we find they have been deceived as

to what is going on—do not know the terms we are willing to

offer. We have by various means endeavoured to get to the rank

and file a knowledge of the terms which are being offered, and

we know what the result has been. The emissaries have been

sent—emissaries not sent by us, permitted by us to go, who

volunteered themselves in what they believed to be the

interests of their countrymen, to make these representations—

these emissaries have been apparently, as far as our

information goes, brutally ill-used, tortured before

execution, shot as spies after having been flogged. "

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).

Attitude of the English Liberal party towards the war.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-March).

Unsuccessful peace parley between Lord Kitchener and

Commandant Botha.

By the intermediation of the wife of the Boer Commandant Louis

Botha, an interview between that officer and Lord Kitchener

was brought about, on the last day of February, for discussion

"as to means of bringing the war to an end." The questions raised

in the conversation were reported by Lord Kitchener to Mr.

Brodrick, the British Secretary for War, in a telegram from

Pretoria, March 1, as follows: "I have had a long interview

with Botha, who showed very good feeling and seemed anxious to

bring about peace. He asked for information on a number of

subjects which he said that he should submit to his Government

and people, and if they agreed he should visit Orange River

Colony and get them to agree. They should all then hand in

their arms and finish the war. He told me that they could go

on for some time, and that he was not sure of being able to

bring about peace without independence. He tried very hard for

some kind of independence, but I declined to discuss such a

point, and said that a modified form of independence would be

most dangerous and likely to lead to war in the future.

Subject was then dropped, and—

"Firstly.—The nature of future government of Colonies asked

about. He wanted more details than were given by Colonial

Secretary, and I said that, subject to correction from home, I

understood that when hostilities ceased military guard would be

replaced by Crown Colony administration, consisting of

nominated Executive, with elected assembly to advise

administration, to be followed after a period by

representative government. He would have liked representative

government at once, but seemed satisfied with above.

"Secondly.—Whether a Boer would be able to have a rifle to

protect him from native? I said I thought he would be by a

licence and on registration.

"Thirdly.—He asked whether Dutch language would be allowed? I

said that English and Dutch would, I thought, have equal

rights. He expressed hope that officials dealing with farmers

would know Dutch.

"Fourthly.—The Kaffir question. This turned at once on

franchise of Kaffirs, and a solution seemed to be that

franchise should not be given to Kaffirs until after

representative government was granted to Colonies. Orange Free

State laws for Kaffirs were considered good.

"Fifthly.—That Dutch Church property should remain untouched.

"Sixthly.—Public trusts and orphan funds to be left intact. He

asked whether British Government, in taking over the assets of

Republics, would also take over legal debts. This he made

rather a strong point of, and he intended it to include debts

legally contracted since the war began. He referred to notes

issued amounting to less than a million.

"Seventhly.—He asked if any war tax would be imposed on

farmers? I said I thought not.

"Eighthly.—When would prisoners of war return?

"Ninthly.—He referred to pecuniary assistance to repair burnt

farms, and enable fanners to start afresh. I said I thought

some assistance would be given.

"Tenthly.—Amnesty to all at end of war. We spoke of Colonials

who joined Republics, and he seemed not adverse to their being

disfranchised.

"I arranged with him that I should write and let him know the

view of the Government on these points. All I said during the

interview was qualified by being subject to confirmation from

home. He was anxious to get an answer soon."

Two days later, General Kitchener drafted and submitted to

High Commissioner Sir A. Milner the reply which he wished to

be authorized to make to the questions of Commandant Botha.

This was transmitted, in turn, by the High Commissioner to

Colonial Secretary Chamberlain, with approval of all the

suggestions of Lord Kitchener, except on the subject of

amnesty to the rebel "Afrikanders" of Cape Colony and Natal,

who had joined the ranks of the Boers. Lord Kitchener wished

to say that "on the cessation of hostilities and the complete

surrender of arms, ammunition, cannon, and other munitions of

war now in the hands of the burghers in the field or in

Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's Government is

prepared at once to grant an amnesty in the Transvaal and

Orange River Colony for all bona fide acts of war committed

during the recent hostilities; as well as to move the

Governments of Cape Colony and Natal to take similar action

but qualified by the disfranchisement of any British subjects

implicated in the recent war."

{512}

Sir Alfred Milner proposed to amend the latter clause as

follows: "British subjects of Cape Colony or Natal, though

they will not be compelled to return to those Colonies, will,

if they do so, be liable to be dealt with under the laws of

those Colonies specifically passed to meet the circumstances

arising out of the present war and which greatly mitigate the

ordinary penalties of rebellion." "While willing," he said,

"to concede much in order to strengthen Botha in inducing his

people to submit, the amnesty of rebels is not, in my opinion,

a point which His Majesty's Government can afford to concede.

I think it would have a deplorable effect in Cape Colony and

Natal to obtain peace by such a concession." Mr. Chamberlain

agreed with the High Commissioner, writing in reply: "His

Majesty's Government feel that they cannot promise to ask for

complete amnesty to Cape and Natal rebels who are in totally

different position to burghers without injustice to those who

have remained loyal under great provocation, and they are

prepared substantially to adopt your words, but you must

consider whether your last line is strictly applicable to

Natal." Mr. Chamberlain made numerous other criticisms of Lord

Kitchener's suggested letter, and amended it in many

particulars, the most important of which related to the form

of government under which the late republics would be placed.

Lord Kitchener would have said: "Military law will cease and

be at once replaced by civil administration, which will at

first consist of a Governor and a nominated Executive with or

without an advisory elected Assembly, but it is the desire of

His Majesty's Government, as soon as circumstances permit, to

establish representative Government in the Transvaal and

Orange River Colony." His political superior instructed him to

change the statement as follows: "For 'military law will

cease' say 'military administration will cease.' It is

possible that there may be disturbed districts for some time

after terms have been accepted, and Governor of Colonies

cannot abandon right of proclaiming martial law where

necessary. In the same sentence omit the words 'at the same

time' and 'at once' and substitute at the beginning the words

'at the earliest practicable date.' For 'consist of a

Governor' down to 'Assembly' read 'consist of a Governor and

an Executive Council composed of the principal officials with

a Legislative Council consisting of a certain number of

official members to whom a nominated unofficial element will

from the first be added.' In place of the words 'to establish

representative government' substitute 'to introduce a

representative element, and ultimately to concede to the new

Colonies the privilege of self-government.' It is desirable at

this stage to be quite precise in order to avoid any charge of

breach of faith afterwards."

Out of the instructions he received, Lord Kitchener finally

framed the following letter to Commandant Botha, sent to him

on the 7th of March: "With reference to our conversation at

Middelburg on 28th February, I have the honour to inform you

that in the event of a general and complete cessation of

hostilities and the surrender of all rifles, ammunition,

cannon, and other munitions of war in the hands of the

burghers or in Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's

Government is prepared to adopt the following measures:

"His Majesty's Government will at once grant an amnesty in the

Transvaal and Orange River Colonies for all bona fide acts of

war committed during the recent hostilities. British subjects

belonging to Natal and Cape Colony, while they will not be

compelled to return to those Colonies, will, if they do so, be

liable to be dealt with by the law of those Colonies specially

passed to meet the circumstances arising out of the present

war. As you are doubtless aware, the special law in the Cape

Colony has greatly mitigated the ordinary penalties for high

treason in the present cases.

"All prisoners of war now in St. Helena, Ceylon, or elsewhere

will, on the completion of the surrender, be brought back to

their country as quickly as arrangements can be made for their

transport.

"At the earliest practicable date military administration will

cease and will be replaced by civil administration in the form

of Crown Colony Government. There will therefore be, in the

first instance, in each of the new Colonies a Governor and an

Executive Council, consisting of a certain number of official

members, to whom a nominated unofficial element will be added.

But it is the desire of His Majesty's Government, as soon as

circumstances permit, to introduce a representative element

and ultimately to concede to the new Colonies the privilege of

self-government. Moreover, on the cessation of hostilities a High

Court will be established in each of the new Colonies to

administer the law of the land, and this Court will be

independent of the Executive.

"Church property, public trusts, and orphans funds will be

respected.

"Both the English and Dutch languages will be used and taught

in public schools where parents of the children desire it, and

allowed in Courts of Law.

"As regards the debts of the late Republican Governments, His

Majesty's Government cannot undertake any liability. It is,

however, prepared, as an act of grace, to set aside a sum not

exceeding £1,000,000 to repay inhabitants of the Transvaal and

Orange River Colonies for goods requisitioned from them by the

late Republican Governments, or, subsequent to annexation, by

Commandants in the field being in a position to enforce such

requisitions. But such claims will have to be established to

the satisfaction of a Judge or Judicial Commission appointed

by the Government to investigate and assess them, and if

exceeding in the aggregate £1,000,000, they will be liable to

reduction pro rata.

"I also beg to inform your Honour that the new Government will

take into immediate consideration the possibility of assisting

by loan the occupants of farms who will take the oath of

allegiance to repair any injury sustained by destruction of

buildings or loss of stock during the war, and that no special

war tax will be imposed on farmers to defray the expense of

the war.

"When burghers require the protection of fire-arms such will

be allowed to them by licence and on due registration,

provided they take the oath of allegiance. Licences also will

be issued for sporting rifles, guns, &c., but military

firearms will only be allowed for means of protection.

{513}

"As regards the extension of the franchise to Kaffirs in the

Transvaal and Orange River Colony, it is not the intention of

His Majesty's Government to give such franchise before

representative government is granted to these Colonies, and if

then given it will be so limited as to secure the just

predominance of the white races. The legal position of

coloured persons will, however, be similar to that which they

hold in Cape Colony.

"In conclusion, I must inform your Honour that if the terms

now offered are not accepted after a reasonable delay for

consideration they must be regarded as cancelled."

On the 16th of March the following reply came from the Boer

Commandant: "I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your

Excellency's letter stating what steps your Excellency's

Government is prepared to take in the event of a general and

total cessation of hostilities. I have advised my Government

of your Excellency's said letter; but, after the mutual

exchange of views at our interview at Middelburg on 28th

February last, it will certainly not surprise your Excellency

to know that I do not feel disposed to recommend that the

terms of the said letter shall have the earnest consideration

of my Government. I may add also that my Government and my

chief officers here entirely agree to my views." This ended

the negotiations.

A discussion of the negotiations in Parliament occurred on the

28th of March, when Mr. Bryce (Liberal) said "they were agreed

that the Government took an onward step when they allowed the

peace negotiations to be entered into, and it was important to

observe that, not only Lord Kitchener, but Sir Alfred Milner

was persuaded that General Botha meant business. It was

possible there were causes at work with which the House were

not acquainted which caused the negotiations to be broken off.

General Botha wrote to Lord Kitchener:—'You will not be

surprised to hear that my answer is in the negative.' One of

two things must have happened—either Lord Kitchener heard from

General Botha something that the House had not heard of, or

else General Botha was so much struck by the difference

between the terms which Lord Kitchener had discussed and the

terms contained in the letter that he conceived a distrust of

us altogether and believed that the Government would not

accept what Lord Kitchener had offered. He thought the

Government were right in asking that the oath of allegiance

should be taken, that they were entitled to insist upon the

provision that all hostilities must cease, and that they could

not pledge themselves as to the precise time when they would

bring back the prisoners. But there were three points on which

there were substantial differences between the terms Lord

Kitchener appeared to have offered and the terms in the final

letter. The first is the question of amnesty for the Cape

rebels. Lord Kitchener and General Botha appeared to have come

to an agreement on that subject. General Botha did not object

to the disfranchisement of the Cape rebels, and Lord Kitchener

did not appear to have conveyed any suggestion whatever of

anything except disfranchisement. He could conceive nothing

more likely to turn back the pacific desires of the Boers than

the fact that they found that, instead of the Cape rebels

having nothing but disfranchisement to fear, they were to be

held subject to the Cape laws as to treason. He was not

arguing whether that was right or wrong. The question was what

the Boers would think, and he put it to the House that it was

the most natural thing that they should be struck by the

contrast between the terms which Lord Kitchener appeared to

offer and the terms which were offered when the final letter

came, and that that was just the point upon which brave men,

feeling for their comrades, would be inclined to stand out.

They would be told that they would displease the loyalists at

the Cape if they did not exact all the penalties for treason.

He hoped they would never in that House consider it any part

of their business to satisfy the vindictive feeling of the

colonists at the Cape."

As to the difference between the terms of future government

for the inhabitants of the late republics proposed by Lord

Kitchener and those laid down by the Colonial Secretary, Mr.

Bryce said: "He should like to have known what the proposals

were that General Botha made with regard to a modified

independence, for he thought it was quite possible that it

might turn out in the long run that some kind of what was

called modified independence, protection, would be a great

deal easier for this country to work than a system of Crown

colony government. He thought the contrast between the

elective assembly which Lord Kitchener offered and the purely

arbitrary and despotic system which the final letter conveyed

must at once have struck the Boers as indicating the

difference between the views which the military man on the

spot entertained and the proposal which they might expect from

the Government. Of course there were objections to the

immediate grant of self-government. So also there were

objections to any course, and that course should be chosen

which was open to the fewest objections. But the proposal of

Crown colony government was, of all courses, the worst that

could be suggested. It had been suggested that members of the

Liberal party had asked for full-grown representative and

responsible government, but they never had suggested that.

What they had objected to was Crown colony government. They

admitted that when the war ended there must be an intermediate

period of administration, military or civil, but there was all

the difference in the world between an admittedly provisional

administration understood to be provisional and the creation

of the whole apparatus of Crown colony government. The Boer

population had an aversion to Crown colony administration,

associated in their minds with the days of Sir Owen Lanyon,

and an arbitrary form of government it was known to be. Of

course it was arbitrary; honourable members who questioned

that could not know what Crown colony administration was. The

existence of a nominated council did not prevent it being

arbitrary inasmuch as the members were obliged to vote as they

were directed by the Governor. He could not help thinking that

Lord Kitchener might, if he were asked to do so, throw some

light on a remarkable expression in the letter from General

Botha in which he said, after the mutual interchange of views

at their meeting, Lord Kitchener would not be surprised to

learn that he was not disposed to recommend the terms

proposed."

{514}

The radical Mr. Labouchere was sharper in his criticism: "He

held that it was nonsense to call the terms offered to the

Boers liberal and lenient; they were neither. We had burnt

their farms and desolated their country, and then we offered

them a small gift of money to put them back on their farms

while we took away their independence and their flag. He

honoured the men who resisted, no matter at what cost, when

the question was the independence of their native land. How

right General Botha was in distrusting the alterations made by

the Secretary for the Colonies in the matter of the gift was

shown by the right honourable gentleman himself, when he said

that, whereas the gift was to be limited to a certain sum, the

loyalists were to be paid first. In that case what would

remain to the burghers of the two colonies? The position of

the Boers in the Empire under the terms of the Colonial

Secretary would be little better than that of Kaffirs. As far

as ultimate self-government was concerned, they were to put

their faith in the Colonial Secretary. If he might offer them

a word of advice it would be—Put no faith in the Colonial

Secretary; get it in black and white. We had lost a great

opportunity of ending the war and settling South Africa. Peace

won by the sword would create a dependency in which racial

feuds would go on and the minority would be maintained over

the majority by a huge British garrison. The Dutch majority

was certain to increase every decade. The Transvaal farmers

lived in a poor, rude manner which English people would not

accept. …

"He did not particularly admire the Boers. To his mind they

had too much of the conservative element in them; but, judging

between the Afrikanders and the English who went to South

Africa, whilst fully recognizing that among the latter there

were many respectable men, he thought, taking them

collectively, the Boers were the better men. If we wanted to

maintain our rule in South Africa the Boers were the safest

men with whom to be on good terms. What were the Boers ready

to do? As he read the correspondence, they were ready to enter

the area of the British Empire, but only upon terms. Surely

our problem was to find terms honourable to us and to them,

which would lead to South Africa becoming one of those great

commonwealths connected with the Empire such as existed in

Australia and Canada. He suggested that, in the first place,

we should offer a full and absolute amnesty. He urged that the

Orange State and the Transvaal should as soon as possible be

made self-governing colonies. The Orange State was regarded by

every Englishman who had written about it as a model State. As

to the Transvaal, he admitted there was a difficulty, but he

would suggest that the main area of the country should be

separated from the Rand. The Rand might be administered by a

governor, a military governor if they liked, while in the rest

of the country the Dutch would have a majority. If this course

were adopted, instead of our giving some sort of pecuniary aid

to the Transvaalers, they might be paid a reasonable rent for

the Rand district, of which they would be deprived. … They on

that side of the House would be perfectly ready to agree to

the establishment of a provisional government, military or

civil—he should himself prefer Lord Kitchener to Sir Alfred

Milner—to carry on the country while they were arranging for

the colony to be self-governing. They were accustomed to be

told that Sir Alfred Milner was a sort of divine pro-consul.

He believed Sir Alfred Milner to be a most honourable man, and

very intelligent in many walks of life; but the truth was that

he began life as an Oxford don and then became an official in

the Treasury, facts which militated against his success in

practical politics. He believed that a man like Lord Dufferin

would do more for the cause of peace in South Africa than all

our soldiers."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-April).

The High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, on the situation

and prospects.

Leave of absence obtained by Sir Alfred.

A British Blue Book, made public in London on the 18th of

April, contains an interesting despatch from Sir Alfred

Milner, frankly reviewing the general situation in South

Africa, as it appeared to him on the 6th of February, when he

wrote, from Cape Town, and giving his forecast of future

prospects. The following are the more important passages of

the communication:

"A long time has elapsed since I have attempted to send to you

any general review of South African affairs. The reason is

twofold. In the first place, I am occupied every day that

passes from morning till night by business, all of which is

urgent, and the amount and variety of which you are doubtless

able to judge from the communications on a great variety of

subjects, which are constantly passing between us. In the next

place, I have always hoped that some definite point would be

reached at which it might be possible to sum up that chapter

of our history which contained the war, and to forecast the

work of administrative reconstruction which must succeed it.

But I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that there will

be no such dividing line. I have not the slightest doubt of

the ultimate result, but I foresee that the work will be

slower, more difficult, more harassing, and more expensive

than was at one time anticipated. At any rate, it is idle to

wait much longer in the hope of being able to describe a clear

and clean-cut situation. Despite the many other calls upon my

time, and despite the confused character of the present

position, I think it better to attempt to describe, however

roughly and inadequately, the state of things as it exists

to-day.

"It is no use denying that the last half-year has been one of

retrogression. Seven months ago this Colony was perfectly

quiet, at least as far as the Orange River. The southern half

of the Orange River Colony was rapidly settling down, and even

a considerable portion of the Transvaal, notably the

south-western districts, seemed to have definitely accepted

British authority, and to rejoice at the opportunity of a

return to orderly government, and the pursuits of peace.

To-day the scene is completely altered. It would be

superfluous to dwell on the increased losses to the country

caused by the prolongation of the struggle, and by the form

which it has recently assumed. The fact that the enemy are now

broken up into a great number of small forces, raiding in

every direction, and that our troops are similarly broken up

in pursuit of them, makes the area of actual fighting, and

consequently of destruction, much wider than it would be in

the case of a conflict between equal numbers operating in

large masses.

{515}

Moreover, the fight is now mainly over supplies. The Boers

live entirely on the country through which they pass, not only

taking all the food they can lay hands upon on the farms,

grain, forage, horses, cattle, &c., but looting the small

village stores for clothes, boots, coffee, sugar, &c., of all

which they are in great need. Our forces, on their side, are

compelled to denude the country of everything moveable, in

order to frustrate these tactics of the enemy. No doubt a

considerable amount of the stock taken by us is not wholly

lost, but simply removed to the refugee camps, which are now

being established at many points along the railway lines. But

even under these circumstances, the loss is great, through

animals dying on the route, or failing to find sufficient

grass to live upon when collected in large numbers at the

camps. Indeed, the loss of crops and stock is a far more

serious matter than the destruction of farm buildings, of

which so much has been heard. I say this not at all as an

advocate of such destruction. I am glad to think that the

measure is now seldom if ever resorted to. At the same time,

the destruction of even a considerable number of farms, having

regard to the very rough and inexpensive character of the

majority of these structures in the Orange River Colony and

Transvaal, is a comparatively small item in the total damage

caused by the war to the agricultural community.

"To the losses incidental to the actual course of the

campaign, there has recently been added destruction of a

wholly wanton and malicious character. I refer to the injury

done to the head-gear, stamps, and other apparatus of some of

the outlying mines by Boer raiders, whose sole object was

injury. For this destruction there is, of course, no possible

excuse. … Fortunately the damage done to the mines has not

been large, relatively to the vast total amount of the fixed

capital sunk in them. The mining area is excessively difficult

to guard against purely predatory attacks having no military

purpose, because it is, so to speak, 'all length and no

breadth'—one long thin line, stretching across the country

from east to west for many miles. Still, garrisoned as

Johannesburg now is, it is only possible successfully to

attack a few points in it. Of the raids hitherto made, and

they have been fairly numerous, only one has resulted in any

serious damage. In that instance the injury done to the single

mine attacked amounted to £200,000, and it is estimated that

the mine is put out of working for two years. This mine is

only one out of a hundred, and is not by any means one of the

most important. These facts may afford some indication of the

ruin which might have been inflicted, not only on the

Transvaal and all South Africa, but on many European

interests, if that general destruction of mine works which was

contemplated just before our occupation of Johannesburg had

been carried out. However serious in some respects may have

been the military consequences of our rapid advance to

Johannesburg, South Africa owes more than is commonly

recognized to that brilliant dash forward, by which the vast

mining apparatus, the foundation of all her wealth, was saved

from the ruin threatening it.

"The events of the last six or seven months will involve a

greater amount of repair and a longer period of recuperation,

especially for agriculture, than anybody could have

anticipated when the war commenced. Yet, for all that, having

regard to the fact that both the Rand and Kimberley are

virtually undamaged, and that the main engines of prosperity,

when once set going again, will not take very long to get into

working order, the economic consequences of the war, though

grave, do not appear by any means appalling. The country

population will need a good deal of help, first to preserve it

from starvation, and then, probably, to supply it with a

certain amount of capital to make a fresh start. And the great

industry of the country will need some little time before it

is able to render any assistance. But, in a young country with

great recuperative powers, it will not take many years before

the economic ravages of the war are effaced.

"What is more serious to my mind than the mere material

destruction of the last six months is the moral effect of the

recrudescence of the war. I am thinking especially of the

Orange River Colony, and of that portion of the Transvaal

which fell so easily into  our hands after the relief of

Mafeking, that is to say, the country lying between

Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the border of Bechuanaland.

Throughout this large area the feeling in the middle of last

year was undoubtedly pacific. The inhabitants were sick of the

war. They were greatly astonished, after all that had been

dinned into them, by the fair and generous treatment they

received on our first occupation, and it would have taken very

little to make them acquiesce readily in the new regime. At that

time too, the feeling in the Colony was better than I have

ever known it. The rebellious element had blown off steam in

an abortive insurrection, and was glad to settle down again.

If it had been possible for us to screen those portions of the

conquered territory, which were fast returning to peaceful

pursuits, from the incursions of the enemy still in the field,

a great deal of what is now most deplorable in the condition of

South Africa would never have been experienced. The vast

extent of the country, the necessity of concentrating our

forces for the long advance, first to Pretoria and then to

Komati Poort, resulted in the country already occupied being

left open to raids, constantly growing in audacity, and fed by

small successes, on the part of a few bold and skilful

guerrilla leaders who had nailed their colours to the mast.

The reappearance of these disturbers of the peace, first in

the south-east of the Orange River Colony, then in the

south-west of the Transvaal, and finally in every portion of

the conquered territory, placed those of the inhabitants who

wanted to settle down in a position of great difficulty.

Instead of being made prisoners of war, they had been allowed

to remain on their farms on taking the oath of neutrality, and

many of them were really anxious to keep it. But they had not the

strength of mind, nor, from want of education, a sufficient

appreciation of the sacredness of the obligation which they

had undertaken, to resist the pressure of their old companions

in arms when these reappeared among them appearing to their

patriotism and to their fears. …

{516}

"As the guerrilla warfare swept back over the whole of the

western Transvaal, and practically the whole of the Orange

River Colony, its effect upon the Cape Colony also became very

marked. There was a time, about the middle of last year, when

the bulk of the Dutch population in the Cape Colony, even

those who had been most bitter against us at the outset,

seemed disposed to accept the 'fait accompli,' and were

prepared to acquiesce in the union of all South Africa under

the British flag. Some of them even began to see certain

advantages in such a consummation. The irreconcilable line

taken in the Cape Parliament, during its recent Session from

July to October, was a desperate effort to counteract this

tendency. But I doubt whether it would have succeeded to the

moderate extent to which it has, had it not been for the

recrudescence of the war on the borders of the Colony, and the

embittered character which it assumed. Every act of harshness,

however necessary, on the part of our troops, was exaggerated

and made the most of, though what principally inflamed the

minds of the people were alleged instances of needless cruelty

which never occurred. Never in my life have I read of, much

less experienced, such a carnival of mendacity as that which

accompanied the pro-Boer agitation in this Colony at the end

of last year. And these libels still continue to make

themselves felt. …

"The present position of affairs, alike in the new territories

and in a large portion of the Cape Colony, if by no means the

most critical, is possibly the most puzzling that we have had

to confront since the beginning of the war. Naturally enough

the public are impatient, and those who are responsible for

the government of the country are bombarded with most

conflicting advice. On the one hand, there is the outcry for

greater severity and for a stricter administration of Martial

Law. On the other hand, there is the expression of the fear

that strict measures would only exasperate the people.

Personally, I am of the opinion, which I have always held,

that reasonable strictness is the proper attitude in the

presence of a grave national danger, and that exceptional

regulations for a time of invasion, the necessity of which

every man of sense can understand, if clearly explained and

firmly adhered to, are not only not incompatible with, but

actually conducive to, the avoidance of injustice and cruelty.

I am satisfied by experience that the majority of those Dutch

inhabitants of the Colony who sympathize with the Republics,

however little they may be able to resist giving active

expression to that sympathy, when the enemy actually appear

amongst them, do not desire to see their own districts

invaded, or to find themselves personally placed in the

awkward dilemma of choosing between high treason and an

unfriendly attitude to the men of their own race from beyond

the border. There are extremists who would like to see the

whole of the Cape Colony overrun. But the bulk of the farmers,

especially the substantial ones, are not of this mind. …

"The inherent vice, if I may say so, of almost all public

discussion of our South African difficulties is the tendency

to concentrate attention too exclusively upon the Boers. Say

what we will, the controversy always seems to relapse into the

old ruts—it is the British Government on the one hand, and the

Boers on the other. The question how a particular policy will

affect, not merely our enemies, but our now equally numerous

friends, seems seldom to be adequately considered. And yet it

would seem that justice and policy alike should lead us to be

as eager to consider the feelings and interests, and to retain

the loyalty, of those who are fighting on our side, as to

disarm the present enmity and win the future confidence of

those who are fighting against us. And this principle would

seem an the easier to adhere to because there is really

nothing which the great body of the South African loyalists

desire which it is not for the honour and advantage of the

Mother Country to insist upon. Of vindictiveness, or desire to

oppress the Afrikanders, there is, except in hasty utterances,

inevitable in the heat of the conflict, which have no

permanent significance, or in tirades which are wholly devoid

of influence, no sign whatever. The attitude of almost all

leading and representative men, and the general trend of

public feeling among the loyalists, even in the intensity of

the struggle, is dead against anything like racial

exclusiveness or domination. If this were not so, it would be

impossible for a section of pure bred Afrikanders, small no

doubt in numbers but weighty in character and position, to

take the strong line which they do in opposition to the views

of the majority of their own people, based as these are, and

as they know them to be, upon a misconception of our policy

and intentions. These men are among the most devoted adherents

to the Imperial cause, and would regard with more disfavour

and alarm than anyone the failure of the British nation to

carry out its avowed policy in the most complete manner. They

are absolutely convinced that the unquestioned establishment

of the British supremacy, and the creation of one political

system from Cape Town to the Zambesi, is, after all that has

happened, the only salvation for men of their own race, as

well as for others. Of the terms already offered, a great

majority, I believe, of the South Africans at present in arms

on our side entirely approve. There is, no doubt, an extreme

section who would advocate a sterner attitude on our part, but

they are not numerous, and their feelings are not lasting. The

terms offered by Lord Kitchener, which are, in substance,

identical with repeated declarations of policy on the part of

His Majesty's Government, are generally regarded as a generous

and statesmanlike offer, as one which, if firmly adhered to,

will ultimately be accepted, but as an offer which we cannot

afford to enlarge. On the other hand, there is a very general

desire that no effort should be spared to make the generous

character of our intentions widely known, and to encourage any

disposition on the part of the enemy to parley, with the object

of making them better acquainted with the terms on which we

are prepared to accept their submission.

"If I might sum up the predominant, indeed, the almost

unanimous feeling of those South Africans who sympathise with

the Imperial Government, I should describe it as follows:—They

are sick to death of the war, which has brought ruin to many of

them, and imposed considerable sacrifices on almost all. But

they would rather see the war continue for an indefinite time

than run the risk of any compromise which would leave even the

remotest chance of the recurrence of so terrible a scourge in

the future. They are prepared to fight and suffer on, in order

to make South Africa, indisputably and for ever, one country

under one flag, with one system of government, and that system

the British, which they believe to ensure the highest possible

degree of justice and freedom to men of all races.

{517}

But, with that object accomplished, they are willing, and,

indeed, ready, to bury racial animosities. They have fought

against the principle of race oligarchy in one form, and they

do not wish to re-establish it in another. For the attainment

of that object, they would rely for the present on the

vigorous prosecution of the war in which they are prepared

themselves to take the most active part, coupled with every

inducement to the enemy to come in on the terms already

offered, and for the future, as soon as public security is

assured and the circumstances permit, on the extension to the

newly acquired territories of a system of Colonial

self-government. For my own part, I have no doubt that this

attitude is a wise one, and that it only requires persistence

in it, in spite of the discouraging circumstances of the

moment, to lead us to ultimate success."

Great Britain, Papers by Command, Cd. 547.

The same Blue Book made known the fact that, on the 3d of

April, Sir Alfred Milner applied for and obtained leave of

absence for three months from his duties in South Africa.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).

The situation.

Early in April it was announced that the seat of government of

the South African Republic had been transferred from

Pietersburg to Leydsdorp in the Zoutpansberg by the

Vice-President, General Schalk-Burger, which seems to indicate

the beginning of another stage of the South African war. The

Boers are said to have been for some time past collecting

great quantities of cattle and sheep in the fastnesses of the

Zoutpansberg, where also they have ample supplies of

ammunition, and intend making it a point of ultimate

resistance as well as a base of present operations.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).

The cost of the war to Great Britain as stated

by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

In his speech (April 18), on introducing the budget for 1901,

in the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir

Michael Hicks-Beach, made the following statements of the cost

of the war to Great Britain: "I would remind the Committee

that so far we have borrowed towards the cost of the war

£67,000,000—£13,000,000 Treasury bills, £10,000,000 Exchequer

Bonds maturing rather less than three years hence, £14,000,000

Exchequer Bonds maturing about five years hence, and

£30,000,000 War Loan maturing in 1910. Now, Sir, in what mode

may we fairly borrow such a large sum as we now require? This

can no longer be considered a small war. In cost it is a great

war. Let me just make a statement to the Committee as to what,

so far, the estimated cost of this war has been. In 1899-1900 the

Estimates were £23,217,000. Last year they were £68,620,000,

and this year's Estimates amount to £60,230,000, including in

each case the interest on the sums borrowed. That amounts to

over £152,000,000. I must ask the Committee to remember that

in those figures I include the cost of both the South African

and Chinese wars. Then I have to add a million and a quarter

for this year's borrowing, making in all over £153,000,000.

That is double the cost of the Crimean War, and when I look

back at the Peninsular War I find the two most expensive years

were 1813 and 1814. The forces engaged, of course, were very

much smaller than those engaged now; but in those two years

the total cost of our Army and Navy amounted to £144,581,000.

This amount is less than the charges of the South African and

Chinese wars. Therefore, I think I am justified in saying that

in cost this has been a great war. I think, then, it is clear

we can no longer, in borrowing towards the cost of it, rely

upon temporary borrowing. We have already £67,000,000 of

unfunded debt borrowed for this purpose and maturing within

the next ten years. We have also some £36,000,000 of 2¾ and 2½

per cent., redeemable in 1905. Therefore, whatever may be the

prosperity of the country, whatever may be the condition of

our finances, it is perfectly obvious to my mind that the

stanchest advocate of the redemption of the debt will have

ample scope for his energies in the years that are now before

us. For this reason I propose to ask the Committee to extend

the powers of borrowing which they gave me in previous Acts,

to Consols."

----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL);

also,

CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

The Dispensary Law.

In 1892 the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Act,

commonly called the Dispensary Law, which caused turbulent

agitations in the State, and excited much interest in the

country at large. It was based upon the principle of what is

known as the Gothenburg system of regulation for the sale of

intoxicating liquors, making the traffic a State monopoly,

carried on by officials, under rigorous restrictions, with

profit to the public treasury, and none else. It provided for

the creation of a State Board of Control, under the direction

of which a Commissioner, appointed by the Governor, should

purchase all intoxicating liquors allowed to be sold in the

State, and should furnish the same to such agents (called

"dispensers") in the several counties as might be appointed by

county boards to sell them, in accordance with the regulations

prescribed. It required all liquors purchased by the

Commissioner to be tested by an official chemist and declared

to be pure and unadulterated. It allowed nobody but the

official "dispensers" to deal in any manner with any kinds of

intoxicating liquors after the 1st of July, 1893. It forbade

the selling of such drinks by the authorized salesmen to

minors and drunkards, and it required all who bought to sign

and date a printed or written request, stating their residence

and age.

The law was fiercely resisted in many parts of the State by

mobs, and powerfully assailed in the courts; but Governor

(afterwards Senator) Tillman, who then occupied the executive

chair, gave it resolute enforcement and support. The attack in

the courts had momentary success in 1894, the Supreme Court of

the State rendering a decision adverse to the

constitutionality of the law; but, meantime, the Legislature,

in 1893, had made changes in the Act, and its new enactment

was held to be untouched by the judgment of the court.

{518}

Before a new case could be brought to issue, the retirement of

one of the justices of the Supreme Court brought about a

change of opinion in that tribunal, and the law in its new

form was sustained. Disorderly resistance to the enforcement

of the law was long kept up; but in the end such resistance

seems to have been mostly overcome.

In January, 1897, however, one provision of the Act, which

forbade all importation of liquors into the State by private

persons, even for their own use, was declared by the Supreme

Court of the United States to be an interference with

inter-state commerce, and therefore unconstitutional. This

breaks down the Dispensary Law, so far as concerns citizens

who are able to import liquors for themselves. Otherwise the

law seems to be now stoutly entrenched, and other States are

being sufficiently satisfied with its success in South

Carolina to adopt it. The following testimony as to its

success is from the pen of a North Carolinian, who became

instrumental in carrying the system into his own State.

"The familiar features of the dispensary were its closing

promptly at sundown; no drinking on the premises; the sale of

liquor to those only who were of age, who were not in the

habit of drinking to excess, who were sober at the time of the

sale, and who signed an application for what they bought on a

public book; and the fact that the dispenser was a salaried

officer, and thus free from pecuniary interest in stimulating

sales. To this was added in South Carolina a force of

constables whose special business it was to arrest those who

sold liquor contrary to law.

"The fact that the dispensary law was a substitute for

Prohibition made the law odious at first to those who had

fought most ardently for the Prohibition cause. And the

political faction over which Mr. Tillman had triumphed,

containing a good proportion of the best blood and brains of

the State, opposed the dispensary on personal grounds. The spy

system, as it was called, and the resistance to the

constables, sometimes resulting in bloodshed, set many of the

more peaceable and conservative citizens against the law.

Added to this, the constitutionality of the law as a whole and

of important provisions separately was strenuously contested

in the United States Courts, with varying success until the

Supreme Court settled the matter forever in favor of the law.

These difficulties are mentioned to show what the system has

had to face in South Carolina, and for the purpose of

remarking that the system has triumphed over all opposition.

The amended Constitution of the State decrees against the

re-establishment of the saloon. The Dispensary candidate for

Governor in the last election defeated the Prohibition

candidate. And the testimony of sober, conservative citizens

of every rank and profession is now practically unanimous to

the effect that drunkenness and the crimes resulting therefrom

have decreased beyond expectation."

A. J. McKelway,

The Dispensary in North Carolina

(Outlook, April 8, 1899).

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.

New constitution.

Introduction of a qualified suffrage.

Practical disfranchisement pf the greater part of the negroes.

On the 1st of January, 1896, a new constitution, promulgated

by a constitutional convention the previous month, without

submission to popular vote, came into effect. It was framed

especially to accomplish a practical disfranchisement of the

larger part of the negro population, which it did by the

operation of an educational qualification with peculiar

conditions attached. Until the first of January, 1898, it

permitted the enrollment of voters who could read, or who

could explain to the satisfaction of the registering officer a

section of the constitution read to them; and all citizens

registered before that date were to be qualified voters

thereafter. But subsequent to the date specified, none could

be registered except those able to read and write any required

part of the constitution, or else to prove themselves owners

of property and taxpayers on not less than $300. Registration

to be conducted by county boards appointed by the governor.

See, also (in this volume)

MISSISSIPPI.

Speaking in the United States Senate in justification of this

measure, Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, said: "We took

the government away. We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We

are not ashamed of it. The Senator from Wisconsin would have

done the same thing. I see it in his eye right now. He would

have done it. With that system—force, tissue ballots, etc.—we

got tired ourselves. So we called a constitutional convention,

and we eliminated, as I said, all of the colored people whom

we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. … I

want to call your attention to the remarkable change that has

come over the spirit of the dream of the Republicans; to

remind you gentlemen from the North that your slogans of the

past—brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God—have gone

glimmering down the ages. The brotherhood of man exists no

longer, because you shoot negroes in Illinois, when they come

in competition with your labor, as we shoot them in South

Carolina when they come in competition with us in the matter

of elections. You do not love them any better than we do. You

used to pretend that you did, but you no longer pretend it

except to get their votes. … You deal with the Filipinos just

as we deal with the negroes, only you treat them a heap

worse."

Congressional Record,

56th Congress, 1st Session, pages 2347, 2349.

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

Constitutional amendment introducing the

Initiative and the Referendum.

A constitutional amendment, adopted by popular vote at the

November election, introduces the principle of the Swiss

Initiative and Referendum, providing that the Legislature must

render obedience to petitions signed by 5 per cent. of the

voters of the State, which call for the enactment and

submission to popular vote of any stipulated law, or which

require the submission to a popular vote of any Act which the

Legislature may have passed.

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899.

Adoption of the Dispensary System.

A constitutional amendment, providing for a dispensary system

of regulation for the liquor traffic was adopted in 1899 by a

majority of 1,613 votes.

See, (in this volume),

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

The newly adopted clause reads as follows: "The manufacture

and sale of intoxicating liquors shall be under exclusive

State control, and shall be conducted by duly authorized

agents of the State, who shall be paid by salary and not by

commission."

{519}

SOUTHWEST AFRICA, German:

Trade, etc.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

SPAIN: A. D. 1868-1885.

Affairs in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

Conflict between army and Press.

Change of Ministry.

Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

A violent conflict between the military authorities and the

newspaper Press arose in consequence of an attack made by

officers of the army on a Republican editor who had sharply

criticised certain details of army administration. They not

only assaulted him in person, but broke up his presses and

type. This military mob outrage was resented and denounced by

the whole Press, of every party; whereupon the military

authorities began prosecutions in the military courts, and

making arrests of publishers and editors, with a contempt for

law which seemed to be ominous of some revolutionary intent.

The Liberal Ministry, under Señor Sagasta, not able,

apparently, to control these proceedings, resigned office, and

a Conservative Cabinet was formed by Señor Canovas del

Castillo. The new Ministry had many difficulties to face, the

fresh outbreak of revolt in Cuba being the most serious.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1895.

But student rioting at Barcelona, caused by the dismissal of

11 professor whose writings were condemned at Rome, became

grave enough to require the sending of the redoubtable General

Weyler to the scene; and popular excitements in Madrid,

growing out of exposures of corruption in the municipal

council, drove two of the colleagues of Canovas from their

posts. In January, 1896, Weyler was sent to Cuba, to pursue in

that unhappy island a policy which produced conditions that

horrified the world.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897, and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

Elections held in April, 1896, gave the government of Canovas

an overwhelming majority in the Cortes.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1897,

Administration of General Weyler in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1898.

Insurrection in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (August-October).

Assassination of the Prime Minister, Canovas del Castillo.

Return of Sagasta to power.

Condition of the country.

On the 8th of August, the Spanish Prime Minister, Señor

Canovas del Castillo, was shot by an Italian anarchist, a

Neapolitan, named Angiolillo, while sojourning for a few days,

with his wife, at the baths of Santa Aguada. He lived but two

hours after receiving his wounds. General Azcarraga, Minister

of War, was called by the Queen to take temporary charge of

the government; but before the end of September he and his

cabinet were forced to resign, and the Liberals, under the

lead of Señor Sagasta, returned to power. "Canovas was the

strong man of Spain. He was not the educator of the people, or

the worker of the popular inclination. His vigorous

understanding was their muscular master. The police were on

his side; a useful portion of the press, hired judiciously for

the purpose; the army; and the brains to set them all in

motion; and, so equipped, Antonio Canovas del Castillo

confronted the Spanish people and said, 'Come on.' It was a

resolute and daring attitude, and kept the crowd triumphantly

at bay for thirty years. But of late a change had taken place.

A good deal of the old fire had burned out. Fifteen years of

colonial revolt, again, impress even the thickest-headed

Spanish peasant into conceiving that the trouble has no

business to last so long, and that his rulers, if hard and

exigent towards himself, are weak, extravagant, and

undexterous elsewhere. And this suspicion ripens into

certainty when he sees his sons torn from his side and packed

over sea, and when his taxes swell and swell, and the price of

bread goes up and up, and still no alteration for the better.

This cumulative truth is what the Spanish plebs have learned

at last, within a year ago, and if Canovas had had the

foresight of the true statesman, instead of the blind egoism

of the autocrat, he would have thrown up his losing cards

while there was time and said, 'The Cuban War is a mistake.

Forgive me.' But his unflagging obstinacy held him to his

desperate and aimless course. Although his complicity with his

emissary, Weyler, in sending and publishing one lying telegram

after another, was manifest as day, he smiled and rubbed his

hands, and vowed the war was all but over; and behind that

smile he half despised and half defied the victims he invited

to believe him. He made no claim to be a patriot. He knew he

was unpopular. He knew that for every cottage whence a son had

been torn away to that disastrous strife in Cuba the Conservative

Government of the nation may count upon one bitter foe—the

Republicans or the Duke of Madrid upon one sure ally. What

would have happened in Spain, had he lived longer, is quite

beyond the average power to say. The prospect was too horrible

for words. However, he died, and his ministry, after feebly

mimicking the stubborn temper of their chief, succumbed also,

leaving to the Liberal Party a legacy which may be likened to

a bomb with time-fuse well alight and sputtering into the

explosive. In plainer words what faces Señor Sagasta is the

following: Spain is a beggar. Her credit is gone. Her army,

always of late years behindhand in discipline, instruction,

commissariat, and the thousand and one minutiæ other nations

are solicitous to attend to, is decimated by disease,

dispirited, and utterly incompetent to engage in war with any

civilised power. Her navy is rotten. Her people are

discontented and divided into various creeds. Some are for the

existing regime, some for Don Carlos, and some for the

Republic."

L. Williams,

Can Sagasta save Spain?

(Fortnightly Review, December, 1897).

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (November).

Autonomous Constitution granted to Cuba and Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);

and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898.

War with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (February-March).

Destruction of the United States

battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (March-April).

Discussion of Cuban affairs with the Government of the

United States.

Message of the President to Congress,

asking for authority to intervene in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

{520}

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (April).

Demand of the United States Government that the authority and

Government of Spain be withdrawn from Cuba, and its result

in a state of war.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (July-December).

Suspension of hostilities and negotiations of Treaty of

Peace with the United States.

Relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, and cession of Porto

Rico, Guam and the Philippine Islands to the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (August 21).

Letter from Spanish soldiers, on their departure from

Santiago de Cuba, to the soldiers of the American army.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899.

Abolition of the Ministry of the Colonies.

Resignation of the Sagasta Cabinet.

Ratification of the Treaty of Peace.

The new conditions in Spanish government resulting from the

loss of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines were promptly

acknowledged, in January, by the abolition of the Ministry of

Colonies, for which no sufficient duties remained. On the 20th

of February the Cortes was summoned, and on the same day the

"state of siege," declared during the war, which had

practically suspended constitutional rights, was removed by

proclamation. The Treaty of Peace with the United States was

laid before the Cortes; but the military party, led by General

Weyler, opposed the approval of the Treaty, evidently for the

purpose of embarrassing and weakening the government. They

were so far successful that Señor Sagasta and his cabinet were

forced to resign, on the 28th of February, and a Conservative

Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed. But the Cortes,

which declined to support the government in accepting the

Treaty of Peace, was dismissed a few days later by the

Queen-Regent, who signed the Treaty on her own responsibility,

March 11. The Silvela Ministry proved inharmonious, made so

especially by the Minister of War, General Polavieja, and in

September it was reconstructed, with Polavieja dropped out.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (January).

Relinquishment of sovereignty in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (February).

Sale of the Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands to Germany.

See (in this volume)

CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (October-November).

Weyler appointed Captain-General of Madrid.

Resignation of the Silvela Ministry.

The army in control.

The army won control of the government in October, when

General Linares, Minister of War, without consulting his

colleagues of the cabinet—if report be true—appointed General

Weyler to be Captain-General of Madrid. Several members of the

cabinet resigned in protest, and the Premier, Señor Silvela,

found it necessary to place the resignation of the Ministry as

a whole in the hands of the Queen-Regent (October 21). A new

cabinet was formed, with General Azcarraga for its chief,

General Linares retaining the portfolio of the War Office, and

Weyler holding the military command in Madrid. The military

party appears to be fully in power, and a token of the spirit

it has carried into the government was given within ten days

after the formation of the new Ministry, by the promulgation

of a decree suspending the guarantees of the constitution and

establishing martial law throughout the kingdom. Some

movements of Carlist agitation and insurrection furnished a

pretext for this measure, but they appear to have had no

serious character.

It is probable that the military reaction at Madrid will

stimulate a revival of the old independent aspirations of the

Catalonians, which have been showing of late many signs of new

life. The desire for separation from Spain has never died out in

Catalonia, and a resolute new effort to accomplish it may

easily appear among the incidents of the near future.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (November).

Spanish-American Congress.

At the instance of the "Sociedad Union Ibero-Americana," an

unofficial organization which has been in existence for more

than 15 years, a congress was held in Madrid in November,

1900, with the object of strengthening the relations between

Spain and those American peoples who are of Spanish origin.

The proposal of the "Union Ibero-Americana" met with the

approval of the Spanish Government, and on April 16 a Royal

decree was issued appointing Señor Silvela, the Prime

Minister, to be president of a congress to be held in Madrid.

The Government of Spain then issued invitations to the

Spanish-American Republics, asking them to send

representatives, which invitations were accepted by the

governments of Mexico, the Argentine Republic, Chile, Uruguay,

Peru, and other States. The list of subjects for discussion

included proposals of treaties of commerce, international

arbitration, the harmonizing of the civil, penal, and

administrative legal codes of the various countries

represented, emigration, the international validity of

professional diplomas, the establishment of Ibero-American

banks, and others. The most important result of the Congress

was the voting of a plan of compulsory arbitration by the

South American republics. The motion was introduced by Peru,

which has the most to gain by arbitration. Chile's was the

sole dissenting voice. "This," remarks "The Nation," of New

York, "recalls the fact that Chile consented to take part in

the Pan-American Congress at the City of Mexico, only on

condition that any arbitration there provided for should not

concern her own disputed boundaries."

SPAIN: A. D. 1901.

Anti-clerical agitation, directed

especially against the Jesuits.

Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias.

A case arising in Madrid in February produced excitements of

feeling against the Jesuits which spread to all parts of the

country, and were the cause of serious political

demonstrations and rioting in many cities. A wealthy young

lady, Señorita Ubao, had been persuaded by her confessor, a

priest of the Jesuit order, to enter a convent, against the

wish of her family. The family applied to the High Court for a

mandate to secure her release. The prominence of the parties

drew universal attention to the case, and it was discussed

with passion throughout Spain, stirring up, as appears to be

evident, a latent anti-clerical feeling which only waited to

be moved.

{521}

It seems, moreover, to have served as an occasion for

demonstrations of the republicanism that continues to be

strong in Spain. Students of the universities were active

promoters of the excitement, and set examples of disorder

which were followed by rougher mobs. In Madrid, Zaragoza,

Valencia, Valladolid, Santandar, Granada, Malaga, Barcelona,

and other towns the excitement ran high, and was not quieted

by a decision of the High Court on the 19th of February,

restoring Señorita Ubao to her friends. At Barcelona, on the

last day of March, a meeting of 9,000 citizens, held in the

bull-ring, is reported to have passed resolutions in favor of

the separation of Church and State, advocating the prohibition

of religious orders, and expressing a desire that their

property should be taken possession of by the State. The

meeting voted messages congratulating France and Portugal on

their Anti-Clerical attitude. The meeting was followed by a

riotous attack on the Jesuit convent, and by a conflict of the

mob with the civil guard, in which blood was shed. From

various parts of the country, demands for the expulsion of the

religious orders were reported, in April, to be reaching the

government.

A royal wedding which occurred in the early days of this

anti-clerical agitation added something to the disturbance of

the public mind. Dona Maria de las Mercedes, eldest of the

children of the late King Alphonso XII. and his second wife,

was married on the 14th of February to Prince Charles, of the

Neapolitan Bourbon family, son of the Count of Caserta. The

Princess was Queen of Spain, in her infancy, for a few months

after her father's death, until the posthumous birth of her

brother, in 1886, and presumptively she may again inherit the

crown. In itself, the marriage does not seem to have been

unpopular; but, for some reason, the Count of Caserta was

odious to the public of Madrid, and became the object of

unpleasant attentions from the mob, while the bride and

bridegroom, and other members of the family of the latter,

were treated with respect.

SPANISH-AMERICAN CONGRESS, The.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPANISH SOLDIERS: Letter to American soldiers.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPION KOP, The storming of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPITZBERGEN: Claimed by Russia.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898.

SPITZBERGEN: Recent Exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900, 1900-.

SPOILS SYSTEM, The:

As maintained in the service of the

United States House of Representatives.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

SPOONER AMENDMENT, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

STAMBOULOFF, M. Stephen, assassination of.

See (in this volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: BULGARIA.

STANDARD OIL COMPANY.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STATEN ISLAND: Incorporation in Greater New York.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

STATISTICS: Of the British-Boer war.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER);

and SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR:

A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY), and (APRIL).

STATISTICS: Of Christian Missions.

See (in this volume)

MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

STATISTICS: Of finances and exports of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1900 (JUNE), and (DECEMBER).

STATISTICS: Of the navies of the Sea Powers.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

STATISTICS: Of the shipping of the world.

See (in this volume)

SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

STATISTICS: Of the Spanish-American war.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899, STATISTICS;

and 1900 (JUNE);

also, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY), and (OCTOBER).

STATISTICS: Of war-making expenditure by the leading Powers.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

STEAM TURBINES, The invention of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

STEEL: The Age of.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF STEEL.

STEEL PRODUCTION, Combinations in.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STEVENSON, Adlai E.:

Bi-metallic mission to Europe.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

STOCKHOLM, Exposition at.

A Scandinavian industrial exposition, which proved exceedingly

attractive, was held with much success at Stockholm, the

Swedish capital, in the summer and autumn of 1897.

STONEHENGE:

Fall of two stones.

"The last night of the nineteenth century was marked, as a

correspondent pointed out in our issue of yesterday, by a

serious injury to what remains of the majestic monument of

Stonehenge. One of the great uprights of the outer circle of

stones, as well as the cross-piece mortised to it on the top,

fell to the ground, thus destroying still further the most

striking effect of this gigantic temple or sepulchre. The fall

was probably caused by the torrents of rain and the violent winds

that closed the troubled record of the year 1900. One of the

uprights was brought to the ground, where it lies like so many

other of the stones that formed this vast megalithic structure,

and the capstone has been broken in pieces. The continuous

exterior circle of which these formed a part was originally

about one hundred feet in diameter, and though the masses were

less imposing individually than those of the great tritithons

around the centre, the effect of the mighty round of uprights,

sixteen feet high, with huge capstones resting on them, must

have been wonderful in its noble simplicity …

{522}

"The solicitude of the present age has placed Stonehenge, like

other great national monuments, under the permissive

protection of the law, but the law itself cannot prevent the

ravages of weather and the gradual subsidence of the

foundations on which these masses stand. Little, we fear, can

be done to keep the remaining uprights standing. They will

fall when their time comes and will lie where they fall like

those that have already succumbed to their fate. It is better,

perhaps, for the dignity of this venerable monument that it is in

no serious danger of that restoration which is at work on so

many later structures, more splendid as triumphs of art, but

less stubborn in their strength."

London Times,

January 4, 1901.

STORMBERG, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

STRATHCONA'S HORSE.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

STRIKES.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1885-1898.

Abandonment to the Dervishes.

Death of the Mahdi.

Reign of the Khalifa.

Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1899.

Anglo-Egyptian condominium established.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1895.

Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1897.

Definition of Tongoland boundary.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGOLAND).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1898-1899.

Agreement with Great Britain as to the limits.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SUDANESE TROOPS: Mutiny in Uganda.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

SUFFRAGE:

Qualifications in the several States of the American Union.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY);

also, DELAWARE; LOUISIANA;

MARYLAND; MISSISSIPPI; NORTH CAROLINA; and SOUTH CAROLINA.

SUFFRAGE, Woman.

See (in this volume)

WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

An extremely complicated and irrational state of things,

connected with the production and consumption of sugar

throughout the world, has been experienced for many years, as

a consequence of the system of bounties on exportation, by

which a number of European countries have stimulated the

production of beet-sugar, in competition with the sugar

produced from cane. The system was carried to its extreme

development in 1896-1897, in consequence of action taken in

Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

The legislation in other countries which followed the German

measure of 1896 was set forth briefly in a memorial from the

Belgian beet-root sugar makers, in February, 1897, to the

Belgian Chamber of Representatives, a translation of which was

transmitted at the time to the State Department at Washington

by the United States Consul at Ghent. Said that memorial:

"The fiscal system applied to sugar factories in force

[previously] in the various countries mentioned [was] chiefly

established by the following laws: Germany, law of May 31,

1891; Austria, law of May 20, 1888; France, law of July 29,

1884; Russia, law of July 13, 1891; Belgium, law of April 16,

1887; Holland, law of April 15, 1891, and preceding

legislation. Since the dates above mentioned, the basis

established in these various countries had undergone only

secondary modifications, rather local than international, and,

generally, of a nature to diminish the fiscal favors instead

of increasing them. From the point of view of competition

among the countries of Europe, a sort of peaceful stability

was thus acquired, resulting in a corresponding equilibrium in

the interior relations of each country between the rural and

industrial systems, as well as between the cultivator and

owner. This situation, slowly established, has, during the

last year, suffered the most serious disturbances. Important

modifications have been adopted by all our competitors, Russia

excepted; the latter, enjoying a special system, suffices

almost entirely for itself without having much to export, it

is, therefore, not necessary to give it special consideration.

"The modifications to which we allude are the following: In

Germany, the law of May 27, 1896, increased the export

bounties in the following proportions: (1) For raw sugar, from

30 cents to 60 cents per 220 pounds; (2) for white sugar, from

41 cents to 72 cents; (3) for refined sugar, from 48 cents to

89 cents. This is not meant to interfere with other measures,

notably the imposition of supplementary taxes, and the

provision by which a factory, under the penalty of having its

proportion of export bounties reduced, is, so to speak,

obliged to increase its output or at least to maintain it at

the same level, even under the most unfavorable circumstances.

Immediately afterwards, Austria, by the law of July 7, 1896,

took corresponding protective and defensive measures,

especially increasing from about $2,000,000 to $3,600,000 the

amount of public funds destined for export bounties. In

France, the Chamber of Deputies has just voted export bounties

even more important than those of other countries, amounting

to—(1) raw sugar, 68 cents per 220 pounds; (2) white sugar,

77 cents; (3) refined sugar, 87 cents. All these export

bounties are independent of the interior advantages accorded

in Germany and Austria, in various forms less tangible,

although not less real, and in France in the form of bonuses

upon the manufacture, which, in the official French

statistics, appear for sums varying from $1.16 to $l.54½ per

220 pounds, and which may be normally fixed at $1.35 per 220

pounds. Holland, in turn, has just revised its system, giving

from the beginning to its producers a bounty of $1.06½ per 220

pounds on raw sugars. It is an economic war to the finish

between rival nations, each desiring the ruin of the others,

which these measures unchain on the sugar interests of Europe."

United States Consular Reports,

June, 1897, page 304.

{523}

The effect of bounty-payments is to enable the sugars-makers

of the country which pays them to sell sugar to foreign buyers

at a lower price than to buyers at home. Consumers in such a

country as England, where no sugar is produced, and where no

duties on imported sugar are levied, reap an enormous gain

from them, at the expense of the sugar consumers of the

bounty-paying countries. At the same time, the cane-sugar

growing colonies of England, especially those in the West

Indies, suffer from the competition which is made unnatural by

this method of governmental support. England, therefore, has

conflicting interests in the matter. The mass of her home

population, who are great consumers of "sweets," delight in

the continental bounties, which give them cheap sugar; while

her West India colonists, and the English sugar refiners, are

groaning under the hard competition they maintain.

In the bounty-paying countries the same conflict of interest

exists between beet-growers and sugar consumers, and

governmental attitudes on the question of adhering to the

bounties seem to depend on the relative strength, or political

weight, of the two bodies. Repeated attempts have been made to

come to an international agreement for their abolition or

modification. A general conference on the subject was held

without result in London, 1887; and another was undertaken in

June, 1898, at Brussels, on the invitation of the Belgian

government. The latter made manifest a strong desire to be rid

of the bounty-paying system, on the part of Germany,

Austria-Hungary, Belgium and the Netherlands. France was

willing to withdraw her direct bounties on the exportation of

sugar, but insisted on maintaining an internal system of taxes

which was said to have the real effect of a bounty. Russia,

likewise, would adhere to a domestic system of regulations

which had that effect. Great Britain declined to engage

herself to impose a duty on what was called "bounty-fed"

sugar, for the purpose of neutralizing the bounty, and so

placing that commodity on a footing of equality with its

rivals in her markets. Hence no agreement of common action

could be reached, and the Conference adjourned without result.

Continental consumers of sugar continue to pay a high price

for the prosperity of their beet-growers and sugar-makers; but

Englishmen, who have reveled in cheap "jams" at foreign

expense, are probably to lose that privilege, since the

exigencies of their Boer war expenditure have forced the

Chancellor of the Exchequer, at last, to introduce a duty of

4s. 2d. per cwt. on refined sugar in his budget for 1901. But

in his speech on introducing the budget, in the House of

Commons (April 18, 1901), the Chancellor expressed hopefulness

that the foreign sugar bounty might save England from a rise

in price for sugar, notwithstanding the tax. His remarks were

as follows:

"What is likely to be the effect on the price of sugar of the

imposition of a duty? In my opinion that is a very doubtful

question, because the price of sugar is not governed solely by

the ordinary conditions, but it is governed largely by the

bounty system. The great bulk of our imports of sugar come

from bounty-giving countries; and what is that system? Why,

Sir, it amounts to this, that the country giving the bounty

encourages the production of sugar within its borders, and at

the same time does its best to restrict the consumption of

sugar by its own people by every possible means, so that the

result is that there is an enormous surplus of sugar produced

which must find a foreign market, and which under present

circumstances can only find a market here. Therefore, it is

quite conceivable, unless, of course, a bounty-giving country

either reduced the area of their sugar production or lowered

their own excise duties on sugar for the benefit of their own

population—both of which would mean the abolition of the

bounty system—it is quite conceivable that the result of the

imposition of a tax on sugar here might be that, though at

first the price might go up and the consumption of sugar might

be consequently decreased, there would be such an influx into

this country of bounty-paid sugar that could not go anywhere

else that the price might be brought down. I merely put the

hypothesis to the Committee, because I think it is one that

ought to be considered by anyone who looks into this

question."

London Times, April 19, 1901.

"The geographical poles of the sugar trade are now Great

Britain and the United States, and the two great areas of

production are the beet-sugar countries of the continent of

Europe and the cane-growing countries of the American and the

Asiatic tropics. These two areas of production have been in

active rivalry for the past thirty years, and out of this

rivalry have come some striking results. The first is, that

beet sugar controls the world's sugar market; for of the

8,000,000 tons that constitute the commercial supply of sugar,

about 5,000,000 are produced from the beet, and the price of

this portion of the supply practically determines the price of

the 3,000,000 tons of cane sugar also. Still more significant

results are the removal of Great Britain from her once

dominant position in tropical sugar production and the

elimination of France and Spain from the struggle for

leadership in the same line of enterprise, as economic

conditions have centered the cane-sugar trade and industry in

America. To-day the continental beet-sugar countries supply

the United Kingdom with seventy-five per cent. of its annual

sugar imports (2,500,000 tons), leaving only one-quarter to

come from the tropics. The United States, on the other hand,

has become the chief market for tropical sugar. …

"India and the United States exclude bounty fed beet sugar;

and the reciprocity treaties with the United States, by

favoring tropical sugar with a minimum duty, put a narrower

limit to beet-sugar development, now prospering under a

protective tariff and state bounties. The general effect of

these positive aids to trade, as well as of the negative

restraints, has been to encourage tropical enterprise in which

sugar plays a leading role. …

"As things stand now, Germany continues to control the world's

sugar situation—not because of any superiority over the

tropics in machinery, nor because of the advantages of fiscal

bounties over tropical resources of the soil, but because all

the natural advantages under the prevailing slipshod methods

of tropical cane cultivation are more than counterbalanced by

the scientific methods of European agriculture applied to beet

farming. When the tropics apply to the cultivation of canes

(which covers half of the cost of producing sugar) the same

degree of scientific attention that has been given to the

methods of manufacturing the canes into sugar, then—and not

until then—need the beet-sugar interests of Europe look to

their laurels, under the present conditions of the trade."

J. F. Crowell, The Sugar Situation in the Tropics

(Political Science Quarterly. December, 1899).

{524}

In the United States, the Dingley Tariff law of 1897 required

the Secretary of the Treasury to levy a special countervailing

duty on all bounty-fed sugar equal to the benefit derived by

the manufacturers of it from the bounty systems under which it

was produced. German and French sugars have had to bear such

countervailing duty, and it was exacted on Russian sugar for a

time after the passage of the Dingley Act; but the Russian

government succeeded in bringing about a suspension of it,

pending negotiations for a commercial treaty, which came to

nothing. It was the Russian contention, that the system

operating in that country for the benefit of the sugar

producers, by means of internal taxes which are not collected

on exported sugar, and by paternal regulations which control

prices in the domestic market, is not a bounty system, within

the meaning of the American law. (The full text of the Russian

law on the subject may be found translated in the

"Congressional Record," February 26, 1901, page 3335.) By

these arguments and by protracted negotiations the Russians

succeeded in keeping the door of the American market open to

their sugar, with no extra levy of duties, until February,

1901, when the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States

arrived at the decision that he is required by the law to levy

and collect a countervailing duty or tax of 32 cents on each

pood (about 36 pounds) of Russian sugar imported into the

United States. The order to that effect, issued on the 12th of

February, gave great satisfaction to the American sugar-trust,

and more than equal dissatisfaction to other important

interests in the country, which are threatened by the danger

of retaliatory tariffs on the Russian side. The situation

produced is thus described in a Washington letter to the

"Tribune" of New York: "The iron and steel manufacturers have

been clamoring for the continued suspension of the

countervailing duty on Russian sugars. They have begun, they

say, to build up a market in Russia for American steel

products, and that market will be lost to them if Russia in

retaliation imposes maximum instead of minimum duties on steel

and iron manufactures. The steel industry all over the world

is threatened with a glut in production, and the American

manufacturers especially are keenly looking about for every

possible opportunity to dispose of an increasing surplus. They

deplore, therefore, the reimposition of the sugar duty, and

will help to fight for a reversal of Secretary Gage's action

by the Board of General Appraisers or by the courts. The

Secretary contends that the Russian scheme of encouraging the

sugar interest should be submitted for judgment to some legal

tribunal, and that in such an evident case of doubt it is his

duty to favor the Government to the extent of reimposing the

disputed duty. The case will go to the Board of General

Appraisers in New York, and then to the Federal courts, and a

final decision is, perhaps, two years off. Meanwhile the

German, French and other Continental governments have been

somewhat appeased, and the Sugar Trust has won a substantial

victory at the expense of the iron and steel consolidation.

Russia is disposed to resort to retaliatory decrees, and the

whole horizon is more or less clouded with threats of

commercial warfare."

The immediate consequence of the order of the United States

Treasury Department was a retaliatory order by M. De Witte,

the Russian Minister of Finance, issued four days later

(February 16), directing the collection of an additional

tariff of 30 per cent net upon American hardware, iron, steel,

boilers, pipes, forgings, castings, tools, gas and water

meters, dynamos, sewing machines, when such articles are of

American manufacture. This includes motors and machinery of

all kinds.

SUGAR TRUST, The.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);

and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

SULU ARCHIPELAGO:

Acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States.

The Sultan's Government.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

SUMER.

See (in volume 1)

BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

(in volume 4)

SEMITES;

and (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1895.

Decision against the constitutionality of the Income Tax.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1901.

Hearing of cases involving questions concerning the status of

the new possessions of the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900-1901.

SURGERY, Recent advances in.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL,

and CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS (X RAYS).

SUSA, Recent exploration of the ruins of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

SUWAROFF ISLAND:

Proposed annexation to New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

SUZERAINTY:

The question between Great Britain and

the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-189-1;

1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

SWAT VALLEY:

British India and the tribes of the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER);

1897-1898; and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

SWAZILAND:

Administration assumed by the Transvaal Government.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (THE TRANSVAAL).

{525}

SWEDEN AND NORWAY:

Norwegian discontent with the union.

"The question of representation in foreign countries has now

convulsed Scandinavia for some years. A race of democratic

tendencies usually thinks more of its Consular than of its

Diplomatic Service, and Norway, in demanding immediate

permission to appoint her own Consuls, announces that she is

willing to leave for future consideration the subject of

separate Ambassadors for the two countries. Professor Harald

Hjärne crystallizes the reply of Sweden in the words: 'By

granting such a request we run the risk of our foreign policy,

and with it also our satisfactory relations with foreign

Powers, in fact, the whole external safety of our country,

becoming a mere ball for the Norwegian parties during their

contests for power.' However, the King, who is ever ready to

grant privileges to his Norwegian subjects, even when acting

against his better judgment, declared himself willing to

accede to the petition as to the Consuls, and to allow the

sister country to have the direct voice in the regulation of

foreign affairs which she has so long demanded, but only on

condition that she would contribute to the defence of the two

Kingdoms in proportion to her population. … Many leading

Norwegians declare that those who shout so loudly for a

revision of the Constitution are, after all, in the minority.

They argue that claims on Sweden are, for the most part,

merely advanced as a party cry, and that if a general appeal

were made to the country, the majority would pronounce,

without hesitation, in favor of a continuation of the Union to

the State which has given Norway, for the first time in her

history, a period of nearly a century of peace and

uninterrupted prosperity. …

"The Left support their plea for separate Consuls by pointing

out that the mercantile navy of Norway is far larger than that

of Sweden; they claim for it, in fact, that it is the third

largest in the world. A reply to this is that a large

proportion of this navy consists of old wooden sailing-boats,

unfit for any purpose but that of carrying timber, that Norway

has increased her mercantile navy at the expense of her

warships, and that in time of war she would have to depend

exclusively on the splendid modern battleships of Sweden for

the defence both of her harbours and her shipping, since she

is not now herself the owner of one single modern ironclad. It

may be mentioned, in connection with this matter, that the

exports and imports of Sweden are nearly treble those of

Norway, the timber trade of the former country alone being the

largest in Europe, and that it is in consequence of Sweden

leaving so much of her carrying trade in the hands of the

sister country, thereby contributing no little to her

prosperity, that she has been encouraged and enabled to

increase her merchant navy to such an extent. Sweden has

throughout the century made enormous sacrifices for her navy,

and especially has this been the case since King Oscar came to

the throne. She is, therefore, so far as can be foreseen, in a

position to defend both her own ports and her merchant

vessels. She does not, however, profess to be equal to the

task of protecting the long coast-line of Norway and that vast

fleet of merchant vessels, of which the land last named is

justly proud, without any aid whatever from the sister

country, and statistics prove that, however willing in an

emergency Norway might be, she would be unable to offer for

this purpose help that would be of any practical use. …

"In March, 1895, during the Consular crisis, King Oscar went

over to Christiania and did his utmost to effect a compromise.

Demands were made on him by the Extreme Left, to which he

could not consent, and he referred the Storthing to the Act of

Union proving that should he agree to the claim, he would

himself be guilty of a violation of the Constitution. Some

painful scenes ensued, and the King left Norway almost at

once. On his arrival in Stockholm he received an ovation such

as few Swedish monarchs can ever have had before. Every

distinguished man in the country seemed to have assembled at

the railway-station to greet him; each public body was

represented by its leading member, the whole of the Swedish

Parliament was present, and the fervour and enthusiasm with

which he was saluted is beyond description. The Press, without

a single exception, took the King's side, praising His

Majesty's action in most lavish terms; this produced more

effect than anything in Norway, where the Left had counted on

the support of the Radical Press in Sweden, not realising

that, when once there was a question of attacks on the Union

and the Constitution, all parties were equally prepared to

rally round the King. …

"In view of the strained relations between Sweden and Norway,

it may be said that Russia's encroachment on the liberties of

Finland is extremely ill-timed if, as is probable, she

contemplates offering her protection to Norway as she did to

the neighbouring country at the beginning of the century.

Even if no such extreme step on the part of Russia be in view,

should those among Norway's two million inhabitants who demand

separation, have their way, the country would be able to offer

the Imperial Government a splendid bribe as the price of its

non-intervention, for to the north of the territory of

Norrland lies the Varanger Fjord, an inlet including several

fine harbours, which is practically free from ice throughout

the year. This bay, so much coveted by the greater power, is

only separated from the Czar's dominions by a narrow strip of

Norwegian soil, which has already been crossed by a railway

constructed by Russia with the permission of Norway. The value

of this fjord to the Empire in time of war would be

incalculable, and to have this magnificent gift at its

disposal is a perpetual temptation to Norway to win the

suffrages of the only European Power she has reason to fear

should she ever hoist the flag of revolt she has so long held

half-unfurled in her hand."

Constance Sutcliffe,

Scandinavia and her King

(Fortnightly Review, October, 1897).

In 1899, an Act directing the removal of the emblem of union

from the flag of Norway was passed by the Norwegian Storthing

for the third time over the veto of the King, and became law,

under the provisions of the Constitution.

SWEDEN AND NORWAY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

The Initiative and the Referendum in practice.

Three times during the year 1894, with a conservative result

in each instance, important questions of legislation were

submitted to the vote of the Swiss people. In one instance

they were asked to demand that a portion of the federal

customs dues should be assigned to the cantons for cantonal

use, the avowed aim of the proposition being to weaken the

Confederation. They rejected the scheme by a vote of 347,491

against 145,270.

{526}

A still heavier majority was given against Socialist proposals

for a constitutional article guaranteeing the right of every

Swiss citizen to remunerated work. This was supported by only

75,880 votes, against 308,289. For another Socialist proposal,

of gratuitous medical attendance, the necessary petition (with

50,000 signatures) in order to bring it to a popular vote, could

not be obtained. A third, for extending factory regulations to

all shops in which manual work is done, and for establishing

obligatory trade syndicates, to fix salaries, prices, number

of apprentices, was lost by a vote of 135,713 against 158,492.

Again, in 1895, the result of appeals made to the Referendum

seemed to show that the disposition of the people was more

conservative than that of the government. An Army Reform Bill,

which enlarged the federal control of military administration,

was rejected by 270,000 votes, against 195,000. Two or three

other proposals of less moment were voted down by considerable

majorities, and it appeared unmistakably that changes dependent

on the popular will were not to be easily made.

In 1896 a proposal from the Federal Council to make the head

of the War Office commander-in-chief of the army in time of

peace was voted down, on a referendum, by 310,992 against

77,169. During that year there was much agitation of a project

for the establishment of a State Bank, which the Chambers had

sanctioned; but, on being submitted to the people, early in

1897, it was defeated by a majority of about 60,000.

Another measure, supported by the Federal Council and adopted

in the Chambers, for the purchase of the five principal

railways of the republic, was submitted to the decision of the

Referendum in February, 1898, and carried by 384,272 votes

against 176,002. Accordingly, the five railways known as the

Swiss Central, the Union, the Northeastern, the St. Gothard,

and the Jura Simplon, about 1,650 miles in total length,

became the property of the state. The general plan of the

government was to purchase the railways at twenty-five times

the average net annual earnings for the past ten years,

providing this was not less than the actual cost. The

companies to have the privilege of deducting surplus capital,

but to turn over the roads in first-class condition.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.

Constitutional amendments.

Consul Germain wrote from Zurich, July, 1897:

"Constitutional amendments were voted on and adopted by the

Swiss people on Sunday last, July 11. The first amendment

relates to forestry and gives the Federal Government control

over and power to enact uniform laws to regulate Swiss

forests. The second amendment puts the manufacture, sale, and

importation of food products under federal control. These two

amendments will relieve the cantons from vexatious

legislation, heretofore differing in each of the twenty

cantons and four half cantons, and give the whole of

Switzerland uniform laws on forestry and the manufacture,

sale, and importation of food products."

United States Consular Reports,

October, 1897, page 296.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1900.

Rejection of new electoral proposals.

On the 4th of November the Swiss nation gave its decision

regarding two important proposals which under the name of the

"double initiative" had been causing great excitement among

the population of the Confederation. One of these proposals

had for its object the election of members of the National

Council on the system of proportional representation, the

other the election of the Federal Council by the people. Both

proposals were rejected, the first by 242,004 popular votes to

163,548, and by 11½ cantonal votes to 10½, and the second by

264,087 popular votes to 134,167 and by 14 cantonal votes to

8.

SYRIA:

Exploration of ruined cities of the Roman province.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: SYRIA.

SZECHUAN.

See (in this volume)

CHUNG-KING.

T.

TA TAO HUI, The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

TACNA, The question concerning.

See (in this volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

TAGALOS,

TAGALOGS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

TAGALOS:

Revolt against the sovereignty of the United States

in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

TAKU FORTS, Allied capture of the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

TALANA HILL, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1895.

Russo-Chinese Treaty.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895.

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1898.

Lease to Russia.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1899.

Declared a free port.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

TAMMANY HALL.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895;

and 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

TARIFF, Chinese.

See (in this volume)

LIKIN.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:

Australia: A. D. 1894-1895.

Defeat of Protection in New South Wales.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1894-1895.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:

Australia: A. D. 1901.

Promised protective policy for the new Commonwealth.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

TARIFF LEGISLATION:

Canada: A. D. 1897.

Revision of tariff, with discriminating duties in favor of

Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:

Europe and America: A. D. 1896-1901.

The question of sugar bounties and countervailing duties.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES; and GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

{527}

TARIFF LEGISLATION:

Germany: A. D. 1891-1899.

Recent commercial treaties.

Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1895-1898.

Demands of the German Agrarian Protectionists.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1901.

Promised increase of protective duties.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Japan: A. D. 1897.

New tariff law.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1897.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Philippines: A. D. 1901.

New tariff for the Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Porto Rico. A. D. 1900

Tariff between Porto Rico and the United States.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1897.

The Dingley Tariff.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);

and 1899-1901.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1901.

Reciprocity treaties.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1899-1901.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1900.

Relations of the tariff to steel and tin plate industries.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

TASMANIA.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY, The.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

TELEGRAPH, Cape to Cairo.

For the projected line of telegraph from the southern to the

northern extremity of Africa, Mr. Cecil Rhodes has undertaken

to find most of the needed money. He began construction from

the northern terminus of the Cape telegraphic service. In 1899

it was reported: "He has pushed the line northward through

Rhodesia to Umtali, in Mashonaland, which is 1,800 miles from

the Cape, and is pushing it on through Nyassaland to the

southern end of Lake Tanganyika, another 700 miles farther

north. The total distance to be covered is 6,600 miles. At the

same time the Egyptian government, under British auspices, was

pushing its telegraph system southward from Wady Halfa. Its

advance was intermittent, the erection of the telegraph poles

being necessarily dependent upon the pushing back of the

outposts of the Dervishes. Last autumn, however, the

destruction of the power of the Khalifa at Omdurman enabled

the Anglo-Egyptian authorities to reopen the long-closed

telegraph office at Khartoum. Khartoum being 1,300 miles from

Cairo, this reduces the distance to be spanned by the

telegraph wire to 3,500 miles; or, if we reckon Abercorn, on

Lake Tanganyika, as its northern terminus, only 2,800 miles.

It is being rapidly eaten into at both ends, more rapidly in

the south than in the north. Still nearly one-half of the

continent, and that the most difficult part, remains to be

crossed."

W. T. Stead

(in McClure's Magazine, August, 1899).

Soon after this was written, the South African War stopped the

progress of the work.

TELEGRAPHS, Submarine.

"The submarine telegraphs of the world number 1,500. Their

aggregate length is 170,000 miles; their total cost is

estimated at $250,000,000, and the number of messages annually

transmitted over them 6,000,000: All the grand divisions of

the earth are now connected by their wires, and from country

to country and island to island the thoughts and words of

mankind are instantaneously transmitted. … Adding to the

submarine lines the land-telegraph systems by which they are

connected and through which they bring interior points of the

various continents into instantaneous communication, the total

length of telegraph lines of the world is 835,000 miles, the

length of their single wires or conductors 3,500,000 miles,

and the total number of messages annually sent over them

365,000,000, or an average of 1,000,000 messages each day. In

the short half century since the practicability of submarine

telegraphy was demonstrated, the electric wires have invaded

every ocean except the Pacific. Nearly a score of wires have

been laid across the Atlantic, of which no less than thirteen

now successfully operate between the United States and Europe,

while three others span the comparatively short distance

between South America and the African and south European coast

lines. Throughout the Indian Ocean, lines connect the far East

with Europe and America by way of the Red Sea, the

Mediterranean, the western coast of Europe, and the great

trans-Atlantic lines. The Mediterranean is crossed and

recrossed in its entire length and breadth by numerous cable

lines, and the Mediterranean of America,' the Gulf of Mexico

and the Caribbean Sea, is traversed in all directions by lines

which bring its islands and colonies into speaking relations

with each other and with South America, Central America, the

United States, and thence with Europe, Africa, Asia—the whole

world. Along the eastern coast of Asia, cable lines loop from

port to port and island to island, receiving messages overland

from eastern Europe by way of the Russia-Siberian land lines

and forwarding them to Japan, China, Australia, New Zealand,

the Straits Settlements, Hongkong, and the Philippines, and

receiving others in return. South America is skirted with

cable lines along its entire border save the extreme south,

where they are brought into inter-communication by land lines.

Along the entire coast of Africa, cables loop from place to place

and from colony to colony, stretching along the entire

circumference and penetrating the interior by land lines at

various points. Every body of water lying between the

inhabited portions of the earth, with the single exception of

the Pacific Ocean, has been crossed and recrossed by submarine

telegraph lines. Even that vast expanse of water has been

invaded along its margin, submarine wires stretching along its

western border from Siberia to Australia, while its eastern

borders are skirted with lines which stretch along the western

coasts of the two Americas. Several adventurous pioneers in

Pacific telegraphy have ventured to considerable distances and

depths in that great ocean, one cable line running from

Australia to New Zealand, a distance of over 1,000 miles, and

another extending from Australia to the French colony of New

Caledonia, 800 miles seaward."

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Monthly Summary, January, 1899.

TELEGRAPHY, Wireless.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

{528}

TELEPHONY, Dr. Pupin's improvement in long-distance.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

TEMPERANCE.

See (in this volume)

references under LIQUOR SELLING.

TEMPLE LIBRARY, of ancient Nippur, The.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.

Centennial Exposition.

The centennial anniversary of the admission of Tennessee to

the American Union was celebrated by the holding of a very

successful exposition at Nashville, opening May 1, 1897.

TERESA URREA.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

TESLA, Nikola: Electrical inventions and discoveries.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

THREE AMERICAS RAILWAY, The.

See (in this volume)

RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

THUTMOSIS I., The tomb of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: NEW DISCOVERIES.

TIENTSIN.

"Tientsin is the most important city of northern China, being

located at the head of the Gulf of Pechili and but 80 miles

from the capital, Pekin, with which it is connected by water

and by a railway line. Another completed railway line runs

northeastwardly to Shanhai-kwan, and an elaborate railway

system is projected southward from this point through the

populous provinces of Shantung and Kiangsu to connect Tientsin

with Shanghai. In addition to these, the Grand Canal, the most

important of the great artificial waterways of China, has for

centuries connected Tientsin with the Yangtze-Kiang and

Shanghai. Its population is in round numbers 1,000,000."

United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,

March, 1899, page 2194.

"Tientsin is situated at the junction of the Huei River

(sometimes called the Grand Canal) with the Peiho River, in

latitude 39° 3' 55" north and longitude 117° 3' 55" east. It

is distant from Pekin by road about 80 miles. Formerly, it was

a military station only, but towards the end of the

seventeenth century became a city of great importance. To-day,

it is the home of 1,000,000 people, with an annual import and

export trade aggregating 65,000,000 taels * ($42,250,000).

[* Consul Ragsdale values the haikwan tael at 65 cents;

the estimate of the United States Director of the Mint,

July 1, 1898, is 68.8 cents.]

… The growth of Tientsin within the past few years is most

astonishing. The mud holes and swamps of a few years ago have

been filled in; one, two, three, and even four story brick

buildings erected; streets macadamized, trees planted, gas

works constructed, and now pipes (from New York) for a very

elaborate and perfect water system are being laid—all due to

foreign enterprise. On the other hand, the Chinese authorities

have been seized with the spirit of progress, and to them is

due the building and furnishing of the Imperial Military

College, the Imperial University, arsenals for the manufacture

of guns and ammunition, a mint for the coinage of silver, and,

last but not least, 320 miles of a splendid railway. …

"The Imperial University was established in 1895 by its

president, Mr. C. D. Tenney (former United States vice-consul

at Tientsin), at the request of His Excellency Sheng Hsuan,

with the advice and approval of the Emperor. His Excellency Wu

Ting-fang, present Chinese minister at Washington, and Mr.

Ts-ai Shao-chin, member of Viceroy Wang's staff, were the

first directors. The university is divided into three

departments, viz, collegiate, preparatory, and railway. The

preparatory course covers four years, after which the students

enter the collegiate department, where they remain another

four years. At the end of the first year in the collegiate

department, the students are drafted into special

classes—civil, mining, and mechanical engineering, and law.

Each special branch is in charge of foreign professors,

assisted by Chinese professors. The railway department was

organized for the purpose of providing men for subordinate

positions in the railway service—draftsmen, engineers, station

masters, etc. The students are admitted to the various

departments by competitive examinations. The government of the

university is solely in the hands of the president and

directors, the former being responsible for the educational

work of the institution. Thirty students in each class are

supported by the Government and are bound to Government

service after their graduation. The present number of students

is 250, and the annual expenses are 60,000 taels ($39,000),

entirely borne by the Government. The president and four of

the five professors are citizens of the United States.

"The Imperial Military College was established by His

Excellency Li Hung-Chang, the viceroy of Chihli, in the year

1884. At the beginning, it was simply intended to give

employment to the German officers under contract with the

Government, but the necessity of training men in the arts of

war led the viceroy to memorialize the Throne in behalf of a

permanent military college. A suitable building was erected,

at a cost of 50,000 taels ($32,500), and the annual expense of

maintenance is about the same amount. The students are drafted

from the different military camps, and they are supported by

the generals under whom they were serving. After a two years'

course, they return to their respective commands as

instructors. The school is under the directorship of Taotai

Yint Chang, a Manchu, who received his military education in

Germany, and held a commission of lieutenancy in the Austrian

army. All the principal instructors are Germans, most of them

being noncommissioned officers."

United States Consular Reports,

December, 1898, pages 550-552.

TIENTSIN: A. D. 1897.

Extension of British settlement.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

TIENTSIN: A. D. 1900.

Capture by allied forces.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

TIGRIS, Valley of the:

Recent archæological exploration.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

TIN PLATE INDUSTRY, in the United States.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

{529}

TOCHI VALLEY, British-Indian war with the tribes.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

TOGOLAND: A. D. 1899.

State of German colony.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

TOGOLAND: A. D. 1900.

Demarcation of the Hinterland.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.

The election of Mayor Jones.

Importance was given to the municipal election of April, 1899,

in Toledo, Ohio, by the character of the chosen Mayor, Samuel

M. Jones. He had first made himself known as a manufacturer in

the city, by his dealings with his employees. The Golden Rule

was posted in his shops, as the law by which he expected his

own conduct and that of the men who served him to be governed,

and it was found that he consistently obeyed the rule. In

1897, the Republican party, needing a candidate for Mayor, put

him forward and elected him. In office, he served the people

so well and the politicians and the monopoly interests so

little to their satisfaction, that his party, obedient to the

latter, cast him aside and nominated to the Mayor's office a

more "practical" man. Mr. Jones, thereupon, was induced to

present himself as an independent candidate, on a platform

denounced as "socialistic," and was elected by more than

double the total vote cast against him, for the regular

candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties. In the

following November, Mr. Jones was put forward as an

independent candidate for Governor of Ohio, and was not

elected, but received something over 106,000 votes.

On the 1st of April, 1901, Mr. Jones was reelected Mayor of

Toledo for a third term, again as an Independent, and as a

champion of municipal ownership for all public utilities.

TONGA ISLANDS, The:

Renunciation of German rights to Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

TORAL, General:

The Spanish defense of Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

Surrender of Spanish forces in eastern Cuba.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

TOSKI, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

TOWER BRIDGE.

See (in this volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1894.

TRANS-MISSISSIPPI EXPOSITION.

See (in this volume)

OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895;

and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

TRANSUBSTANTIATION, English royal declaration against.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

TRANSVAAL, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

TRANSVAAL NATIONAL UNION, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

TRIADS, Rebellion of the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, The.

The treaty of the Triple Alliance, or Dreibund, of Germany,

Austria-Hungary and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887,

for common defense against France and Russia, expires in 1903.

See, in volume 5,

TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

Rumors of an intention on the part of Italy to withdraw from

the Alliance arose in the spring of 1901, and received some

color from a marked exchange of friendly courtesies between

Italy and France in April, when an Italian squadron was

entertained at Toulon, on the occasion of a visit from the

President of the French Republic to that city. But there seems

to be little reason to believe that any such action has been

determined by the Italian government.

TROCHAS.

A Spanish term applied to military entrenchments or fortified

lines.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

TROY: Later researches on the site.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: TROY.

TRUST, The Sugar, and the Dingley Tariff.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

----------TRUSTS: Start--------

TRUSTS:

Industrial combinations in the United States.

An "Industrial Commission," was created by Act of Congress in

June, 1898.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

It submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900,

on the subject of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," from

which the following historical information is taken:

"The form of organization that has given them [industrial

combinations] their name 'trusts' was the one started by the

Standard Oil Trust in 1882, afterwords followed by the Whisky

combination—the Distillers and Cattle Feeders' Trust—and by

the Sugar Trust—the American Sugar Refineries Company. The

plan of that organization was as follows: The stockholders of

the different corporations entering the combination assigned

their stock in trust to a board of trustees without the power

of revocation. That board of trustees then held the voting

power of the stocks of the different companies, and was thus

enabled, through the election of directors, to control them

absolutely. In place of the stock thus received the trustees

issued trust certificates upon which the former holders of the

stock drew their dividends, these being paid upon the

certificates regardless of what disposition was made of the

plants of the different corporations. Owing largely to hostile

legislation and to the bitter feeling against the trusts above

named, these trusts, after some adverse decisions of the

courts, went out of existence, reorganizing as single

corporations in most cases, and none at the present time

remain.

{530}

A somewhat similar form of organization, however—the voting

trust—is found at times. In this form of trust the holders of

at least a majority of stock of a single corporation put their

stock into the hands of trustees for the purpose of voting it,

retaining for themselves all the privileges of drawing

dividends and making transfers. Such a voting trust has been

formed, it is claimed, in the case of the Pure Oil Company—an

organization of the independent oil interests—for the sake of

protecting a majority of the stock against purchase by the

Standard Oil Company. … As a form of corporate combination for

the sake of securing monopolistic control, the voting trust

does not seem to be now in vogue.

"The form of organization that seems most common at the

present time is that of the single large corporation, which

owns outright the different plants. A combination of this kind

is formed by the purchase of all of the plants of the

different corporations or individuals who enter into it, the

corporations then dissolving as separate corporations. Often

payments for the plants are made largely in stock of the new

corporation, so that many of the former owners maintain their

interest in the business. The affairs are then managed

entirely by the stockholders of the one corporation through

their board of directors, elected in the ordinary way. It is

usual for these larger corporations to choose a very liberal

form of charter.

"A third form of organization, which is in many particulars

quite like the original trust form, is that which has been

taken by the Federal Steel Company, by the Distilling Company

of America, and others. In this form the central company,

instead of purchasing the plants of the different corporations

which it is proposed to unite, simply buys a majority of the

stock, or possibly the entire stock of each one of the

corporations. The separate corporations keep in separate

corporate existence, but a majority of the stock being held by

the one larger corporation, its officers, of course, elect the

boards of directors of all of the separate corporations, and

in this way hold ultimately complete control. It is usually

true that the separate corporations manage their own affairs

practically independently, although they are furnished

information regarding the workings of the other establishments

in the combination through the central officers, and are

doubtless largely directed in their policy in this way.

"In the case of the Standard Oil Company, when the original

trust was dissolved, there were issued to the holders of trust

certificates proportional amounts of stocks of each of the

constituent companies, and since the trustees themselves had

held a majority of the certificates, they retained as

individuals a majority of the stock in each one of the

companies that had formerly been in the trust. The separate

corporations were named as separate corporations, but the

majority of the stock of all being held in the same hands, the

directors of the different companies were largely the same men,

and their affairs were managed in unison in substantially the

same way as had been the case before. The new Standard Oil

Company of New Jersey has recently been formed with the

intention of transferring the stocks of the different

corporations into the stock of the new company, so that when

the transfer has been finally made, one single corporation,

the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, will own outright the

property now owned by the separate companies which are

commonly known and mentioned together under the name of the

Standard Oil Company. This combination at present has no

formal unity. It has a practical unity as great as it will

have probably after the complete change into the New Jersey

company is effected.

"As most of the larger corporations have, within the last few

years, been organized in New Jersey, it will be worth while to

note the special advantages given by the corporation laws of

that State. The advantages that seem to be brought out most

clearly are:

First, taxation. The organization tax is considerably lower

than that of most of the States, while the annual tax is fixed

upon the amount of capital paid in, so that it is an

absolutely certain quantity and can be determined by anyone,

thus leaving no opportunity for corruption on the part of

either the corporation itself or of State officials. The rate

of the tax is moderate, and decreases as the amount of capital

increases.

Second. Perhaps a greater advantage is to be found in the

liberal form of the New Jersey charter. The amount of capital

is unlimited, the period of organization is unlimited, the

amount of indebtedness is not limited, the powers that are

granted to corporations are also practically unlimited, with

the exception that an ordinary business corporation is

forbidden to engage in banking. The Federal Steel Company

would have found it impossible to organize for the purpose of

engaging in the various enterprises which it has undertaken

had it incorporated in the State of Illinois or of

Pennsylvania. The same thing holds also with reference to the

American Steel and Wire Company.

Third. There is less liability on the part of the stockholders

than in several other States.

Fourth. The directors have also less liability. In case of

issuance of stock for property the judgment of the directors

is conclusive as to the value of the property taken, unless

there is evidence of fraud. Stock issued thus for property is

considered fully paid up, and the stockholders can not be held

further liable in case the property proves to have been taken at

less than its cash value. The directors are not personally

liable for the debts of the corporation if they fail to file

reports or to conform with certain other requirements. …

"During the past few years the total capitalization of the new

industrial combinations has reached an enormous sum, well into

the billions, and in many cases at least the nominal

capitalization of the corporations far exceeds the cash value

of their property. … Regarding most of the combinations

concerning which testimony has been taken the facts appear

quite clear. None of the witnesses believe that the Standard

Oil Company is on the whole over-capitalized, as compared with

the present value of the plants. Its opponents believe that

its profits are enormous on the capitalization. The witnesses

representing the Standard Oil Company itself, while admitting

very large profits and presenting no very definite facts

regarding the capitalization, still give the same impression

from their testimony. The American Sugar Refining Company

seems to be, beyond question, capitalized at a sum twice as

large at least as the cost of reconstruction of the plants

themselves. The capitalization was shown to be several times

the original capitalization of its constituent members. …

{531}

"Perhaps the clearest testimony on this subject of

capitalization came from the witnesses connected with some of

the iron and steel companies. The witnesses regarding the

tin-plate combination were in substantial agreement in stating

that the owners of most of the plants gave an option on their

plants at what they considered was the fair cash value,

although, owing to the good times and to the fact that, in

many cases, the industries were quite prosperous, the prices

were high. They were then given, by the promoter, the option

of taking this valuation of their property in cash, or of

taking instead the same amount in preferred stock with a like

amount of common stock added as bonus. … One of the witnesses,

at least, conceded that the total amount of stock thus paid

for the plants, since the cash option was taken in prosperous

times and included not merely the value of the plant but also

the good will of the running business, probably amounted in

some instances to three or four or even five times the cash

cost of the plants at that time. … Exactly the same system

seems to have been followed in the capitalization of the

National Biscuit Company, the National Steel Company, and the

American Steel Hoop Company. In all these cases there was a

clear understanding that the common stock represented simply

bonus or anticipated profits. …

"In the case of the American Tin Plate Company there was also

added ten millions of common stock, which was issued to the

promoter for his services and for the cost of organization. It

is presumed, of course, that not a little of this ten millions

had to be paid out in commissions etc. to those who aided in

securing the required amount of capital, including cash

furnished for working capital. The amount of extra common

stock issued for purposes of promotion in the American Steel

Hoop Company and in the National Steel Company was $5,000,000

in each case."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 10-15.

TRUSTS: Standard Oil Company.

As the rise of the Standard Oil Company seems to have marked

the beginning of the movement towards combination in

productive industries, on the great scale of recent times, the

following passages from testimony concerning the history of

the Company and of the oil business is especially interesting.

The first is from the examination of Mr. John D. Rockefeller:

"Q. 'What was the first combination in which you were

interested of different establishments in the oil industry?

A. The first combination of different establishments in the

oil industry in which I was interested was the union of

William Rockefeller & Co., Rockefeller & Andrews, Rockefeller

& Co., S. V. Harkness, and H. M. Flagler, about the year 1867.

"Q. What were the causes leading to its formation?

A. The cause leading to its formation was the desire to unite

our skill and capital in order to carry on a business of some

magnitude and importance in place of the small business that

each separately had theretofore carried on. As time elapsed

and the possibilities of the business became apparent, we

found further capital to be necessary, obtained the required

persons and capital, and organized the Standard Oil Company

with a capital of $1,000,000. Later we found more capital

could be utilized and found persons with capital to interest

themselves with us, and increased our capital to $3,500,000.

As the business grew, and markets were obtained at home and

abroad, more persons and capital were added to the business,

and new corporate agencies were obtained or organized, the

object being always the same, to extend our business by

furnishing the best and cheapest products.

"Q. Did the Standard Oil Company or other affiliated interests

at any time before 1887 receive from the railroads rebates on

freight shipped, or other special advantages?

A. The Standard Oil Company of Ohio; of which I was president,

did receive rebates from the railroads prior to 1880, but

received no special advantages for which it did not give full

compensation. The reason for rebates was that such was the

railroads' method of business. A public rate was made and

collected by the railway companies, but, so far as my

knowledge extends, was never really retained in full, a

portion of it was repaid to the shippers as a rebate. … The

Standard Oil Company of Ohio, being situated at Cleveland, had

the advantage of different carrying lines, as well as of water

transportation in the summer, and taking advantage of those

facilities made the best bargains possible for its freights.

All other companies did the same, their success depending

largely upon whether they had the choice of more than one

route. The Standard sought also to offer advantages to the

railways for the purpose of lessening rates of freight. It

offered freights in large quantity, car-loads and train loads.

It furnished loading facilities and discharging facilities. It

exempted railways from liability for fire. For these services

it obtained contracts for special allowances on freights.

These never exceeded, to the best of my present recollections,

10 per cent. But in almost every instance it was discovered

subsequently that our competitors had been obtaining as good,

and, in some instances, better rates of freight than

ourselves. …

"Q. About what percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil

Company came from special advantages given by the railroads

when these were greatest?

A. No percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil Company

came from advantages given by railroads at any time. Whatever

advantage it received in its constant efforts to reduce rates

of freight was deducted from the price of oil. The advantages

to the Standard from low freight rates consisted solely in the

increased volume of its business arising from the low price of

its products. …

"Q. To what advantages, or favors, or methods of management do

you ascribe chiefly the success of the Standard Oil Company?

A. I ascribe the success of the Standard to its consistent

policy to make the volume of its business large through the

merits and cheapness of its products. It has spared no expense

in finding, securing, and utilizing the best and cheapest

methods of manufacture. It has sought for the best

superintendents and workmen and paid the best wages. It has

not hesitated to sacrifice old machinery and old plants for

new and better ones.

{532}

It has placed its manufactories at the points where they could

supply markets at the least expense. It has not only sought

markets for its principal products, but for all possible

by-products, sparing no expense in introducing them to the

public. It has not hesitated to invest millions of dollars in

methods for cheapening the gathering and distribution of oils

by pipe lines, special cars, tank steamers, and tank wagons.

It has erected tank stations at every important railroad

station to cheapen the storage and delivery of its products.

It has spared no expense in forcing its products into the

markets of the world among people civilized and uncivilized.

It has had faith in American oil, and has brought together

millions of money for the purpose of making it what it is, and

holding its markets against the competition of Russia and all

the many countries which are producers of oil and competitors

against American oil."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 2). page 794.

Against the testimony of Mr. Rockefeller that the Standard Oil

Company obtained no exclusive advantages from railway

companies, other witnesses contended that such advantages were

given to it. On this point, the Commission say in their report:

"It was charged by most of the leading opponents of the

Standard Oil Company that the chief reason for the rapid

growth of the Standard, and its apparent great success in

underselling rivals and winning markets, was the special

advantages that it had received from the railroads. It was

claimed that the company not merely received discriminating

rates on its own shipments, but that it was frequently paid

rebates on the shipments of its competitors. It was conceded

by representatives of the Standard Oil Company that before the

passage of the interstate-commerce act special freight rates

and rebates were frequently received. It was asserted,

however, that this was the usual custom on the part of all

railroads with all large shippers, and that competitors of the

Standard had received similar favors. …

"Much greater differences of opinion exist with reference to

the condition of affairs since the passage of the

interstate-commerce act. It has been charged as a matter of

general belief on the part of almost all of the opponents of

the Standard Oil Company that these discriminations in various

forms have been continually received even up to date. On the

other hand, these charges have been denied in toto and most

emphatically by every representative of the Standard Oil

Company with reference to all cases excepting one, which they

claim was a mistake, the amount of freight due being promptly

paid on discovery of the error. … Certain opponents of the

company claimed that the Standard Oil Company received

commissions for shipping freight over railroads, which

commissions amounted to rebates. This charge is emphatically

denied by the Standard Oil Company and no positive proof on

the subject has been offered."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 25.

Of testimony on the subject of pipe-line consolidations in the

oil business, the report says:

"Mr. Boyle [publisher of the 'Oil City Derrick'] gives a

somewhat detailed history of the development of pipe-line

transportation in the oil business. The first successful pipe

lines were established in 1864 from Pithole to the Miller

farm. Others were soon constructed in the same district. These

were usually short, scarcely over 5 miles in length, and at

first did not even connect directly with the wells themselves,

although this practice was soon established. Numerous lines

soon grew up in different parts of the oil region, but the

first more extended systems date from 1869, when the Mutual

Pipe Line was laid more or less throughout Clarion County.

Vandergrift and Forman later established a system through

Butler County which became the nucleus of what is now known as

the United Pipe Line System. The original pipe lines were only

transporters of oil, but the nature of their work soon led them

to purchase oil, although at first it was not in the name of

the company itself. …

"Mr. Emery [of Bradford] also makes a brief statement of the

early history of pipe lines. He states that the first attempt

to combine separate pipe lines into a more complex system was

made by William H. Abbott and Henry Harley, beginning about

1866. By 1869 they had a capital of nearly $2,000,000, and 500

miles of pipe centering in the Miller farm. The concern was

then known as the Pennsylvania Transportation Company.

"Several witnesses describe the process by which the Standard

Oil Company gradually secured control of the various pipe

lines throughout the oil regions. The opponents of the trust

attribute the success of the Standard Oil Company in this

movement to the railway discriminations upon oil received from

pipe lines controlled by that company. It appears that for a

considerable period a rebate of 22 cents per barrel was

allowed on oil from pipe lines maintaining the agreed rates of

pipage. … Other opponents of the combination ascribe its

success in driving out competing pipe lines largely to the

practice of paying premiums upon oil in the territory of such

competing lines.

"Mr. Boyle gives the fullest statement of the growth of the

pipe-line consolidation during the seventies and attributes it

to the natural advantages arising from large capital and from

skill in organizing. He testifies that during the early part

of that decade very numerous pipe lines had been established.

These were at first constructed on a small scale by separate

oil producers, but, having entered the business, many

producers were inclined to extend their lines and form a

system. There thus arose an excessive number of competing

lines, and the solvency and integrity of some of them became a

matter of doubt. This excessive competition was the cause of

driving the pipe lines into a more complete organization. As

early as 1873 or 1874 a pooling arrangement was made by some

of the pipe lines, and rebates were paid by railways on oil

received from such lines. The United Pipe Line Company was

established in 1877, with a capital at first of $3,000,000,

and acquired by purchase a large number of lines. The new

company included many producers and stockholders of the

smaller companies, but it is estimated that the persons

controlling the Standard Oil Company had somewhat more than a

one-half interest in the United Pipe Lines. The National

Transit Company is the present owner of the United Pipe Lines

System, and the Standard Oil Company controls the National

Transit Company. …

{533}

"It was pointed out by several witnesses that the almost

complete control of the pipe-line system by the Standard Oil

Company gives it great power in fixing the prices of crude

oil, since producers can dispose of their product only through

the pipe lines, especially in view of the further fact, which

is alleged, that railway rates on crude oil are by agreement

kept at least as high as, if not higher than, the pipe-line

charges. The pipe-line system also gives the combination great

advantage over other refiners, who must pay the rates of

pipage fixed by the Standard, which are claimed to be

excessively high, or the high rates of freight."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 100.

TRUSTS:

Sugar Trust.

The following is from the testimony of Mr. Henry O. Havemeyer:

"Q. The history and organization of the Sugar Refining Company

has been gone over so many times in testimony before that it

is not worth while to dwell on it at length, but in order that

we may have the record somewhat complete, will you give a

brief sketch of its development, going back to the conditions

of the old sugar trust? [1887]

A. There were about twenty-five different firms or

corporations in the sugar business. I think the evidence

before some one of the Congressional committees was that for a

period of 5 or 6 years before the formation of the trust, 18

of those failed or went out of business.

"Q. Eighteen out of 25?

A. Not out of 25; 18 out of about 40. It occurred to some one

to consolidate the others, and 18 out of 21, I believe, went

into the trust, leaving 3 or 4 outside, who represented, I

think, 30 per cent. Then Spreckles built a refinery in

Philadelphia, and, 2 or 3 years after the formation of the

trust, the trust or its successor bought the Philadelphia

refineries.

"Q. Will you explain in a word or two the difference between

the trust and its successor and the reason for its going into

this other form?

A. The trust was attacked, and the courts decided it was

illegal, and a company was organized in New Jersey which

bought outright and paid for the different companies, which

were the constituent companies of the trust. They then

represented, I think, over 90 per cent of the output; then

other refineries began to be constructed, until now I think

they would represent 50 per cent of the consumption. …

"Q. The condition before the formation of the trust was about

this: When these 18 different companies failed, business was

in such a condition, as a whole, that it was considered

unprofitable?

A. Very unprofitable—ruinous.

"Q. Now, can you tell what special advantages—if you can give

this in some detail I shall be glad—come from this

organization, and in what way you make your savings?

A. The greatest advantage is in working the refinery full and

uninterruptedly. Of course, if you have a capacity of

140,000,000 and can only melt 100,000,000 somebody has got to

cut down materially. The moment you cut down you increase the

cost; by buying up all the refineries … and concentrating the

meltings in four refineries and working them full, you work at

a minimum cost. That enables us to pay a dividend on the

common stock.

"Q. SO the chief advantage in the combination was in

concentrating the production and destroying the poor

refineries?

A. Precisely."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 2). pages 109.

See, also (in this volume),

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY).

TRUSTS:

The earlier combinations in steel production.

Mr. Reis, president of the National Steel Company, states that

that company was organized in February, 1899, under the laws

of New Jersey, with a capital of $59,000,000, $27,000,000 of 7

per cent cumulative preferred stock and $32,000,000 of common

stock. The company includes six steel plants, located at New

Castle, Youngstown, Sharon, Mingo Junction, Bellaire, and

Columbus. These plants are engaged in producing steel billets

and slabs, which are the raw materials for making tin plates

and various other products. The plants include 15 blast

furnaces. The company also owns iron mines in northern

Michigan at Iron Mountain and Ishpeming. These are expected to

produce from 1,250,000 to 1,400,000 tons of ore annually, the

total amount required for the use of the steel plants in the

combination being about 3,000,000 tons. The National Steel

Company also owns nine lake boats for transporting ore,

capable of carrying about 1,000,000 tons annually. … Mr. Reis

testifies that the National Steel Company is not a 'trust' in

the ordinary sense, since it makes no attempt to secure

control of a large proportion of the output of steel. Its

economies are sought in the combination of steel plants with

sources of raw materials. The National Steel Company produces

only about 18 per cent of the Bessemer steel made in this

country. The other chief concerns engaged in steel production

are the Carnegie Steel Company; Federal Steel Company; the

Maryland; Jones & Laughlin Steel Company; Wheeling Steel and

Iron Company, and the Lorain Steel Company. …

"Mr. Reis states that the tariff, so far as it is placed upon

steel billets, bars, and sheets, is no longer necessary for

the protection of the industry. No steel is imported, and

during the past 8 or 10 years the tariff has cut no figure.

But if the tariff should be removed from tin plate or from

certain other branches of the iron and steel industry there

would be an indirect effect upon the making of steel. …

"Mr. Gary states that the Federal Steel Company owns all the

capital of the Minnesota Iron Company, the Illinois Steel

Company, the Lorain Steel Company, and the Elgin, Joliet and

Eastern Railroad Company. The Minnesota Iron Company is the

owner of 150,000 acres of iron ore property on the Vermilion

and Mesaba ranges. It owns the Duluth and Iron Range Railroad

Company, connecting its mines with Lake Superior at Two

Harbors and Duluth. It owns large ore docks and also 22 steel

lake vessels capable of carrying 2,000,000 tons per annum. The

product of the Minnesota Iron Company will probably be

3,500,000 tons in 1900. The Lorain Steel Company manufactures

chiefly steel rails for street railways, and to some extent

steel billets. It produces about 500,000 tons of pig iron per

year. The Illinois Steel Company has plants at North Chicago,

West Chicago, South Chicago, Milwaukee, and Joliet. It

produces about 1,500,000 tons of pig iron per year, and also

manufactures steel rails, billets, plates, etc. It owns the

Chicago, Lake Shore and Eastern Railway, which connects its

plants in the neighborhood of Chicago. It also owns large

tracts of coal property in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, and

makes there about 1,500,000 tons of coke per year. This

company also owns iron mines in Wisconsin and Michigan. …

{534}

"Mr. Stetson, a lawyer, who drafted the charter and conducted

the legal arrangements in the organization of the Federal

Steel Company, testified that it was organized in September,

1898, with an authorized capital of $100,000,000 6 per cent

noncumulative preferred stock and $100,000,000 common stock.

Of this, $98,000,000 in all was originally issued. … Mr. Gary

states that the Federal Steel Company is not a trust in any

sense. It has not sought to restrict competition and has not

brought together companies which were competing with one

another, as is the case with most so-called trusts. The

company has bought the stocks of companies doing different

lines of business, just as an individual might do. …

"The American Steel and Wire Company operates iron mines in

the Lake Superior region. It controls, perhaps, one-sixth or

one-seventh of the output of that region. It owns and operates

coal mines and burns coke. It operates 8 or 9 blast furnaces, 17

open-hearth furnaces, from 22 to 25 rod rolling mills, and

from 20 to 30 wire mills. Its finished product is plain wire,

barbed wire, wire fencing, rope, etc., wire nails, and all

kindred articles. … Mr. Gates, chairman of the American Steel

and Wire Company of New Jersey, testified concerning the

formation of that company. It was organized on January 12,

1899. A gradual process of consolidating wire plants had been

going on previously. As early as 1890 companies in which Mr.

Gates was interested practically controlled the manufacture of

barbed wire in this country. In December, 1897, and January,

1898, J. P. Morgan & Co. investigated the value of the various

wire plants throughout the country with a view to further

consolidation. The American Steel and Wire Company of

Illinois, formed in March, 1898, seems to have resulted from

this effort. … The combination into the American Steel and

Wire Company was not rendered necessary by excessive

competition and consequent losses among the wire companies.

The Consolidated Steel and Wire Company, for example, made

between 27 and 28 per cent during the last three years of its

existence. It was believed, however, that more profit would be

made through better management under consolidation.

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 190.

TRUSTS:

Tin Plate Industry.

"The American Tin Plate Company was incorporated under the

laws of New Jersey on January 6, 1899. Its authorized capital

is $20,000,000 of 7 per cent cumulative preferred stock and

$30,000,000 of common stock. Of this, $18,000,000 of preferred

and $28,000,000 of common stock has been issued. … It is made

clear by the evidence of all the witnesses that the tin-plate

industry in the United States has been built up practically

since the McKinley tariff of 1890, which raised the duty on

tin plates from 1 to 2.2 cents per pound. Without the

protection, all the witnesses agree, the industry could not

have been profitably established. Having once been

established, it was able to submit to the reduction of the

duty to 1.2 cents by the Wilson tariff of 1894, and is now

sufficiently protected by the duty of 1.5 cents under the

Dingley tariff of 1897."

United States Industrial Commission,

Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 174 and 187.

TRUSTS:

The climax of consolidation in steel industries.

Formation of the United States Steel Corporation.

In February, 1901, the climax was reached in movements of

industrial combination, so far as concerns the production and

greater uses of iron and steel, by the formation of one

gigantic corporation, to embrace not only the companies named

above, but to purchase the enormous interests of the Carnegie

Company outright, and to take in several organizations of more

than considerable magnitude besides. The combination was

effected by the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., New York, as

"syndicate managers," and an official statement of its

essential terms was published in a circular from that firm, on

the 2d of March, addressed to the stockholders of the Federal

Steel Company, National Steel Company, National Tube Company,

American Steel and Wire Company of New Jersey, American Tin

Plate Company, American Steel Hoop Company, American Sheet

Steel Company, to whom the following announcement was made:

"The United States Steel Corporation has been organized under

the laws of the State of New Jersey, with power, among other

things, to acquire the outstanding preferred stocks and common

stocks of the companies above named, and the outstanding bonds

and stock of the Carnegie Company. A syndicate, comprising

leading financial interests throughout the United States and

Europe, of which the undersigned are managers, has been formed

by subscribers to the amount of $200,000,000, (including among

such subscribers the undersigned and many large stockholders

of the several companies,) to carry out the arrangement

hereinafter stated, and to provide the sum in cash and the

financial support required for that purpose. Such syndicate,

through the undersigned, has made a contract with the United

States Steel Corporation, under which the latter is to issue

and deliver its preferred stock and its common stock and its

five per cent. gold bonds, in consideration for stocks of the

above named companies and bonds and stock of the Carnegie

Company and the sum of $25,000,000 in cash.

"The syndicate has already arranged for the acquisition of

substantially all the bonds and stock of the Carnegie Company,

including Mr. Carnegie's holdings. The bonds of the United

States Steel Corporation are to be used only to acquire bonds

and 60 per cent. of the stock of the Carnegie Company. The

undersigned, in behalf of the syndicate, and on the terms and

conditions hereinafter stated, offer, in exchange for the

preferred stocks and common stocks of the companies above

named, respectively, certificates for preferred stock and

common stock of the United States Steel Corporation, upon the

basis stated."

Details relating to the terms and the procedure of exchange

are then given, and several statements of public interest are

made, among them these: "The authorized issue of capital stock

of the United States Steel Corporation presently provided for

in said contract is $850,000,000, of which one-half is to be

seven per cent. cumulative preferred stock and one-half is to

be common stock. The company will also issue its five per

cent. gold bonds to an aggregate amount not exceeding

$304,000,000. In case less than all of the bonds and stock of

the Carnegie Company or less than all of the stocks of the

other companies above referred to shall be acquired, the

amounts of bonds and stocks to be issued will be reduced as

provided in said contract. The forms of the new bonds and of

the indenture securing the same, and of the certificates for

the new preferred and common shares, and the entire plan of

organization and management of the United States Steel

Corporation, shall be determined by J. P. Morgan & Co.

{535}

Every depositor shall accept in full payment and exchange for

his deposited stock the shares of the capital stock of the

United States Steel Corporation, to be delivered at the rates

above specified, in respect of the stock by him so deposited;

and no depositor or holder of any receipt issued hereunder

shall have any interest in the disposition of any other of the

shares of stock, or of the bonds of the United States Steel

Corporation, by it to be issued and delivered to or for

account of the syndicate or of any proceeds thereof. All

shares of the United States Steel Corporation deliverable to

or for account of the syndicate, which shall not be required

for the acquisition of the stock of the Carnegie Company or

for delivery to depositors under the terms of this circular,

are to be retained by and belong to the syndicate. … It is

proper to state that J. P. Morgan & Co. are to receive no

compensation for their services as syndicate managers beyond a

share in any sum which ultimately may be realized by the

syndicate."

Subsequently the American Bridge Company and the Lake Superior

Consolidated Iron Mines were taken into the consolidation,

and, on the 1st of April, 1901, the United States Steel

Corporation filed with the Secretary of State at Trenton, New

Jersey, amended articles of incorporation increasing its

authorized capital stock to $1,100,000,000. The stock is

equally divided into 7 per cent. cumulative preferred stock

and common stock. The total is greater by $250,000,000 than

the amount stated in the circular issued by J. P. Morgan &

Co., on March 2, as "presently provided for," and with the 5

per cent. gold bonds, not exceeding $304,000,000, brings the

security issues of the great steel combination up to

$1,404,000,000.

TRUSTS:

Industrial combinations in European countries.

"Trusts of the magnitude and influence of those now so

numerous in the United States are as yet rare in the Old

World. … It is in Germany, … of all European countries, that

trusts have spread most extensively and have been most

successful. … The German technical journals for 1897 enumerate

about 180 trusts, of which, it is true, only a few would

correspond to American ideas, but all of which demonstrate a

capacity for wider combination and fuller development. … As

regards great industrial combinations, the most striking

advance has been made in the German coal industry; the most

prominent organization in this department being the

Rheinisch-Westfälische Kohlensyndikat, which is distinguished

by the characteristics of a genuine trust, exercising within

its sphere of activity almost unlimited power. Like the

American Standard Oil Company, it directly controls the sales,

leaving the matter of production entirely to the separate

companies. Under the innocent title of 'eines Vereins zum

Ankauf und Verkauf von Kohlen' (a society for the buying and

selling of coal), this trust has, for the past five years,

completely controlled the West German coal industry, and

dictated prices. …

"In Austria and Hungary trusts have not yet extended so

rapidly. Nevertheless, on various occasions several of them

have given rise to such unfavorable comment that the sentiment

in favor of a legislative restriction of the movement is

to-day much more pronounced in the Austrian than in the German

Parliament. …

"As far as England is concerned, it must be admitted that,

notwithstanding her great industrial activity and a

competitive warfare not less pronounced than that of other

states, the Trust system has as yet found but tardy acceptance

in that country. This is doubtless due in some degree to the

thorough application of the principle of Free Trade; for it is

well known that the largest trusts are powerless unless their

interests are secured by a protective tariff excluding from

the home market the products of foreign countries.

Furthermore, we should remember that in England the principle

of individual freedom is regarded as inviolable. There, it

still obtains more widely than in most other countries; and

the majority of British merchants consider the principle

involved in the formation of trusts as a serious menace to the

freedom of the individual. …

"France is a country in which the Trust system has long

flourished and assumed extensive proportions. In the iron

trade, great trust companies—local in their character, it is

true—have existed for the last twenty years; and the most

powerful of these, like those of Germany, limit their activity

to the establishment of sales-depots. The chemical industry of

France, like that of Germany, is now controlled almost

exclusively by combinations. … Several international trusts,

such as the Zinc Trust, also have their headquarters at Paris.

Belgium, like France, is interested in most of the

international trusts; and there, as in France, the Trust

system has been successful largely in those enterprises which,

in other industrial countries, have hitherto maintained a

stubborn resistance to the inroads of the Trust. …

"In respect to the economic value of trusts in Europe, it may

be said that the influence exerted by them, both for good and

for evil, is, in its essential features, similar to that

exerted by the trusts of America."

W. Berdrow,

Trusts in Europe

(Forum, May. 1899).

TRUSTS:

Industrial combinations in England.

"England no longer enjoys that immunity from monopoly which

was the boast of its own economists and the object-lesson of

American free-traders. While the position of trusts has not

greatly changed in the United States during the past ten

years, except to develop on the same lines, a commercial

revolution is taking place in England. The country is becoming

honey-combed with combinations and trusts; and, what is more

and perhaps worse, there is no agitation against the system.

No effort is made to check trusts or control them. … There are

a large number of informal combines in England which give some

advantages of monopoly without unity of control or financial

association. Thus, the railroad corporations have long ceased

to compete as regards rates. It is perfectly well understood,

and has been admitted over and over again by railroad men

before Parliamentary committees, that the railroad companies

combine. They agree in their rates, but compete in facilities,

speed, etc. If it were not that the railroad companies are

strictly regulated by the Board of Trade, this system of

concerted action would be a very serious factor. As it is, the

railroads represent the most powerful interest in Parliament. …

Similarly, the leading shipping companies have fixed rates for

freight, to stop under-cutting, competing only in speed and

facilities. … There are various understandings and agreements

in the coal-trade. …

{536}

"Until a few years ago, England was not ripe for trusts. The

early efforts failed either through the overcapitalization of

the concerns, opposition from outsiders, or defective

management. … The monopoly that has been most prejudicial to

public interests—the National Telephone Company—is now being

undermined. … The agitation against this monopoly on the part

of municipalities became so strong that in 1898 the House of

Commons appointed a committee to investigate the question. The

result was that last year an act was passed giving

municipalities the right to establish telephones, and

authorizing the post-office to spend $10,000,000 in creating a

competitive system in London. …

"During the last three years, there has been a prolific crop

of amalgamations—half-way houses to trusts. … There is one

kind of amalgamation taking place that deserves special note.

Great mining, iron, engineering, and shipbuilding firms have

come together. Instead of having between the raw material and

the completed ship or engineering work the intermediary

profits of the iron-ore miner, the coal-miner, the

iron-master, the steel-maker, the iron-founder, the forger,

the marine-engine builder, and so forth,—all these middlemen

are got rid of, and the whole business placed, as it were,

under one roof. …

"Consumers in England have not so much to fear from combines

regulated by the Companies' Act, and held in check by free

trade, as consumers in the United States."

R. Donald,

Trusts in England

(Review of Reviews, November, 1900).

TRUSTS:

The question in American politics.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);

and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

----------TRUSTS: End--------

TSUNG-LI-AMEN, The Chinese.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH).

TUBUAI ISLANDS.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

TUGELA RIVER, Military operations on the.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

During the French Protectorate.

In 1881, under pretexts which were much condemned at the time,

the government of France compelled the Bey of Tunis to sign a

treaty by which he submitted himself and country to the

Protectorate of France.

See, in volume 2,

FRANCE: A. D. 1875-1889.

This action gave bitter offense to the Italians, who had been

intending to lay their own hands on Tunis, and it is to be

counted among the causes of the entrance of Italy into the

Dreibund or Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary

in 1882. But time had so far worn away the grievance that the

Tunisian protectorate was practically recognized by the

Italian government in a treaty with France, signed in

September, 1896. In 1898, the general results produced in

Tunis by seventeen years of French control were described in

an elaborate report to the British government by its

representative in the Protectorate, or Regency, Sir H.

Johnston. The following is quoted from that report:

"The protectorate of Tunis is nominally an Arab Kingdom, ruled

by a prince of Turkish descent under the guidance and control

of a French Minister Resident-General and a staff of French

officials. The present Bey of Tunis, Sidi Ali Pasha-Bey, is, I

believe, the most aged ruler living, having been born in the

year 1817. He was Heir Apparent at the time of the French

treaty of protection, concluded with his elder brother, Sidi

Sadok Bey. Sidi Ali at his accession to the throne in 1882

accepted the inevitable with a good grace, and has from the

very first lent himself unreservedly to the French efforts for

the regeneration of his country. Two of his ministers are

Arabs (the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Pen), the

remainder of the Council are French officials. M. René Millet,

the Resident-General of France, is at the same time Minister

for the Foreign Affairs of the Tunisian Government and

President of the Council. … The personal staff of the

Resident-General consists of about nine members. In addition,

the French Government is more or less directly represented

throughout the Regency by officials corresponding almost

exactly to our vice-consuls, collectors and

assistant-collectors in our African Protectorates, with this

difference, that the collectors are called 'contrôleurs.' …

"The whole of Tunisia is now under civil administration,

except the Saham district to the south of Gabes, which still

remains under military control. … In the districts which I

visited, the natives, talking to me freely, said that they

would sooner be under the rule of any Frenchman than under

that of their own kaids. The French are face to face here with

the same problem that we find so difficult in other oriental

countries—that of creating amongst the natives a body of

public officials who will keep their hands from picking and

stealing, and their tongues from evil speaking, lying and

slandering. No tyrant is so cruel to an Arab as an Arab; no

one is harder on Muhammadans than their co-religionists.

Justice is administered to Europeans, and to the protected

subjects of European powers, by French tribunals, which

equally deal with cases arising between Europeans and

Tunisians. … Justice is administered to natives, in cases

where natives alone are concerned, by Arab courts depending

directly on the Tunisian Government, but with a Frenchman at

the head of each principal department. At all the centres of

population there are Arab courts of justice. The Court of

Appeal for the French courts in Tunis is the Supreme Court of

Algiers; the appeal from the Arab courts is to the Bey. …

Public works are entirely under French control, though

Tunisians are employed in minor posts. …

"Public education is under French and Arab direction. The

schools and colleges more or less directly supported by the

Government in the city of Tunis are the following:—

The Lycée Carnot,

the College Sadiki,

the secondary school for girls,

the Alawi College,

two lay schools for boys,

a school for Jewish children of the Israelite Alliance,

a Jewish agricultural school,

two schools for Jewish girls,

three schools for boys under the direction of friars, and a

primary school for little girls.

{537}

There is a Muhammadan university at the Great Mosque in Tunis,

and there are 113 primary Muhammadan schools in the same town.

In the interior there are about 98 primary schools for boys

and girls, supported by the Government, and mainly under

French direction. There are also about 500 Muhammadan schools

in the interior, either private or assisted by Government

funds. In addition to Government-supported schools, a large

number of private establishments have sprung up at Tunis and

at Sfax, wherein surprisingly good teaching is given, even in

such subjects as music. … The progress of education is having

very marked results on the indigenous population of the coming

generation—good results in the dissipation of Muhammadan

fanaticism and prejudice, results less pleasing, however, when

the recipient of this education is turned out a creature with

no particular religion, with no principles, and a contempt for

manly labour. …

"In 1880 life and property were thoroughly insecure. The

property of Europeans, perhaps, was safe, provided they were

the subjects of a Power able to coerce the Government of

Tunis, and their lives were not in any great danger in the

principal towns; but it would have been impossible for any

European to have travelled about many parts of the Regency

without a considerable escort; impossible, indeed, to

penetrate some parts of the Regency at all unless at the head

of an army. … It was as difficult, and dangerous, and

expensive to travel about the Regency 18 years ago as it is

now to visit the far interior of Morocco. I spent eight months

in Tunisia at that time, but never succeeded in visiting

Kairwan, the Holy City. … Now, I can go from Tunis to Kairwan

in a few hours by railway, see all the sights unhindered,

enter the mosques without offence, dine and sleep at an

excellent hotel, and be back again at my work in Tunis the

next day. I may further add that I have just traversed much of

the Tunisian Sahara and a good deal of the Jerid country with

no other escort than my servant, and a native cavalryman to

act as guide. I should have been equally safe had I been

alone. The whole Regency of Tunis is now as safe for tourists

as France."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, 1898, C. 8649-18, pages 10-15, and 2-3).

TUNNELS, New York Rapid Transit and East River.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

TURBINES, Steam, The invention of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

----------TURKEY: Start--------

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

Revolt and massacres in Armenia.

Atrocities on both sides.

A horrible condition of things in Armenia was beginning to

cause excitement throughout the world. On one hand, the

Armenians were in revolt against the foul Turkish government,

and avenging themselves savagely upon their oppressors

whenever they found the opportunity; on the other hand the

Turks were making the revolt an excuse for the atrocities that

are habitual to them in every such case. A special

correspondent sent in January by Reuter's news agency to

investigate the situation reported his conviction "that both

Turk and Armenian are in the wrong, and that, as very often

happens, it is the innocent who have suffered for the

wrong-doings of the guilty. When it is asserted on behalf of

the Turks that they are engaged in suppressing a revolutionary

movement in Armenia, the statement is fully justified by the

facts of the case. There does exist in Armenia an extremely

vigorous revolutionary movement, and it is equally beyond

question that the methods of some of the leaders of this

movement are no less shocking than the barbarity of the Turk

in suppressing it. At every step," he added, "I became more

and more convinced that the inhuman ferocity displayed in this

terrible struggle for the mastery has not been in the least

exaggerated in the reports of the massacres already published

in England. At Bitlis I heard the story of a Turkish soldier

who boasted, as one who had achieved a glorious feat, that he

had taken part in the disembowelling of thirty pregnant

women. 'Two lives in one,' was the rallying cry of the armed

men who perpetrated this butchery. Another soldier, who had

taken part in a massacre in a church, described, gloating upon

every ghastly detail, how he had slipped and slid along the

blood-washed floor while the inhuman work proceeded.

Unfortunately, something very like a counterpart of these

atrocities is presented by the methods of some of the leaders

of the Armenian revolutionary movement. I believe there is no

doubt of the fact that certain of these Armenian conspirators

arranged to murder the Reverend Dr. Edward Riggs and two other

American missionaries at Marsovan, and fasten the blame upon

the Turks, in order that, as they imagined, the United States

might inflict summary punishment upon the Turkish Government,

thereby rendering Armenian independence possible. The

missionaries only escaped through a timely warning which they

received from an Armenian friend. Dr. Riggs has devoted his

life to the education of the Armenian youth in the missionary

schools, but the conspirators, in their blind fanaticism, gave

this fact little heed."

There could be no denial however, that the treatment of

Armenia and the Armenians by their Turkish political masters

was horribly bad. In May, the governments of Great Britain,

France and Russia united in proposing certain reforms for

Armenia, over which there were evasive and dilatory

negotiations carried on by the Porte for several months.

Meantime, the Armenians became more aggressive and

threatening, and a secret society called the "Hintchak," which

had been in existence among them since 1887, assumed great

activity. Connected with the Hintchak there was said to be an

organization of spies and "executioners," the latter of whom

carried out decrees of assassination, arson, and

bomb-explosion which the society had pronounced. Finally, on

the 17th of October, an imperial irade (edict, or decree) was

issued, approving and adopting the project of reform which the

British, French and Russian ambassadors had submitted to the

Porte.

{538}

But the appearance of the sultan's ineffectual irade was

speedily followed by fresh reports of frightful massacres of

Armenians, at Trebizond, Erzeroum, Bitlis, Zeitoun, and

elsewhere, with outraging of women and destruction of

property, which increased rather than diminished as time went

on. There was no sign that anything had been done towards

carrying out the promised reforms; though the sultan wrote

personally to Lord Salisbury to remonstrate against an

expression of skepticism concerning them, which the latter had

let fall in a speech, and to say to the British Premier: "I will

execute the reforms. … This is my earnest determination, as to

which I give my word of honour." But nothing came of it all,

and the Powers which had received the Sultan's promises could

agree on no steps further, except to demand and obtain

permission to bring, each, an additional gunboat into the

Bosphorus.

Annual Register, 1895,

pages 284-294 and 190-193.

In response to a resolution of the Senate of the United States

asking for information relative to the treatment of the

Armenian subjects of the Turkish government, the Secretary of

State, Mr. Olney, on the 19th of December, 1895, communicated

the following, among other statements of fact: Of the

massacres at Sassoun, which occurred in August, 1894, "the

Department of State has little trustworthy information. …

Since that time appalling outbreaks against the Armenians have

occurred in many other parts of Asia Minor, where these

unfortunate people form but a small minority of the

population. At first they were scarcely more than local riots,

as at Tokat, in the vilayet of Sivas, in March last, where one

Armenian was killed outright and more than 30 wounded by the

Turkish soldiery. In June last an attempted rising of

Armenians in the province of Aleppo in the mountains of

Kozar-Dagh and Zeitoun was thwarted without bloodshed by the

arrest of the alleged conspirators. … In July a band of armed

Armenians crossing into the vilayet of Erzerum from Russia was

dispersed, several being killed or captured. By August the

Moslem feeling against Armenians had become so far aroused

that rumors of intended massacres came from several

independent quarters, Harpoot, Marsovan, and Bitlis among

them, which led to urgent demands by the United States

minister for adequate measures looking to the due protection

of American citizens in those places.

"On the 30th of September grave disturbances began at

Constantinople itself. Several hundred Armenians, who had

gathered for the purpose of going in a body to the Sultan's

palace and demanding redress for the grievances of their

countrymen, were dispersed by the police after a severe

conflict in which a number of Turks and Armenians were killed

and wounded. Mob violence followed, the Armenians resident in

various quarters of the capital being assailed by an excited

Turkish rabble, and over 50 were slain. The rioting continued

the next day, October 1, in Constantinople and its suburbs.

Some 800 or 1,000 Armenians were captured or arrested, many of

them being armed with new revolvers of a uniform pattern. By

the third day order was restored, and the Armenians who had

sought refuge in their churches returned to their homes. The

effect of this outbreak at the national capital was most

disastrous in the provinces. The danger of a general massacre

of Christians in the vilayets of Adana and Aleppo seemed so

imminent, that renewed orders for the effective protection of

American citizens in those quarters were demanded and

obtained. Fears for their safety at Hadjin, Mersine, and

Marash were especially felt, and the cruiser Marblehead was

promptly ordered to Iskanderoun (Alexandretta), the nearest

seaport.

"On October 8 a Turkish uprising occurred at Trebizond, due,

it is reported, to an attempt to assassinate the late Vali of

Van as he was about to leave for Constantinople, the Turks

claiming that the act was done by an Armenian and that they

were in danger of a general Armenian attack. On the 9th the

disturbance was renewed, many Armenians being killed and their

homes and shops looted by the mob. The authorities attempted

to quell the riot, but having only some 400 soldiers and

policemen at command, were powerless, and murder and pillage

ran their course as long as an Armenian was in sight. The

official Turkish reports give the number of Armenians slain as

182, of Turks 11, but the general estimate places the total

number at some 500. Reinforcements of troops soon arrived, and

quiet was restored. No injury to American citizens or property

occurred.

"From this time the reports of conflicts between Turks and

Armenians, with great loss of life, become frequent and

confused. At Akhissar, some 60 miles from Smyrna, 50 Armenians

were killed October 9. Koordish raids terrorized many parts of

the Armenian provinces. At Bitlis over 500 were reported

killed, the Turkish accounts alleging that the Armenians

attacked the Moslem mosques during the hour of prayer. At

Diarbekir 5,000 are said to have lost their lives, of which

2,300 were Mussulmans—but the Turkish authorities pronounce

this estimate exaggerated. From Malatia comes the report of a

'great massacre' early in November, when every adult male

Christian is said to have perished. Another sanguinary

outbreak, with great slaughter, is reported from Sivas on

November 12; some 800 Armenians and 10 Koords are said to have

been killed. At Hadjin and Ourfa loss of life is reported, the

American missionaries at those places being protected by

Turkish guards under orders from the Porte.

"The Kaimakam of Hadjin is credibly said to have announced

that he would destroy the town and sow barley on its site.

There being an American school at that place, directed by

American teachers, the United States minister thereupon

notified the Porte that if one of those American ladies

received injury from the riotous conduct of the populace, he

would demand, in the name of the United States, 'the head of

that Kaimakam.' That officer has since been removed. Later

reports allege massacres at Marsovan and Amasia. The consular

agent at Aleppo telegraphs that a severe conflict had occurred

at Aintab, and that great fear prevailed at Aleppo. The

burning of the American buildings at Harpoot took place during

a bloody riot, and many persons are said to have perished in

the province of that name. At Kurun 400 deaths are reported.

Particulars of the recent outbreak at Marash, on November 19,

in which American missionary property was destroyed, have not

yet been received.

{539}

"These scattered notices, for the most part received by

telegraph, are given, not as official averment of the facts

stated, but as showing the alarming degree to which racial

prejudices and fanatical passions have been roused throughout

Asia Minor. As above said, the Department of State has and can

have official knowledge regarding but few of these reported

massacres, and though up to the early part of December the

United States minister estimated the number of the killed as

exceeding 30,000, it is more than likely that the figures are

greatly exaggerated. At latest advices mob violence and

slaughter appear to have been checked, or at least to have

partially subsided. The Turkish Government has been emphatic

in assurances of its purpose and ability to restore order in

the affected localities; new governors have been appointed in

many of the provinces, troops have been sent to the scene of

recent or apprehended disorders, and forces have been massed

to subdue the Armenians who had gained the ascendant in

Zeitoun."

Of the American missionary establishments in Turkey, and of

the extent to which they suffered harm during the outbreaks,

the same report gave the following account:

"The number of citizens of the United States resident in the

Turkish Empire is not accurately known. According to latest

advices there are 172 American missionaries, dependents of

various mission boards in the United States, scattered over

Asia Minor. There are also numbers of our citizens engaged in

business or practicing professions in different parts of the

Empire. Besides these, more or less persons, originally

subjects of Turkey and since naturalized in the United States,

have returned to the country of their birth and are

temporarily residing there. The whole number of persons

comprising these several classes can not be accurately

estimated, but, the families of such citizens being

considered, can hardly be less than five or six hundred, and

may possibly exceed that total.

"Outside of the capital and a few commercial seaport towns,

the bulk of this large American element is found in the

interior of Asia Minor and Syria, remote from the few consular

establishments maintained by this Government in that quarter,

inaccessible except by difficult journeys, and isolated from

each other by the broken character of the mountain country and

the absence of roads. Under these circumstances and in the

midst of the alarming agitation which for more than a year

past has existed in Asia Minor, it has been no slight task for

the representative of the United States to follow the

interests of those whose defense necessarily falls to his

care, to demand and obtain the measures indispensable to their

safety, and to act instantly upon every appeal for help in

view of real or apprehended peril. It is, however, gratifying

to bear testimony to the energy and promptness of the minister

in dealing with every grievance brought to his notice, and his

foresight in anticipating complaints and securing timely

protection in advance of actual need. The efforts of the

minister have had the moral support of the presence of naval

vessels of the United States on the Syrian and Adanan coasts

from time to time as occasion required. …

"While the physical safety of all citizens of the United

States appears up to the present date to have been secured,

their property has, on at least two recent occasions, been

destroyed in the course of local outbursts at Harpoot and

Marash. The details of the Harpoot destruction have so far

been only meagerly reported, although it took place about the

middle of November. It is stated that the buildings at that

place were set on fire separately by Kurds and citizens, in

the presence of the Turkish soldiery, during an Armenian riot.

Besides the chapel, girls' theological school and seminary

building, the ladies' house, boarding house, and residences of

three American missionaries were burned, the aggregate loss on

the buildings, personal property, stock, fixtures, and

apparatus being estimated in the neighborhood of $100,000. The

United States minister has notified the Porte that the Turkish

Government will be held responsible for the immediate and full

satisfaction of all injuries on that score. The American

Missionary School of Science at Marash was burned during a

sanguinary outbreak on November 19. The value of the property

destroyed has not been ascertained, but after prompt

investigation the minister will make like demand for adequate

indemnity."

United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document, Number 33.

"On November 9 one of tho Foreign Consuls arrived at

Constantinople from Erzeroum on leave, and he reported the

scene on his journey as heartrending. 'The whole country

between Trebizond and Erzeroum was devastated. He counted 100

dead bodies lying by the road near one town. Nearly all the

villages were burnt, and in many cases the male population

entirely wiped out.' At last, on December 13, 1895, Lord

Salisbury received the following telegraphic despatch from Sir

Philip Currie: 'It may be roughly stated that the recent

disturbances have devastated, as far as the Armenians are

concerned, the whole of the provinces to which the scheme of

reforms was intended to apply; that over an extent of

territory considerably larger than Great Britain all the large

towns, with the exception of Van, Sassun, and Moush, have been

the scene of massacres of the Armenian population, while the

Armenian villages have been almost entirely destroyed. A

modest estimate puts the loss of life at 30,000. The survivors

are in a state of absolute destitution, and in many places

they are being forced to turn Mussulmans. The charge against

the Armenians of having been the first to offer provocation

cannot be sustained. Non-Armenian Christians were spared, and

the comparatively few Turks who fell were killed in

self-defence. The participation of the soldiers in the

massacres is in many places established beyond doubt.'

"Of the appalling horror of this account I wish it were

needless to speak. … [It] would be none the less horrible if

the whole of the people massacred and outraged, ruined, and

starved, and driven to the snowy mountains in the middle of

winter, had been all the rudest villagers of the most rustic

village communities. But when we know that many thousands of

the victims have been people educated at Christian schools and

colleges, and who had acquired there, in addition to the

ineradicable virtues of their native and ancient faith, much

also of the refinements and activities of civilised life, we

may reach some true conception of the agonies which have been

inflicted on such a people in the face of Europe and of the

world by the cruelty and brutality of the Turks.

{540}

It is, indeed, right that our first indignation should be

directed against the infamous Government of Turkey. … Let us

remember that this is not a Government with which we have had

nothing to do, or for which we have had no responsibility, but

a Government which the European Powers, and we especially,

have been protecting and nursing for half a century. … Then we

may indeed begin to think, with remorse and shame, of our

handiwork, and of its results. In this particular case,

indeed, the immediate blame lies almost alone with Russia. By

a complete departure from all her previous great traditions

she deliberately refused to join the other Powers of Europe

for the purpose of compelling the Sultan to act with decent

humanity to those of whom she had been the declared defender.

She had the physical power and the geographical opportunity

which others had not; and there can be no doubt whatever that

a joint occupation of the waters of Constantinople by the

fleets of the European Powers would have secured the very

moderate demands that Europe made upon the Porte."

The Duke of Argyle,

Our Responsibilities for Turkey,

pages 116-122.

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

Conflict in Crete between Christians and Mussulmans,

and its preceding causes.

In 1868, the Cretans, for the second time, were thrust under

the Turkish yoke. "By way of solace the Powers exerted

themselves feebly in inducing the Porte to concede the

so-called 'Organic Statute'

See (in volume 3)

GREECE: A. D. 1862-1881.

Organic Regulation.

… As the Charter remained a dead letter, the Cretans seized

the next favourable opportunity to rise in 1877. Their case

was brought before the Congress of Berlin; but the only relief

the Powers could extend to them was a fresh promise on the

part of the Porte, recorded in the XXIII Article of the

Treaty, to observe scrupulously that Organic Statute, which

had been proved to be unworkable. Meanwhile, the Cretans had

remained under arms during the whole of 1878, the island being

again almost completely devastated by the half-naked and

famishing troops which had survived the Russo-Turkish War.

Ultimately, through the mediation of England, the Porte was

induced, in November of that year, to concede the Pact of

Halepa, so named after the village near Canea where it was

negotiated, and signed under the supervision of the British

Consul, Mr. T. B. Sandwith—this fact being expressly recorded

in the preamble of the document. The arrangement was accepted

by the Cretans as a compromise, in spite of its many and

manifest drawbacks. Nevertheless, it brought about, at the

outset, certain beneficial results. Political parties were

formed in which the Mohammedan Cretans blended, irrespective

of religious differences, with their Christian countrymen; and

the unprecedented phenomenon of a Christian Vali completing

his four years' tenure of governorship was witnessed in the

person of Photiades Pasha.

"But this tendency to conciliation of the conflicting elements

in the island was by no means to the liking of the Porte. The

presence of a Mussulman military governor was therefore

discovered to be necessary; and as his grade was usually

superior to that of the Vali, and the Mussulman sub-governor

was the official whose recommendations were of weight with the

Porte, nothing was easier than to create insuperable

difficulties for the Christian Vali. Thus successive Valis

were compelled—often by private wire from Constantinople—to

tender their resignation; while, at the same time, the Porte

took care not to fulfil the financial engagements prescribed

by the Pact. By these means an acute crisis was brought about

under the Governorship of Sartinski Pasha, a Pole, in 1889,

when a preconcerted plan of deception and treachery was

carried out by the Porte with consummate skill.

"The Cretans, as it is but natural, are guided in critical

contingencies by the advice they seek at Athens. The Porte

therefore promised to the Greek Government, as soon as things

began to assume a threatening aspect in Crete, to satisfy the

demands of the islanders, provided they were prevailed upon to

abstain from occupying certain important positions. In spite

of the transparent perfidy of the proposal, M. Tricoupis, the

then Greek Premier, fell into the snare. While the Cretans

were held back, troops were poured into the island, and the

strategical points having been seized, the Greek Government

and the Cretans were defied. An Imperial firman, issued in

November of that year, abrogated the Pact of Halepa and the

British Government, under whose auspices it was concluded, was

now powerless to exact respect for what was virtually an

international arrangement. There was no longer any question of

a Christian Vali with a fixed tenure of office, or of an

Assembly of Cretan representatives. Shakir Pasha, the

commander of the Turkish troops, was invested with absolute

civil and military authority; Mussulman Albanians occupied the

Christian villages as gendarmes, and Crete continued to submit

to this kind of martial law up to 1894. When, however, Mahmoud

Djelaleddin Pasha, the then Mussulman Vali, surpassed even his

predecessors in arbitrariness, and actually dictated to the

tribunals decisions in favour of Mohammedan litigants, the

Cretans began to lose patience and another outbreak appeared

imminent. It was only then that the Great Powers moved in the

matter and prevailed upon the Porte to revert partly to the

pre-existing order of things, by appointing Alexander

Karatheodory Pasha, a Christian and a Greek, as Governor.

Beyond this, however, the Pact of Halepa was not observed.

True to its traditional tactics, the Porte took with one hand

what it had given with the other. The Mussulman Deputy

Governor and the military commander frustrated every effort of

the Vali, the very funds necessary for the maintenance of the

gendarmerie being denied him. Karatheodory was consequently

forced to resign. Complete anarchy now reigned in the island."

Ypsiloritis,

The Situation in Crete

(Contemporary Review, September, 1896).

"Occasional skirmishes between the Christian inhabitants and

the soldiers kept the excitement simmering and ushered in the

sanguinary scenes that finally followed. Turkhan Pasha, taking

time by the forelock, armed the Cretan Moslems for the combat

with the approval of the commander of the troops, and the

city of Canea prepared for a blood bath. The Mohammedan Lent

(Ramazan) was drawing to a close, and the three days of

rejoicing which invariably follow (Bairam) were supposed to be

fixed for the attack on the Christians. These anticipations

were duly realised, and on the 24th May, 1896, at 1 o'clock P.

M., the Turks fired the first shots, blowing out the brains of

several Christians to make that Moslem holiday.

{541}

Forearmed, however, is forewarned, and the Christians defended

themselves to the best of their ability on that day and the

25th and 26th, during which every house in Canea was

barricaded, and neighbours living on opposite sides of the

absurdly narrow streets fired at each other from behind stone

heaps piled up in the windows of their bedrooms. The streets

were deserted, all traffic suspended, and it was not until the

27th that the thirty Christian corpses (including two women

and four children) and the twenty lifeless Turks were removed

for burial.

"These events provoked a new administrative change of scene:

Turkhan Pasha was recalled, and Abdullah Pasha, at the head of

four battalions from Salonica, came to take his place. These

troops laid waste the villages and fields of the provinces of

Apokorona, Cydonia, and Kissamo, burning houses, huts, and

churches on the way. The best soldiers in the world, however,

run terrible risks in the interior of Crete, and Abdullah was

repulsed with the loss of two hundred men at the town of

Vamos. The foreign consuls at Canea, having verified these

facts, strongly blamed his conduct in a joint verbal note, and

the Porte shortly afterwards recalled him, and appointed

Berovitch Pasha [Prince of Samos] in his place. This was the

beginning of the end. The Christians of the island meanwhile

met, and through their delegates formulated certain demands,

which the foreign consuls referred to their ambassadors at

Constantinople, and the famous 'Modifications of the

Convention of Halepa' were framed in consequence. The sultan,

too, yielding to tardy pressure, graciously conceded the

nomination of a Christian governor-general in the person of

Berovitch, the summoning of the National Assembly, and other

demands. … The questions of the tribunals and the gendarmerie

[for the enforcement of peace and order in the island] were to

be arranged by international commissions; but weeks and months

passed away before they were even appointed. … At last the

commissions arrived and began their work in December [1896]."

E. J. Dillon,

Crete and the Cretans

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1897).

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (January-March

Turkish opposition to English and American measures

for relief to Armenian sufferers.

Work of Miss Clara Barton and the Red Cross Society.

For some time the distribution of supplies from England and

America to the sufferers in Armenia was forbidden by the

Turkish government, for reasons stated by the Turkish minister

at Washington as follows: "The collections are made on the

strength of speeches delivered in public meetings by

irreconcilable enemies of the Turkish race and religion, and

on the basis of false accusations that Turkey repudiates.

Besides, the Sublime Porte is mindful of the true interests of

its subjects, and, distinguishing between the real state of

things and the calumnies and wild exaggerations of interested

or fanatical parties, will under its own legitimate control

alleviate the wants of all Turkish subjects, irrespective of

creed or race." The Red Cross Society, of which the American

branch had prepared to send its President, Miss Clara Barton,

with a small corps of assistants, to the scene of the

suffering, was especially excluded, by the order of the Porte.

Miss Barton and her staff sailed, however, from New York, in

January, and Mr. Terrell, the American minister at

Constantinople, succeeded in obtaining permission for them to

do their humane work as private individuals, not in the name

of the obnoxious society, and without displaying its insignia:

The single-mindedness, the prudence, the patient energy with

which Miss Barton pursued the one object of giving relief to

the suffering, overcame all opposition and all obstructions,

so that, in April, she was able to report:

"The way is all made clear for sending supplies. The suitable

agents all along the route are now known, and have been

arranged with for service, so that heavy supplies can be sent

at any and all times as they are needed. I feel my breath come

lighter as I think of these poor scourged and fever-stricken

towns without even one doctor, when our sixteen strong,

skilled men, with twenty-five camels' burden of supplies,

shall carry some light of hope and help into their night of

hopeless woe. I am happy to be able to say for the comfort of

contributors, that I hold the written word of the Porte,

officially given through the minister of foreign affairs from

the grand vizier, that not the slightest interference with any

distribution within the province will be had. This official

document was addressed and delivered to Sir Philip Currie, the

British ambassador, and by him passed to me. The decision is

general and final, without question or reservation, and

settles all doubt."

In September Miss Barton returned home for rest, and to bear

her testimony to America of the immensity of the need still

existing in the Armenian provinces and calling for help. Her

departure from Constantinople was reported by the newspapers

to have been the occasion of a remarkable demonstration, by

cheers, flags and salutes, from ship and shore, of the

estimate put upon the work she had done.

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (August).

Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the

Ottoman Bank at Constantinople.

Turkish massacre of Armenians in the city.

In the spring of 1896, the Armenian revolutionists, encouraged

by the outbreak in Crete, made fresh appeals for attention to

the sufferings of their country, with threats of some

desperate action if no heed was given. In August, the

desperate act was undertaken, at Constantinople, by 30 or 40

madly devoted men. This reckless little band of misguided

patriots made a sudden attack on the Ottoman Bank, a British

institution which controls finance in the Turkish empire,

gained possession of the building, made prisoners and hostages

of two of its directors and some 80 of its clerks, and were

fully prepared with dynamite to destroy everything within its

walls, including themselves, if certain reforms which they set

forth were not instantly decreed. Their theory was, that "the

Ambassadors would force the Sultan to grant the reasonable

reforms which they demanded for the Armenians, rather than

permit the destruction of the Bank and its staff. It was a

scheme borrowed from the theatre, absurd in itself, and made

ridiculous by the way in which they failed to carry it out.

They went in bravely, and nothing hindered their destroying

the Bank, but they allowed themselves to be talked out of it

by Mr. Maximoff, the Russian dragoman, and would have been the

laughing stock of the world if its attention had not been

absorbed by the massacre which followed.

{542}

"The real heroism of that day was displayed in another quarter

of the city, by another small party of Russian Armenians, men

and women, who took possession of two stone houses and fought

the Turkish troops to the death, the survivors killing

themselves when they could fight no longer. There was no

serious fighting anywhere else, although dynamite bombs were

thrown from the windows of houses and khans upon the troops in

a number of places, showing that some preparation had been

made for a more extended outbreak. There is nothing to be said

in justification of this attempt of the revolutionists. They had

provocation enough to justify anything in reason, but there

was nothing reasonable in this plan, nothing in it to attract

the sympathy of the Powers or to conciliate public opinion;

and if the statements are true which have been made by

Armenians as to certain unexecuted parts of the plan, it was

diabolical. This only can be said on behalf of these

revolutionary committees. They are the natural outcome of the

treatment of the Armenians by the Turkish Government during

the last twenty years. When oppression passes a certain limit

and men become desperate, such revolutionary organisation

always appears. They are the fruit and not the cause of the

existing state of things in Turkey, and if we can judge by the

experience of other countries, the worse things become here,

the more violent will be the action of these committees,

whether Europe enjoys it or not.

"Revolutionists are the same all the world over, but the

Turkish Government is unique, and it is not the attack on the

Bank which interests us but the action of the Government which

followed it. As we have said, the authorities had full

information of what was to be attempted and did nothing to

prevent it, but they made every preparation for carrying out

their own plan. Bands of ruffians were gathered in Stamboul,

Galata, and Pera, made up of Kurds, Lazes, and the lower class

of Turks, armed with clubs, knives or firearms; and care was

taken that no one should kill or plunder in the quarter to

which he belonged, lest he should be recognised and complaint

made afterwards by the Embassies, with a demand for

punishment. A large number of carts were in readiness to carry

off the dead. The troops and police were in great force to

prevent any resistance, and to assist the mob if necessary. It

was a beautiful day, the streets were crowded, and few had any

idea of what had happened at the Bank, when suddenly, without

any warning, the work of slaughter and plunder began,

everywhere at once. European ladies on the way to the

Bosphorus steamers suddenly found themselves surrounded by

assassins, and saw men beaten to death at their feet. Foreign

merchants saw their own employés cut to pieces at their doors.

The streets in some places literally ran with blood. Every man

who was recognised as an Armenian was killed without mercy. In

general, the soldiers took no part in the slaughter and

behaved well, and this somewhat reassured those in the streets

who were not Armenians; but in a few moments the shops were

closed and a wild panic spread through the city. The one idea

of everyone was to get home; and as the foreigners and better

classes live out of the city in summer they had to go to the

Galata bridge to take the steamers, which ran as usual all

through the three days of massacre. This took them through the

streets where the slaughter was going on, and consequently we

have the testimony of hundreds of eye-witnesses as to what

took place. The work of death and plunder continued unchecked

for two days. On Friday there were isolated outbreaks, and

occasional assassinations occurred up to Tuesday.

"The number killed will never be known. The Ambassadors put it

at 5,000 or 6,000; the official report to the palace at 8,750,

besides those thrown into the sea. Thousands of houses, shops

and offices were plundered, including a number belonging to

Greeks and foreigners. Everything was done in the most

systematic way, and there was not a moment of anarchy, not a

moment when the army and police had not perfect control of the

city during all these days. … The majority of those massacred

belonged to the working class—especially the hamals

(porters)—but a large number of gentlemen, merchants and other

wealthy men, were killed, together with about fifty women and

children. The savage brutality of the Moslem mob was something

beyond all imagination, and in many cases the police joined in

beating men to death and hacking others to death with knives,

in the very face of Europeans. … In may cases European

officials appealed to the officers in command of the troops,

who were looking on at the slaughter of helpless, unarmed men,

to interfere and put a stop to it. The reply was 'We have

orders.' It was an officer who killed the clerk of the British

Post-office on the steps. And some of the most cold-blooded

and horrible murders took place in front of the guard house,

at the Galata end of the bridge, in the presence of officers

of the Sultan's household of the highest rank. They also had

their orders.

"Happily for the honour of the Turkish people, there is

another side to the story. It was the Government and not the

people that conducted this massacre. And although the vile

instruments employed were told that they were acting in the

name of the Prophet, and freely used his name, and are

boasting to-day of what they did for Islam, the Sheik-ul-Islam

forbad the Softas taking any part in the slaughter, and many a

pious Turk did what he could to protect his neighbours. … It

is not the people, not even the mob, who are responsible for

this great crime. It was deliberately committed by the

Government. The Ambassadors of the six Powers have declared

this to be an unquestionable fact in the Joint Note addressed

to the Porte.

"Since the massacre this same Government has been carrying on

a warfare against the Armenians which is hardly less inhuman

than beating out their brains with clubs. There were from

150,000 to 200,000 Armenians in Constantinople. They were

merchants, shopkeepers, confidential clerks, employés in banks

and offices of every kind—the chief business men of the city.

They were the bakers of the city, they had charge of the khans

and bazaars and the wealth of the city; they were the porters,

house-servants, and navvies. … Now the Government has

undertaken to ruin this whole population. They are hunted

about the city and over the hills, like wild beasts. …

Thousands have been sent off at once to the Black Sea ports,

to find their way as best they can without money or food to

their desolated villages in the interior. … Thousands have

fled to foreign countries."

The Constantinople Massacre

(Contemporary Review, October, 1896).

{543}

TURKEY:A. D. 1897 (January-February).

Fresh conflicts in Crete.

Attitude of Christians and Mussulmans towards each other.

Reports of the British Consul-General and others.

Early in January, 1897, while proceedings for the organization

of the new gendarmerie were under way, and while the

discussion of candidates for the National Assembly, to be

elected in March, was rife, fresh hostilities between

Christians and Mussulmans broke out, and there seems to be

good evidence in the following report, by Sir Alfred Biliotti,

the British Consul-General at Canea, that responsibility for

the state of things in Crete should be charged upon one party

hardly more than upon the other. The despatch of the

Consul-General to Lord Salisbury, written January 9, 1897, is

partly as follows:

"In the afternoon of the 3rd instant a great panic occurred in

the town owing to a wounded Christian having been conveyed to

the hospital, where he died of his wounds in the night, and to

a rumour that two Mussulmans had been killed or wounded at the

same time on the road between Canea and Suda Bay. All the

shops were shut up as usual, but there was no general 'sauve

qui peut,' Christians especially having congregated in the

square near the hospital in the hope of finding out further

information. Happening to be in the town, I took a carriage

and drove towards Suda. When at about a mile distant from

Canea I came upon a number of Mussulmans, who told me that

four Christians going to Apokorona had, without any

provocation whatever, discharged their revolvers on three

Mussulmans, two of whom had been severely wounded. I saw one

of them in his cottage hard by the road with a bullet wound in

the abdomen; the other had been conveyed on horseback to the

village of Tsikalaria (southeast of Suda Bay), 2 miles from

where he had been wounded, of which he was a native. The four

Christians fled across the fields, leaving on the road a horse

and an overcoat, and took to the mountains.

"Between half and a quarter of an-hour after this incident

another Christian, a native, like the Turk, of Tsikalaria, was

passing on the road when he was fired upon by Mussulmans in

retaliation for the wounding of their two co-religionists. Not

having been hit, the Christian jumped from his mule and ran

for his life along the Suda road, being pursued by armed

Turks. He was overtaken by three of them about half-a-mile

farther down, and was shot at and mortally wounded at 20 paces

in front of Commander Shortland, of Her Majesty's ship 'Nile,'

who was coming on foot from Suda Bay to Canea. The wounded

Christian was taken charge of by the Albanian corporal

stationed in a Christian monastery close by, and was

subsequently put in a carriage by the Russian Consul, who was

returning from Suda Bay at that moment, and sent to the town

hospital, where he died. While I was making inquiries on the

road a brisk fusillade was heard towards Tsikalaria, and as I

was about to return to Halepa a young Turk was seen at a

distance running towards us with a letter in his hand. It was

a message sent by the Albanian corporal stationed at

Tsikalaria asking for assistance. This messenger had hardly

arrived when a gendarme was seen coming down in great haste.

He said that the fight between Christians and Mussulmans

having become general, and there being only another gendarme

with the corporal, armed assistance was immediately required.

I took both these messengers and conveyed them to the gate of

the town, from whence I drove to Halepa to acquaint the Vali

with what was taking place. It was getting dark when I met on

the road his Excellency accompanied by the Italian Consul

going on foot to Canea, having found no available carriage,

and I drove back with them. The position was rather

perplexing. There was no available gendarmerie, and no

soldiers could be sent out, as they would have been fired upon

by the Christians. …

"Early on the day following, that is, on the 4th instant, the

Governor-General visited the village of Tsikalaria and the

villages westward of it in order to ascertain the truth with

regard to the numerous reports which were in circulation since

the preceding evening. It would seem that on hearing of his

son having been killed on the Canea-Suda road, the father of

the wounded Mussulman opened fire on the Christians. Other

Christians maintain that this wounded Mussulman, after having

shot at the Christian on the road, hastened to Tsikalaria, and

together with his father, began firing on the Christians. In a

very short time all the Christians rushed towards the heights,

and the Mussulmans towards the plain. During this evolution a

Christian was killed, it is said, by the father of the wounded

Mussulman, who had been arrested and is in prison. The same

night the women and children took refuge in the villages on

the mountains, while a contingent of 150 armed Christians came

down from Campos and Keramia in order to assist the male

population of Tsikalaria to defend their property. On the

other hand, armed Mussulmans flocked from all parts of the

plain to defend their co-religionists. The Mussulmans at

Perivolia, where they are of nearly equal numerical force,

tried to surround the Christians in order to keep them as

hostages for the safety of their co-religionists in other

villages where the Christians are more numerous. In so doing

they shot down a Christian, on whom they also inflicted

numerous knife stabs, finally cutting his throat. This was

followed by an emigration to, and armed assistance from, the

mountain villages as at Tsikalaria. "In the village of

Varipetro the Mayor, assisted by the corporal of gendarmerie,

a Mussulman Albanian, was doing his utmost to prevent a

conflict between its Christian and Mussulman inhabitants, when

a Christian from Lakkos, whose brother had been murdered two

years ago by a native Mussulman, stealing behind the corporal,

shot him dead. The Christians of Varipetro, with whom the

corporal was popular, having tried to arrest his murderer, the

Lakkiotes, who had come there in order to defend their

co-religionists, turned their arms against them, and prevented

them from carrying out their intention. In consequence of this

murder all the Christians of Varipetro emigrated to the

mountains, and all the Mussulmans to the town of Canea. Nearly

1,000 Christians from the plains of Cydonia and Kissamo came

to defend the inhabitants of Galata and Darazzo, and for a

time blockaded the Turks in the village of Kirtomado, Aghia, &c.

{544}

But the inhabitants of Galata, who are all Christians, have so

much confidence in the Mussulman Albanian Lieutenant called

Islam, who is stationed in their village, that they begged

their co-religionists to withdraw, which they did. …

"As is always the case, each party claims to have been

attacked by the other party, and the truth is not likely to be

ever discovered. Be this as it may, both Christians and

Mussulmans remain under the unshaken conviction that they are

wronged by the other party; this increases the animosity of

one sect against the other, and each member of the two races

will act on this conviction. This is the inevitable

consequence of the absolute want of confidence between the two

elements, and there is not the least hope that this feeling

will disappear, nor even slightly decrease, so long as they

are left to themselves. In the present instance it may be that

the Mussulmans, or some of them, may have considered

themselves bound to retaliate for recent murders committed on

their co-religionists by Christians. … The Christians are

convinced, and all their proceedings are marked by that

conviction, that all the incidents which trouble the public

peace are devices of the native Mussulmans to prevent the

execution of the promised reforms. I do not deny that the

attitude of the authorities at Constantinople may have such an

effect on the low class of Cretan Mussulmans; but it is far

from being so with the educated class who are as, if not more,

anxious than the Christians that the intended reforms should

be carried out without delay. In fact, they know that they

have nothing to hope from Constantinople, and that the only

protection of the minority to which they belong lies in the

promised reforms. On the other hand, I have observed with the

greatest pleasure that the Christians laid down their arms at

the first recommendation of the Consuls to do so, which proves

a sincere desire on their part to live in peace. When the

Christians were taking up arms in former times they used to

remain for weeks, even for months, on the mountains in spite

of the entreaties of the Consuls. Therefore, the Christians

and the Mussulmans are respectively well disposed, but there

is such an insuperable distrust on both sides, that they can

never come to a mutual understanding. Whether the incidents

which cause disturbances or disorders on the island are the

work of the Turks or of the Christians or of both is quite

immaterial to me. The important fact to be taken into

consideration is that an exchange of a few shots between one

or two Christians and as many Mussulmans is sufficient to

cause several districts, four in the present instance (Canea,

Apokorona, Sphakia, and Kissamo), to take up arms, and also

that there can be no doubt that such scenes will be repeated

on every recurrence of such incidents."

To the same effect, Captain Custance, of the British ship

Barfleur, reported on the 15th to Admiral Hopkins: "The

general situation, as I understand it, is, that the Cretan

Christian leaders, urged on by certain interested people at

Athens, have been preparing for some time to make an attempt

to drive the Turkish authorities out of the island in the

spring, if a favourable opportunity offers. The Mussulmans

would not be sorry to see the last of the Turkish Government

if they could only be sure that their lives and property would

be safe under the new regime, which, owing to the bitter

hatred existing between the Christians and Mussulmans, cannot

be expected. The two parties are face to face, armed to the

teeth, with long-standing feuds and wrongs, and with no force

between them capable of maintaining order."

On the 27th of January the Consul-General reported by telegram

to Lord Salisbury: "An outburst of terror, such as has not yet

occurred in Candia, has been caused by the commencement of a

fresh immigration of Mussulmans into the town, and by the

murder, within a week, of two men of that faith, and a few

minor outrages." The next day he reported: "Telegraphic news

from Candia, dated to-day, reports murder of a Mussulman, and

wounding of two others, and murder of seven Christians; murder

of further Mussulmans is rumoured. The Mussulman Military

Commissioner, and the Austrian Military Attache, now in

Candia, report that they met about 1,000 armed Mussulmans

moving inland, and numbers of Mussulman families moving

towards the town." Again, on the 2d of February: "Murder of

four Mussulmans last night, following on wounding of Christian

by Mussulman on the 31st January near Canea. Panic ensued in

Canea and Suda Bay this morning. Shops all closed. Shots fired

in town and Halepa, which resulted in death of two Mussulmans.

Four mixed villages, one large Christian village, and several

farms in environs are in flames." On the 4th, Colonel

Chermside, of the gendarmerie commission, sent the following

statement to Lord Salisbury: "The most that we have been able

to attempt to-night is to get a cordon to separate Christian

and Moslem quarters. Patrolling was tried, but the fire from

the Christians was too heavy to maintain it. Several Turkish

soldiers have been killed and wounded."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command:

Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 15-45).

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (February-March).

Greek interference in Crete.

Greek forces in the island.

Demands for annexation of Crete to Greece.

Action of the Powers in the "Concert of Europe."

Pacific blockade of Crete.

Early in February, the difficulties of the attempt which the

leading European powers, acting in what was known as "the

Concert of Europe," were making to settle affairs in Crete by

reforming its Turkish government, were complicated by

interference from Greece. The Greeks, in ardent sympathy with

their Cretan kinsmen, were eager to take up the cause of the

Christian inhabitants of the island, and their government was

driven into independent action to that end, hoping that

Christian sentiment in Europe would constrain the Powers to

give it a free hand. A Greek squadron was sent to Crete, to

bring away fugitives—women and children especially—and to

prevent the landing of Turkish reinforcements. This was

quickly followed by an expedition of 2,000 men, Colonel Vassos

in command. An instant stimulation of the insurrection

occurred, and declarations demanding the annexation of Crete

to the kingdom of Greece began to appear; while the Greek

government represented in a note to the Powers that no

possible solution of the Cretan problem could be found without

concession to that demand. The Greek troops, considerably

increased in number, were landed on the island, joining the

insurgent Cretans, and beginning operations against the Turks.

{545}

On the 13th of February the admirals commanding the foreign

naval forces at Canea joined in sending a warning to the Greek

commodore, requiring him to "desist from all hostile acts and

to conform with international law." On the 15th a mixed force

of British, French, Russian, Italian and Austrian marines was

landed for the protection of the town. On the same day, from

Colombari, Colonel Vassos, the Greek commander, issued a

proclamation, saying: "In the name of His Majesty, George I.,

King of the Greeks, I occupy the Island of Crete, and proclaim

this to its inhabitants without distinction of sex or

nationality. I promise in the name of His Majesty that I will

protect the honour, life and property, and will respect the

religious convictions, of its inhabitants, bringing them peace

and equality rights." On the 17th, the Turkish forces at Canea

were attacked by the Greeks and insurgents, and the attack was

renewed on the 21st; whereupon, after warnings from the

foreign admirals in the harbor, the Russian, German, Austrian

and British ships opened fire on the attacking troops. In the

meantime, considerable bodies of Mohammedans were being

besieged by superior forces at other points in the island,

with great danger of massacre if overcome.

On the 2d of March, the representatives of Great Britain,

Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy and Russia, at

Constantinople, arrived at an agreement of action, and jointly

addressed notes to the governments of Turkey and Greece. To the

Porte they wrote: "The Great Powers, animated by the desire to

assure the maintenance of peace and to see the integrity of

the Ottoman Empire respected, have sought for the means of

ending the disorders that have led to their armed intervention

in Crete, as well as of putting an end to the presence of the

Greek forces in the island. They have recognized that in

consequence of the delay in applying them, the reforms

contemplated in the Arrangement of August 25, 1896, no longer

correspond to the requirements of the present situation, and

they have agreed upon the following points:

1. Crete can in no case be annexed to Greece in the present

circumstances.

2. The island will be endowed by the Powers with an autonomous

administration ('régime').

In notifying these decisions to the Sublime Porte by order of

their Governments, the Representatives of the Great Powers at

Constantinople think it their duty to communicate the

resolution which has been taken by their Governments to

address to Greece a summons to withdraw her troops and naval

forces from Crete."

To the Greek government the same announcement was made, that

"Crete can in no case, in the present circumstances, be

annexed to Greece," and the communication was more explicit in

the further statements, as follows:

"In view of the delays caused by Turkey in the application of

the reforms agreed upon in concert with the Powers, and which

now make it impossible to adapt those reforms to a changed

condition of affairs, the Powers are resolved, while

maintaining the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, to endow

Crete with an absolutely effective autonomous administration

(régime), intended to secure to it a separate government,

under the high suzerainty of the Sultan. The Cabinets are

convinced that these views can only be realized by the

withdrawal of the Greek ships and troops now in the waters and

on the territory of the island which is occupied by the

Powers. We accordingly confidently expect this decision from

the wisdom of His Majesty's Government, which cannot wish to

persist in a course opposed to the decision of the Powers, who

are determined to carry out an early pacification, which is as

necessary for Crete as it is for the maintenance of general

peace. I will not, however, conceal from your Excellency that

I am instructed to warn you that, in case of a refusal of the

Royal Government, the Great Powers have arrived at the

irrevocable decision not to shrink from any measure of

compulsion if, on the expiration of six days, the recall of

the Greek ships and troops from Crete has not been effected."

The Turkish government replied on the 6th: "The Sublime Porte

has had the honour to receive the note which the Ambassadors

of the Great Powers were good enough to address to it on the

2nd of March relative to Crete. The Imperial Government takes

note with satisfaction of the assurances which the Great

Powers are good enough to give it as to their desire to

respect the integrity of the Empire and of the decision which

they have taken to obtain the withdrawal of the Greek ships of

war and troops from Crete. Relying upon their friendly

sentiments, and upon their firm resolve not to impair the

Sultan's rights of sovereignty, the Sublime Porte, which is

itself desirous of assuring the maintenance of peace, accepts

the principle of an autonomy to be accorded to Crete, while

reserving to itself liberty to discuss with the Ambassadors

the form and the details of the administration ('régime') with

which the island is to be endowed."

Two days later, the Greek government replied at greater

length, imploring the Great Powers "not to insist upon the

system of autonomy decided on, but to give back to Crete what

it already possessed at the time of the liberation of the

other provinces which form the Hellenic kingdom, and to

restore it to Greece, to which it already belonged in the time

of the Presidency of Capodistria," and appealing against the

demand for the withdrawal of the Greek military forces from

the island. "Since, in our opinion," wrote M. Skouses, the

Greek minister, "the new autonomous administration ('régime')

condition could not fulfil the noble object of the Powers, it

is clear what would be the condition of the unfortunate island

from now until the establishment of that administration, if

the Great Powers decided to persist in their resolve.

"In this connection, and in the name of humanity, as also in

the interest of the pacification of the island—a pacification

which is the sole object of the solicitude of the Great

Powers—we do not hesitate to appeal to them in regard to the

other measure, relative to the withdrawal of our military

forces. … The presence in the island of the Greek army is …

demanded by the dictates of humanity, and is necessary in the

interest of the definitive restoration of order. It is, above

all, our duty not to leave the Cretan people at the mercy of

Mussulman fanaticism, and of the Turkish army, which has

always intentionally, and by connivance, been a party to the

acts of aggression of the populace against the Christians.

{546}

"Above all, if our troops in the island, who are worthy of the

full confidence of the Great Powers, were intrusted with the

mandate of pacifying the country, their wishes and intentions

would at once be completely satisfied. It would then be

possible, after order had been restored, to obtain a free

expression of the wishes of the Cretan people, with a view to

decide their lot. Not only are the horrors which during

several decades have occurred periodically in Crete, not

committed without profoundly agitating the Hellenic people,

but they also interrupt the social activity, and seriously

disturb the economy and finances of the State. Even if it were

possible for us to forget for a moment that we are

co-religionists of the Cretan people, that we are of the same

race, and allied by blood, we cannot conceal from the Great

Powers that the Hellenic State is unable to resist such shocks

any longer. We therefore appeal to the generous sentiments

which animate the Great Powers, and beg them to allow the

Cretan people to declare how it desires to be governed."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Turkey, Numbers 4 and 5, 1897).

The position taken by the Greek government in this reply was

firmly maintained. Its troops were not withdrawn from Crete,

and the Powers of "the Concert," thus practically defied, had

difficulty in agreeing upon the next steps they would take.

France, England, and Italy would not consent to strong

measures of coercion proposed by Russia, Germany and Austria,

and the decision reached finally was to establish what is

known as a "pacific blockade" of the Cretan coast, to begin on

the 21st of March. This was announced on the 18th by the

admirals commanding on that coast, who gave notice: "The

blockade will be general for all vessels flying the Greek

flag. Vessels of the Six Powers or of neutral Powers will be

allowed to enter the ports in the occupation of the Powers and

land their merchandise there, but only if it is not intended

for the Greek troops or for the interior of the island. The

ships of the international fleets may visit these vessels."

The Greek government was notified to recall its men-of-war

still in Cretan waters, with the warning that "they will be

retained there by force if they have not left by 8 A. M. on

the 21st March."

On the day previous to this announcement of blockade the same

admirals had published a proclamation as follows:

"The undersigned, Commanders-in-chief of the naval forces of

Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy, and

Russia, in Cretan waters, acting under instructions from their

respective Governments, solemnly proclaim and announce to the

people of the island that the Great Powers have arrived at the

irrevocable decision to secure the complete autonomy of Crete,

under the suzerainty of the Sultan. It is well understood that

the Cretans are to be free from all control on the part of the

Sublime Porte as regards their internal affairs. The principal

aim of the Powers being to provide a remedy for the evils

which have afflicted the country, and to prevent their

recurrence, they are drawing up in concert a scheme of

measures intended to regulate the working of the autonomous

régime, to restore peace, to assure to everyone, without

distinction of race or religion, liberty and security of

property, and to facilitate, by the resumption of agricultural

work and trade, the progressive development of the resources

of the country. Such is the aim of the Powers. They wish this

to be understood by all. A new era is commencing for Crete;

let all lay down their arms. The Powers desire peace and

order. They will, if it be required, have the necessary

authority to make their decisions respected. They count on the

co-operation of all the inhabitants of the island, Christian

and Mussulman, to assist them in accomplishing a work which

promises to secure concord and prosperity to the Cretans."

To the promise of an autonomous government for Crete the

insurgent Christians appear to have given no heed; but a great

number of the Mohammedan inhabitants of the island united in

sending telegrams to the British minister at Constantinople,

which were all of the tenor of the following: "Your Excellency

knows that the Christians of Crete, forming the numerical

majority of the population, but incapable of properly

administering the former privileges they enjoyed, have now

again been emboldened to massacre, destroy, and ruin, in the

same way that in the past they have always made ill-use of

their liberties in the country by the treacherous destruction

and ruin of their Moslem fellow-countrymen. Therefore, if the

people are left irresponsible for the government of the

country, which is the very breath of human life, it will

facilitate the completion of their bloodthirsty designs, and

hasten the ruin of the Mussulmans. We are quite sure that this

state of things will not recommend itself to the sympathy of

the Great Powers, the propagators of civilization.

"We therefore beg, in the name of the Mussulman population,

that the internal affairs of the Christian inhabitants of

Crete who have not yet reached even the first step on the path

of civilization, and are led away by the seditious designs of

Greece, may not be removed from the direction of the Sublime

Porte; if this be impossible, we beg that the internal affairs

of the island may be placed under the continual control of the

Great Powers in conjunction with the Porte; and we finally beg

that the necessary measures may be taken for the protection of

the life, honour, and property, as well as the rights of the

20,000 Mussulman inhabitants now living in Turkey, whose

interest in property is greater in value than that of the

Christians, and who are occupied with commerce and other

pursuits, besides those who live In the island, who, if

necessary, are prepared to undergo a census, and who exceed

100,000."

The situation of the Moslem population of the island was

represented a little later by Colonel Chermside, in a despatch

to Lord Salisbury, as follows:

"Over 49,000 Moslems are assembled in Candia and within cordon

area, comprising 25 square miles, viz., about two-thirds of

Moslem population of Crete. Of these, 29,000 are refugees from

central and eastern districts of island. Doles of flour are

issued to 39,000 persons; issue up to date 18 lb. per head; no

other food issued. The mass of the people have no buying power

and no work, but since arrival of British troops, armed

individuals are rare in streets; distress is supported with

great fortitude, in spite of insufficient food and ravages of

small-pox. Population hopes for future foreign protection

against Christian compatriots. "

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 153-178.

{547}

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (March-September).

War with Greece.

Success of the Turkish arms.

Peace sought by the Greek Government.

Notwithstanding the opposition of the Great Powers, the Greeks

were rashly bent upon war with the Turks, and, when balked in

Crete, began hostile demonstrations along the Turkish frontier

in their own peninsula. The events that followed have been

thus described by an eye-witness, who wrote immediately

afterwards: "When I arrived in Athens," says this writer,

"early last March [1897], although the Cretan insurrection was

being openly supported by Greek arms, war had not been

declared against Turkey. It was what I think was once

described in Parliament as 'a condition of war,' but not war.

… King George and his advisers rashly decided to attempt to

hasten matters in their own fashion. Agitation was begun

without and within the Turkish frontier, and the Ethuike

Hetairia manufactured alarms and disturbances in Macedonia and

Epirus. Attempts were made in other directions, but though

money and emissaries were sent, nothing came of it. Meanwhile

the mobilisation of the Greek army was begun, and later on

reserves were called out. Knowing a good deal about the

relative condition of preparedness for war of both Turkey and

Greece, I spoke without reserve on the subject to the King

and, later on, to the Princes. I told them nearly every

military intelligence department in Europe knew that Turkey

had been getting her troops ready for a year past to deal with

insurrection or invasion along the Macedonian frontier. Within

the Salonica military district she had nearly 100,000 men under

arms, all well trained and passably equipped. Besides infantry

she had nearly 10,000 cavalry, and within a month could place

a further force of 70,000 infantry in the field. Against these

the Greeks could not bring more than 60,000 regulars. There no

doubt might be mustered twice that number of men, but they

would be untrained irregulars and volunteers who would take a

month at least before they could be of much use, and Turkey

would have her bands of irregulars out also to offset their

value. It was notorious besides that the Greek army was

indifferently organised, that it had no transport, no

commissariat department, no medical department, and was

without anything like a sufficiency of trained officers. …

"Prepared or not, the Greeks clamoured for war, never doubting

latterly but that they would win. They protested that the

Hellenes were aroused and would fight and die, if need be, to

the last man. Greece would not waive an iota of her demands.

We were told that the Greeks scattered throughout the Turkish

Empire would spring to arms and paralyze the enemy's hands.

There were to be fearful outbreaks in Macedonia, Epirus, and

Albania, and tumults and burnings in all the chief cities

under Turkish rule where Greeks dwelt—Smyrna, Constantinople,

Salonica, and so on. I was informed that insurrectionary bands

were being got ready to invade Macedonia and Epirus, and I was

introduced to several of the leaders of these new expeditions.

… I saw many of these Greek filibusters at Kalabaka and other

places. By order from Athens the local commandants supplied

them with stores, transport, and trenching tools, and sent

guides to direct them, so that they should slip across into

Macedonia at the most suitable points for conducting their

operations. …

"The Greeks had a fairly long innings carrying on the war

within Turkish territory, whilst disingenuously disclaiming

responsibility for the acts of their own levies. Finally, in

April, the Sultan declared war and set his forces in motion.

Prior to that date the Greeks had moved up the whole of their

available strength close to the Thessalian frontier. The army

numbered nearer fifty than sixty thousand, of all ranks. …

Before war was declared the Crown Prince Constantine arrived

in Larissa, and took over the command of the Greek army in

Thessaly. … He had no military experience; and, as events

disclosed, was neither of a martial disposition nor of a firm

temperament. He showed subsequently that he felt keenly his

false position, and he tried to excuse the awful failures made

in the conduct of the campaign of panic and flight. …

"Independence Day having passed without a general invasion of

Macedonia by the Greeks, it is likely that the Turks had

thought the danger over, when suddenly firing began in a night

along the frontier from Nezeros to Ravenni. For a day or two the

Greeks carried all before them, capturing many block-houses

and taking a number of prisoners. They succeeded in

penetrating Turkish territory in some places for two or three

miles. … The Turks were in immediate danger of being

outflanked in one part of the field of operations, and

separated from their main force at Elassona. It was midday,

the 19th of April, when at a critical moment for the safety of

a portion of Edhem's forces an order arrived from the Crown

Prince to cease firing and retire the whole Greek army back

upon their own side of the frontier. … After an interval of

three hours, during which there was little or no firing, a

message arrived from headquarters that a blunder had been made

and the army was to readvance and engage the enemy. It was a

lost opportunity, for the Turks followed up the Greeks and

reoccupied the lines from which they had been driven. … The

cost of the blunder was a serious one to the Greeks, for in a

futile attempt, on the following day, to retake Gresovala,

General Mavromichali lost 2,000 men. …

"On the 21st of April, without any of the pictorial display or

reputed hand-to-hand fighting, some 40,000 Turks, not less,

accompanied by three cavalry regiments and half a score of

batteries, quietly streamed down the zigzag paved way in the

steep Melouna pass into Thessaly. They occupied the village of

Legaria and positions among the lowest foot hills at the

outlet of the pass. The Greeks were not able to embarrass them

as they deployed, although an attempt was made to find the

range with artillery. … For two days there was a fierce

artillery duel, interspersed occasionally with sharp rifle

fire as the infantry became engaged on the right and left of

the line. … All had ended in favour of the Greeks when the sun

set on the 22nd April, and the battle of Mati was over. … It

was the same night that the Crown Prince ordered the army to

retreat upon Larissa, twenty-five miles distant by road. About

8 P. M. the men were roused from their first sleep and

commanded to fall in. They did so very orderly and quietly,

thinking it was intended to deliver a surprise attack upon the

Turks.

{548}

The whole army was on the march, and had got five or six miles

from the battle-field, or close to Turnavos, when the

unaccountable mad panic seized them. Some say it originated

one way, some another. … The army broke into pieces and became

a furious rabble, which fled by road and fields south as hard

as most could run. Arms and ammunition and baggage were cast

aside wholesale. The Greek officers, as a rule, behaved worse

than the men, for they led the fleeing mob, and many of them

never stopped until they reached Pharsala or Vola. … The

whilom Greek army was a mob convinced that the Turkish cavalry

was upon their heels, though it never was near them. It gave

them the strength of despair, and so they covered afoot fifty

to sixty miles within twenty-four hours. The inhabitants of

Larissa and all the surrounding country, terrified at the

sudden calamity, were left by the military and civic

authorities, without hint or warning, to shift for themselves.

… The women and children of Larissa had to carry what they

wished to save upon their own backs. Thousands of these

helpless creatures, together with sick and wounded soldiers,

were left around the railway station, whilst officers rode off

upon the early or later special trains, to fly, as some of

them did, as far as Athens. The troops had gone hours before I

left Larissa, and even then there were no signs of the enemy

to be seen."

Bennet Burleigh,

The Greek War, as I saw it

(Fortnightly Review, July, 1897).

"Not until several hours after the departure of the last

Greek, did a few Turkish cavalrymen cautiously enter the town

[Larissa], some distance ahead of the Turkish army. … It was

the design of the Greeks to save Volo, a wealthy town, and the

haven of refuge of many of the peasants. Accordingly, a line

was formed from two miles beyond Pharsala to the pass which

was the doorway to Volo. About three miles from this pass was

the village of Velestino; and on the hills back of it were the

headquarters of Colonel Smollenske, commander of this, the

right wing of the Greek army. The Greek fleet, with decks

cleared for action, was in the Bay of Volo; having gone there

after the defeat of Mati, hoping that, in case the army

failed, its heavy guns would protect the town. After four

days, the Turks, having digested their victory with cigarettes

and coffee, were ready to renew fighting. Meanwhile, the Greeks

had put themselves in a sort of order. Evidently, the first

intention of the Turks was to force their way through

Smollenske's line and on to Volo. Accordingly, they attempted

to storm Smollenske's rifle-pits; but they were driven back

for the first time, and with the greatest loss that any such

movement had yet encountered in the campaign. … The Turks,

after a slight resistance, withdrew from the villages in front

of Velestino, which they had taken, and were soon moving over

to the left. Their plan of cutting the Greek line in two was

executed with energy. On the morning of May 7, Edhem Pasha

sent his fearless infantry, under heavy fire, up the hollows

between the mountain-ridges which ran at right angles to the

Turkish line across the plain. They intrepidly scaled the

ridges, and forced the Greeks from the position. Smollenske's

force was flanked and separated from the Crown Prince's force:

and he retreated in an orderly manner to Almyro. The Crown

Prince's force had been flanked on its left; at the same time

it was being flanked on its right by the force that had

flanked Smollenske. The Crown Prince, therefore, withdrew to

the heights of Domoko.

"So apparent was now the hopelessness of the Greek cause that

even the new ministry, which had been buoyed up into almost an

aggressive spirit by the 'victory' of Velestino, begged for

the intervention of the Powers. It was granted in the form of

a demand on the Sultan for an armistice. As there are six

Powers, each having a formal foreign office, this took some

time. The Sultan, as usual, was more deliberate than the six

tormentors, whom he in return tormented. Being truly Greek,

the Greek Cabinet seemed to believe that articles of peace

would be signed the moment the necessity of peace appealed to

the ministerial mind. … Two days after Pharsala, the Turkish

army appeared on the plain some ten miles from Domoko. There

it rested quietly for more than a week, leisurely celebrating

the important feast of Bairam. This confirmed the belief of

the Greek generals that the war was at an end. The morning of

May 17 found the Crown Prince's force more than ever convinced

of an armistice, and quite unprepared for an attack. At nine

o'clock the whole Turkish army began to advance upon the

astounded Greeks—most astounded of them all were the Crown

Prince and General Macris—in such a manner as to leave no

doubt as to its intention.

"The battle of Domoko which followed was the most sanguinary

of the campaign. … For three hours, that is, until

sundown,—the attack having begun at four o'clock,—the Greeks

steadily returned the hot fire of the Turks, who soon ceased

to advance, and doggedly hung on to the ground that they had

gained. … During this attack in front the Turks were making a

more important movement, strategically, on the right. … With

amazing intrepidity, during the hot action on the centre, the

Turks had fought their way over the mountains at the Greeks'

far right. Some reserves were sent around at sunset—but too

late. The Turkish left wing was already even with the town of

Domoko. Military experts maintain that the Crown Prince, by

readjusting his forces over night, could have given the

phlegmatic enemy a surprise in the morning, and held him in

check for several days. The retreat over the pass to Lamia

began at ten o'clock in the evening; and the next morning the

battalions covering the retreat were under heavy fire. The

Greeks' next stand was to be at Thermopylæ. Should the Turks

advance spiritedly, Smollenske's army would be cut off from

that of the Crown Prince, and forced to surrender. But the

Sultan, being somewhat appeased by more blood-letting, now

bowed before a letter from him whom the Greeks called 'a vile

enemy,'—the Czar,—who, for this act, saw his influence at

Constantinople supplanted by that of Germany, though the fear

of Russia was undiminished. At last the armistice came,—none

too soon for the demoralized army of Greece. The war had

lasted just thirty-one days."

F. Palmer,

How the Greeks were defeated

(Forum, November, 1897).

{549}

The preliminary treaty of peace, signed September 18, required

Greece to pay to Turkey a war indemnity of nearly eighteen

millions of dollars, arrangements for securing the payment of

which were to be controlled by an international commission

composed of one representative of each of the mediating

Powers. The same Powers were likewise to settle with Turkey a

rectification of the Greek frontier. Greece, in fact, was

helplessly in their hands.

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

Prolonged anarchy in Crete.

The inharmonious "Concert of Europe."

Final departure of Turkish troops and

officials from the island.

Organization of government under Prince George of Greece.

"The autonomous regime promised to this unfortunate island—the

Cuba of Europe—is still [at the end of 1897] apparently far

from realization. In the meantime a most distressing

condition; amounting to practical anarchy, prevails everywhere

except at some ports where the international gendarmerie

maintain a fair semblance of order. So completely have the

houses and property of the Mahometan population been destroyed

by the insurgents that the coming of winter has brought no

prospect to the former but one of desolation and famine.

Considerable pillaging of Christian houses by Mahometan

refugees was also reported from Candia, Kydonia, and other

points. In Candia the Turkish gendarmerie—recruited from the

worst class of Bashi-Bazouks—have proved worse than useless

for keeping order; they connive with the marauders and share

in the pillage. The British occupation is said to be only

nominal. …

"A strange satire upon the concert of Europe and the pretenses

of Western civilization was the circular letter addressed by

the Sultan to the powers, about mid-October, urging upon them

'in firm language' the necessity of promptness in restoring

tranquillity to the disordered island, and warning them of the

dangers of procrastination in this matter. … To accomplish the

pacification of Crete, the Sultan, in the letter referred to,

suggested that the entire population, Christian and Mahometan,

should be disarmed; that the disarmament should be carried out

by Ottoman troops; that the international troops should

co-operate in the work if the powers so desired; that the

entire force should be commanded by a European general in the

Turkish service; that an Ottoman garrison should be

permanently maintained; that the governor should be a

Christian and an Ottoman subject; and that a corps of

gendarmerie should be formed. … Toward the end of October it

was announced that the powers had finally chosen for the post

of governor-general of Crete Colonel Charles Schaeffer, a

native of the grand duchy of Luxemburg, and a man of extended

experience in the Turkish and Egyptian services, … related to

several of the principal houses of the aristocracy at St.

Petersburg, as well as to some of the most influential

personages in the entourage of the Sultan. … The Porte,

however, protested, with the support of Germany, against the

appointment of Colonel Schaeffer, who appears to have been

suspected of English sympathies. Russia, too, it was said,

objected, insisting that the appointee must be of the Orthodox

Greek faith. Thus, on the question of selecting a

governor-general for Crete, the concert of the powers broke

down as it did at other points during the long crisis. At the

end of November the name of Prince Francis Joseph of

Battenberg was prominently mentioned as a prospective

candidate of favor. The Cretan assembly proposed, unless a

suitable governor were speedily chosen by the powers, to offer

the post to a candidate of its own selection."

Current History, 1897,

pages 865-866.

Months went on, while the Powers still discussed the Cretan

situation and no agreement was reached. In January, 1898, the

Turkish government appointed Edhem Pasha governor of Candia;

but, in the face of the admirals of the blockading squadrons,

who exercised an undefined authority, he seems to have had

practically little power. Presently, a new attempt was made to

select a Christian Governor-general. France and Russia

proposed Prince George of Greece, but Austria and Turkey

opposed. In April, Austria and Germany withdrew from the

blockade and from the "Concert," leaving Great Britain,

Russia, France and Italy to deal with Cretan affairs alone.

The admirals of these Powers, acting under instructions, then

divided the Cretan coast among themselves, each directing the

administration of such government as could be conducted in his

own part. The British admiral had Candia, the capital town,

and there trouble arose which brought the whole Cretan

business to a crisis. He attempted to take possession of the

customs house (September 6), and landed for that purpose a

small force of 60 men. They were attacked by a Turkish mob,

with which they fought desperately for four hours, losing 12

killed and some 40 wounded, before they could make their

retreat to the shore and regain their ship. At the same time a

general massacre of Christians in the town was begun and some

800 perished before it was stopped. Edhem Pasha, with about

4,000 Turkish troops at his command, was said to have waited

long for the mob to do its work before he interfered.

This outbreak brought the four Powers to a decisive agreement.

They joined in imperatively demanding the withdrawal of

Turkish troops and officials from the island, and enforced the

demand. Guarantees for the safety of the Mohammedan population in

life and property were given; it was conceded that the

Sultan's suzerainty over Crete should be maintained, and he

was allowed to hold one military post in the island for a sign

of the fact. On those terms the Turkish evacuation of Crete

was carried out in November, and Prince George of Greece was

appointed, not Governor-general, but High Commissioner of the

four Powers, to organize an autonomous government in the

island and administer it for a period of three years. The

appointment was accepted, and Prince George was received with

rejoicing in Crete on the 21st of December. The blockade had

been raised on the 5th, and on the 26th the admirals departed.

During the following two years (1899-1900) there seems to have

been a generally good condition of order restored and

preserved. A constitution was framed by a national assembly,

which conferred the executive authority on Prince George, as

High Commissioner, with responsible councillors, and created a

Chamber of Deputies, elected for the most part by the people,

but containing ten members appointed by the High Commissioner.

Equal rights for all religious beliefs was made a principle of

the constitution.

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

{550}

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (October).

Concessions to the Armenians.

In October an irade was published by the Sultan which withdrew

restrictions on the movements of Armenians in the provinces,

except in the case of suspects; granted pardon or commutation

of sentence to a number of Armenian prisoners; ordered payment

of sums due to Armenian government officials who had been

killed or expelled at the time of the massacres; directed

assistance to be given in the repairing and rebuilding of

churches, schools, and monasteries which had been injured or

destroyed, and also gave direction for the building of an

orphanage near Constantinople.

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (November).

Railway to the Persian Gulf.

A German Bank Syndicate obtained from the Sultan, in November,

1899, a concession for the extension of the Anatolian Railway

from Konieh in Asia Minor, to Basra, or Bassorah, on the

Persian Gulf. The line, which will pass through Bagdad, and

along the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, is to be

completed within eight years from the date of the grant. "The

concession is regarded as a startling proof of German

influence in Constantinople, and a defeat both for Russian and

British diplomacy. It is certainly a defeat for the former,

and will greatly increase suspicion at St. Petersburg as to

the ultimate ends of Germany in Turkey; but we suspect that

Indian statesmen will perceive considerable compensations in

the arrangement. Not to mention that all railways which

approach India develop Indian trade, the railway may secure us

a strong ally in Asia. It is not of much use for Russia to be

running a line from the Caspian to Bushire if when she gets

there she finds Britain and Germany allied in the Persian

Gulf, and able by a railway through Gedrosia to Sind to throw

themselves right across her path."

Spectator (London),

December 2, 1899.

"The opposition of the French company owning the

Smyrna-Kassaba road, which extends east as far as Afion

Karahissar, was removed by granting this company 40 per cent

of the shares in the extension, and the local objection was

obviated by a provision in the concession giving the Turkish

Government the right to purchase the line at any time. Few

railroad lines can be of greater prospective importance than

this 2,000 miles of railroad uniting the Persian Gulf with

Europe, forming a rapid transit to and from the East, opening

up large tracts of agricultural country, and paving the way

for German commercial supremacy in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia.

It is not difficult to see how Germany, with preferential

rates for goods on German lines, will be able to control the

chief markets of Asia Minor and invade the East. … Germans

purchased the Constantinople-Ismid Railroad from an English

company and extended it to Angora. They also checkmated the

French and English by extending their line from Eski-Sher to

Konieh, thus preventing extension of both the Smyrna-Afion

Karahissar and the Smyrna-Aidin-Dinair roads. The two great

distributing points—Constantinople and Smyrna—are thus

controlled by Germans, and German goods may enter the interior

of Asia Minor and the great valley of the Tigris and Euphrates

on German-controlled roads at a decided advantage. Germans

have obtained the right to build docks and warehouses at Haida

Pasha, the terminus of the Anatolian railroads; and with

through rates for German goods on German lines, German freight

cars may be sent across the Bosphorus and travel to Mesopotamia

and the confines of India and Persia without change."

United States Consular Reports,

April, 1900, page 497.

Professor Hilprecht has remarked, in the "Sunday School Times"

that "a new era for Babylonian archeology will begin when the

railroad from Koniah to Baghdad and Bassorah has been

constructed. It will then take about a week from London to the

ruins of Babylon, where, doubtless, a railway station (Hillah)

will be established. At present the traveler needs at the best

six weeks to cover this route. This railroad," says the

Professor, "has now become a certainty."

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

Impending outbreak in Macedonia.

The state of things in Macedonia, where the people have long

been on the brink of revolt against Turkish rule, excited to

it from Bulgaria and encouraged from Greece, but warned

otherwise by Russia and Austria, is thus described by the

"Economist," in an article quoted in "Littell's Living Age,"

March, 1899: "It is improbable, for reasons stated below, that

Macedonia will rise in insurrection this year [1899], but,

nevertheless, there is great danger in that quarter, which is

evidently disturbing both Vienna and St. Petersburg, and

exciting apprehensions in Constantinople. The Austrian and

Russian Foreign Offices are both issuing intimations that if a

revolt occurs Turkey will be allowed to put it down by Turkish

methods, and the Sultan is raising more troops, sending

Asiatic levies to Macedonia, and despatching some of his

ablest officers to control the hill districts. Severe warnings

have also been sent both to Belgrade and Sofia, and the Greeks

are warned that if their active party moves the Government of

Athens will not again be saved by Europe from the worst

consequences. All these symptoms imply that there is grave

fear, among those who watch Macedonia, that the patience of

her sorely oppressed people has given way, and that they have

resolved to risk everything rather than remain longer under

the rule of Pashas from whom no man's life and no woman's

honor is safe for twelve hours together. It is known,

moreover, that the course of events in Crete and the

appearance of the Tsar's Rescript have greatly stirred the

population. The former is held by them to show that if a

Christian population in Turkey will risk massacre, Europe will

not allow them to be exterminated, while the latter has made

submission more difficult by putting an end to hope for the

next five years. …

"Turkish subjects must be driven to despair before they will

rise against the Turks, and if they can even hope to be left

alone, the Macedonians will wait, rather than encounter so

dreadful a risk. They have, it is true, the example of the

Cretans to encourage them, but their country is not an island,

and they have the fate both of the Armenians and the

Thessalians to warn them that on the mainland the Turks cannot

be resisted by half-drilled forces.

"It seems almost a truism to say that Europe is foolish to

allow such a source of danger as Macedonia presents to

continue without a cure; but there is something to be said on

the other side. The Powers sincerely desire peace, and the

Macedonian magazine cannot be flooded without a war, if it be

only a war between Russia and the Sultan.

{551}

Nobody knows to what such a war would lead, or in what

condition Eastern Europe might emerge from it. Moreover,

however much the Macedonians may excite the sympathies of

philanthropists, they have done a good deal to alienate those

of politicians. They decline to be either Austrian or Russian.

They asked for years to be aided by Greece, and when Greece

declared war on Turkey they refused to rise behind Edhem

Pasha, whom they could have cut away from his supports. They

now ask aid from Bulgaria, but they are most unwilling to

submit to Sofia, and so make of Bulgaria a fairly strong

State. They wish, they say, to make of Macedonia a

Principality, but if it were so made the Slavo-Macedonians

would begin fighting the Græco-Macedonians, until both had

been nearly ruined. They must join one party or the other if

they wish to be free, and stick to the one they join, and

fight for it with a coherence which they have never yet

displayed."

On the 7th of January, 1901, a correspondent of the "London

Times" wrote on the same subject from Vienna, as follows:

"The situation in Macedonia, as described in trustworthy

accounts coming from different directions, testifies to the

increasing danger of trouble. Things have gone so far that an

outbreak may occur this year. In diplomatic circles it is

considered impossible that in any case it can be delayed for

longer than a twelvemonth. In Constantinople, Athens, and all

the capitals of the Balkan States the eventuality of a

Macedonian rising has been expected for several years past,

and in more than one instance preparations have been made

accordingly. To what extent the Macedonia committees have

received official patronage in Bulgaria is now of secondary

interest. The mischief has been done, and the agitation in

Macedonia is at present beyond the control of the Bulgarian

authorities, even if they wished to keep it in check, which is

not certain. All that can be said with confidence is that last

summer Austria and Russia made a vigorous and successful effort

to put an end to the almost open encouragement extended to the

Macedonian committees at Sofia, which was within an ace of

involving the Principality in a war with Rumania. The

Austro-Russian 'entente' [an understanding or agreement

between Russia and Austria, in 1897, to act together in

keeping peace in the Balkan peninsula] has, in fact, done

excellent service wherever diplomatic pressure can be brought

to bear. But, unfortunately, that does not include Macedonia.

If the revolutionary element in that province of the Ottoman

Empire sets at defiance the imposing Turkish forces

concentrated on the spot, it is not likely that it will be

influenced by what is probably regarded as the remote

contingency of the direct armed intervention of Austria and

Russia. All the warnings and scoldings in the world will not

suffice to preserve peace in Macedonia.

"It is difficult to say what foundation there may be for the

statement that the Sultan himself seeks to take advantage of

the disturbed condition of Macedonia for purposes of his own.

It is alleged that he wishes to prevent any change in the

existing regime in Crete by exciting the apprehension in

Athens and elsewhere that an attempt to modify the status quo

in that island would cause a massacre of the Hellenic

population in Macedonia. This view of the case finds

expression in the following extracts from a letter addressed

to the 'Roumanie,' one of the leading organs of

Bukharest:—'The thoroughly bad policy pursued by the Sublime

Porte in Macedonia, which consists in allowing that unhappy

province to remain a prey to Bulgarian agitators so as in case

of need to terrify diplomacy by the spectre of a revolution,

has contributed to open the eyes of the Powers. On the other

hand, the irresistible attraction exercised by the Kingdom of

Greece, not only on the Cretans themselves, but also on all

the rayahs of the Ottoman Empire, is an indisputable fact.'"

See, also (in this volume),

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

TURKEY: A. D. 1900.

The Zionist movement of the Jews to colonize Palestine.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

The Cretan question.

The provisional arrangement of government for Crete,

administered by Prince George, of Greece, as High Commissioner

for the Powers, expires by limitation in December, 1901. What

shall then be done with the island is a question that was

referred, by the several Powers of the Concert, in the early

part of the year, to their ambassadors at Rome, in conference

with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. The

administration of Prince George appears to have been quite

remarkably satisfactory to all concerned, and its continuation

was evidently desired, as much by the Cretans as by the

protecting Powers; but the former sought to have it placed on

a basis of permanency, in some form that would be practically

tantamount to the long craved annexation to Greece. Prince

George naturally looks in the same direction, and he is said

to have made it known that he would decline to hold his post

provisionally beyond the term of three years for which he

accepted it in 1898. The ambassadorial conference at Rome

decided, however, that the time has not come for a permanent

settlement of the Cretan question, and that the provisional

arrangement for its government must be renewed. A Press

despatch from Athens, on the 22d of March, 1901, announced the

decision and indicated the circumstances of the situation, as

follows:

"The Cretan Assembly meets at the end of next month, and its

probable attitude towards the question of union with Greece is

already the subject of speculation here. The decision of the

conference of Ambassadors at Rome is embodied in a memorandum

which has been handed to Prince George by the Consuls at

Canea, while a copy of the document has been unofficially

presented to King George 'à titre d'information.' The

Ambassadors express their opinion that any manifestation on

the part of the Cretans in favour of union with Greece would

be inopportune at the present moment, and they propose a

prolongation of the present provisional system of government

without assigning any definite term to the High Commissioner's

mandate.

"Whether Prince George, who is an enthusiastic advocate of

union with Greece, will accept the new arrangement

unconditionally remains to be seen. Meanwhile the islanders

are occupied with preparations for the elections.

{552}

"It appears that at a recent sitting of the Prince's Council

one of the most prominent of Cretan politicians advocated the

institution of an autonomous Principality on the lines already

laid down by the existing Constitution. The proposal provoked

a violent outburst on the part of the Athenian Press, which

denounces its author as a traitor to the cause of Hellenism.

The opinion apparently prevails here that the establishment of

a Principality would finally preclude the union of the island

with Greece."

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

Order regulating the visit of Jews to Palestine.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1901.

----------TURKEY: End--------

TWAIN, Mark:

Description of scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

U.

UCHALI, Treaty of.

See (in this volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

UGANDA: A. D. 1894.

Creation of the Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

Native insurrection and mutiny of Sudanese troops.

A train of serious troubles in the Uganda Protectorate began

in May, 1897, with an insurrection of some of the chiefs,

instigated by the king, Mwanga, who was restive under British

control. The revolt was suppressed after some sharp fighting,

especially at Kiango, on the 24th of July, and King Mwanga

escaped into German territory. In August he was formally

deposed by a council of chiefs, and his infant son, Chua, was

elected king in his place, under a regency of three of the

chiefs. But a more serious trouble followed, from the mutiny

of a part of the Sudanese troops which had been serving in

Uganda. These troops were being sent to join an expedition,

under Major Macdonald, for the exploration of the districts

adjacent to the Italian sphere of influence, and were not

permitted to take their women with them. This seems to have

been their chief grievance. They also complained of being

overworked, underpaid, insufficiently fed, and commanded by

young officers who would not listen to their complaints. They

seized Fort Lubas, on the frontier between Uganda and Usoga,

made prisoners of several of their officers, whom they finally

murdered, and held the fort against repeated attacks until early

in January, 1898, when they made their escape. They were

pursued and attacked (February 24) at Kabagambe, on Lake

Kioja, where they had built a fort. Many were killed, the

remainder much scattered. A considerable party got away to the

eastern side of the Nile and continued to give trouble there

throughout the year.

Meantime, the deposed king, Mwanga, had escaped from the

Germans and effected a new rising among his late subjects; and

another deposed king, Kabarega, of Unyoro, had also

reappeared, to make trouble in that region. After the

suppression of the Sudanese mutiny these risings were

overcome, with the help of some 1,100 troops brought from

India for the emergency. In March, there was news of

Kabarega's death, and the British Acting Commissioner and

Consul General issued the following proclamation:

"Whereas Kabarega, the deposed King of Unyoro, is reported to

have deceased, and whereas the present disordered state of

affairs in that country has proved that, for the maintenance

of good government and good-will, it is expedient to provide

for the succession to the kingdom of a member of the Royal

House, it is hereby publicly proclaimed that Karukala, son of

Kabarega, is now appointed King of Unyoro, under the

protection of Her Britannic Majesty. The Kingdom of Unyoro

comprises the provinces of—Busindi, Shifalu, Magungu, Kibero,

Bugoma, Bugahiaobeire. This appointment is in accordance with

the general conditions by which countries in British African

Protectorates are guided and regulated, and it secures to the

Kingdom of Unyoro all the advantages which accrue from its

being an integral part of such a Protectorate. The local

government of the country will be administered, under the

guidance of Her Majesty's Representative, by a Council of

Regency of either two or three Chiefs, to be appointed by Her

Majesty's Commissioner. This Council of Regency will, subject

to the approval of Her Majesty's Commissioner, select and

appoint the Katikiro and the other Chiefs of the first rank

required in accordance with local custom. These Chiefs, on

their appointment being confirmed, will select and appoint in

full Council the lesser grade Chiefs, until the system of

local administration is complete."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command: Africa, Number 7, 1898, page 42).

UGANDA RAILWAY, The.

On the 30th of April, 1900, the British Parliament voted

£1,930,000 for the completion of the railway under

construction from Mombasa, on the Indian Ocean, to Lake

Victoria-Nyanza, officially known as the Mombasa-Victoria

Railway. Previous expenditure had been about £3,000,000. On

the 30th of October it was reported that rails were laid down

to the 452d mile from Mombasa, and that advance gangs were

working about 40 miles beyond that point.

UITLANDERS.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

UNGAVA, The district of.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

UNITED CHRISTIAN PARTY.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

UNITED IRISH LEAGUE, The.

See (in this volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL.

See (in this volume)

BRAZIL.

{553}

----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1868-1885.

Cuban questions in controversy with Spain.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1894.

Legislation to promote the reclamation of arid lands.

The following measure of legislation to promote the

reclamation of arid lands was carried through Congress as an

amendment to the appropriation bill for Sundry Civil

Expenditures, and became law August 18, 1894:

"Section 4.

That to aid the public land States in the reclamation of the

desert lands therein, and the settlement, cultivation, and

sale thereof in small tracts to actual settlers, the Secretary

of the Interior with the approval of the President, be, and

hereby is, authorized and empowered, upon proper application

of the State to contract and agree, from time to time, with

each of the States in which there may be situated desert lands

as defined by the Act entitled 'An Act to provide for the sale

of desert land in certain States and Territories,' approved

March 3d, 1877, and the Act amendatory thereof, approved March

3d, 1891, binding the United States to donate, grant and

patent to the State free of cost for surveyor price such

desert lands, not exceeding one million acres in each State,

as the State may cause to be irrigated, reclaimed, occupied,

and not less than twenty acres of each one hundred and

sixty-acre tract cultivated by actual settlers, within ten

years next after the passage of this Act, as thoroughly as is

required of citizens who may enter under the said desert land

law.

"Before the application of any State is allowed or any

contract or agreement is executed or any segregation of any of

the land from the public domain is ordered by the Secretary of

the Interior, the State shall file a map of the said land

proposed to be irrigated which shall exhibit a plan showing

the mode of the contemplated irrigation and which plan shall

be sufficient to thoroughly irrigate and reclaim said land and

prepare it to raise ordinary agricultural crops and shall also

show the source of the water to be used for irrigation and

reclamation, and the Secretary of the Interior may make

necessary regulations for the reservation of the lands applied

for by the States to date from the date of the filing of the map

and plan of irrigation, but such reservation shall be of no

force whatever if such map and plan of irrigation shall not be

approved. That any State contracting under this section is

hereby authorized to make all necessary contracts to cause the

said lands to be reclaimed, and to induce their settlement and

cultivation in accordance with and subject to the provisions

of this section; but the State shall not be authorized to

lease any of said lands or to use or dispose of the same in

any way whatever, except to secure their reclamation,

cultivation and settlement.

"As fast as any State may furnish satisfactory proof according

to such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the

Secretary of the Interior, that any of said lands are

irrigated, reclaimed and occupied by actual settlers, patents

shall be issued to the State or its assigns for said land so

reclaimed and settled: Provided, That said States shall not

sell or dispose of more than one hundred and sixty acres of

said land to any one person, and any surplus of money derived

by any State from the sale of said lands in excess of the cost

of their reclamation, shall be held as a trust fund for and be

applied to the reclamation of other desert lands in such

State. That to enable the Secretary of the Interior to examine

any of the lands that may be selected under the provisions of

this section, there is hereby appropriated out of any moneys

in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, one thousand

dollars."

Acts, 53d Congress, 2d Session, chapter 301.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895.

Re-survey of Mexican boundary.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (January-February).

The monetary situation.

Contract for replenishing the gold reserve in the Treasury.

The alarming situation of the Treasury of the United States at

the beginning of the year 1895 was clearly described by the

President in his special Message to Congress, January 28.

See in volume 5, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895).

By the operation of what had been aptly called "the endless

chain" of the greenback currency issues of the government

(paid out with one hand, to be redeemed with the other in

gold, which the declining value of silver brought more and

more into demand) the gold reserve in the Treasury was fast

being exhausted, and the hour was approaching when, without

some effective relief, the obligations of the nation would

have to be paid in depreciated silver coin, and its credit

lost. The appeal of the President to Congress had no effect.

The Senate was controlled by a majority of men who desired

precisely the result which he wished to avert. The state of

things in that body was described by Senator Sherman, of the

Committee on Finance, in the following words:

"The Committee on Finance is utterly helpless to deal with

this vast question. We are quite divided upon it. We are not

allowed to propose a measure to this Senate which all can

approve of, unless there is attached to it a provision for

free coinage of silver."

The attitude of the House was different, but almost equally

hostile to the President's views. Its Republican majority was

not favorable to the aims of the free silver parties, but held

that the relief needed for the Treasury was to be sought in a

return to higher import duties, as a means of obtaining

increased revenue. Hence, a bill to carry out the

recommendations of the President was rejected in the House, on

the 7th of February, by a vote of 162 against 135.

On the following day, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.

Carlisle, exercising authority which he possessed to sell

certain four per cent. thirty year bonds, contracted with

August Belmont &; Co., who represented the Rothschilds of

London, and with the house of J. P. Morgan & Co., of New York,

on behalf of J. S. Morgan & Co., London, and themselves, for

supplying 3,500,000 ounces of standard gold coin of the United

States, at the rate of 817.80441 per ounce, in exchange for

such bonds. It was a condition of the contract that one half

of the coin supplied should be brought from Europe: also that

the contracting syndicate should use its influence to protect

the Treasury against withdrawals of gold.

{554}

At the same time, the Secretary of the Treasury reserved the

right to substitute three per cent. gold bonds, if Congress

would authorize such an issue, to be taken by the syndicate at

par, in place of the four per cents to which his existing

authority was restricted. It was shown that the consequent

saving in interest would be $539,000 per annum, amounting to

$16,174,770 in thirty years; but the proposal was rejected in

the House of Representatives by 167 votes against 120. The

contract was accordingly carried out in its original form,

with success so far that the withdrawals of gold from the

Treasury dropped for a considerable period to a low point. It

appeared that when this emergency break was put upon the

working of the "endless chain," the sub-treasury in New York

was believed to be within twenty-four hours of a suspension of

gold payments. But the contract was loudly condemned.

nevertheless, by the opponents of the administration.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (February).

Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1895.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (April-May).

Decision of the Supreme Court against the constitutionality

of the Income Tax.

Cases testing the constitutionality of the income tax which

Congress had attached to the Tariff Act of 1894, were brought

to a partial decision in the Supreme Court in April, and

finally in May, 1895.

See, in volume 4 of original edition,

or in volume 5 of revised edition,

TARIFF LEGISLATION, UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.

[Transcriber's note: For this set see, Volume 4,

"TARIFF: (United States): A. D. 1894."]

The cases in question were "Pollock v. Farmers' Loan and

Trust Company," and "Hyde v. Continental Trust Company." On

the first hearing, the illness and absence of one of the

justices, Mr. Jackson, of Tennessee, left but eight members

in attendance, and they divided equally on several points

which were vital to the decision of the question of

constitutionality in the tax. The appellants accordingly

filed a petition for a re-hearing, submitting, among other

reasons, the following: "The question involved in these cases

was as to the constitutionality of the provisions of the

tariff act of August 15, 1894 (sections 27 to 37), purporting

to impose a tax on incomes. The Court has held that the same

are unconstitutional, so far as they purport to impose a tax

upon the rent or income of real estate and income derived

from municipal bonds. It has, however, announced that it was

equally divided in opinion as to the following questions, and

has expressed no opinion in regard to them: (1) Whether the

void provisions invalidate the whole act. (2) Whether, as to

the income from personal property as such, the act is

unconstitutional as laying direct taxes. (3) Whether any part

of the tax, if not considered as a direct tax, is invalid for

want of uniformity.

"The court has reversed the decree of the Circuit Court and

remanded the case, with directions to enter a decree in favor

of complainant in respect only of the voluntary payment of the

tax on the rents and income of defendant's real estate and

that which it holds in trust, and on the income from the

municipal bonds owned or so held by it. While, therefore, the

two points above stated have been decided, there has been no

decision of the remaining questions regarding the

constitutionality of the act, and no judgment has been

announced authoritatively establishing any principle for

interpretation of the statute in those respects."

The re-hearing asked for was granted by the Court on the 6th

of May, when Justice Jackson was able to take his seat on the

bench, after which, on the 20th of May, by the opinion of five

members of the Court against four, the law was pronounced null,

so far as concerned the imposition of a tax on incomes. The

opinion of the majority was delivered by Chief Justice Fuller,

who said, in part:

"The Constitution divided Federal taxation into two great

classes, the class of direct taxes, and the class of duties,

imposts and excises; and prescribed two rules which qualified

the grant of power as to each class. The power to lay direct

taxes apportioned among the several States in proportion to

their representation in the popular branch of Congress, a

representation based on population as ascertained by the

census, was plenary and absolute; but to lay direct taxes

without apportionment was forbidden. The power to lay duties,

imposts, and excises was subject to the qualification that the

imposition must be uniform throughout the United States.

"Our previous decision was confined to the consideration of

the validity of the tax on the income from real estate and on

the income from municipal bonds. … We are now permitted to

broaden the field of inquiry, and to determine to which of the

two great classes a tax upon a person's entire income, whether

derived from rents, or products, or otherwise, of real estate,

or from bonds, stocks, or other forms of personal property,

belongs; and we are unable to conclude that the enforced

subtraction from the yield of all the owner's real or personal

property, in the manner prescribed, is so different from a tax

upon the property itself, that it is not a direct, but an

indirect tax in the meaning of the Constitution.

"The words of the Constitution are to be taken in their

obvious sense, and to have a reasonable construction. In

Gibbons v. Ogden, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, with his usual

felicity, said: 'As men, whose intentions require no

concealment, generally employ the words which most directly

and aptly express the ideas they intend to convey, the

enlightened patriots who framed our Constitution, and the

people who adopted it must be understood to have employed

words in their natural sense, and to have intended what they

have said.' 9 Wheat. 1, 188. And in Rhode Island v.

Massachusetts, where the question was whether a controversy

between two States over the boundary between them was within

the grant of judicial power, Mr. Justice Baldwin, speaking for

the Court, observed: 'The solution of this question must

necessarily depend on the words of the Constitution; the

meaning and intention of the convention which framed and

proposed it for adoption and ratification to the conventions

of the people of and in the several States; together with a

reference to such sources of judicial information as are

resorted to by all courts in construing statutes, and to which

this court has always resorted in construing the

Constitution.' 12 Pet. 657, 721. We know of no reason for

holding otherwise than that the words 'direct taxes,' on the

one hand, and 'duties, imposts and excises,' on the other,

were used in the Constitution in their natural and obvious

sense. Nor in arriving at what those terms embrace do we

perceive any ground for enlarging them beyond or narrowing

them within their natural and obvious import at the time the

Constitution was framed and ratified.

{555}

"And passing from the text, we regard the conclusion reached

as inevitable, when the circumstances which surrounded the

convention and controlled its action and the views of those

who framed and those who adopted the Constitution are

considered. … In the light of the struggle in the convention

as to whether or not the new Nation should be empowered to

levy taxes directly on the individual until after the States

had failed to respond to requisitions—a struggle which did not

terminate until the amendment to that effect, proposed by

Massachusetts and concurred in by South Carolina, New

Hampshire, New York, and Rhode Island, had been rejected—it

would seem beyond reasonable question that direct taxation,

taking the place as it did of requisitions, was purposely

restrained to apportionment according to representation, in

order that the former system as to ratio might be retained

while the mode of collection was changed. This is forcibly

illustrated by a letter of Mr. Madison of January 29, 1789,

recently published, written after the ratification of the

Constitution, but before the organization of the government

and the submission of the proposed amendment to Congress,

which, while opposing the amendment as calculated to impair

the power only to be exercised in extraordinary emergencies,

assigns adequate ground for its rejection as substantially

unnecessary, since, he says, 'every State which chooses to

collect its own quota may always prevent a Federal collection,

by keeping a little beforehand in its finances and making its

payment at once into the Federal treasury.'

"The reasons for the clauses of the Constitution in respect of

direct taxation are not far to seek. The States, respectively,

possessed plenary powers of taxation. They could tax the

property of their citizens in such manner and to such extent

as they saw fit; they had unrestricted powers to impose duties

or imposts on imports from abroad, and excises on

manufactures, consumable commodities, or otherwise. They gave

up the great sources of revenue derived from commerce; they

retained the concurrent power of levying excises, and duties

if covering anything other than excises; but in respect of

them the range of taxation was narrowed by the power granted

over interstate commerce, and by the danger of being put at

disadvantage in dealing with excises on manufactures. They

retained the power of direct taxation, and to that they looked

as their chief resource; but even in respect of that, they

granted the concurrent power, and if the tax were placed by

both governments on the same subject, the claim of the United

States had preference. Therefore, they did not grant the power

of direct taxation without regard to their own condition and

resources as States; but they granted the power of apportioned

direct taxation, a power just as efficacious to serve the needs

of the general government, but securing to the States the

opportunity to pay the amount apportioned, and to recoup from

their own citizens in the most feasible way, and in harmony

with their systems of local self-government. If, in the

changes of wealth and population in particular States,

apportionment produced inequality, it was an inequality

stipulated for, just as the equal representation of the

States, however small, in the Senate, was stipulated for. …

"Moreover, whatever the reasons for the constitutional

provisions, there they are, and they appear to us to speak in

plain language. It is said that a tax on the whole income of

property is not a direct tax in the meaning of the

Constitution, but a duty, and, as a duty, leviable without

apportionment, whether direct or indirect. We do not think so.

Direct taxation was not restricted in one breath and the

restriction blown to the winds in another. Cooley (On

Taxation, page 3) says that the word 'duty' ordinarily 'means

an indirect tax imposed on the importation, exportation or

consumption of goods'; having a broader meaning than "custom,"

which is a duty imposed on imports or exports'; that 'the term

"impost" also signifies any tax, tribute or duty, but it is

seldom applied to any but the indirect taxes. An excise duty

is an inland impost, levied upon articles of manufacture or

sale, and also upon licenses to pursue certain trades or to

deal in certain commodities.' In the Constitution the words

'duties, imposts and excises' are put in antithesis to direct

taxes. Gouverneur Morris recognized this in his remarks in

modifying his celebrated motion, as did Wilson in approving of

the motion as modified. …

"Our conclusions may therefore be summed up as follows:

"First. We adhere to the opinion already announced, that,

taxes on real estate being indisputably direct taxes, taxes on

the rents or income of real estate are equally direct taxes.

"Second. We are of opinion that taxes on personal property, or

on the income of personal property, are likewise direct taxes.

"Third. The tax imposed by sections twenty-seven to

thirty-seven, inclusive, of the act of 1894, so far as it

falls on the income of real estate and of personal property,

being a direct tax within the meaning of the Constitution,

and, therefore, unconstitutional and void because not

apportioned according to representation, all those sections,

constituting one entire scheme of taxation, are necessarily

invalid."

Four dissenting opinions were prepared, by Justices Harlan,

Brown, Jackson and White. In that of Mr. Justice Harlan, he

said: "What are 'direct taxes' within the meaning of the

Constitution? In the convention of 1787, Rufus King asked what

was the precise meaning of 'direct' taxation, and no one

answered. Madison Papers, 5 Elliott's Debates, 451. The

debates of that famous body do not show that any delegate

attempted to give a clear, succinct definition of what, in his

opinion, was a direct tax. Indeed the report of those debates,

upon the question now before us, is very meagre and

unsatisfactory. An illustration of this is found in the case

of Gouverneur Morris. It is stated that on the 12th of July,

1787, he moved to add to a clause empowering Congress to vary

representation according to the principles of 'wealth and

numbers of inhabitants,' a proviso 'that taxation shall be in

proportion to representation.' And he is reported to have

remarked, on that occasion, that while some objections lay

against his motion, he supposed 'they would be removed by

restraining the rule to direct taxation.' Elliott's Debates,

302.

{556}

But, on the 8th of August, 1787, the work of the Committee on

Detail being before the convention, Mr. Morris is reported to

have remarked, 'let it not be said that direct taxation is to

be proportioned to representation.' 5 Elliott's Debates, 393.

If the question propounded by Rufus King had been answered in

accordance with the interpretation now given, it is not at all

certain that the Constitution, in its present form, would have

been adopted by the convention, nor, if adopted, that it would

have been accepted by the requisite number of States." The

following is from the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Brown:

"In view of the fact that the great burden of taxation among

the several States is assessed upon real estate at a

valuation, and that a similar tax was apparently an important

part of the revenue of such States at the time the

Constitution was adopted, it is not unreasonable to suppose

that this is the only undefined direct tax the framers of the

Constitution had in view when they incorporated this clause

into that instrument. The significance of the words 'direct

taxes' was not so well understood then as it is now, and it is

entirely probable that these words were used with reference to

a generally accepted method of raising a revenue by tax upon

real estate. … But, however this may be, I regard it as very

clear that the clause requiring direct taxes to be apportioned

to the population has no application to taxes which are not

capable of apportionment according to population. It cannot be

supposed that the convention could have contemplated a

practical inhibition upon the power of Congress to tax in some

way all taxable property within the jurisdiction of the

Federal government, for the purposes of a national revenue.

And if the proposed tax were such that in its nature it could

not be apportioned according to population, it naturally

follows that it could not have been considered a direct tax,

within the meaning of the clause in question."

Mr. Justice Jackson concluded his dissenting opinion as

follows: "The practical operation of the decision is not only

to disregard the great principles of equality in taxation, but

the further principle that in the imposition of taxes for the

benefit of the government the burdens thereof should be

imposed upon those having the most ability to bear them. This

decision, in effect, works out a directly opposite result, in

relieving the citizens having the greater ability, while the

burdens of taxation are made to fall most heavily and

oppressively upon those having the least ability. It lightens

the burden upon the larger number in some States subject to

the tax, and places it most unequally and disproportionately

on the smaller number in other States. Considered in all its

bearings, this decision is, in my judgment, the most

disastrous blow ever struck at the constitutional power of

Congress. It strikes down an important portion of the most

vital and essential power of the government in practically

excluding any recourse to incomes from real and personal

estate for the purpose of raising needed revenue to meet the

government's wants and necessities under any circumstances.

"I am therefore compelled to enter my dissent to the judgment

of the court."

The opinion delivered by the majority of the Court was

criticised with severity by Mr. Justice White, who said: "The

injustice of the conclusion points to the error of adopting

it. It takes invested wealth and reads it into the

Constitution as a favored and protected class of property,

which cannot be taxed without apportionment, whilst it leaves

the occupation of the minister, the doctor, the professor, the

lawyer, the inventor, the author, the merchant, the mechanic,

and all other forms of industry upon which the prosperity of a

people must depend, subject to taxation without that

condition. A rule which works out this result, which, it seems

to me, stultifies the Constitution by making it an instrument of

the most grievous wrong, should not be adopted, especially

when, in order to do so, the decisions of this court, the

opinions of the law writers and publicists, tradition,

practice, and the settled policy of the government must be

overthrown.

"To destroy the fixed interpretation of the Constitution, by

which the rule of apportionment according to population, is

confined to direct taxes on real estate so as to make that

rule include indirect taxes on real estate and taxes, whether

direct or indirect, on invested personal property, stocks,

bonds, etc., reads into the Constitution the most flagrantly

unjust, unequal, and wrongful system of taxation known to any

civilized government. This strikes me as too clear for

argument. I can conceive of no greater injustice than would

result from imposing on one million of people in one State,

having only ten millions of invested wealth, the same amount

of tax as that imposed on the like number of people in another

State having fifty times that amount of invested wealth. The

application of the rule of apportionment by population to

invested personal wealth would not only work out this wrong,

but would ultimately prove a self-destructive process, from

the facility with which such property changes its situs. If so

taxed, all property of this character would soon be transferred

to the States where the sum of accumulated wealth was greatest

in proportion to population, and where therefore the burden of

taxation would be lightest, and thus the mighty wrong

resulting from the very nature of the extension of the rule

would be aggravated. It is clear then, I think, that the

admission of the power of taxation in regard to invested

personal property, coupled with the restriction that the tax

must be distributed by population and not by wealth, involves

a substantial denial of the power itself, because the

condition renders its exercise practically impossible. To say

a thing can only be done in a way which must necessarily bring

about the grossest wrong, is to delusively admit the existence

of the power, while substantially denying it. And the grievous

results sure to follow from any attempt to adopt such a system

are so obvious that my mind cannot fail to see that if a tax

on invested personal property were imposed by the rule of

population, and there were no other means of preventing its

enforcement, the red spectre of revolution would shake our

institutions to their foundation. …

"It is, I submit, greatly to be deplored that, after more than

one hundred years of our national existence, after the

government has withstood the strain of foreign wars and the

dread ordeal of civil strife, and its people have become

united and powerful, this court should consider itself

compelled to go back to a long repudiated and rejected theory

of the Constitution, by which the government is deprived of an

inherent attribute of its being, a necessary power of taxation."

United States Reports,

v. 158, pages 601-715.

{557}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (July-November).

Correspondence with the Government of Great Britain

on the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (September).

Executive order for the improvement of the consular service.

In his annual Message to Congress, December 2, 1895, President

Cleveland made the following statement of measures adopted for

the improvement of the consular service of the country:

"In view of the growth of our interests in foreign countries

and the encouraging prospects for a general expansion of our

commerce, the question of an improvement in the consular

service has increased in importance and urgency. Though there

is no doubt that the great body of consular officers are

rendering valuable services to the trade and industries of the

country, the need of some plan of appointment and control

which would tend to secure a higher average of efficiency can

not be denied. The importance of the subject has led the

Executive to consider what steps might properly be taken

without additional legislation to answer the need of a better

system of consular appointments. The matter having been

committed to the consideration of the Secretary of State, in

pursuance of his recommendations, an Executive order was

issued on the 20th of September, 1895, by the terms of which

it is provided that after that date any vacancy in a consular

or commercial agency with an annual salary or compensation

from official fees of not more than $2,500 or less than $1,000

should be filled either by transfer or promotion from some

other position under the Department of State of a character

tending to qualify the incumbent for the position to be

filled, or by the appointment of a person not under the

Department of State, but having previously served thereunder

and shown his capacity and fitness for consular duty, or by

the appointment of a person who, having been selected by the

President and sent to a board for examination, is found, upon

such examination, to be qualified for the position. Posts

which pay less than $1,000 being usually, on account of their

small compensation, filled by selection from residents of the

locality, it was not deemed practicable to put them under the

new system.

"The compensation of $2,500 was adopted as the maximum limit

in the classification for the reason that consular officers

receiving more than that sum are often charged with functions

and duties scarcely inferior in dignity and importance to

those of diplomatic agents, and it was therefore thought best

to continue their selection in the discretion of the Executive

without subjecting them to examination before a board.

Excluding seventy-one places with compensation at present less

than $1,000, and fifty-three places above the maximum in

compensation, the number of positions remaining within the

scope of the order is one hundred and ninety-six. This number

will undoubtedly be increased by the inclusion of consular

officers whose remuneration in fees, now less than $1,000,

will be augmented with the growth of our foreign commerce and

a return to more favorable business conditions. In execution

of the Executive order referred to, the Secretary of State has

designated as a board to conduct the prescribed examinations

the Third Assistant Secretary of State, the Solicitor of the

Department of State, and the Chief of the Consular Bureau, and

has specified the subjects to which such examinations shall

relate.

"It is not assumed that this system will prove a full measure

of consular reform. It is quite probable that actual

experience will show particulars in which the order already

issued may be amended, and demonstrate that, for the best

results, appropriate legislation by Congress is imperatively

required. In any event these efforts to improve the consular

service ought to be immediately supplemented by legislation

providing for consular inspection. This has frequently been a

subject of Executive recommendation, and I again urge such

action by Congress as will permit the frequent and thorough

inspection of consulates by officers appointed for that

purpose or by persons already in the diplomatic or consular

service. The expense attending such a plan would be

insignificant compared with its usefulness, and I hope the

legislation necessary to set it on foot will be speedily

forthcoming.

"I am thoroughly convinced that in addition to their salaries

our ambassadors and ministers at foreign courts should be

provided by the Government with official residences. The

salaries of these officers are comparatively small and in most

cases insufficient to pay, with other necessary expenses, the

cost of maintaining household establishments in keeping with

their important and delicate functions. The usefulness of a

nation's diplomatic representative undeniably depends upon the

appropriateness of his surroundings, and a country like ours,

while avoiding unnecessary glitter and show, should be certain

that it does not suffer in its relations with foreign nations

through parsimony and shabbiness in its diplomatic outfit.

These considerations and the other advantages of having fixed

and somewhat permanent locations for our embassies, would

abundantly justify the moderate expenditure necessary to carry

out this suggestion."

Message of the President

(54th Congress, 1st Session,

House Documents, volume 1).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (December).

Message of President Cleveland on the boundary dispute

between Great Britain and Venezuela.

Prompt response from Congress.

On the 17th of December, 1895, the country was startled and

the world at large excited by a message from President

Cleveland to Congress, relating to the disputed boundary

between British Guiana and Venezuela, and the refusal of the

British government to submit the dispute to arbitration.

See, (in this volume),

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

The tone in which the President recommended the appointment of

a commission to ascertain the "true divisional line" between

Venezuela and British Guiana, with a view to determining the

future action of the United States, was peremptory and

threatening enough to awaken all the barbaric passions which

wait and watch for signals of war; and Congress, in both

branches, met the wishes of the President with the singular

alacrity that so often appears in the action of legislative

bodies when a question arises which carries the scent of war.

The House refused to wait for any reference of the matter to

its Committee on Foreign Relations, but framed and passed at

once (December 18) without debate or division, an act

authorizing the suggested commission and appropriating

$100,000 for the expenses of its work.

{558}

In the Senate there were some voices raised against needless

and unseemly haste in the treatment of so grave a proposition.

Senator Teller, of Colorado, was one who spoke to that effect,

saying: "I do not understand that our great competitor in

commerce and trade, our Great English-speaking relative, has

ever denied our right to assert and maintain the Monroe

doctrine. What they claim is that the Monroe doctrine does not

apply to this case. Whether it applies to this case depends upon

the facts, which are unknown to us, it appears. If I knew what

the facts were, as an international lawyer I would have no

difficulty in applying the law. As a believer in the American

doctrine of the right to say that no European power shall

invade American soil, either of North or South America, I

should have no trouble in coming to a conclusion. Is it an

invasion of American soil? I do not know that. I repeat, I

thought I did. I have found that I do not.

"If the President of the United States had said that in the

Department of State they had determined what was the true line

between the British possessions and Venezuela, and if he had

said, 'We are confident that the British Government, instead

of attempting to arrange a disputed line, is attempting to use

this disputed line as a pretense for territorial acquisition,'

no matter what may be the character of the Administration,

whether Democratic or Republican, I would have stood by that

declaration as an American Senator, because there is where we

get our information upon these subjects, and not from our own

judgment. We must stand by what the Department says upon these

great questions when the facts are ascertained by it. The

President says that he needs assistance to make this

determination. We are going to give it to him. Nobody doubts

that. The only question is, how shall we give it to him? I am

as firm a believer in the Monroe doctrine as any man who

lives. I am as firm a believer as anyone in the maintenance of

the honor of the American people, and do not believe it can be

maintained if we abandon the Monroe doctrine.

"Mr. President, there is no haste in this matter. The dispute

is one of long standing. Great Britain is not now taking any

extraordinary steps with reference to the control of the

territory in dispute. They took, it is said, five months to

answer our Secretary's letter of July 20. Mr. President, the

time was not excessive. It is not unreasonable in diplomatic

affairs that there should be months taken in replying to

questions of so much importance. We may properly take months,

if we choose, to consider it before we plant ourselves upon

what we say are the facts in this case. I repeat, so far as

the American people are concerned, the Monroe doctrine is not

in dispute, is not in doubt, whatever may be the doubt about

the facts in this case. If the facts are not ascertained, we

must, before we proceed further, ascertain them.

"This is a very important question. It is not a question of

party politics. It is not a question that any political party

ought to take advantage of to get votes. The political party

that attempts to make capital out of this question will find

that it is a loser in the end. The American people will not be

trifled with on a question of this kind. If the other side of

the Chamber, or the Administration, or anybody, attempts to

make capital out of it they will find that they will lose in

the end, as we should lose on our side if we should be foolish

enough, as I know we are not, to attempt to make capital out

of it in any way. … This question is of so much importance

that I do not care myself if the bill goes to the Committee on

Foreign Relations and lies there a month. You will not impress

the world with our solidarity and solidity on this question by

any haste in this body. Let this proceeding be a dignified

proceeding. Let the bill go to the committee. Let the

committee take their time on it. Let them return it here and

say what is the best way by which we can strengthen the hands

of the President of the United States in his efforts to

maintain this American doctrine.

"Mr. President, I am not one of those who want war. I do not

believe in war. I believe in this case Great Britain made a

great mistake when she said she would not arbitrate, and I

have faith enough in the love of justice and right that

pervades the people of Great Britain to believe that on second

sober thought they will submit this question to arbitration,

as many of their representative men have declared they are

willing to submit all questions of this character. … Let this

bill go to the committee. Let it be considered. If the

committee wants a week, ten days, or two weeks, or a month,

let the committee take it. Nothing will be lost. Great Britain

will not misunderstand our attitude. She does not misunderstand

it now. She knows just as well how we feel upon these subjects

as she will when we pass this bill. She has had it dinned in

her ears again and again from nearly every Secretary of State

that we were not willing to abandon the Monroe doctrine, nor

view with indifference the improper interference of any

European power with any existing American Government, whether

such interference is a violation of the Monroe doctrine or

not."

Congressional Record,

December 19, 1895, page 246.

Senator Call made a similar appeal, saying: "As to all this

talk about war, in my opinion there is no possibility of war.

There can be, and ought to be, no possibility of it. The

enlightened sentiment of the nations of the world would forbid

that there should be a war between this country and England

upon this question. Nevertheless, it would be the duty of this

country to maintain by force of arms the proposition that

there shall be no forcible establishment of European

institutions and European Governments over any portion of this

territory. Who can entertain the idea that war can be made

with Great Britain, and that the people of the British Empire

will permit that Government to engage in war upon a question

of boundaries which is not sustained by the facts of the case,

but a mere aggression, and that the peace of mankind shall be

disturbed by it. …

"I agree with the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] that there

is no necessity for haste in this action and that it comports

better with the dignity of Congress for the Senate of the

United States and the House of Representatives to declare that

this Government will firmly maintain, as a definite proposition,

that Venezuela shall not be forced to cede any portion of her

territory to Great Britain or to recognize a boundary line

which is not based upon the facts of history and upon clear

and ascertained proof.

{559}

It seems to me, Mr. President, that all this discussion about

war should not have place here, but that we should make a bold

and independent and firm declaration as to the proper policy

of this Government, and vote the President of the United

States the money necessary, in his judgment, to carry out that

declaration so far as obtaining information which may be

desired. …

"The possibility that war between these two nations will be

the result of our defending the right of Venezuela to the

integrity of her territory against its forced appropriation by

England should not be entertained. These two nations, the

United States and Great Britain, are the main pillars of the

civilization of the world, neither can afford to demand of the

other anything that is wrong or any injustice to the other.

Great Britain recognizes the supremacy of the United States in

the Western Hemisphere, and it is sufficient for them to know

that we will maintain this with all the power of the Republic,

and that this is not an idle menace.

"This is my view of the situation. The President has done his

duty. He has recommended that the traditional policy of this

country to protect all people who establish governments of

their choice against forcible intervention by European powers,

under whatever pretense, whether by claiming fictitious

boundaries and enforcing their claim, or by any other means,

and that we will be the judge of this, but that we are ready

to submit the facts to the judgment of a fair arbitration. It

is sufficient for us to sustain this declaration and for us to

provide the means of obtaining the information necessary for

an intelligent judgment on the question. It will suffice for

the able statesman who represents the Government of Great

Britain to know and to inform his Government that the people

of the United States are united in the determination to

maintain and defend this policy with all their power, and a

peaceable settlement of the question will be made."

Congressional Record,

December 20, 1895, page 264.

The Senate was persuaded to refer the House Bill to its

Committee on Foreign Relations, but the Committee reported it

on the following day (December 20), and it was passed without

division.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).

The feeling in England and America over the

Venezuela boundary dispute.

Happily President Cleveland's Message did not provoke in

England the angry and combative temper that is commonly roused

by a demand from one nation upon another, made in any

peremptory tone. The feeling produced there seemed to have in

it more of surprise and regret than of wrath, revealing very

plainly that friendliness had been growing of late, much

warmer in English sentiment toward the American Republic than

in American sentiment toward England. Within the past thirty

years there had been what in France would be called a

"rapprochement" in feeling going on between the two peoples;

but the rate of approach had been greater on one side than on

the other, and neither had understood the fact until it was

brought home to them by this incident. There seems to be no

doubt that the English people were astonished and shocked by

the sudden prospect of a serious quarrel with the United

States, and that Americans were generally surprised and moved

by the discovery of that state of feeling in the English mind.

The first response in the United States to the President's

message came noisily from the more thoughtless part of the

people, and seemed to show that the whole nation was fairly

eager for war with its "kin beyond sea." But that was a

short-lived demonstration. The voices that really speak for

the country soon made themselves heard in a different

tone,—anxious to avert war,—critical of the construction that

had been given to the Monroe doctrine by President Cleveland

and his Secretary of State,—earnestly responsive to the

pacific temper of the English public,—and yet firm in

upholding the essential justice of the ground on which their

government had addressed itself to that of Great Britain. The

feeling in the two countries, respectively, at the beginning

of 1896, appears to have been described very accurately by two

representative writers in the "North American Review" of

February in that year. One was Mr. James Bryce, the well-known

English student of American institutions—author of "The

American Commonwealth"—who wrote:

"Those Englishmen who have travelled in America have of course

been aware of the mischief your school-books do in teaching

young people to regard the English as enemies because there

was war in the days of George III. Such Englishmen knew that

as Britain is almost the only great power with which the

United States has had diplomatic controversies, national

feeling has sometimes been led to regard her as an adversary,

and displays of national feeling often took the form of

defiance. Even such travellers, however, were not prepared for

the language of the President and its reception in many

quarters, while as to Englishmen generally, they could

scarcely credit their eyes and ears. 'Why,' they said, 'should

we be regarded as enemies by our own kinsfolk? No territorial

dispute is pending between us and them, like those we have or

have lately had with France and Russia. No explosions of

Jingoism have ever been directed against them, like those

which Lord Beaconsfield evoked against Russia some twenty

years ago. There is very little of that commercial, and none

of that colonial, rivalry which we have with France and

Germany, for the Americans are still chiefly occupied in

developing their internal resources, and have ample occupation

for their energy and their capital in doing so. Still less is

there that incompatibility of character and temper which

sometimes sets us wrong with Frenchmen, or Russians, or even

Germans, for we and the Americans come of the same stock,

speak the same language, read the same books, think upon

similar lines, are connected by a thousand ties of family and

friendship. No two nations could be better fitted to

understand one another's ideas and institutions. English

travellers and writers used no doubt formerly to assume airs

of supercilious condescension which must have been offensive

to Americans. But those airs were dropped twenty or thirty

years ago, and the travellers who return now return full of

gratitude for the kindness they have received and full of

admiration for the marvellous progress they have witnessed. We

know all about the Irish faction; but the Irish faction do not

account for this.

{560}

So we quite understand that resentment was caused in the North

and West of America by the attitude of our wealthy class

during the Civil War. But that attitude was not the attitude

of the British nation. … Our press, whose tone often

exasperates Continental nations, is almost uniformly

respectful and friendly to America. What can we have done to

provoke in the United States feelings so unlike those which we

ourselves cherish?'

"In thus summing up what one has been hearing on all sides in

Britain during the last fortnight, I am not exaggerating

either the amazement or the regret with which the news of a

threatened breach between the two countries was received. The

average Englishman likes America far better than any foreign

nation; he admires the 'go,' as he calls it, of your people,

and is soon at home among you. In fact, he does not regard you

as a foreign nation, as any one will agree who has noticed how

different has been the reception given on all public occasions

to your last four envoys, Messrs. Welsh, Lowell, Phelps, and

Lincoln (as well as your present ambassador) from that

accorded to the ambassadors of any other power. The educated

and thoughtful Englishman has looked upon your Republic as the

champion of freedom and peace, has held you to be our natural

ally, and has even indulged the hope of a permanent alliance

with you, under which the citizens of each country should have

the rights of citizenship in the other and be aided by the

consuls and protected by the fleets of the other all over the

world. The sentiments which the news from America evoked were,

therefore, common to all classes in England. … Passion has not

yet been aroused, and will not be, except by the language of

menace."

J. Bryce,

British Feeling on the Venezuelan Question

(North American Review, February, 1896).

The writer who described American feeling, or opinion, in the

same magazine, was Mr. Andrew Carnegie, who said: "In the

United States, East, West, North and South, from which

divergent voices were at first heard, there is but one voice

now. Public opinion has crystallized into one

word—arbitration. In support of that mode of settlement we now

know the nation is unanimous. The proofs of this should not

fail to carry conviction into the hearts of Britons. The one

representative and influential body in the United States which

is most closely allied with Britain not only by the ties of

trade, but by the friendships which these ties have created,

is the Chamber of Commerce of New York. If that body were

polled by ballot, probably a greater proportion of its members

than of any other body of American citizens would register

themselves as friendly to England. So far did the feeling

extend in this body, that a movement was on foot to call a

meeting to dissent from the President's Message. Fortunately,

wiser counsels prevailed, and time was given for an

examination of the question, and for members to make up their

minds upon the facts. The result was that at the crowded

meeting subsequently held, there was passed a resolution, with

only one dissenting voice, in favor of a commission for

arbitration. In the whole proceedings there was only one

sentiment present in the minds of those assembled: 'this is a

question for arbitration.' …

"Every nation has its 'Red Rag,' some nations have more than

one, but what the 'Right of Asylum' is to Great Britain, the

Monroe Doctrine is to the United States. Each lies very deep

in the national heart. Few statesmen of Great Britain do not

share the opinion of Lord Salisbury, which he has not feared

to express, that the 'Right of Asylum' is abused and should be

restricted, but there has not arisen one in Britain

sufficiently powerful to deal with it. The United States never

had, and has not now, a statesman who could restrain the

American people from an outburst of passion and the extreme

consequences that national passion is liable to bring, if any

European power undertook to extend its territory upon this

continent, or to decide in case of dispute just where the

boundary of present possessions stand. Such differences must

be arbitrated. …

"In his speech at Manchester Mr. Balfour said he 'trusted and

believed the day would come when better statesmen in

authority, and more fortunate than even Monroe, would assert a

doctrine between the English-speaking peoples under which war

would be impossible.' That day has not to come, it has

arrived. The British Government has had for years in its

archives an invitation from the United States to enter into a

treaty of arbitration which realizes this hope, and Mr.

Balfour is one of those who, from their great position, seem

most responsible for the rejection of the end he so ardently

longs for. It is time that the people of Great Britain

understood that if war be still possible between the two

countries, it is not the fault of the Republic but of their

own country, not of President Cleveland and Secretary of State

Olney, but of Prime Minister Salisbury, and the leader of the

House of Commons, Mr. Balfour, who do not accept the offered

treaty which would banish war forever between the two nations

of our race. This invitation was sent by the same President

Cleveland, who is now denounced as favoring war. … It was my

office to introduce to Mr. Cleveland, then President of the

United States, as he is now, the delegation from the British

Parliament urging arbitration. In the conferences I had with

him previous to his receiving the deputation, I found him as

strong a supporter of that policy as I ever met. I do not

wonder at his outburst, knowing how deeply this man feels upon

that question; it is to him so precious, it constitutes so

great an advance over arbitrament by war that—even if we have

to fight, that any nation rejecting it may suffer—I believe he

feels that it would be our duty to do so, believing that the

nation which rejects arbitration in a boundary dispute

deserves the execration of mankind."-

A. Carnegie,

The Venezuelan Question

(North American Review, February, 1896).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-February).

The gold reserve in the Treasury again imperilled.

Refusal of any measures of relief by the Senate.

In his annual Message to Congress, December 2d, 1895,

President Cleveland described at length the stress of

circumstances under which in the previous February, the

Secretary of the Treasury had contracted with certain bankers

and financiers to replenish and protect the reserve of gold in

the Treasury for redemption of United States notes (see above),

and added: "The performance of this contract not only restored

the reserve, but checked for a time the withdrawals of gold

and brought on a period of restored confidence and such peace

and quiet in business circles as were of the greatest possible

value to every interest that affects our people.

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I have never had the slightest misgiving concerning the wisdom

or propriety of this arrangement, and am quite willing to

answer for my full share of responsibility for its promotion.

I believe it averted a disaster the imminence of which was,

fortunately, not at the time generally understood by our

people. Though the contract mentioned stayed for a time the

tide of gold withdrawal, its good results could not be

permanent. Recent withdrawals have reduced the reserve from

$107,571,230 on the 8th day of July, 1895, to $79,333,966. How

long it will remain large enough to render its increase

unnecessary is only matter of conjecture, though quite large

withdrawals for shipment in the immediate future are predicted

in well-informed quarters. About $16,000,000 has been

withdrawn during the month of November. The foregoing

statement of events and conditions develops the fact that

after increasing our interest-bearing bonded indebtedness more

than $162,000,000 to save our gold reserve we are nearly where

we started, having now in such reserve $79,383,966 as against

$65,488,377 in February, 1894, when the first bonds were

issued.

"Though the amount of gold drawn from the Treasury appears to

be very large as gathered from the facts and figures herein

presented, it actually was much larger, considerable sums

having been acquired by the Treasury within the several

periods stated without the issue of bonds. On the 28th of

January, 1895, it was reported by the Secretary of the

Treasury that more than $172,000,000 of gold had been

withdrawn for hoarding or shipment during the year preceding.

He now reports that from January 1, 1879, to July 14, 1890, a

period of more than eleven years, only a little over

$28,000,000 was withdrawn, and that between July 14, 1890, the

date of the passage of the law for an increased purchase of

silver, and the 1st day of December, 1895, or within less than

five and a half years, there was withdrawn nearly

$375,000,000, making a total of more than $403,000,000 drawn

from the Treasury in gold since January 1, 1879, the date

fixed in 1875 for the retirement of the United States notes.

"Nearly $327,000,000 of the gold thus withdrawn has been paid

out, on these United States notes, and yet everyone of the

$346,000,000 is still uncanceled and ready to do service in

future gold depletions. More than $76,000,000 in gold has

since their creation in 1890 been paid out from the Treasury

upon the notes given on the purchase of silver by the

Government, and yet the whole, amounting to $155,000,000,

except a little more than $16,000,000 which has been retired

by exchanges for silver at the request of the holders, remains

outstanding and prepared to join their older and more

experienced allies in future raids upon the Treasury's gold

reserve. In other words, the Government has paid in gold more

than nine-tenths of its United States notes and still owes

them all. It has paid in gold about one-half of its notes

given for silver purchases without extinguishing by such

payment one dollar of these notes.

"When, added to all this, we are reminded that to carry on

this astounding financial scheme the Government has incurred a

bonded indebtedness of $95,500,000 in establishing a gold

reserve, and of $162,315,400 in efforts to maintain it; that

the annual interest charge on such bonded indebtedness is more

than $11,000,000; that a continuance of our present course may

result in further bond issues, and that we have suffered or

are threatened with all this for the sake of supplying gold

for foreign shipment or facilitating its hoarding at home, a

situation is exhibited which certainly ought to arrest

attention and provoke immediate legislative relief.

"I am convinced the only thorough and practicable remedy for

our troubles is found in the retirement and cancellation of

our United States notes, commonly called greenbacks, and the

outstanding Treasury notes issued by the Government in payment

of silver purchases under the act of 1890. I believe this

could be quite readily accomplished by the exchange of these

notes for United States bonds, of small as well as large

denominations, bearing a low rate of interest. They should be

long-term bonds, thus increasing their desirability as

investments, and because their payment could be well postponed

to a period far removed from present financial burdens and

perplexities, when with increased prosperity and resources

they would be more easily met. …

"Whatever is attempted should be entered upon fully

appreciating the fact that by careless easy descent we have

reached a dangerous depth, and that our ascent will not be

accomplished without laborious toil and struggle. We shall be

wise if we realize that we are financially ill and that our

restoration to health may require heroic treatment and

unpleasant remedies.

"In the present stage of our difficulty it is not easy to

understand how the amount of our revenue receipts directly

affects it. The important question is not the quantity of

money received in revenue payments, but the kind of money we

maintain and our ability to continue in sound financial

condition. We are considering the Government's holdings of

gold as related to the soundness of our money and as affecting

our national credit and monetary strength. If our gold reserve

had never been impaired; if no bonds had ever been issued to

replenish it; if there had been no fear and timidity

concerning our ability to continue gold payments; if any part

of our revenues were now paid in gold, and if we could look to

our gold receipts as a means of maintaining a safe reserve,

the amount of our revenues would be an influential factor in

the problem. But unfortunately all the circumstances that

might lend weight to this consideration are entirely lacking.

In our present predicament no gold is received by the

Government in payment of revenue charges, nor would there be

if the revenues were increased. The receipts of the Treasury,

when not in silver certificates, consist of United States

notes and Treasury notes issued for silver purchases. These

forms of money are only useful to the Government in paying its

current ordinary expenses, and its quantity in Government

possession does not in the least contribute toward giving us

that kind of safe financial standing or condition which is

built on gold alone.

{562}

"If it is said that these notes if held by the Government can

be used to obtain gold for our reserve, the answer is easy.

The people draw gold from the Treasury on demand upon United

States notes and Treasury notes, but the proposition that the

Treasury can on demand draw gold from the people upon them

would be regarded in these days with wonder and amusement; and

even if this could be done there is nothing to prevent those thus

parting with their gold from regaining it the next day or the

next hour by the presentation of the notes they received in

exchange for it. The Secretary of the Treasury might use such

notes taken from a surplus revenue to buy gold in the market.

Of course he could not do this without paying a premium.

Private holders of gold, unlike the Government, having no

parity to maintain, would not be restrained from making the

best bargain possible when they furnished gold to the

Treasury; but the moment the Secretary of the Treasury bought

gold on any terms above par he would establish a general and

universal premium upon it, thus breaking down the parity

between gold and silver, which the Government is pledged to

maintain, and opening the way to new and serious

complications. In the meantime the premium would not remain

stationary, and the absurd spectacle might be presented of a

dealer selling gold to the Government and with United States

notes or Treasury notes in his hand immediately clamoring for

its return and a resale at a higher premium.

"It may be claimed that a large revenue and redundant receipts

might favorably affect the situation under discussion by

affording an opportunity of retaining these notes in the

Treasury when received, and thus preventing their presentation

for gold. Such retention to be useful ought to be at least

measurably permanent; and this is precisely what is

prohibited, so far as United States notes are concerned, by

the law of 1878, forbidding their further retirement. That

statute in so many words provides, that these notes when

received into the Treasury and belonging to the United States

shall be 'paid out again and kept in circulation.'"

United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),

1895-1896, page 27.

"The difficulty which had been anticipated in keeping gold in

the treasury became acute as a result of the president's

Venezuelan message of December 17. The 'war scare' which was

caused by that document was attended by a panic on the London

Exchange, which communicated itself to the Continental

exchanges and produced at once serious consequences in New

York. Prices fell heavily, some failures were reported, and

the withdrawal of gold from the treasury assumed great

proportions. On the 20th the reserve had gone down to

$69,650,000, ten millions less than three weeks earlier, with

future large reductions obviously near at hand. The president

accordingly on that day sent to Congress a special message,

stating the situation, alluding to the effect of his recently

announced foreign policy, and declaring that the result

conveyed a 'warning that even the patriotic sentiment of our

people is not an adequate substitute for a sound financial

policy.' He asked Congress to postpone its holiday recess

until something had been done to reassure the apprehensive

among the people, but declared that in any case he should use

every means in the power of the executive to maintain the

country's credit. The suggestion was acted upon. …

"On December 26 two bills were introduced in the House of

Representatives by Chairman Dingley of the ways and means

committee. Adopting the view maintained by the Republicans,

that the chief cause of the difficulty in maintaining the gold

reserve was the deficiency in the revenue, he proposed first a

bill 'to temporarily increase the revenues.' This provided

that until August 1, 1898, the customs duties on most

varieties of wool and woolen goods and on lumber, should stand

at 60 per cent of those imposed by the McKinley Act of 1890,

and that the duties in all the other schedules of the tariff,

except sugar, should, with slight exceptions, be increased by

15 per cent over those of the existing law. This bill passed

the House on the 27th by a party vote of 205 to 81. On the

following day the second bill, 'to maintain and protect the

coin redemption fund,' was passed by 170 to 136,—47

Republicans in the minority. This bill authorized the

secretary of the treasury to procure coin for redeeming

legal-tenders by the sale of three-per-cent five-year bonds,

and to provide for temporary deficiencies by the issue of

three-year three-per-cent certificates of indebtedness in

small denominations. The administration was as little

satisfied with this bill as with that changing the tariff, and

proceeded with the bond issue. …

"The failure of the bills in the Senate was foreseen, but the

precise form in which it was manifested excited some surprise.

On February 1, [1896], the bond bill was transformed by the

adoption of a substitute providing for the free coinage of

silver, and this was passed by a vote of 42 to 35. On the 14th

the House refused, by 215 to 90, to concur in the Senate's

amendment, and the whole subject was dropped. Meanwhile the

Senate finance committee had reported a free-coinage

substitute for the House tariff bill also. But after this

further exhibition of their strength the silver senators

refused to go further, and on February 25 joined with the

Democrats in rejecting, by 33 to 22, a motion to take up the

bill for consideration. This vote was recognized as finally

disposing of the measure."

Political Science Quarterly,

June, 1896.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-December).

Plans for coast defense.

In his annual report to the President, 1895, the Secretary of

War wrote as follows of pending plans for coast defense, and

of the progress of work upon them:

"In your annual message transmitted to Congress in December,

1886, attention was directed to the urgent necessity for

seacoast defense in these words: 'The defenseless condition of

our seacoast and lake frontier is perfectly palpable; the

examinations made must convince us all that certain of our

cities should be fortified and that work on the most important

of these fortifications should be commenced at once.' … Since

that time the condition of these defenses has been under grave

consideration by the people and by this Department. Its

inadequacy and impotency have been so evident that the

intelligence of the country long since ceased to discuss that

humiliating phase of the subject, but has addressed itself to

the more practical undertaking of urging more rapid progress

in the execution of the plan of defense devised by the

Endicott Board in 1886, with subsequent slight modifications.

That plan contemplated a system of fortifications at 27 ports

(to which Puget Sound was subsequently added), requiring 677

guns and 824 mortars of modern construction, at a cost of

$97,782,800, excluding $28,595,000 for floating batteries. By

an immediate appropriation at that time of $21,500,000 and an

annual appropriation of $9,000,000 thereafter, as then

recommended, the system of land defenses could have been

completed in 1895.

{563}

"The original plan contemplated an expenditure of $97,782,800

by the end of the present year. The actual expenditures and

appropriations for armament and emplacements have, however,

been but $10,631,000. The first appropriation for guns was

made only seven years ago and the first appropriation for

emplacements was made only five years ago. The average annual

appropriations for these two objects has been less than

$1,500,000. The work has therefore been conducted at about

one-seventh the rate proposed. If future appropriations for

the manufacture of guns, mortars, and carriages be no larger

than the average authorized for the purpose since 1888, it

will require twenty-two years more to supply the armament of

the eighteen important ports for which complete projects are

approved. If the appropriations for the engineer work are to

continue at the rate of the annual appropriations since 1890,

it will require seventy years to complete the emplacements and

platforms for this armament for the ports referred to."

Report of the Secretary of War, 1895,

page 19 (54th Congress, 1st Session,

House Document volume 1).

In his Message of the following year, the subject was touched

upon by the President, as follows:

"During the past year rapid progress has been made toward the

completion of the scheme adopted for the erection and armament

of fortifications along our seacoast, while equal progress has

been made in providing the material for submarine defense in

connection with these works. … We shall soon have complete

about one-fifth of the comprehensive system, the first step in

which was noted in my message to the Congress of December 4,

1893. When it is understood that a masonry emplacement not

only furnishes a platform for the heavy modern high-power gun,

but also in every particular serves the purpose and takes the

place of the fort of former days, the importance of the work

accomplished is better comprehended. In the hope that the work

will be prosecuted with no less vigor in the future, the

Secretary of War has submitted an estimate by which, if

allowed, there will be provided and either built or building

by the end of the next fiscal year such additional guns,

mortars, gun carriages, and emplacements, as will represent

not far from one-third of the total work to be done under the

plan adopted for our coast defenses—thus affording a prospect

that the entire work will be substantially completed within

six years. In less time than that, however, we shall have

attained a marked degree of security. The experience and

results of the past year demonstrate that with a continuation

of present careful methods the cost of the remaining work will

be much less than the original estimate. We should always keep

in mind that of all forms of military preparation coast

defense alone is essentially pacific in its nature."

Message of the President, 1896

(54th Congress, 2d Session, House Document, volume 1).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January).

Admission of Utah to the Union.

See (in this volume)

UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January-February).

Appointment of commission to investigate the

Venezuela boundary.

Re-opening of discussion with Great Britain on the

arbitration of the dispute.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).

New treaty with Great Britain for arbitration of

Bering Sea claims.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).

Weyler made Governor of Cuba.

His Concentration Order.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (March).

Removal of Confederate disabilities.

The following enactment of Congress, which may, with

propriety, be styled an "Act of Oblivion," was approved by the

President on the 31st of March, 1896:

"That section twelve hundred and eighteen of the Revised

Statutes of the United States, as amended by chapter forty-six

of the laws of 1884, which section is as follows: 'No person

who held a commission in the Army or Navy of the United States

at the beginning of the late rebellion, and afterwards served

in any capacity in the military, naval, or civil service of

the so-called Confederate States, or of either of the States

in insurrection during the late rebellion, shall be appointed

to any position in the Army or Navy of the United States,' be,

and the same is hereby, repealed."

United States of America, Statutes at Large,

volume 29, page 84.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (May).

Extension of civil service rules by President Cleveland.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (June-November).

The Presidential election.

The silver question at issue.

Party Platforms and Nominations.

A national conference held at Washington, in March, 1895, may

be looked upon as the beginning of a widely and powerfully

organized movement to force the demand for a free and

unlimited coinage of silver, on equal terms, as legal tender

money, with gold, into the front of the issues of the

presidential canvass of 1896. The agitation then projected was

carried on with extraordinary ardor and skill and had

astonishing success. It was helped by the general depression

of business in the country, and especially by the long

continued ruling of low prices for the produce of the

farms,—for all of which effects the gold standard of values

was held to be the one relentless cause. In both political

parties the free silver propaganda was pushed with startling

effect, and there seemed to be doubt, for a time, whether the

controlling politicians in either would take an opposing

stand. Southern influences proved decisive of the result in

the Democratic party; eastern influences in that of the

Republicans. The ranks of the former were swept rapidly into

the movement for free silver, and the party chiefs of the

latter were driven to a conflict with it, not wholly by

convictions or will of their own. During the spring and early

summer of 1896, the Democratic Party in State after State

became committed on the question, by declarations for the

unlimited free coinage of silver, at the ratio of 16 to 1;

until there was tolerable certainty, some weeks before the

meeting of the national convention, that its nominee for

President must be one who represented that demand. How

positively the Republican Party would champion the gold

monetary standard was somewhat less assured, though its stand

on that side had been taken in a general way.

{564}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

Republican Platform and Nominations.

The Republican national convention was held at St. Louis, on

the 16th, 17th and 18th of June. The "platform" reported by

the committee on resolutions was adopted without amendment on

the last named date. Its declarations were as follows:

"The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their

representatives in National Convention, appealing for the

popular and historical justification of their claims to the

matchless achievements of the thirty years of Republican rule,

earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened

intelligence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen

in the following declaration of facts and principles:

"For the first time since the civil war the American people

have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and

unrestricted Democratic control of the Government. It has been

a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster.

In administrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed

indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out

ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the

public debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an

adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over

the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien

syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of

successful Republican rule.

"In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic,

blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed

factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and

crippled American production while stimulating foreign

production for the American market. Every consideration of

public safety and individual interest demands that the

Government shall be rescued from the hands of those who have

shown themselves incapable to conduct it without disaster at

home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party

which for thirty years administered it with unequalled success

and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the

wisdom, patriotism, and the success of the administration of

President Harrison.

"We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of

protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence

and the foundation of American development and prosperity.

This true American policy taxes foreign products and

encourages home industry; it puts the burden of revenue on

foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American

producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the

American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the

farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign

demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the

strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable

application it is just, fair, and impartial; equally opposed

to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional

discrimination, and individual favoritism.

"We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional,

injurious to the public credit, and destructive to business

enterprise. "We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign

imports which come into competition with American products as

will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary

expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor

from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not

pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is

a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the

time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising

principle is the protection and development of American labor

and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then

it wants rest.

"We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements

negotiated by the last Republican administration was a

national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension

on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations,

remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of

American products in the ports of other countries, and secure

enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and

factories.

See, in volume 5,

TARIFF LEGISLATION (UNITED STATES):

A. D. 1890, and 1894.

"Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican

policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly

struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection

for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of

life which we do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual

interests which again open markets for us in return for our

open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry

and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity

builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus.

We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith

with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party

favors such protection as will lead to the production on

American soil of all the sugar which the American people use,

and for which they pay other countries more than $100,000,000

annually. To all our products—to those of the mine and the

fields as well as to those of the shop and the factory—to

hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep

husbandry, as well as to the finished woollens of the mill—we

promise the most ample protection.

"We favor restoring the early American policy of

discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant

marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign

carrying trade, so that American ships—the product of American

labor, employed in American shipyards, sailing under the Stars

and Stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by Americans—may

regain the carrying of our foreign commerce.

"The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It

caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption

of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been

as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure

calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our

country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of

silver except by international agreement with the leading

commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to

promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing

gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper

currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor

all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations

of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper,

at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened

nations of the earth.

{565}

"The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive

fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable,

they should be given the preference in the matter of

employment, and they are entitled to the enactment of such

laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the

pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril.

We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau, so recklessly

and unjustly carried on by the present administration, of

reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the

rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American

people.

"Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and

dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere

carefully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be

controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should

be permitted to interfere with them; the Nicaraguan Canal

should be built, owned, and operated by the United States; and

by the purchase of the Danish Islands we should secure a

proper and much needed naval station in the West Indies.

"The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and

just indignation of the American people, and we believe that

the United States should exercise all the influence it can

properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey

American residents have been exposed to the gravest dangers

and American property destroyed. There and everywhere American

citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at

all hazards and at any cost.

"We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent, and we

reaffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine

effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for

friendly intervention in case of European encroachment. We

have not interfered with and shall not interfere with the

existing possessions of any European power in this hemisphere,

but those possessions must not on any pretext be extended. We

hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of European

powers from this hemisphere and to the ultimate union of all

the English-speaking parts of the continent by the free

consent of its inhabitants.

"From the hour of achieving their own independence the people

of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles

of other American people to free themselves from European

domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic

battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression,

and our best hopes go out for the full success of their

determined contest for liberty. The Government of Spain having

lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property

or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its

treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the

United States should actively use its influence and good

offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.

"The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of

its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a

naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility.

We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a

complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses.

"For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship

and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal

competition of low-priced labor, we demand that the

immigration laws be thoroughly enforced and so extended as to

exclude from entrance to the United States those who can

neither read nor write.

"The civil-service law was placed on the statute book by the

Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew

our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and

honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.

"We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be

allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that

such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast.

"We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized

and barbarous practice, well known as lynching or killing of

human beings suspected or charged with crime, without process

of law. We favor the creation of a National board of

arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise

between employers and employed engaged in interstate commerce.

"We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead

policy of the Republican party, and urge the passage by

Congress of a satisfactory free-homestead measure such as has

already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate.

"We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the

earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests

of the people of the Territories and of the United States. All

the Federal officers appointed for the Territories should be

selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of

self-government should be accorded as far as practicable.

"We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation

in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful

legislation may be intelligently enacted.

"We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen

and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.

"The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests

of women. Protection of American industries includes equal

opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the

home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of

usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the

country from Democratic and Populist mismanagement and

misrule.

"Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party.

By these principles we will abide and these policies we will

put into execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment

of the American people. Confident alike in the history of our

great party and in the justice of our cause, we present our

platform and our candidates in the full assurance that the

election will bring victory to the Republican party and

prosperity to the people of the United States."

Before the adoption of this platform, a motion to amend its

currency "plank," by substituting a declaration in favor of

"the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money," was

laid on the table by a vote of 818½ to 105½. A protest from

delegates representing Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, Utah, Montana

and South Dakota was then read, and twenty-two withdrew from

the convention, as a sign of secession from the party.

{566}

Immediately following the adoption of the platform, the

Honorable William McKinley, ex-Governor of Ohio, and of fame

in his connection with the tariff act of 1890, was nominated

on the first ballot for President of the United States, by

661½ votes against 240½ divided among several opposing

candidates, and the nomination was then made unanimous. For

Vice President, the Honorable Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey,

was named, and similarly by the first voting.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

Democratic Platform and Nominations.

The Democratic national convention was held in Chicago, July

7-11. The delegates who came to it from the southern States,

and from most of the States west of Ohio, were arrayed with a

close approach to solid ranks for free silver; while those

from New England and the Middle States opposed them in a

phalanx almost equally firm. The "Gold Democrats" or "Sound

Money Democrats," as the latter were called, ably led by

ex-Governor Hill, of New York, fought hard to the end, but

without avail. The financial resolution they strove to place

in the platform was the following:

"We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the

United States alone of free-silver coinage, and a change in

the existing standard of value independently of the action of

other great nations, would not only imperil our finances, but

would retard or entirely prevent the establishment of

international bimetallism, to which the efforts of the

government should be steadily directed. It would place this

country at once upon a silver basis, impair contracts, disturb

business, diminish the purchasing power of the wages of labor,

and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation's commerce and

industry.

"Until international co-operation among leading nations for

the coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid

maintenance of the existing gold standard as essential to the

preservation of our national credit, the redemption of our

public pledges, and the keeping inviolate of our country's

honor. We insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at

a parity with gold. The democratic party is the party of hard

money, and is opposed to legal-tender paper money as a part of

our permanent financial system; and we therefore favor the

gradual retirement and cancellation of all United States notes

and treasury notes, under such legislative provisions as will

prevent undue contraction. We demand that the national credit

shall be resolutely maintained at all times and under all

circumstances. "

This resolution was rejected by 626 votes against 303. Another

resolution from the same source, commending "the honesty,

economy, courage and fidelity" of the "democratic national

administration" of President Cleveland, was voted down by 564

to 357. Resolutions to protect existing contracts against a

change of monetary standard, and to provide for a suspension

of silver free coinage, at the ratio of 16 to 1, after trial

for one year, if it failed to maintain parity between silver

and gold, were similarly voted down. The declarations then

adopted, for the "platform" of the party, were as follows:

"We, the Democrats of the United States, in National

Convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those

great essential principles of justice and liberty upon which

our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party

has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own—freedom of

speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the

preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens

before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional

limitations.

"During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the

tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of

governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity

of the dual scheme of government established by the founders

of this Republic of republics. Under its guidance and

teachings the great principle of local self-government has

found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of

the States and in its assertion of the necessity of confining

the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted

by the Constitution of the United States.

"Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all

others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the

Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the

money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage

law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver

dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at

a ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit.

"We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without

the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted

in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the

prices of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase

in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and

private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and

abroad; prostration of industry and impoverishment of the

people.

"We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has

locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the

paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British

policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into

financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American but

anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States

only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which

proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in

the war of the Revolution.

"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and

silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without

waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand

that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender,

equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we

favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the

demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private

contract.

"We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to

the holders of the obligations of the United States the option

reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such

obligations in either silver coin or gold coin.

"We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of

the United States in time of peace, and condemn the

trafficking with banking syndicates which, in exchange for

bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the

Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold

monometallism.

{567}

"Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and

President Jackson declared that this power could not be

delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand

that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken

from the National banks, and that all paper money shall be

issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in

coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private.

"We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes

of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate

equally throughout the country and not discriminate between

class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the

needs of the Government honestly and economically

administered.

"We denounce, as disturbing to business, the Republican threat

to restore the:McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by

the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the

false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific

breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the

expense of the many, restricted trade, and deprived the

producers of the great American staples of access to their

natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are

opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff

laws, except such as are necessary to make the deficit in

revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on

the income tax.

"There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the

annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic

Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that

court for nearly 100 years, that court having sustained

constitutional objections to its enactment which had been

overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that

bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all

the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or

which may come by its reversal by the court, as it may

hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may

be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may

bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government.

"We hold that the most efficient way to protect American labor

is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to

compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the

home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly

reduced by a vicious monetary system, which depresses the

prices of their products below the cost of production, and

thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of

our home manufacture.

"We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the

people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of

recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high,

while the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products

of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no

longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to

that simplicity and economy which best befit a Democratic

Government and a reduction in the number of useless offices,

the salaries of which drain the substance of the people.

"We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in

local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United

States and a crime against free institutions, and we

especially object to government by injunction as a new and

highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges,

in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens,

become at once legislators, judges, and executioners, and we

approve the bill passed at the last session of the United

States Senate, and now pending in the House, relative to

contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury

in certain cases of contempt.

"No discrimination should be indulged by the Government of the

United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of

the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific

Railroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present

Republican Congress to enact a similar measure.

"Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we

heartily endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of

Pensions that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the

pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should

be deemed conclusive evidence against disease or disability

before enlistment.

"We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic

struggle for liberty and independence.

"We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor

appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of office, and such

an administration of the civil-service laws as will afford

equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness.

"We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic,

established by custom and usage of 100 years, and sanctioned

by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who

founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should

be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office.

"The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our

leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools

require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those

arteries of commerce. ''We demand the enlargement of the

powers of the Inter-state Commerce Commission, and such

restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as

will protect the people from robbery and oppression.

"We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico and

Arizona into the Union as States, and we favor the early

admission of all the Territories giving the necessary

population and resources to entitle them to Statehood; and

while they remain Territories we hold that the officials

appointed to administer the government of any Territory,

together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be

bona fide residents of the Territory or District in which

their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party

believes in home rule, and that all public lands of the United

States should be appropriated to the establishment of free

homes for American citizens.

"We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a

Delegate in Congress, and that the general land and timber

laws of the United States be extended to said Territory.

"The Federal Government should care for and improve the

Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic so

as to secure for the interior people easy and cheap

transportation to tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic

is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Government,

such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous

work until permanent improvement is secured.

{568}

"Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of

its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration

of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the

American people. We invite the support of all citizens who

approve them, and who desire to have them made effective

through legislation for the relief of the people and the

restoration of the country's prosperity."

In the course of the debate upon the silver question, a speech

of impassioned eloquence was made by William J. Bryan, of

Nebraska, who had represented his district in Congress for two

terms, 1891-1894, and who was rising to prominence among the

leaders of the free-silver Democracy of the west. The speech

excited an enthusiasm and an admiration which led to the

nomination of Mr. Bryan for the presidency. That unexpected

choice was reached after four ballots, in each of which the

votes for the Nebraska orator rose steadily in number. At the

fifth ballot they had passed the requisite two-thirds, and his

nomination was declared to be unanimous, though protests were

made. The entire delegation from New York and many delegates

from New England and New Jersey cast no votes, refusing to

take any part in the nomination of a candidate on the platform

laid down. The chosen candidate for Vice President was Arthur

Sewall, of Maine.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

The National Silver Party.

The considerable body of Republicans who desired an unlimited

free coinage of silver, and were prepared to quit their party

on that issue, had made efforts to persuade the Democratic

convention at Chicago to accept their leader, Senator Teller,

of Colorado, for its presidential candidate. Failing in that,

they assembled a convention of delegates at St. Louis, July

22-24, and, under the name of the "National Silver Party,"

took the alternative method of uniting the free-silver

Republican vote with that of the free-silver Democracy, by

accepting the Democratic nominations as their own. William J.

Bryan and Arthur Sewall were duly nominated for President and

Vice President, and a "platform" set forth as follows:

"The National Silver Party in Convention assembled hereby

adopts the following declaration of principles:

"First. The paramount issue at this time in the United States

is indisputably the money question. It is between the gold

standard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side and

the bimetallic standard, no bonds, and Government currency on

the other.

"On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a

distinctively American financial system. We are unalterably

opposed to the single gold standard, and demand the immediate

return to the constitutional standard of gold and silver, by

the restoration by this Government, independently of any

foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both gold and

silver into standard money at the ratio of sixteen to one, and

upon terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873;

the silver coin to be a full legal tender equally with gold

for all debts and dues, private and public, and we favor such

legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization

of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract.

"We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper

currency is inseparable from the power to coin money, and

hence that all currency intended to circulate as money should

be issued, and its volume controlled by the General Government

only, and should be legal tender.

"We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States

of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as

a blunder worse than a crime the present Treasury policy,

concurred in by a Republican House, of plunging the country in

debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain

the gold standard by borrowing gold, and we demand the payment

of all coin obligations of the United States as provided by

existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of

the Government and not at the option of the creditor.

"The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the

demand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering

all prices measured by that standard; and since that unjust

and indefensible act the prices of American products have

fallen upon an average nearly fifty per cent., carrying down

with them proportionately the money value of all other forms

of property. Such fall of prices has destroyed the profits of

legitimate industry, injuring the producer for the benefit of

the non-producer, increasing the burden of the debtor,

swelling the gains of the creditor, paralyzing the productive

energies of the American people, relegating to idleness vast

numbers of willing workers, sending the shadows of despair

into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with

tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the

money centres.

"In the effort to maintain the gold standard the country has,

within the last two years, in a time of profound peace and

plenty, been loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional

interest-bearing debt, under such circumstances as to allow a

syndicate of native and foreign bankers to realize a net

profit of millions on a single deal.

"It stands confessed that the gold standard can only be upheld

by so depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of

our product below the European and even below the Asiatic

level to enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus

aggravating the very evils our people so bitterly complain of,

degrading American labor, and striking at the foundations of

our civilization itself.

"The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that

the cause of our distress is over-production; that we have

produced so much that it has made us poor—which implies that

the true remedy is to close the factory, abandon the farm, and

throw a multitude of people out of employment, a doctrine that

leaves us unnerved and disheartened, and absolutely without

hope for the future.

"We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such

economic paradox as over-production, and at the same time tens

of thousands of our fellow-citizens remaining half-clothed and

half-fed, and who are piteously clamoring for the common

necessities of life.

{569}

"Second. That over and above all other questions of policy we

are in favor of restoring to the people of the United States

the time-honored money of the Constitution—gold and silver,

not one, but both—the money of Washington and Hamilton and

Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson and Lincoln, to the end that

the American people may receive honest pay for an honest

product; that the American debtor may pay his just obligations

in an honest standard, and not in a standard that has depreciated

100 per cent. above all the great staples of our country, and

to the end further that the standard countries may be deprived

of the unjust advantage they now enjoy in the difference in

exchange between gold and silver—an advantage which tariff

legislation alone cannot overcome.

"We therefore confidently appeal to the people of the United

States to leave in abeyance for the moment all other

questions, however important and even momentous they may

appear, to sunder, if need be, all former party ties and

affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to free

themselves and their children from the domination of the money

power—a power more destructive than any which has ever been

fastened upon the civilized men of any race or in any age, and

upon the consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the

gracious favor of Divine Providence.

"Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago convention

embodied in the financial plank of its platform the principles

enunciated in the platform of the American Bimetallic party,

promulgated at Washington, D. C., January 22, 1896, and herein

reiterated, which is not only the paramount but the only real

issue in the pending campaign, therefore, recognizing that

their nominees embody these patriotic principles, we recommend

that this convention nominate William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, for

President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice President."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

People's or Populist Party Platform and Nominations.

The People's Party, more commonly called the Populist Party,

held its national convention at St. Louis on the 22d-25th of

July, simultaneously with that of the National Silver Party,

and with strong influences urging it to act on the same line.

One section of the party strove to bring about a complete

endorsement of the Democratic nominations made at Chicago.

Another section, styled the "Middle-of-the-Road" Populists,

opposed any coalition with other parties; while a third wished

to nominate Bryan, with a Populist candidate for Vice

President, looking to an arrangement with the Democratic

organization for a fusion of electoral tickets in various

States. The idea of the latter prevailed, and William J. Bryan

was nominated for President, with Thomas E. Watson, of

Georgia, for Vice President. The People's Party had little

disagreement with the Chicago declarations of the Democratic

Party, and none at all on financial questions, concerning

which its doctrines were set forth in the following platform:

"The People's Party, assembled in National Convention,

reaffirms its allegiance to the principles declared by the

founders of the Republic, and also to the fundamental

principles of just government as enunciated in the platform of

the party in 1892.

"We recognize that through the connivance of the present and

preceding administrations the country has reached a crisis in

its National life, as predicted in our declaration of four

years ago, and that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme

duty of the hour.

"We realize that while we have political independence, our

financial and industrial independence is yet to be attained by

restoring to our country the constitutional control and

exercise of the functions necessary to a people's government,

which functions have been basely surrendered by our public

servants to corporations and monopolies. The influence of

European money-changers has been more potent in shaping

legislation than the voice of the American people. Executive

power and patronage have been used to corrupt our legislatures

and defeat the will of the people, and plutocracy has been

enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. To restore the

government intended by the fathers, and for the welfare and

prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the

establishment of an economic and financial system which shall

make us masters of our own affairs and independent of European

control, by the adoption of the following declaration of

principles:

"We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the

general government only, without the intervention of banks of

issue, to be a full legal tender for an debts, public and

private, and a just, equitable, and efficient means of

distribution direct to the people and through the lawful

disbursements of the Government.

"We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and

gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without

waiting for the consent of foreign nations.

"We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily

increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the

business population of this country and to restore the just

level of prices of labor and production.

"We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public

interest-bearing bond debt made by the present administration

as unnecessary and without authority of law, and we demand

that no more bonds be issued except by specific act of

Congress.

"We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization

of the lawful money of the United States by private contract.

"We demand that the Government, in payment of its obligations,

shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which

they are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding

administrations for surrendering this option to the holders of

government obligations.

"We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggregated

wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation, and we

denounce the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to

the income-tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution

and an invasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the

subject of taxation.

"We demand that postal savings banks be established by the

Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people

and to facilitate exchange.

"Transportation being a means of exchange and a public

necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads

in the interest of the people and on non-partisan basis, to

the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in

transportation, and that the tyranny and political power now

exercised by the great railroad corporations, which result in

the impairment if not the destruction of the political rights

and personal liberties of the citizens, may be destroyed. Such

ownership is to be accomplished gradually, in a manner

consistent with sound public policy.

{570}

"The interest of the United States in the public highways

built with public moneys and the proceeds of extensive grants

of land to the Pacific railroads should never be alienated,

mortgaged, or sold, but guarded and protected for the general

welfare as provided by the laws organizing such railroads. The

foreclosure of existing liens of the United States on these

roads should at once follow default in the payment of the debt

of the companies, and at the foreclosure sales of said roads

the Government should purchase the same if it becomes

necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be

purchased at a reasonable price; and the Government should

operate said railroads as public highways for the benefit of

the whole and not in the interest of the few, under suitable

provisions for protection of life and property, giving to all

transportation interests and privileges and equal rates for

fares and freight.

"We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding those

debts and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be

executed and administered according to their true intent and

spirit.

"The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity

for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by

the Government in the interest of the people.

"The true policy demands that the National and State

legislation shall be such as will ultimately enable every

prudent and industrious citizen to secure a home, and

therefore the land should not be monopolized for speculative

purposes.

"All land now held by railroads and other corporations in

excess of their actual needs should by lawful means be

reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only,

and private land monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should

be prohibited.

"We condemn the frauds by which the land grant to the Pacific

Railroad Companies have, through the connivance of the

Interior Department, robbed multitudes of bona fide settlers

of their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand

legislation by Congress which will enforce the exemption of

mineral land from such grants after as well as before patent.

"We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be

granted free homes, as provided in the National homestead law,

and that no exception be made in the case of Indian

reservations when opened for settlement, and that all lands

not now patented come under this demand.

"We favor a system of direct legislation through the

initiative and referendum under proper constitutional

safeguards.

"We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and

United States Senators by a direct vote of the people.

"We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest

sympathy in their heroic struggle for political freedom and

independence, and we believe the time has come when the United

States, the great Republic of the world, should recognize that

Cuba is and of right ought to be a free and independent State.

"We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of

Columbia and the early admission of the Territories as States.

"All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price

of labor and its products.

"In times of great industrial depression idle labor should be

employed on public works as far as practicable.

"The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison

citizens for indirect contempt and ruling by injunction should

be prevented by proper legislation.

"We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers.

"Believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot

are essential to a government of, for, and by the people, the

People's Party condemn the wholesale system of

disfranchisement adopted in some States as unrepublican and

undemocratic, and we declare it to be the duty of the several

State legislatures to take such action as will secure a full,

free, and fair ballot and an honest count.

"While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon

which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its

organization will be maintained, we recognize that the great

and pressing issue of the pending campaign, upon which the

present Presidential election will turn, is the financial

question, and upon this great and specific issue between the

parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation of all

organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon this vital

question."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

National Democratic Platform and Nominations.

An extensive revolt in the Democratic Party against the

declarations and the action of the party convention at Chicago

had been quickly made manifest, and steps were soon taken

towards giving it an organized form. These led to the

assembling of a convention of delegates at Indianapolis, on

the 2d and 3d of September, which, in the name of the

"National Democratic Party," repudiated the platform and the

candidates put forward at Chicago, and branded them as false

to the historic party name which they assumed. General John M.

Palmer, of Illinois, was put in nomination for President, and

General Simon Bolivar Buckner, of Kentucky, for Vice

President, of the United States, and a declaration of

Democratic principles adopted, the fundamental passages of

which are quoted in the following:

"This convention has assembled to uphold the principles upon

which depend the honor and welfare of the American people, in

order that democrats throughout the Union may unite their

patriotic efforts to avert disaster from their country and

ruin from their party.

"The democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to

all men of every creed and condition; to the largest freedom

of the individual consistent with good government; to the

preservation of the federal government in its constitutional

vigor, and to the support of the states in all their just

rights; to economy in the public expenditures; to the

maintenance of the public faith and sound money; and it is

opposed to paternalism and all class legislation. The

declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual

freedom, the right of private contract, the independence of

the judiciary, and the authority of the president to enforce

federal laws. They advocate a reckless attempt to increase the

price of silver by legislation, to the debasement of our

monetary standard; and threaten unlimited issues of paper

money by the government.

{571}

They abandon for republican allies the democratic cause of

tariff reform, to court favor of protectionists to their

fiscal heresy. In view of these and other grave departures

from democratic principles, we cannot support the candidates

of that convention, nor be bound by its acts. The democratic

party has survived defeats, but could not survive a victory

won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its

name at Chicago.

"The conditions, however, which made possible such utterances

from a national convention, are the direct result of class

legislation by the republican party. It still proclaims, as it

has for years, the power and duty of government to raise and

maintain prices by law, and it proposes no remedy for existing

evils except oppressive and unjust taxation. … The demand of

the republican party for an increase in tariff taxation has

its pretext in the deficiency of the revenue, which has its

causes in the stagnation of trade and reduced consumption, due

entirely to the loss of confidence that has followed the

populist threat of free coinage and depreciation of our money,

and the republican practice of extravagant appropriations beyond

the needs of good government. We arraign and condemn the

populistic conventions of Chicago and St. Louis for their

cooperation with the republican party in creating these

conditions, which are pleaded in justification of a heavy

increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort to

protection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally,

free coinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of

a few at the expense of the masses; and oppose the two parties

which stand for these schemes as hostile to the people of the

republic, whose food and shelter, comfort and prosperity are

attacked by higher taxes and depreciated money. In fine, we

reaffirm the historic democratic doctrine of tariff for

revenue only. …

"The experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their

natural qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large

affairs of commerce and business, while silver is conveniently

adapted to minor transactions, and the most beneficial use of

both together can be insured only by the adoption of the

former as a standard of monetary measure, and the maintenance

of silver at a parity with gold by its limited coinage under

suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest possible

employment of both metals is gained with a value universally

accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only

practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable

standard, and especially the best and safest money for all who

earn their livelihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They

cannot suffer when paid in the best money known to man, but

are the peculiar and most defenceless victims of a debased and

fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits to the

money changer at their cost.

"Realizing these truths demonstrated by long and public

inconvenience and loss, the democratic party, in the interests

of the masses and of equal justice to all, practically

established by the legislation of 1834 and 1853 the gold

standard of monetary measurement, and likewise entirely

divorced the government from banking and currency issues. To

this long-established democratic policy we adhere, and insist

upon the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the parity

therewith of every dollar issued by the government, and are

firmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and

to the compulsory purchase of silver bullion. But we denounce

also the further maintenance of the present costly patchwork

system of national paper currency as a constant source of

injury and peril. We assert the necessity of such intelligent

currency reform as will confine the government to its

legitimate functions, completely separated from the banking

business, and afford to all sections of our country uniform,

safe, and elastic bank currency under governmental

supervision, measured in volume by the needs of business.

"The fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President

Cleveland has fulfilled his great public trust, the high

character of his administration, its wisdom and energy in the

maintenance of civil order and the enforcement of the laws,

its equal regard for the rights of every class and every

section, its firm and dignified conduct of foreign affairs,

and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit and honor

of the nation are fully recognized by the democratic party,

and will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers

of the republic. We also commend the administration for the

great progress made in the reform of the public service, and

we indorse its effort to extend the merit system still

further. We demand that no backward step be taken, but that

the reform be supported and advanced until the un-democratic

spoils system of appointments be eradicated."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

Prohibition Platform and Nominations.

The Prohibition Party had been the first to open the

presidential campaign with candidates placed in the field. Its

national convention was held at Pittsburg, on the 27th and

28th of May, and its nominees for President and Vice President

were Joshua Levering, of Maryland, and Hale Johnson, of

Illinois. But a split in the convention occurred on attempts

made to graft free-silver and kindred doctrines on the

one-issue platform which the majority of the party desired.

Except in a single particular, the latter prevailed. The

platform adopted was as follows:

"The Prohibition Party, in national convention assembled,

declares its firm conviction that the manufacture,

exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages has

produced such social, commercial, industrial, and political

wrongs, and is now so threatening the perpetuity of all our

social and political institutions, that the suppression of the

same by a national party organized therefor is the greatest

object to be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is

of such importance that it, of right, ought to control the

political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such

suppression is accomplished. The urgency of this course

demands the union without further delay of all citizens who

desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic. Therefore be it

"Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by state and

national legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale

of alcoholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to

organize and unite all the friends of prohibition into one

party; and in order to accomplish this end we deem it of right

to leave every prohibitionist the freedom of his own

convictions upon all other political questions, and trust our

representatives to take such action upon other political

questions as the changes occasioned by prohibition and the

welfare of the whole people shall demand."

{572}

Resolved, "The right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on

account of sex."

Those delegates who were dissatisfied with this platform

withdrew from the convention, assembled in another hall,

assumed the name of "The National Party," adopted the

following declarations, and nominated Charles E. Bentley, of

Nebraska, and J. II. Southgate, of North Carolina, for the two

highest offices in the national government:

"The National Party, recognizing God as the author of all just

power in government, presents the following declaration of

principles, which it pledges itself to enact into effective

legislation when given the power to do so:

"The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation,

exportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for

beverage purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating

or compromising with this traffic, whether such plans be

called local option, taxation, license, or public control. The

sale of liquors for medicinal and other legitimate uses should

be conducted by the State, without profit, and with such

regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion.

"No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of

sex.

"All money should be issued by the General Government only,

and without the intervention of any private citizen,

corporation, or banking institution. It should be based upon

the wealth, stability, and integrity of the nation. It should

be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and

should be of sufficient volume to meet the demands of the

legitimate business interests of the country. For the purpose

of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations, we

favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold,

at the ratio of sixteen to one, without consulting any other

nation.

"Land is the common heritage of the people and should be

preserved from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants

of land, subject to forfeiture, should be reclaimed by the

Government and no portion of the public domain should

hereafter be granted except to actual settlers, continuous use

being essential to tenure.

"Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should be

owned and operated by the Government, giving to the people the

benefit of service at actual cost.

"The National Constitution should be so amended as to allow

the national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of

taxation on the properties and incomes of the people, and

import duties should be levied as a means of securing

equitable commercial relations with other nations.

"The contract convict-labor system, through which speculators

are enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished.

"All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one

day of rest in seven, without oppressing any who

conscientiously observe any other than the first day of the

week.

"American public schools, taught in the English language,

should be maintained, and no public funds should be

appropriated for sectarian institutions.

"The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators

should be elected by direct vote of the people.

"Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy,

their widows, and minor children, should receive liberal

pensions, graded on disability and term of service, not merely

as a debt of gratitude, but for service rendered in the

preservation of the Union.

"Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude

paupers and criminals. None but citizens of the United States

should be allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized

citizens should not vote until one year after naturalization

papers have been issued.

"The initiative and referendum and proportional representation

should be adopted.

"Having herein presented our principles and purposes, we

invite the co-operation and support of all citizens who are

with us substantially agreed."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

Socialist-Labor Party Nominations.

Still another party which placed candidates for the presidency

and vice-presidency in nomination was the Socialist-Labor

organization, which held a convention in New York, July 4-10,

and named for the two high offices, Charles H. Matchett, of

New York, and Mathew Maguire, of New Jersey. Its platform

embodied the essential doctrines of socialism, as commonly

understood, and was as follows:

"The Socialist Labor Party of the United States, in convention

assembled, reasserts the inalienable rights of all men to

life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

"With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the

purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the

enjoyment of this right; but in the right of our conditions we

hold, furthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a

system of economic inequality, essentially destructive of

life, of liberty, and of happiness.

"With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true

theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be

owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of

our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true

theory of economics is that the machinery of production must

likewise belong to the people in common.

"To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is

the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics, can

plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the

corruption of Government by that class, the alienation of

public property, public franchises, and public functions to

that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of

nations upon that class.

"Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of

plutocracy, labor is robbed of its wealth which it alone

produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and by

compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the

necessaries of life.

"Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the

plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery, with all their

concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the people may be

kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from their

humane purpose to the enslavement of women and children.

"Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more

enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental

declaration that private property in the natural sources of

production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious

cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

{573}

"The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social

evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its

failures and crises on one hand, and the constructive

tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations

on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

"We therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States,

and upon all honest citizens, to organize under the banner of

the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware

of its rights and determined to conquer them by taking

possession of the public powers, so that, held together by an

indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying

conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary

end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes,

the restoration of the land and of all the means of

production, transportation, and distribution to the people as

a collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative

commonwealth for the present state of planless production,

industrial war, and social disorder, a commonwealth in which

every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of

his faculties, multiplied by all modern factors of

civilization.

"With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of

labor we present the following demands:

"1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the

progress of production.

"2. The United States shall obtain possession of the

railroads, canals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means

of public transportation and communication; the employés to

operate the same co-operatively under control of the Federal

Government and to elect their own superior officers, but no

employé shall be discharged for political reasons.

"3. The municipalities shall obtain possession of the local

railroads, ferries, waterworks, gas-works, electric plants,

and all industries requiring municipal franchises; the

employés to operate the same co-operatively under control of

the municipal administration and to elect their own superior

officers, but no employé shall be discharged for political

reasons.

"4. The public lands declared inalienable. Revocation of all

land grants to corporations or individuals the conditions of

which have not been complied with.

"5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue

money.

"6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific

management of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste

of the natural resources of the country.

"7. Inventions to be free to all: the inventors to be

remunerated by the nation.

"8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the

smaller incomes to be exempt.

"9. School education of all children under fourteen years of

age to be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by

public assistance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where

necessary.

"10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary

laws. Unabridged right of combination.

"11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age

and of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or

morality. Abolition of the convict-labor contract system.

"12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities

(county, State, or nation).

"13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United

States. Equalization of women's wages to those of men where

equal service is performed.

"14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all

occupations, and an efficient employers' liability law.

"15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote

upon all measures of importance according to the referendum

principle.

"16. Abolition of the veto power of the Executive (National,

State, or municipal), wherever it exists.

"17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper

legislative chambers.

"18. Municipal self-government.

"19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections.

Universal and equal right of suffrage without regard to color,

creed, or sex. Election days to be legal holidays. The

principle of proportional representation to be introduced.

"20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their

respective constituencies.

"21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United

States. Administration of justice free of charge. Abolition of

capital punishment."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.

The Canvass and Election.

The canvass which occupied the months between party

nominations and the election was the most remarkable, in many

respects, that the country had ever gone through. On both

sides of the silver question intense convictions were burning

and intense anxieties being felt. To the defenders of the gold

standard of value—the monetary standard of the world at

large—an unlimited free coinage of silver legal tender money,

at the ratio of 16 to 1, meant both dishonor and ruin—national

bankruptcy, the wreck of industry, and chaos in the commercial

world. To many of those who strove with desperate eagerness to

bring it about it meant, on the contrary, a millennial social

state, in which abundance would prevail, the goods of the

world be divided more fairly, and labor have a juster reward.

So the issue fronted each as one personal, vital, almost as of

life and death. Their conflict bore no likeness to those

commonly in politics, where consequences seem remote, vague,

general to the body politic,—not, instantly overhanging the

head of the individual citizen, as in this case they did. Not

even the patriotic and moral excitements of the canvass of

1860 produced so intense a feeling of personal interest in the

election—so painful an anxiety in waiting for its result. And

never in any former political contest had the questions

involved been debated so earnestly, studied so widely and

intently, set forth by every artifice of exposition and

illustration with so much ingenious pains. The "campaign

literature" distributed by each party was beyond computation

in quantity and beyond classification in its kinds. The

speeches of the canvass were innumerable. Mr. Bryan

contributed some hundreds, in tours which he made through the

country, and Mr. McKinley, at his home, in Canton, Ohio,

received visiting delegations from all parts of the country

and addressed them at more or less length.

{574}

With all the excitement of anxiety and the heated conflict of

beliefs there was little violence of any kind, from first to

last. The critical election day (November 3) passed with no

serious incidents of disorder. The verdict of the people,

pronounced for the preservation of the monetary standard which

the world at large has established in general use, was

accepted with the equanimity to which self-governing citizens

are trained. Nearly fourteen millions of votes were cast, of

which the Republican presidential electors received 7,104,244;

electors representing the various parties which had nominated

Mr. Bryan received, in all, 6,506,835; those on the National

Democratic ticket received 134,652; those on the Prohibition

tickets, 144,606; those on the Socialist-Labor ticket, 36,416.

In the Electoral College, there were 271 votes for McKinley,

and 176 for Bryan. The States giving their electoral votes for

McKinley were California (excepting 1 vote, cast for Bryan),

Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky

(except 1), Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,

Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota,

Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West

Virginia, Wisconsin. The States which chose electors for Bryan

were Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho,

Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska,

Nevada, North Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota,

Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wyoming, besides

the single votes won in California and Kentucky. For Vice

President, Hobart received 271 electoral votes—the same as

McKinley; but Sewall received 27 less than Bryan, that number

being cast for the Populist candidate, Watson. This was

consequent on fusion arrangements between Democrats and

Populists in 28 States.

In some States, the majority given against silver free coinage

was overwhelming, as for example, in New York, 268,000

plurality for McKinley, besides 19,000 votes cast for the

"Gold Democratic" candidate; New Jersey, 87,000 Republican

plurality and 6,000 votes for General Palmer; Pennsylvania,

295,000 and 11,000; Massachusetts, 173,000 and 11,000. On the

other hand, Texas gave Bryan a plurality of 202,000, and

Colorado 135,000.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (November).

Agreement with Great Britain for the settlement of the

Venezuela dispute.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (December).

President Cleveland on affairs in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1897.

Immigration Bill vetoed by President Cleveland.

On the 17th of December, 1896, a bill to amend the immigration

laws, which had passed the House of Representatives during the

previous session of Congress, passed the Senate, with

amendments which the House refused to accept. By conferences

between the two branches of Congress an agreement was finally

reached, in which the House concurred on the 9th of February

and the Senate on the 17th. But the President disapproved the

measure, and returned it to Congress on the 2d of March, with

his objections set forth in the following Message:

"I herewith return without approval House bill No. 7864,

entitled 'An act to amend the immigration laws of the United

States.'

"By the first section of this bill it is proposed to amend

section 1 of the act of March 3, 1891, relating to immigration

by adding to the classes of aliens thereby excluded from

admission to the United States the following: 'All persons

physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read

and write the English language or some other language; but a

person not so able to read and write who is over 50 years of

age and is the parent or grandparent of a qualified immigrant

over 21 years of age and capable of supporting such parent or

grandparent may accompany such immigrant, or such a parent or

grandparent may be sent for and come to join the family of a

child or grandchild over 21 years of age similarly qualified

and capable, and a wife or minor child not so able to read and

write may accompany or be sent for and come and join the

husband or parent similarly qualified and capable.'

"A radical departure from our national policy relating to

immigration is here presented. Heretofore we have welcomed all

who came to us from other lands except those whose moral or

physical condition or history threatened danger to our

national welfare and safety. Relying upon the zealous

watchfulness of our people to prevent injury to our political

and social fabric, we have encouraged those coming from

foreign countries to cast their lot with us and join in the

development of our vast domain, securing in return a share in

the blessings of American citizenship. A century's stupendous

growth, largely due to the assimilation and thrift of millions

of sturdy and patriotic adopted citizens, attests the success

of this generous and free-handed policy which, while guarding

the people's interests, exacts from our immigrants only

physical and moral soundness and a willingness and ability to

work. A contemplation of the grand results of this policy can

not fail to arouse a sentiment in its defense, for however it

might have been regarded as an original proposition and viewed

as an experiment its accomplishments are such that if it is to be

uprooted at this late day its disadvantages should be plainly

apparent and the substitute adopted should be just and

adequate, free from uncertainties, and guarded against

difficult or oppressive administration.

"It is not claimed, I believe, that the time has come for the

further restriction of immigration on the ground that an

excess of population overcrowds our land. It is said, however,

that the quality of recent immigration is undesirable. The

time is quite within recent memory when the same thing was

said of immigrants who, with their descendants, are now

numbered among our best citizens. It is said that too many

immigrants settle in our cities, thus dangerously increasing

their idle and vicious population. This is certainly a

disadvantage. It can not be shown, however, that it affects

all our cities, nor that it is permanent; nor does it appear

that this condition where it exists demands as its remedy the

reversal of our present immigration policy. The claim is also

made that the influx of foreign laborers deprives of the

opportunity to work those who are better entitled than they to

the privilege of earning their livelihood by daily toil. An

unfortunate condition is certainly presented when any who are

willing to labor are unemployed, but so far as this condition

now exists among our people it must be conceded to be a result

of phenomenal business depression and the stagnation of all

enterprises in which labor is a factor.

{575}

With the advent of settled and wholesome financial and

economic governmental policies and consequent encouragement to

the activity of capital the misfortunes of unemployed labor

should, to a great extent at least, be remedied. If it

continues, its natural consequences must be to check the

further immigration to our cities of foreign laborers and to

deplete the ranks of those already there. In the meantime

those most willing and best entitled ought to be able to

secure the advantages of such work as there is to do.

"It is proposed by the bill under consideration to meet the

alleged difficulties of the situation by establishing an

educational test by which the right of a foreigner to make his

home with us shall be determined. Its general scheme is to

prohibit from admission to our country all immigrants

'physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read

and write the English language or some other language,' and it

is provided that this test shall be applied by requiring

immigrants seeking admission to read and afterwards to write

not less than twenty nor more than twenty-five words of the

Constitution of the United States in some language, and that

any immigrant failing in this shall not be admitted, but shall

be returned to the country from whence he came at the expense

of the steamship or railroad company which brought him.

"The best reason that could be given for this radical

restriction of immigration is the necessity of protecting our

population against degeneration and saving our national peace

and quiet from imported turbulence and disorder. I can not

believe that we would be protected against these evils by

limiting immigration to those who can read and write in any

language twenty-five words of our Constitution. In my opinion,

it is infinitely more safe to admit a hundred thousand

immigrants who, though unable to read and write, seek among us

only a home and opportunity to work than to admit one of those

unruly agitators and enemies of governmental control who can

not only read and write, but delights in arousing by

inflammatory speech the illiterate and peacefully inclined to

discontent and tumult. Violence and disorder do not originate

with illiterate laborers. They are, rather, the victims of the

educated agitator. The ability to read and write, as required

in this bill, in and of itself affords, in my opinion, a

misleading test of contented industry and supplies

unsatisfactory evidence of desirable citizenship or a proper

apprehension of the benefits of our institutions. If any

particular element of our illiterate immigration is to be

feared for other causes than illiteracy, these causes should

be dealt with directly, instead of making illiteracy the

pretext for exclusion, to the detriment of other illiterate

immigrants against whom the real cause of complaint cannot be

alleged.

"The provisions intended to rid that part of the proposed

legislation already referred to from obvious hardship appear

to me to be indefinite and inadequate. A parent, grandparent,

wife, or minor child of a qualified immigrant, though unable

to read and write, may accompany the immigrant or be sent for

to join his family, provided the immigrant is capable of

supporting such relative. These exceptions to the general rule

of exclusion contained in the bill were made to prevent the

separation of families, and yet neither brothers nor sisters

are provided for. In order that relatives who are provided for

may be reunited, those still in foreign lands must be sent for

to join the immigrant here. What formality is necessary to

constitute this prerequisite, and how are the facts of

relationship and that the relative is sent for to be

established? Are the illiterate relatives of immigrants who

have come here under prior laws entitled to the advantage of

these exceptions? A husband who can read and write and who

determines to abandon his illiterate wife abroad will find

here under this law an absolutely safe retreat. The illiterate

relatives mentioned must not only be sent for, but such immigrant

must be capable of supporting them when they arrive. This

requirement proceeds upon the assumption that the foreign

relatives coming here are in every case, by reason of poverty,

liable to become a public charge unless the immigrant is

capable of their support. The contrary is very often true. And

yet if unable to read and write, though quite able and willing

to support themselves and their relatives here besides, they

could not be admitted under the provisions of this bill if the

immigrant was impoverished, though the aid of his fortunate

but illiterate relative might be the means of saving him from

pauperism.

"The fourth section of this bill provides—'That it shall be

unlawful for any male alien who has not in good faith made his

declaration before the proper court of his intention to become

a citizen of the United States to be employed on any public works

of the United States or to come regularly or habitually into

the United States by land or water for the purpose of engaging

in any mechanical trade or manual labor for wages or salary,

returning from time to time to a foreign country.' The fifth

section provides—'That it shall be unlawful for any person,

partnership, company, or corporation knowingly to employ any

alien coming into the United States in violation of the next

preceding section of this act.'

"The prohibition against the employment of aliens upon any

public works of the United States is in line with other

legislation of a like character. It is quite a different

thing, however, to declare it a crime for an alien to come

regularly and habitually into the United States for the

purpose of obtaining work from private parties, if such alien

returns from time to time to a foreign country, and to

constitute any employment of such alien a criminal offense.

When we consider these provisions of the bill in connection

with our long northern frontier and the boundaries of our

States and Territories, often but an imaginary line separating

them from the British dominions, and recall the friendly

intercourse between the people who are neighbors on either

side, the provisions of this bill affecting them must be

regarded as illiberal, narrow, and un-American. The residents

of these States and Territories have separate and especial

interests which in many cases make an interchange of labor

between their people and their alien neighbors most important,

frequently with the advantage largely in favor of our

citizens. This suggests the inexpediency of Federal

interference with these conditions when not necessary to the

correction of a substantial evil, affecting the general

welfare. Such unfriendly legislation as is proposed could

hardly fail to provoke retaliatory measures, to the injury of

many of our citizens who now find employment on adjoining

foreign soil.

{576}

The uncertainty of construction to which the language of these

provisions is subject is a serious objection to a statute

which describes a crime. An important element in the offense

sought to be created by these sections is the coming

'regularly or habitually into the United States.' These words

are impossible of definite and certain construction. The same

may be said of the equally important words 'returning from

time to time to a foreign country.'

"A careful examination of this bill has convinced me that for

the reasons given and others not specifically stated its

provisions are unnecessarily harsh and oppressive, and its

defects in construction would cause vexation and its operation

would result in harm to our citizens.

GROVER CLEVELAND."

In the House of Representatives, the Bill was passed again,

over the veto, by the requisite vote of two-thirds; in the

Senate it was referred to the Committee on Immigration, and no

further action was taken upon it. Therefore, it did not become

a law.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

Agitation for monetary reforms.

The Indianapolis Commission.

Secretary Gage's plan.

The Senatorial block in the way.

On November 18, 1896, the Governors of the Indianapolis Board

of Trade invited the Boards of Trade of Chicago, St. Louis,

Cincinnati, Louisville, Cleveland. Columbus, Toledo, Kansas

City, Detroit, Milwaukee, St. Paul, Des Moines, Minneapolis,

Grand Rapids, Peoria, and Omaha to a conference on the first

of December following, to consider the advisability of calling

a larger convention from commercial organizations throughout

the country for the purpose of discussing the wisdom of

selecting a non-partisan commission to formulate a sound

currency system. This preliminary conference issued a call for

a non-partisan monetary convention of business men, chosen

from boards of trade, chambers of commerce, and commercial

clubs, to meet in Indianapolis, on January 12, 1897. At the

convention there were assembled, with credentials, 299

delegates, representing business organizations and cities in

nearly every State in the Union. The result of its

deliberations was expressed in resolutions which opened as

follows:

"This convention declares that it has become absolutely

necessary that a consistent, straightforward, and deliberately

planned monetary system shall be inaugurated, the fundamental

basis of which should be: First, that the present gold

standard should be maintained. Second, that steps should be

taken to insure the ultimate retirement of all classes of

United States notes by a gradual and steady process, and so as

to avoid the injurious contraction of the currency, or

disturbance of the business interests of the country, and that

until such retirements provision should be made for a

separation of the revenue and note-issue departments of the

Treasury. Third, that a banking system be provided, which

should furnish credit facilities to every portion of the

country and a safe and elastic circulation, and especially

with a view of securing such a distribution of the loanable

capital of the country as will tend to equalize the rates of

interest in all parts thereof."

Recognizing the necessity of committing the formulation of

such a plan to a body of men trained and experienced in these

matters, a commission was proposed. In case no commission

should be authorized by Congress in the spring of 1897, the

Executive Committee of the Convention was authorized to select

a commission of eleven members, "to make thorough

investigation of the monetary affairs and needs of this

country, in all relations and aspects, and to make appropriate

suggestions as to any evils found to exist, and the remedies

therefor."

Congress did not authorize the appointment of a monetary

commission; and the Executive Committee of the Convention

selected a commission of eleven members, which began its

sittings in Washington, September 22, 1897. … The Commission

was composed as follows: George F. Edmunds, Vermont, chairman;

George E. Leighton, Missouri, vice-chairman; T. G. Bush,

Alabama; W. B. Dean, Minnesota; Charles S. Fairchild, New

York; Stuyvesant Fish, New York; J. W. Fries, North Carolina;

Louis A. Garnett, California; J. Laurence Laughlin, Illinois;

C. Stuart Patterson, Pennsylvania; Robert S. Taylor, Indiana;

and L. Carron Root and H. Parker Willis, secretaries. Early in

January, 1898, the report of the Monetary Commission was

made public, and a second convention of delegates from the

boards of trade and other commercial organizations of leading

cities in the country was called together at Indianapolis,

January 20-26, to consider its recommendations. The measures

proposed by the Commission were approved by the convention,

and were submitted to Congress by a committee appointed to

urge their enactment in law. The Secretary of the Treasury,

Mr. Gage, had already, in his first annual report and in the

draft of a bill which he laid before the House committee on

banking and currency, made recommendations which accorded in

principle with those of the Commission, differing somewhat in

details. Both plans, with some proposals from other sources,

were now taken in hand by the House committee on banking and

currency, and a bill was prepared, which the committee

reported to the House on the 15th of June. But the other

branch of Congress, the Senate, had already declared itself in

a way which forbade any hope of success. By a vote of 47 to

32, that body had resolved, on the 28th of January, that "all

the bonds of the United States issued, or authorized to be

issued, under the said acts of Congress herein before recited,

are payable, principal and interest, at the option of the

government of the United States, in silver dollars, of the

coinage of the United States, containing 412½ grains each of

standard silver: and that to restore to its coinage such

silver coins as a legal tender in payment of said bonds,

principal and interest, is not in violation of the public

faith, nor in derogation of the rights of the public

creditor." The House, by 182 to 132, had rejected this

resolution; but the Senate action had demonstrated the evident

uselessness of attempting legislation in the interest of a

monetary reform. Accordingly the House bill, after being

reported and made public, for discussion outside, was

withdrawn by the committee, and the subject rested in

Congress, while agitation in the country went on.

{577}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.

The Industrial Revolution.

"In 1865 the problem presented was this: The United States

could certainly excel any European nation in economic

competition, and possibly the whole Continent combined, if it

could utilize its resources. So much was admitted; the doubt

touched the capacity of the people to organize a system of

transportation and industry adequate to attain that end.

Failure meant certain bankruptcy. Unappalled by the magnitude

of the speculation, the American people took the risk. What

that risk was may be imagined when the fact is grasped that in

1865, with 35,000 miles of road already built, this people

entered on the construction of 160,000 miles more, at an

outlay, probably, in excess of $10,000,000,000. Such figures

convey no impression to the mind, any more than a statement of

the distance of a star. It may aid the imagination, perhaps,

to say that Mr. Giffen estimated the cost to France of the war

of 1870, including the indemnity and Alsace and Lorraine, at

less than $3,500,000,000, or about one-third of this

portentous mortgage on the future.

"As late as 1870 America remained relatively poor, for

America, so far as her export trade went, relied on

agriculture alone. To build her roads she had to borrow, and

she expected to pay dear; but she did not calculate on having

to pay twice the capital she borrowed, estimating that capital

in the only merchandise she had to sell. Yet this is very nearly

what occurred. Agricultural prices fell so rapidly that

between 1890 and 1897, when the sharpest pressure prevailed,

it took something like twice the weight of wheat or cotton to

repay a dollar borrowed in 1873, that would have sufficed to

satisfy the creditor when the debt was contracted. Merchandise

enough could not be shipped to meet the emergency, and

balances had to be paid in coin. The agony this people endured

may be measured by the sacrifice they made. At the moment of

severest contraction, in the single year 1893. the United

States parted with upwards of $87,000,000 of gold, when to

lose gold was like draining a living body of its blood. …

"What America owed abroad can never be computed; it is enough

that it reached an enormous sum, to refund which, even under

favorable circumstances, would have taken years of effort;

actually forced payment brought the nation to the brink of a

convulsion. Perhaps no people ever faced such an emergency and

paid, without recourse to war. America triumphed through her

inventive and administrative genius. Brought to a white heat

under compression, the industrial system of the Union suddenly

fused into a homogeneous mass. One day, without warning, the

gigantic mechanism operated, and two hemispheres vibrated with

the shock. In March, 1897, the vast consolidation of mines,

foundries, railroads, and steamship companies, centralized at

Pittsburg, began producing steel rails at $18 the ton, and at

a bound America bestrode the world. She had won her great

wager with fate. … The end seems only a question of time.

Europe is doomed not only to buy her raw material abroad, but

to pay the cost of transport. And Europe knew this

instinctively in March, 1897, and nerved herself for

resistance. Her best hope, next to a victorious war, lay in

imitating America, and in organizing a system of

transportation which would open up the East.

"Carnegie achieved the new industrial revolution in March,

1897. Within a twelvemonth the rival nations had emptied

themselves upon the shore of the Yellow Sea. In November

Germany seized Kiao-chau, a month later the Russians occupied

Port Arthur, and the following April the English appropriated

Wei-hai-wei; but the fact to remember is that just 400 miles

inland, due west of Kiao-chau, lies Tszechau, the centre,

according to Richthofen, of the richest coal and iron deposits

in existence. There with the rude methods used by the Chinese,

coal actually sells at 13 cents the ton. Thus it has come to

pass that the problem now being attacked by all the statesmen,

soldiers, scientific men, and engineers of the two eastern

continents is whether Russia, Germany, France, England, and

Japan, combined or separately, can ever bring these resources

on the market in competition with the United States."

B. Adams,

The New Industrial Revolution

(Atlantic Monthly, February, 1901).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (January-May).

Arbitration Treaty with Great Britain rejected by the Senate.

See, (in this volume),

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

The correspondence which took place between the governments of

the United States and Great Britain, on the subject of an

arbitration of the Venezuela Boundary dispute, having led to

the revival of a project for the negotiation of a general

treaty of arbitration, which the late American Secretary of

State, Mr. Gresham, had broached to the British government in

the spring of 1895, the terms of such an arrangement were

carefully and fully discussed between Secretary Olney and Lord

Salisbury, during the year 1896, and an agreement was reached

which took form in a solemn compact for the settlement by

arbitration of all matters in difference between the two

countries, signed at Washington on the 11th of January, 1897.

The treaty thus framed was as follows:

"ARTICLE I.

The High Contracting Parties agree to submit to Arbitration in

accordance with the provisions and subject to the limitations

of this Treaty all questions in difference between them which

they may fail to adjust by diplomatic negotiation.

"ARTICLE II.

All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which do

not in the aggregate exceed £100,000 in amount, and which do

not involve the determination of territorial claims, shall be

dealt with and decided by an Arbitral Tribunal constituted as

provided in the next following Article. In this Article and in

Article IV the words 'groups of pecuniary claims' mean

pecuniary claims by one or more persons arising out of the

same transactions or involving the same issues of law and

fact.'

"ARTICLE III.

Each of the High Contracting Parties shall nominate one

arbitrator who shall be a jurist of repute and the two

arbitrators so nominated shall within two months of the date

of their nomination select an umpire. In case they shall fail

to do so within the limit of time above mentioned, the umpire

shall be appointed by agreement between the Members for the

time being of the Supreme Court of the United States and the

Members for the time being of the Judicial Committee of the

Privy Council in Great Britain, each nominating body acting by

a majority. In case they shall fail to agree upon an umpire

within three months of the date of an application made to them

in that behalf by the High Contracting Parties or either of

them, the umpire shall be selected in the manner provided for

in Article X. The person so selected shall be the President of

the Tribunal and the award of the majority of the Members

thereof shall be final.

{578}

"ARTICLE IV.

All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which shall

exceed £100,000 in amount and all other matters in difference,

in respect of which either of the High Contracting Parties

shall have rights against the other under Treaty or otherwise,

provided that such matters in difference do not involve the

determination of territorial claims, shall be dealt with and

decided by an Arbitral Tribunal, constituted as provided in

the next following Article.

"ARTICLE V.

Any subject of Arbitration described in Article IV shall be

submitted to the Tribunal provided for by Article III, the

award of which Tribunal, if unanimous, shall be final. If not

unanimous either of the High Contracting Parties may within

six months from the date of the award demand a review thereof.

In such case the matter in controversy shall be submitted to

an Arbitral Tribunal consisting of five jurists of repute, no

one of whom shall have been a member of the Tribunal whose

award is to be reviewed and who shall be selected as follows,

viz:—two by each of the High Contracting Parties, and one, to

act as umpire, by the four thus nominated and to be chosen

within three months after the date of their nomination. In

case they shall fail to choose an umpire within the limit of

time above-mentioned, the umpire shall be appointed by

agreement between the Nominating Bodies designated in Article

III acting in the manner therein provided. In case they shall

fail to agree upon an umpire within three months of the date

of an application made to them in that behalf by the High

Contracting Parties or either of them, the umpire shall be

selected in the manner provided for in Article X. The person

so selected shall be the President of the Tribunal and the

award of the majority of the Members thereof shall be final.

"ARTICLE VI.

Any controversy which shall involve the determination of

territorial claims shall be submitted to a Tribunal composed

of six members, three of whom (subject to the provisions of

Article VIII) shall be Judges of the Supreme Court of the

United States or Justices of the Circuit Courts to be

nominated by the President of the United States, and the other

three of whom (subject to the provisions of Article VIII)

shall be Judges of the British Supreme Court of Judicature or

Members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council to be

nominated by Her Britannic Majesty, whose award by a majority

of not less than five to one shall be final. In case of an

award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award

shall also be final unless either Power shall, within three

months after the award has been reported, protest that the

same is erroneous, in which case the award shall be of no

validity. In the event of an award made by less than the

prescribed majority and protested as above provided, or if the

members of the Arbitral Tribunal shall be equally divided,

there shall be no recourse to hostile measures of any

description until the mediation of one or more friendly Powers

has been invited by one or both of the High Contracting

Parties.

"ARTICLE VII.

Objections to the jurisdiction of an Arbitral Tribunal

constituted under this Treaty shall not be taken except as

provided in this Article. If before the close of the hearing

upon a claim submitted to an Arbitral Tribunal constituted

under Article III or Article V either of the High Contracting

Parties shall move such Tribunal to decide, and thereupon it

shall decide that the determination of such claim necessarily

involves the decision of a disputed question of principle of

grave general importance affecting the national rights of such

party as distinguished from the private rights whereof it is

merely the international representative, the jurisdiction of

such Arbitral Tribunal over such claim shall cease and the

same shall be dealt with by arbitration under Article VI.

"ARTICLE VIII.

In cases where the question involved is one which concerns a

particular State or Territory of the United States, it shall

be open to the President of the United States to appoint a

judicial officer of such State or Territory to be one of the

Arbitrators under Article III or Article V or Article VI. In

like manner in cases where the question involved is one which

concerns a British Colony or possession, it shall be open to

Her Britannic Majesty to appoint a judicial officer of such

Colony or possession to be one of the Arbitrators under

Article III or Article V or Article VI.

"ARTICLE IX.

Territorial claims in this Treaty shall include all claims to

territory and all claims involving questions of servitudes,

rights of navigation and of access, fisheries and all rights

and interests necessary to the control and enjoyment of the

territory claimed by either of the High Contracting Parties.

"ARTICLE X.

If in any case the nominating bodies designated in Articles

III and V shall fail to agree upon an Umpire in accordance

with the provisions of the said Articles, the Umpire shall be

appointed by His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. Either

of the High Contracting Parties, however, may at any time give

notice to the other that, by reason of material changes in

conditions as existing at the date of this Treaty, it is of

opinion that a substitute for His Majesty should be chosen

either for all cases to arise under the Treaty or for a

particular specified case already arisen, and thereupon the

High Contracting Parties shall at once proceed to agree upon

such substitute to act either in all cases to arise under the

Treaty or in the particular case specified as may be indicated

by said notice; provided, however, that such notice shall have

no effect upon an Arbitration already begun by the constitution

of an Arbitral Tribunal under Article III. The High

Contracting Parties shall also at once proceed to nominate a

substitute for His Majesty in the event that His Majesty shall

at any time notify them of his desire to be relieved from the

functions graciously accepted by him under this Treaty either

for all cases to arise thereunder or for any particular

specified case already arisen.

"ARTICLE XI.

In case of the death, absence or incapacity to serve of any

Arbitrator or Umpire, or in the event of any Arbitrator or

Umpire omitting or declining or ceasing to act as such,

another Arbitrator or Umpire shall be forthwith appointed in

his place and stead in the manner provided for with regard to

the original appointment.

{579}

"ARTICLE XII.

Each Government shall pay its own agent and provide for the

proper remuneration of the counsel employed by it and of the

Arbitrators appointed by it and for the expense of preparing

and submitting its case to the Arbitral Tribunal. All other

expenses connected with any Arbitration shall be defrayed by

the two Governments in equal moieties. Provided, however,

that, if in any case the essential matter of difference

submitted to arbitration is the right of one of the High

Contracting Parties to receive disavowals of or apologies for

acts or defaults of the other not resulting in substantial

pecuniary injury, the Arbitral Tribunal finally disposing of

the said matter shall direct whether any of the expenses of

the successful party shall be borne by the unsuccessful party,

and if so to what extent.

"ARTICLE XIII.

The time and place of meeting of an Arbitral Tribunal and all

arrangements for the hearing and all questions of procedure

shall be decided by the Tribunal itself. Each Arbitral

Tribunal shall keep a correct record of its proceedings and

may appoint and employ all necessary officers and agents. The

decision of the Tribunal shall, if possible, be made within

three months from the close of the arguments on both sides. It

shall be made in writing and dated and shall be signed by the

Arbitrators who may assent to it. The decision shall be in

duplicate, one copy whereof shall be delivered to each of the

High Contracting Parties through their respective agents.

"ARTICLE XIV.

This Treaty shall remain in force for five years from the date

at which it shall come into operation, and further until the

expiration of twelve months after either of the High

Contracting Parties shall have given notice to the other of

its wish to terminate the same.

"ARTICLE XV.

The present Treaty shall be duly ratified by the President of

the United States of America, by and with the advice and

consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty;

and the mutual exchange of ratifications shall take place in

Washington or in London within six months of the date hereof

or earlier if possible."

United States, 54th Congress, 2d Session,

Senate Document Number 63.

Public feeling in both countries gave joyful welcome to this

nobly conceived treaty when it was announced. All that was

best in English sentiment and American sentiment had been

shuddering at the thought of possible war between the kindred

peoples, and thanked God for what promised some certitude that

no dispute would be pushed to that barbarous appeal. Only the

mean thought and temper of either country was provoked to

opposition; but, unhappily, the meaner temper and the narrower

and more ignorant opinion on one side of the sea had been

getting so strong a representation in the United States Senate

as to prove capable of much mischief there, on this and other

matters of most serious public concern. When the great

covenant of peace went to that body for approval, there were

senators who found it offensive to them because it came from

the hands of President Cleveland and Secretary Olney; and

there were other senators whose dignity was hurt by the eager

impatience with which the public voice cried out for their

ratifying vote; and still others there were who looked with

official jealousy at the project of an arbitral tribunal which

might sometimes take something from senatorial functions in

foreign affairs. And the combination of pitiful motives had

strength enough to baffle the high hopes and defeat the will

of the American people.

Of the public feeling thus outraged, the following is one

expression of the time, among many which it would be possible

to quote:

Many people "are represented by influential papers like the

St. Paul 'Pioneer Press' and the Minneapolis 'Journal,' the

latter declaring that it is humiliating to think that, widely

as the treaty is favored throughout the country, a few

ill-natured men in the Senate have the power to delay

ratification. In the Central West the feeling is generally

strong for arbitration, if we may judge from the Chicago

'Times-Herald,' the St. Louis 'Republic,' the Indianapolis

'Journal,' and the Cleveland 'Leader.' In the South there are

such cheering reports as this from the Memphis 'Scimetar'; 'If

the treaty now under consideration in the Senate Committee on

Foreign Relations should fail of ratification, public opinion

in this country would demand that the incoming Administration

provide another embodying the same vital principle.' In the

East the sentiment in favor of immediate ratification of the

original draft has been almost universal, the only two

journals of note differing from this being the New York 'Sun'

and the Washington 'Post.' The trend of opinion is shown in

the adoption by the Massachusetts House of Representatives of

an endorsement by a vote of 141 to 11. An important meeting

took place last week in Washington in favor of ratification.

The speakers were ex-Secretary of State Foster, Mr. G. G.

Hubbard, Professor B. L. Whitman, ex-Senator J. B. Henderson,

ex-Governor Stanard, and Justice Brewer, of the Supreme Court.

The last named said; 'I do not believe in saying to the

gentlemen charged with the duty of considering carefully that

treaty, that "you must vote for it." There is something in my

own nature which, when anybody says to me "you must," causes

something to run up my spinal column which says "I won't." It

is the Senate's duty to consider that treaty carefully, and

when I say that, I say it is no trespass upon their rights for

American citizens to express their views of that treaty. What are

the errors and losses incidental to arbitration compared to

the horrors of war? What are a few million dollars of wrongful

damages in comparison to the sacrifice of thousands of human

lives?'"

The Outlook, February 6, 1897.

"This treaty was greeted with widespread favor in the press,

but was antagonized at once in the Senate by the jingo element

and by the personal adversaries of the administration. The

committee on foreign relations reported the draft favorably,

but with certain amendments, on February 1. The ensuing debate

soon revealed that a vote on ratification could not be

obtained before March 4, and the whole matter was dropped. At

the opening of the new Congress the Senate Committee again

considered the treaty and reported it, with amendments, on

March 18. During two weeks' discussion the Senate adopted the

committee's amendments and also others, with the result that

the draft was radically transformed.

{580}

Instead of the general reference of all disputes to the

tribunals, it was provided that any difference 'which, in the

judgment of either power, materially affects its honor or its

domestic or foreign policy,' should be submitted to

arbitration only by special agreement; that no question should

be submitted save with the consent of the Senate in its

treaty-making capacity; and that no claim of a British subject

against a state or territory of the United States should be

submitted under any circumstances. The first of these changes

was due mainly to the objection that without it the Monroe

Doctrine might be subjected to arbitration; the second to the

sensitiveness of senators as to their constitutional functions

in foreign relations; and the third to a desire to protect

states against claims on their defaulted bonds. Other changes

modified materially the method of appointing the arbitrators

for the United States, and struck out entirely the designation

of the King of Sweden as umpire. Even with these amendments,

the opposition to the treaty was not overcome; and the final

vote on ratification, taken May 5, resulted in its rejection,

the vote standing 43 to 26, less than two-thirds in the

affirmative. Thirty Republicans and 13 Democrats voted for the

treaty; 8 Republicans, 12 Democrats and 6 Populists against

it."

Political Science Quarterly,

June, 1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March).

Inauguration of President McKinley.

Leading topics of the inaugural address.

The President's Cabinet.

The inauguration of President McKinley was performed with the

customary ceremonies on the 4th of March. In his inaugural

address, the new President laid somewhat less emphasis than

might have been expected on the need of measures for reforming

the monetary system of the country, but strongly urged that

instant steps be taken to increase the revenues of the

government by a return to higher tariff charges. "With

adequate revenue secured," he argued, "but not until then, we

can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while

insuring safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon

the government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold

reserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to

speculation. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of

experience and trial, and should not be amended without

investigation and demonstration of the wisdom of the proposed

changes. We must be both 'sure we are right' and 'make haste

slowly.' …

"The question of international bimetallism will have early and

earnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure

it by cooperation with the other great commercial powers of

the world. Until that condition is realized, when the parity

between our gold and silver money springs from and is

supported by the relative value of the two metals, the value

of the silver already coined, and of that which may hereafter

be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every

resource at our command. The credit of the government, the

integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of its

obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict

of the people, and it will not be unheeded.

"Economy is demanded in every branch of the government at all

times, but especially in periods like the present of

depression in business and distress among the people. The

severest economy must be observed in all public expenditures,

and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, and prevented

wherever in the future it may be developed. If the revenues

are to remain as now, the only relief that can come must be

from decreased expenditures. But the present must not become

the permanent condition of the government. It has been our

uniform practice to retire, not increase, our outstanding

obligations; and this policy must again be resumed and

vigorously enforced. Our revenues should always be large

enough to meet with ease and promptness not only our current

needs and the principal and interest of the public debt, but

to make proper and liberal provision for that most deserving

body of public creditors, the soldiers and sailors and the

widows and orphans who are the pensioners of the United

States. …

"A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures of the

government exceed its receipts. It can only be met by loans or

an increased revenue. While a large annual surplus of revenue

may invite waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates

distrust and undermines public and private credit. Neither

should be encouraged. Between more loans and more revenue

there ought to be but one opinion. We should have more

revenue, and that without delay, hindrance, or postponement. A

surplus in the treasury created by loans is not a permanent or

safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it cannot

last long while the outlays of the government are greater than

its receipts, as has been the case during the last two years.

… The best way for the government to maintain its credit is to

pay as it goes—not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out

of debt—through an adequate income secured by a system of

taxation, external, or internal, or both. It is the settled

policy of the government, pursued from the beginning and

practiced by all parties and administrations, to raise the

bulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions

entering the United States for sale and consumption, and

avoiding, for the most part, every form of direct taxation

except in time of war.

"The country is clearly opposed to any needless additions to

the subjects of internal taxation, and is committed by its

latest popular utterance to the system of tariff taxation.

There can be no misunderstanding either about the principle

upon which this tariff taxation shall be levied. Nothing has

ever been made plainer at a general election than that the

controlling principle in the raising of revenue from duties on

imports is zealous care for American interests and American

labor. The people have declared that such legislation should

be had as will give ample protection and encouragement to the

industries and the development of our country. … The paramount

duty of congress is to stop deficiencies by the restoration of

that protective legislation which has always been the firmest

prop of the treasury. The passage of such a law or laws would

strengthen the credit of the government both at home and

abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the gold

reserve held for the redemption of our currency, which has

been heavy and well-nigh constant for several years. In the

revision of the tariff, especial attention should be given to

the re-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of

the law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to

our foreign trade in new and advantageous markets for our

surplus agricultural and manufactured products."

{581}

Without effect, the incoming President urged the ratification

of the treaty of arbitration with Great Britain, negotiated by

his predecessor and still pending in the Senate. In concluding

his address he announced his intention to convene Congress in

extra session, saying: "The condition of the public treasury

demands the immediate consideration of congress. It alone has

the power to provide revenue for the government. Not to

convene it under such circumstances, I can view in no other

sense than the neglect of a plain duty."

On the day following his inauguration, the President sent to

the Senate the following nominations for his Cabinet, which

were confirmed:

Secretary of State, John Sherman of Ohio;

Secretary of the Treasury, Lyman J. Gage of Illinois;

Secretary of War, Russel A. Alger of Michigan;

Attorney-General, Joseph McKenna of California;

Postmaster-General, James A. Gary of Maryland;

Secretary of the Navy, John D. Long of Massachusetts;

Secretary of the Interior, Cornelius N. Bliss of New York;

Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson of Iowa.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March-July).

Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act.

Carrying out an intention announced in his Inaugural Address,

President McKinley called Congress together in extra session

on the 15th of March, asking for immediate action to increase

the revenue of the government by increased duties, "so levied

upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far

as possible, to our own producers." In his Inaugural Address

the President had expressed the understanding of his party as

to the chief meaning of the late election, by saying that "the

country is … committed by its latest popular utterance to the

system of tariff taxation. … The people have declared that

such legislation should be had as will give ample protection

and encouragement to the industries and development of our

country. … The paramount duty of Congress is to stop

deficiencies by the restoration of that protective legislation

which has always been the firmest prop of the treasury." To

the majority in both Houses of Congress these views were

entirely acceptable, and they were acted upon at once. The

Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives in

the previous Congress had already prepared a comprehensive new

tariff bill, which it passed on to its successor. This

ready-made bill was reported to the House on the first day of

the session, by Mr. Dingley, chairman of the newly appointed

committee, as he had been of the one before it. Debate on the

measure began a week later, and was controlled by a fixed

programme, which required it to be ended on the 31st of March.

The bill was then passed, by a vote of 205 against 121. Of the

action of the Senate upon it, and of the main features of the

bill as it was finally shaped and became law, the following is

a succinct account:

"The bill, referred at once to the Senate Committee on

Finance, was reported after a month, on May 8, with important

amendments. There was an attempt to impose some purely revenue

duties, and, as to the protective duties, the tendency was

towards lower rates than in the House bill, though on certain

articles, such as wools of low grade, hides, and others (of

which more will be said presently), the drift was the other

way. The Senate, however, paid much less respect than the

House to the recommendations of the committee in charge. In

the course of two months, from May 4 to July 7, it went over

the tariff bill item by item, amending without restraint,

often in a perfunctory manner, and not infrequently with the

outcome settled by the accident of attendance on the

particular day; on the whole, with a tendency to retain the

higher rates of the House bill. As passed finally by the

Senate on July 7, the bill, though it contained some 872

amendments, followed the plan of the House Committee rather

than that of the Senate Committee. As usual, it went to a

Conference Committee. In the various compromises and

adjustments in the Senate and in the Conference Committee

there was little sign of the deliberate plan and method which

the House had shown, and the details of the act were settled

in no less haphazard fashion than has been the case with other

tariff measures. As patched up by the Conference Committee,

the bill was promptly passed by both branches of Congress, and

became law on July 24. In what manner these political

conditions affected the character of the act will appear from

a consideration of the more important specific changes.

"First and foremost was the reimposition of the duties on

wool. As the repeal of these duties had been the one important

change made by the act of 1894, so their restoration was the

salient feature in the act of 1897. … Clothing wool was

subjected once more to a duty of 11 cents a pound, combing

wool to one of 12 cents. On carpet wool there were new graded

duties, heavier than any ever before levied. If its value was

12 cents a pound or less the duty was 4 cents; if over 12

cents, the duty was 7 cents. … The duties on carpet wool, as

has already been noted, were made higher than ever before. In

the House the rates of the act of 1890 had been retained; but

in the Senate new and higher rates were inserted. … They were

demanded by the Senators from some States in the Far West,

especially from Idaho and Montana. … They [the Senators in

question] needed to be placated and they succeeded in getting

higher duties on the cheap carpet wools, on the plea of

encouragement for the comparatively coarse clothing wool of

their ranches. … The same complications that led to the high

duty on carpet wool brought about a duty on hides. This rawest

of raw materials had been on the free list for just a quarter

of a century, since 1872, when the duty of the war days had

been repealed. … But here, again, the Senators from the

ranching States were able to dictate terms. … In the Senate a

duty of 20 per cent. was tacked on. The rate was reduced to 15

per cent. in the Conference Committee, and so remains in the

act. The restored duties on wool necessarily brought in their

train the old system of high compensating duties on woollens.

… In the main, the result was a restoration of the rates of

the act of 1890. There was some upward movement almost all

along the line; and the ad valorem duty alone, on the classes

of fabrics which are most largely imported, crept up to 55 per

cent. …

{582}

"On cotton goods the general tendency was to impose duties

lower than those of 1890. This was indicated by the drag-net

rate, on manufactures of cotton not otherwise provided for,

which had been 50 per cent. in 1890, and was 45 per cent. in

1897. On two large classes of textile goods new and distinctly

higher duties were imposed,—on silks and linens. … The mode of

gradation was to levy the duties according to the amount of

pure silk contained in the goods. The duties were fixed by the

pound, being lowest all goods containing a small proportion of

pure silk, and rising as that proportion became larger; with

the proviso that in no case should the duty be less than 50

per cent. … Thus, the duty on certain kinds of silks was $1.30

cents per pound, if they contained 45 per cent in weight of

silk; but advanced suddenly to $2.25, if they contained more

than 45 per cent. … On linens another step of the same kind

was taken, specific duties being substituted here also for

ad-valorem. … Linens were graded somewhat as cottons had been

graded since 1861, according to the fineness of the goods as

indicated by the number of threads to the square inch. If the

number of threads was 60 or less per square inch, the duty was

1¾ cents a square yard; if the threads were between 60 and

120, the duty was 2¾ cents; and so on,—plus 30 per cent.

ad-valorem duty in all cases. But finer linen goods, unless

otherwise specially provided for, were treated leniently. If

the weight was small (less than 4½ ounces per yard), the duty

was but 35 per cent. On the other hand, linen laces, or

articles trimmed with lace or embroidery, were dutiable at 60

percent.,—an advance at 10 per cent. over the rate of 1890. …

It was inevitable, under the political conditions of the

session, that in this schedule something should again be

attempted for the farmer; and, accordingly, we find a

substantial duty on flax. The rate of the act of 1890 was

restored,—3 cents a pound on prepared flax, in place of the

rate of 1½ cents imposed by the act of 1894. …

"On chinaware the rates of 1890 were restored. The duty on the

finer qualities which are chiefly imported had been lowered to

35 per cent. in 1894, and was now once more put at 60 per

cent. On glassware, also, the general ad-valorem rate, which

had been reduced to 35 per cent. in 1894, was again fixed at

45 per cent., as in 1890. Similarly the specific duties on the

cheaper grades of window-glass and plate-glass, which had been

lowered in 1894, were raised to the figures of 1890. … The metal

schedules in the act of 1897 showed in the main a striking

contrast with the textile schedules. Important advances of

duty were made on many textiles, and in some cases rates went

considerably higher even than those of 1890. But on most

metals, and especially on iron and steel, duties were left

very much as they had been in 1894. … On steel rails there was

even a slight reduction from the rate of 1894—$6.72 per ton

instead of $7.84. On coal there was a compromise rate. The

duty had been 75 cents a ton in 1890, and 40 cents in 1894; it

was now fixed at 67 cents. On the other hand, as to certain

manufactures of iron and steel farther advanced beyond the

crude stage, there was a return to rates very similar to those

of 1890. Thus, on pocket cutlery, razors, guns, we find once

more the system of combined ad-valorem and specific duties,

graded according to the value of the article. … Copper

remained on the free list, where it had been put in 1894. …

For good or ill the copper duty had worked out all its effects

years before. On the other hand, the duties on lead and on

lead ore went up to the point at which they stood in 1890.

Here we have once more the signs of concession to the silver

Republicans of the far West. … The duty on tin plate, a bone

of contention under the act of 1890, was disposed of, with

little debate, by the imposition of a comparatively moderate

duty. …

"A part of the act which aroused much public attention and

which had an important bearing on its financial yield was the

sugar schedule—the duties on sugar, raw and refined. … The act

of 1890 had admitted raw sugar free, while that of 1894 had

imposed a duty of 40 per cent. ad valorem. … The price of raw

sugar had maintained its downward tendency; and the duty of 40

per cent. had been equivalent in 1896 to less than one cent a

pound. In the act of 1897 the duty was made specific, and was

practically doubled. Beginning with a rate of one cent a pound

on sugar tested to contain 75 per cent., it advanced by stages

until on sugar testing 95 per cent. (the usual content of

commercial raw sugar) it reached 1.65 cents per pound. The

higher rate thus imposed was certain to yield a considerable

increase of revenue. Much was said also of the protection now

afforded to the beet sugar industry of the West. That

industry, however, was still of small dimensions and uncertain

future. … On refined sugar, the duty was made 1.95 cents per

pound, which, as compared with raw sugar testing 100 per

cent., left a protection for the domestic refiner,—i. e., for

the Sugar 'Trust,'—of 1/8 of one cent a pound. Some intricate

calculation would be necessary to make out whether this

'differential' for the refining interest was more or less than

in the act of 1894; but, having regard to the effect of the

substitution of specific for ad-valorem duties, the Trust was

no more favored by the act of 1897 than by its predecessor,

and even somewhat less favored. The changes which this part of

the tariff act underwent in the two Houses are not without

significance." In the bill passed by the House. "the so-called

differential, or protection to the refiners, was one-eighth of

a cent per pound. In the Senate there was an attempt at

serious amendment. The influence of the Sugar Trust in the

Senate had long been great. How secured, whether through party

contributions, entangling alliances, or coarse bribery, the

public could not know; but certainly great, as the course of

legislation in that body demonstrated." The Senate attempted

to make an entire change in the scheme of sugar duties, which

would give the Trust a fifth of a cent per pound of protective

differential, instead of an eighth; but the House resisted,

with more success than in 1894, and the senatorial friends of

the Sugar Trust had to give way.

See, also (in this volume),

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;

and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

"The tariff act of 1894 had repealed the provisions as to

reciprocity in the act of 1890, and had rendered nugatory such

parts of the treaties made under the earlier act as were

inconsistent with the provisions of its successor. The act of

1897 now revived the policy of reciprocity, and in some ways

even endeavored to enlarge the scope of the reciprocity

provisions"

See below: A. D. 1899-1901.

F. W. Taussig,

Tariff History of the United States,

4th edition, chapter 7 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (April-October).

Negotiations for an international bi-metallic agreement.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

{583}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (June).

Appointment of the Nicaragua Canal Commission.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).

Refusal to negotiate with the insurgent republic of the

Philippine Islands.

On the 3d of November, 1897, Mr. Rounseville Wildman, the U.

S. Consul at Hongkong, addressed the following to the State

Department: "Since my arrival in Hongkong I have been called

upon several times by Mr. F. Agoncilla, foreign agent and high

commissioner, etc., of the new republic of the Philippines.

Mr. Agoncilla holds a commission, signed by the president,

members of cabinet, and general in chief of the republic of

Philippines, empowering him absolutely with power to conclude

treaties with foreign governments. Mr. Agoncilla offers on

behalf of his government alliance offensive and defensive with

the United States when the United States declares war on

Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's judgment, will be very soon.

In the meantime he wishes the United States to send to some

port in the Philippines 20,000 stand of arms and 200,000

rounds of ammunition for the use of his government, to be paid

for on the recognition of his government by the United States.

He pledges as security two provinces and the custom-house at

Manila. He is not particular about the price—is willing the

United States should make 25 per cent or 30 per cent profit.

He is a very earnest and attentive diplomat and a great

admirer of the United States. On his last visit he surprised

me with the information that he had written his government

that he had hopes of inducing the United States to supply the

much-needed guns, etc. In case Señor Agoncilla's dispatch

should fall into the hands of an unfriendly power and find its

way into the newspapers, I have thought it wise to apprise the

State Department of the nature of the high commissioner's

proposals. Señor Agoncilla informs me by late mail that he

will proceed at once to Washington to conclude the proposed

treaty, if I advise. I shall not advise said step until so

instructed by the State Department."

To this communication, the Third Assistant Secretary of State,

Mr. Cridler, returned the following reply, December 15, 1897:

"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch Number 19

of November 3, 1897, in which you announce the arrival at your

post of Mr. F. Agoncilla, whom you describe as foreign agent

and high commissioner of the new republic of the Philippines,

and who holds full power to negotiate and conclude treaties

with foreign powers. Mr. Agoncilla offers an alliance

'offensive and defensive with the United States when the

United States declares war on Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's

judgment, will be very soon,' and suggests that 20,000 stand

of arms and 200,000 rounds of ammunition be supplied to his

government by that of the United States. You may briefly

advise Mr. Agoncilla, in case he should call upon you, that

the Government of the United States does not negotiate such

treaties and that it is not possible to forward the desired

arms and ammunition. You should not encourage any advances on

the part of Mr. Agoncilla, and should courteously decline to

communicate with the Department further regarding his alleged

mission."

Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers

(55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document

Number 62, part 1, pages 333,334).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).

Treaty with Russia and Japan to suspend pelagic sealing.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).

President McKinley on Cuban affairs.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).

Stringent measures against pelagic sealing.

See (in this volume)

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).

Reports from Cuba of the suffering condition of

the "reconcentrados."

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1899.

Agreements with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee,

and Seminole tribes of Indians.

Work of the Dawes Commission.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1900.

Treaty for the annexation of Hawaii.

Its failure of ratification.

Passage of joint resolution to annex, and of an Act

for the government of the islands.

See (in this volume)

HAWAII.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-March).

American sympathy with the Cubans and indignation

against Spain.

Destruction of the United States battle-ship "Maine"

in Havana harbor.

Investigation and findings of the American and

Spanish courts of inquiry.

Public feeling in the United States, excited by a terrible

state of suffering in Cuba, resulting from Spanish methods of

dealing with insurrection in that island, had been gathering

intensity for months past, and threatening a rupture of

peaceful relations between the United States and Spain.

See (in this volume),

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897 and 1897-1898)

A sudden crisis in the situation was produced, on the morning

of the 15th of February, 1898, by news that the United States

battle-ship "Maine," while paying a visit of courtesy to the

harbor of Havana, had been totally destroyed, on the previous

evening, by an explosion which killed most of her crew. In a

subsequent message on the subject to Congress, President

McKinley recited the circumstances of the catastrophe, and the

proceedings adopted to ascertain its cause, with the

conclusions reached, in the following words: "For some time

prior to the visit of the 'Maine' to Havana Harbor our

consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow

from the visit of national ships to the Cuban waters, in

accustoming the people to the presence of our flag as the

symbol of good will and of our ships in the fulfillment of the

mission of protection to American interests, even though no

immediate need therefor might exist. Accordingly on the 24th

of January last, after conference with the Spanish minister;

in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels to Spanish

waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities

at Madrid and Havana were advised of the purpose of this

Government to resume friendly naval visits at Cuban ports, and

that in that view the 'Maine' would forthwith call at the port

of Havana. This announcement was received by the Spanish

Government with appreciation of the friendly character of the

visit of the 'Maine,' and with notification of intention to

return the courtesy by sending Spanish ships to the principal

ports of the United States. Meanwhile the 'Maine' entered the

port of Havana on the 25th of January, her arrival being

marked with no special incident besides the exchange of

customary salutes and ceremonial visits.

{584}

"The 'Maine' continued in the harbor of Havana during the

three weeks following her arrival. No appreciable excitement

attended her stay; on the contrary, a feeling of relief and

confidence followed the resumption of the long-interrupted

friendly intercourse. So noticeable was this immediate effect

of her visit that the consul-general strongly urged that the

presence of our ships in Cuban waters should be kept up by

retaining the 'Maine' at Havana, or, in the event of her

recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. At

forty minutes past 9 in the evening of the 15th of February

the 'Maine' was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire

forward part of the ship was utterly wrecked. In this

catastrophe 2 officers and 264 of her crew perished, those who

were not killed outright by her explosion being penned between

decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate

sinking of the hull. Prompt assistance was rendered by the

neighboring vessels anchored in the harbor, aid being

especially given by the boats of the Spanish cruiser 'Alfonso

XII' and the Ward Line steamer 'City of Washington,' which lay

not far distant. The wounded were generously cared for by the

authorities of Havana, the hospitals being freely opened to

them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were

interred by the municipality in a public cemetery in the city.

Tributes of grief and sympathy were offered from all official

quarters of the island.

"The appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country

with crushing force, and for a brief time an intense

excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and

self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty acts of

blind resentment. This spirit, however, soon gave way to the

calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigate

the facts and await material proof before forming a judgment

as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts

warranted, the remedy due. This course necessarily recommended

itself from the outset to the Executive, for only in the light

of a dispassionately ascertained certainty could it determine

the nature and measure of its full duty in the matter. The

usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or

disaster to national vessels of any maritime State. A naval

court of inquiry was at once organized, composed of officers

well qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge

the onerous duty imposed upon them. Aided by a strong force of

wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to make a thorough

investigation on the spot, employing every available means for

the impartial and exact determination of the causes of the

explosion. Its operations have been conducted with the utmost

deliberation and judgment, and while independently pursued no

attainable source of information was neglected, and the

fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous

investigation by the Spanish authorities. The finding of the

court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three days of

continuous labor, on the 21st of March, instant, and, having

been approved on the 22d by the commander in chief of the

United States naval force on the North Atlantic Station, was

transmitted to the Executive. It is herewith laid before the

Congress, together with the voluminous testimony taken before

the court. Its purport is, in brief, as follows:

"When the 'Maine' arrived at Havana she was conducted by the

regular Government pilot to buoy Number 4, to which she was

moored in from 5½ to 6 fathoms of water. The state of

discipline on board and the condition of her magazines,

boilers, coal bunkers, and storage compartments are passed in

review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and

that no indication of any cause for an internal explosion

existed in any quarter. At 8 o'clock in the evening of

February 15 everything had been reported secure, and all was

quiet. At forty minutes past 9 o'clock the vessel was suddenly

destroyed. There were two distinct explosions, with a brief

interval between them. The first lifted the forward part of

the ship very perceptibly. The second, which was more open,

prolonged, and of greater volume, is attributed by the court

to the partial explosion of two or more of the forward

magazines. The evidence of the divers establishes that the

after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that

condition a very few moments after the explosion. The forward

part was completely demolished. Upon the evidence of a

concurrent external cause the finding of the court is as

follows:

"'At frame 17 the outer shell of the ship, from a point of 11½

feet from the middle line of the ship and 6 feet above the

keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to

be now about 4 feet above the surface of the water, therefore

about 34 feet above where it would be had the ship sunk

uninjured. The outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed

V shape (˄), the after wing of which, about 15 feet broad and

32 feet in length (from frame 17 to frame 25), is doubled back

upon itself against the continuation of the same plating,

extending forward. At frame 18 the vertical keel is broken

in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the

angle formed by the outside bottom plates. This break is now

about 6 feet below the surface of the water and about 30 feet

above its normal position. In the opinion of the court this

effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a

mine situated under the bottom of the ship at about frame 18

and somewhat on the port side of the ship.'

"The conclusions of the court are: That the loss of the

'Maine' was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on

the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; That

the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine,

which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her

forward magazines; and That no evidence has been obtainable

fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the 'Maine'

upon any person or persons.

"I have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and

the views of this Government thereon be communicated to the

Government of Her Majesty the Queen Regent, and I do not

permit myself to doubt that the sense of justice of the

Spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by

honor and the friendly relations of the two Governments. It

will be the duty of the Executive to advise the Congress of

the result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is

invoked."

Congressional Record, March 28, 1898.

{585}

A Spanish naval board of inquiry, convened by the maritime

authority at Havana, and investigating the matter with haste,

arrived at a conclusion quite opposite to that stated above,

reporting on the 22d of March that "an explosion of the first

order, in the forward magazine of the American ironclad

'Maine,' caused the destruction of that part of the ship and

its total submersion in the same place in this bay at which it

was anchored. … That the important facts connected with the

explosion in its external appearances at every moment of its

duration having been described by witnesses, and the absence

of all circumstances which necessarily accompany the explosion

of a torpedo having been proved by these witnesses and

experts, it can only be honestly asserted that the catastrophe

was due to internal causes. … That the character of the

proceedings undertaken and respect for the law which

establishes the absolute extra-territoriality of a foreign war

vessel have prevented the determination, even by conjecture,

of the said internal origin of the disaster, to which also the

impossibility of establishing the necessary communication

either with the crew of the wrecked vessel or the officials of

their Government commissioned to investigate the causes of the

said event, or with those subsequently intrusted with the

issue, has contributed. … That the interior and exterior

examination of the bottom of the 'Maine,' whenever it is

possible, unless the bottom of the ship and that of the place

in the bay where it is sunk are altered by the work which is

being carried on for the total or partial recovery of the

vessel, will prove the correctness of all that is said in this

report; but this must not be understood to mean that the

accuracy of these present conclusions requires such proof."

U. S. Senate Report Number 885,

55th Congress, 2d Session, page 635.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).

In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March).

Account by Senator Proctor of the condition of

the "reconcentrados" in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).

Continued discussion of Cuban affairs with Spain.

Unsatisfactory results.

Message of the President asking Congress for authority

to terminate hostilities in Cuba.

On the 11th of April, President McKinley addressed another

special message to Congress, setting forth the unsatisfactory

results with which Cuban affairs had been further discussed

with the government of Spain, and formally asking to be

authorized and empowered to take measures for securing a "full

and final termination of hostilities" in the oppressed island.

He said:

"Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands

the President to give from time to time to the Congress

information of the state of the Union and to recommend to

their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary

and expedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body

with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the

relations of the United States to Spain by reason of the

warfare that for more than three years has raged in the

neighboring island of Cuba. I do so because of the intimate

connection of the Cuban question with the state of our own

Union, and the grave relation the course which it is now

incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the

traditional policy of our Government, if it is to accord with

the precepts laid down by the founders of the Republic and

religiously observed by succeeding Administrations to the

present day.

"The present revolution is but the successor of other similar

insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion

of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century,

each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United

States to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality

laws, caused enormous losses to American trade and commerce,

caused irritation, annoyance, and disturbance among our

citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous, and

uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities

and offended the humane sympathies of our people. Since the

present revolution began, in February, 1895, this country has

seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and

sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of

the island and rarely paralleled as to the numbers of the

combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution

of modern times where a dependent people striving to be free

have been opposed by the power of the sovereign state. Our

people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to

comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed,

its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid

waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of

thousands from hunger and destitution. We have found ourselves

constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which

our laws enjoin and which the law of nations commands, to

police our own waters and to watch our own seaports in

prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. Our trade

has suffered; the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba has

been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our

people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest

among our own citizens which has inevitably found its

expression from time to time in the National Legislature, so

that issues wholly external to our own body politic engross

attention and stand in the way of that close devotion to

domestic advancement that becomes a self-contained

commonwealth whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all

foreign entanglements. All this must needs awaken, and has,

indeed, aroused the utmost concern on the part of this

Government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my own.

"In April, 1896, the evils from which our country suffered

through the Cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor

made an effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of

this Government in any way that might tend to an honorable

adjustment of the contest between Spain and her revolted

colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of

self-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of

Spain. It failed through the refusal of the Spanish Government

then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any

plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual

submission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then

only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit to grant.

The war continued unabated. The resistance of the insurgents

was in no wise diminished. The efforts of Spain were

increased, both by the dispatch of fresh levies to Cuba and by

the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman

phase happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized

Christian peoples.

{586}

The policy of devastation and concentration, inaugurated by

the captain-general's bando of October 21, 1896, in the

province of Pinar del Rio, was thence extended to embrace all

of the island to which the power of the Spanish arms was able

to reach by occupation or by military operations. The

peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural

interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated

places held by the troops. The raising and movement of

provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid

waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in

short, everything that could desolate the land and render it

unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one or

the other of the contending parties and executed by all the

powers at their disposal.

"By the time the present Administration took office, a year

ago, reconcentration—so called—had been made effective over

the better part of the four central and western

provinces—Santa Clara, Matanzas, Habana, and Pinar del Rio.

The agricultural population to the estimated number of 300,000

or more was herded within the towns and their immediate

vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute

of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most

unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased with

the devastation of the depopulated areas of production,

destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by

month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March,

1897, according to conservative estimates from official

Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados, from

starvation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded 50 per

centum of their total number. No practical relief was accorded

to the destitute. The overburdened towns, already suffering

from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called 'zones

of cultivation' established within the immediate areas of

effective military control about the cities and fortified

camps proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The

unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with

aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could

not have tilled the soil without tools, seed, or shelter for

their own support or for the supply of the cities.

Reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in order to

cut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its

predestined result. As I said in my message of last December,

it was not civilized warfare; it was extermination. The only

peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave.

"Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone

a noticeable change. The extraordinary activity that

characterized the second year of the war, when the insurgents

invaded even the thitherto unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio

and carried havoc and destruction up to the walls of the city

of Habana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the

central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regained a

measure of control in Pinar del Rio and parts of Habana, but,

under the existing conditions of the rural country, without

immediate improvement of their productive situation. Even thus

partially restricted, the revolutionists held their own, and

their conquest and submission, put forward by Spain as the

essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at

the outset. In this state of affairs my Administration found

itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. My

message of last December reviewed the situation, and narrated

the steps taken with a view to relieving its acuteness and

opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. The

assassination of the prime minister, Canovas, led to a change

of government in Spain. The former administration, pledged to

subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more

liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform

involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto

Rico.

"The overtures of this Government, made through its new envoy,

General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective

amelioration of the condition of the island, although not

accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape,

were met by assurances that home rule, in an advanced phase,

would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting for the

war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth

prevail in the conduct of hostilities. Coincidentally with

these declarations, the new Government of Spain continued and

completed the policy already begun by its predecessor, of

testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing

American citizens held under one charge or another connected

with the insurrection, so that by the end of November not a

single person entitled in any way to our national protection

remained in a Spanish prison.

"While these negotiations were in progress the increasing

destitution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming

mortality among them claimed earnest attention. The success

which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to

the suffering American citizens among them by the judicious

expenditure through the consular agencies of the money

appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint

resolution approved May 24, 1897, prompted the humane

extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of

sufferers. A suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the

Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I caused to

be issued an appeal to the American people, inviting

contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the

starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 8th of

January by a similar public announcement of the formation of a

central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York

City, composed of three members, representing the American

National Red Cross and the religious and business elements of

the community. The efforts of that committee have been

untiring and have accomplished much. Arrangements for free

transportation to Cuba have greatly aided the charitable work.

The president of the American Red Cross and representatives of

other contributory organizations have generously visited Cuba

and cooperated with the consul-general and the local

authorities to make effective distribution of the relief

collected through the efforts of the central committee. Nearly

$200,000 in money and supplies has already reached the

sufferers, and more is forthcoming. The supplies are admitted

duty free, and transportation to the interior has been

arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to

Habana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if

not all, of the towns where suffering exists.

{587}

Thousands of lives have already been saved. The necessity for

a change in the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized

by the Spanish Government. Within a few days past the orders

of General Weyler have been revoked; the reconcentrados, it is

said, are to be permitted to return to their homes, and aided

to resume the self-supporting pursuits of peace. Public works

have been ordered to give them employment, and a sum of

$600,000 has been appropriated for their relief.

"The war in Cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation

or extermination a final military victory for either side

seems impracticable. The alternative lies in the physical

exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both—a

condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce

of Zanjon. The prospect of such a protraction and conclusion

of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be

contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least

of all by the United States, affected and injured as we are,

deeply and intimately, by its very existence. Realizing this,

it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true friendliness,

no less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much to lose

by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an

immediate termination of the war. To this end I submitted on

the 27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and

correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid,

propositions to the Spanish Government looking to an armistice

until October 1 for the negotiation of peace with the good

offices of the President. In addition, I asked the immediate

revocation of the order of reconcentration, so as to permit

the people to return to their farms and the needy to be

relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States,

cooperating with the Spanish authorities, so as to afford full

relief.

"The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of

the 31st ultimo. It offered, as the means to bring about peace

in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular

parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be

necessary to reach a final result, it being, however,

understood that the powers reserved by the constitution to the

Central Government are not lessened or diminished. As the

Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the

Spanish Government would not object, for its part, to accept

at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the

insurgents from the general in chief, to whom it would

pertain, in such case, to determine the duration and

conditions of the armistice. The propositions submitted by

General Woodford and the reply of the Spanish Government were

both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are

before me, and are substantially in the language above given.

The function of the Cuban parliament in the matter of

'preparing' peace and the manner of its doing so are not

expressed in the Spanish memorandum; but from General

Woodford's explanatory reports of preliminary discussions

preceding the final conference it is understood that the

Spanish Government stands ready to give the insular congress

full powers to settle the terms of peace with the

insurgents—whether by direct negotiation or indirectly by

means of legislation does not appear.

"With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace,

and its disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is

brought to the end of his effort. In my annual message of

December last I said: 'Of the untried measures there remain

only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents;

recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention

to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the

contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other

party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be

thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal

aggression.' Thereupon I review these alternatives, in the

light of President Grant's measured words, uttered in 1875,

when after seven years of sanguinary, destructive, and cruel

hostilities in Cuba he reached the conclusion that the

recognition of the independence of Cuba was impracticable and

indefensible; and that the recognition of belligerence was not

warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. I

commented especially upon the latter aspect of the question,

pointing out the inconveniences and positive dangers of a

recognition of belligerence which, while adding to the already

onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdiction,

could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices

in the territory of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred to

change my view in this regard; and I recognize as fully now as

then that the issuance of a proclamation of neutrality, by which

process the so-called recognition of belligerents is

published, could, of itself and unattended by other action,

accomplish nothing toward the one end for which we labor—the

instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of the misery

that afflicts the island.

"Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the

independence of the present insurgent government in Cuba, we

find safe precedents in our history from an early day. They

are well summed up in President Jackson's message to Congress,

December 21, 1836, on the subject of the recognition of the

independence of Texas. He said: 'In all the contests that have

arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes

relating to the Crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of the

separation of the American possessions of both from the

European Governments, and out of the numerous and constantly

occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, so wisely

consistent with our just principles has been the action of our

Government that we have, under the most critical

circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other

evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good

will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence

compelled to decide. It has thus made known to the world that

the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to

avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the

internal government of other nations, and eventually to

recognize the authority of the prevailing party without

reference to our particular interests and views or to the

merits of the original controversy. … But on this, as on every

other trying occasion, safety is to be found in a rigid

adherence to principle. In the contest between Spain and the

revolted colonies we stood aloof, and waited not only until

the ability of the new States to protect themselves was fully

established, but until the danger of their being again

subjugated had entirely passed away.

{588}

Then, and not until then, were they recognized. Such was our

course in regard to Mexico herself. … It is true that with

regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been

expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the

Republic himself captured, and all present power to control

the newly-organized government of Texas annihilated within its

confines; but, on the other hand, there is, in appearance at

least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side of

Texas. The Mexican Republic, under another Executive, is

rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh

invasion to recover its lost dominion. Upon the issue of this

threatened invasion the independence of Texas may be

considered as suspended; and were there nothing peculiar in

the relative situation of the United States and Texas, our

acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could

scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve

with which we have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all

similar questions.'

"Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that

there might be imputed to the United States motives of selfish

interest in view of the former claim on our part to the

territory of Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the Texans in

seeking recognition of independence as an incident to the

incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:

'Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still

stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until

Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall

recognize the independence of the new government, at least

until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have

proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of

that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to

uphold the government constituted by them. Neither of the

contending parties can justly complain of this course. By

pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established

policy of our Government, a policy which has secured to us

respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home.'

"These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson.

They are evidence that the United States, in addition to the

test imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition

of independence by a neutral state (to wit, that the revolted

state shall 'constitute in fact a body politic, having a

government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the

elements of stability,' and forming de facto, 'if left to

itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of

discharging the duties of a state'), has imposed for its own

governance in dealing with cases like these the further

condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due

to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again

subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. This

extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas. The

Congress, to whom President Jackson referred the question as

one 'probably leading to war,' and therefore a proper subject

for 'a previous understanding with that body, by whom war can

alone be declared, and by whom all the provisions for

sustaining its perils must be furnished,' left the matter of

the recognition of Texas to the discretion of the Executive,

providing merely for the sending of a diplomatic agent when

the President should be satisfied that the Republic of Texas

had become 'an independent State.' It was so recognized by

President Van Buren, who commissioned a chargé d'affaires

March 7, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to

reconquer the Texan territory, and when there was at the time

no bona fide contest going on between the insurgent province

and its former sovereign.

"I said in my message of December last, 'It is to be seriously

considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond

dispute the attributes of statehood which alone can demand the

recognition of belligerency in its favor.' The same

requirement must certainly be no less seriously considered

when the graver issue of recognizing independence is in

question, for no less positive test can be applied to the

greater act than to the lesser, while, on the other hand, the

influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal

policy of the recognizing State, which form important factors

when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are

secondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the real

question is whether the community claiming recognition is or

is not independent beyond peradventure.

"Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be

wise or prudent for this Government to recognize at the

present time the independence of the so-called Cuban republic.

Such recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United

States to intervene and pacify the island. To commit this

country now to the recognition of any particular government in

Cuba might subject us to embarrassing conditions of

international obligation toward the organization so

recognized. In case of intervention our conduct would be

subject to the approval or disapproval of such government. We

would be required to submit to its direction and to assume to

it the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear

hereafter that there is within the island a government capable

of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a

separate nation, and having, as a matter of fact, the proper

forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be

promptly and readily recognized and the relations and

interests of the United States with such nation adjusted.

"There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the

war, either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational

compromise between the contestants or as the active ally of

the one party or the other. As to the first, it is not to be

forgotten that during the last few months the relation of the

United States has virtually been one of friendly intervention

in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending

to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate

pacific result just and honorable to all interests concerned.

The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest,

unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba untarnished

by differences between us and Spain and unstained by the blood

of American citizens. The forcible intervention of the United

States as a neutral to stop the war, according to the large

dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents

where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless

sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their

borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves,

however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the

contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual

settlement.

{589}

"The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized

as follows:

First.

In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities,

bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there,

and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or

unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is

all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is

therefore none of our business. It is specially our duty, for

it is right at our door.

Second.

We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that

protection and indemnity for life and property which no

government there can or will afford, and to that end to

terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal

protection.

Third.

The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious

injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and

by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the

island.

Fourth,

and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition

of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, and

entails upon this Government an enormous expense.

With such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us

and with which our people have such trade and business

relations—when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in

constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves

ruined—where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and

are seized at our very door by warships of a foreign nation,

the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to

prevent altogether, and the irritating questions and

entanglements thus arising—all these and others that I need

not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a

constant menace to our peace, and compel us to keep on a

semi-war footing with a nation with which we are at peace.

"These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out

have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has

deeply and justly moved the American people. I have already

transmitted to Congress the report of the naval court of

inquiry on the destruction of the battleship 'Maine' in the

harbor of Habana during the night of the 15th of February. The

destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart

with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fifty-eight brave

sailors and marines and two officers of our Navy, reposing in

the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to

death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the

nation. The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to

say, commands the unqualified confidence of the Government,

was unanimous in its conclusion that the destruction of the

'Maine' was caused by an exterior explosion, that of a

submarine mine. It did not assume to place the responsibility:

that remains to be fixed. In any event the destruction of them

'Maine' by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and

impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that is

intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that the

Spanish Government cannot assure safety and security to a

vessel of the American Navy in the harbor of Habana on a

mission of peace, and rightfully there.

"Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic

correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain, of the

26th ultimo, contained the statement that the Spanish minister

for foreign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do

all that the highest honor and justice require in the matter

of the 'Maine.' The reply above referred to of the 31st

ultimo, also contained an expression of the readiness of Spain

to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can

arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the

note of the Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th

instant, as follows: 'As to the question of fact which springs

from the diversity of views between the reports of the

American and Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the facts be

ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose

decision Spain accepts in advance.' To this I have made no

reply.

"President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the

contest as it then appeared, and its hopeless and apparent

indefinite prolongation, said: 'In such an event, I am of

opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the

responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously

consider the only remaining measures possible—mediation and

intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water

separating the island from the peninsula, … the contending

parties appear to have within themselves no depository of

common confidence, to suggest wisdom when passion and

excitement have their sway, and to assume the part of

peacemaker. In this view in the earlier days of the contest

the good offices of the United States as a mediator were

tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the

interest of humanity and in sincere friendship for both

parties, but were at the time declined by Spain, with the

declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would be

indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the

opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the

strife continues with all its dread horrors and all its

injuries to the interests of the United States and of other

nations. Each party seems quite capable of working great

injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the

relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in

the island; but they seem incapable of reaching any

adjustment, and both have thus far failed of achieving any

success whereby one party shall possess and control the island

to the exclusion of the other. Under these circumstances, the

agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention,

seems to be the only alternative which must sooner or later be

invoked for the termination of the strife.'

"In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor during

the pending struggle, it was said: 'When the inability of

Spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has become

manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is

extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence,

and when a hopeless struggle for its re-establishment has

degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the

useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of

the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be

presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain

will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly

hesitate to recognize and discharge.'

{590}

"In my annual message to Congress, December last, speaking to

this question, I said: 'The near future will demonstrate

whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just

alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable to all

our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba,

is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and

other action by the United States will remain to be taken.

When that time comes that action will be determined in the

line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without

misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this

Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to

it the protection of their interests and honor, and to

humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense

ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic

considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the

Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and

property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts

to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be

honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a

duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization,

and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault

on our part, and only because the necessity for such action

will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the

civilized world.'

"The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has

waged the war cannot be attained. The fire of insurrection may

flame or may smoulder with varying seasons, but it has not

been and it is plain that it cannot be extinguished by present

methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition

which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of

Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in

behalf of endangered American interests which give us the

right and the duty to speak and act, the War in Cuba must

stop.

"In view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the

Congress to authorize and empower the President to take

measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities

between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to

secure in the island the establishment of a stable government,

capable of maintaining order and observing its international

obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security

of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military

and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for

these purposes. And in the interest of humanity and to aid in

preserving the lives of the starving people of the island I

recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be

continued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public

Treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens.

"The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn

responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the

intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors.

Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the

Constitution and the law, I await your action.

"Yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing

message, official information was received by me that the

latest decree of the Queen Regent of Spain directs General

Blanco, in order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim

a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which

have not yet been communicated to me. This fact with every

other pertinent consideration will, I am sure, have your just

and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which

you are about to enter. If this measure attains a successful

result, then our aspirations as a Christian, peace-loving

people will be realized. If it fails, it will be only another

justification for our contemplated action."

Congressional Record,

April 11, 1898.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).

Action of Congress empowering the President to expel

Spanish authority from the island of Cuba, and its result

in a state of war with Spain.

On the 13th of April, two days after receiving the President's

Message, as above, the House of Representatives adopted the

following resolution, by a vote of 324 against 19: "Resolved,

That the President is hereby authorized and directed to

intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba, to the end and with

the purpose of securing permanent peace and order there and

establishing by the free action of the people thereof a stable

and independent government of their own in the island of Cuba;

and the President is hereby authorized and empowered to use

the land and naval forces of the United States to execute the

purpose of this resolution."

Congressional Record,

April 13, 1898, pages 4192-4196.

Three days later the Senate adopted the following, by 27 votes

against 21: "Resolved by the Senate and House of

Representatives of the United States of America in Congress

assembled,

First.

That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought

to be, free and independent, and that the Government of the

United States hereby recognizes the Republic of Cuba as the

true and lawful Government of that island.

"Second.

That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the

Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the

Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and

government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and

naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

"Third.

That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,

directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces

of the United States, and to call into the actual service of

the United States the militia of the several States, to such

extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into

effect.

"Fourth.

That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or

intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control

over said island except for the pacification thereof, and

asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave

the government and control of the island to its people."

Congressional Record,

April 16, 1898, page 4386-4387.

The two Houses were in conflict, it will be seen, on the

question of the recognition of what claimed to be the

government of the Republic of Cuba, organized by the

insurgents. A majority of the House shared the doubts

expressed by the President in his message, as to the existence

of such a government in Cuba as could be recognized without

embarrassment; a majority of the Senate shut its eyes to that

doubt. After two days of heated controversy, the Senate gave

way, and the following resolution, recommended by conference

committees, was adopted in both Houses,—in the Senate by 42

yeas to 35 nays (12 not voting); in the House by 311 to 6 (39

not voting):

{591}

"Resolved, etc.

"First.

That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right ought

to be free and independent.

"Second.

That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the

Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the

Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and

government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and

naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

"Third.

That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,

directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces

of the United States, and to call into the actual service of

the United States the militia of the several States, to such

extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into

effect.

"Fourth.

That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or

intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control

over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and

asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave

the government and control of the island to its people."

Congressional Record,

April 18, 1898, pages 4421-4422, and 4461-4462.

One week later, on the 25th of April, the President

communicated to Congress an account of his action in

accordance with this joint resolution, and its result in a

state of war between the United States and Spain as follows:

"Upon communicating to the Spanish minister in Washington the

demand which it became the duty of the Executive to address to

the Government of Spain in obedience to said resolution, the

minister asked for his passports and withdrew. The United

States minister at Madrid was in turn notified by the Spanish

minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawal of the

Spanish representative from the United States had terminated

diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all

official communications between their respective

representatives ceased therewith.

"I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the

United States minister at Madrid by the Spanish minister for

foreign affairs on the 21st instant, whereby the foregoing

notification was conveyed. It will be perceived therefrom that

the Government of Spain, having cognizance of the joint

resolution of the United States Congress, and in view of the

things which the President is thereby required and authorized

to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of this

Government as measures of hostility, following with that

instant and complete severance of relations by its action

which, by the usage of nations, accompanies an existent state

of war between sovereign powers.

"The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands

of the United States being denied with a complete rupture of

intercourse by the act of Spain, I have been constrained, in

exercise of the power and authority conferred upon me by the

joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim under date of April

22, 1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of

Cuba, lying between Cardenas and Bahia Honda and of the port

of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba; and further, in

exercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority

conferred upon me by the act of Congress approved April 22,

1898, to issue my proclamation dated April 23, 1898, calling

forth volunteers in order to carry into effect the said

resolution of April 20, 1898. …

"In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the

adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable

me to carry out the expressed will of the Congress of the

United States in the premises, I now recommend to your

honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring

that a state of war exists between the United States of

America and the Kingdom of Spain, and I urge speedy action

thereon, to the end that the definition of the international

status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made

known, and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance

of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be

assured."

Congressional Record,

April 25, 1898, page 4671.

The recommendation of the President was carried out, on the

same day, by the passage in both Houses, unanimously, of an

enactment, "First. That war be, and the same is hereby,

declared to exist, and that war has existed since the 21st day

of April, A. D. 1898, including said day, between the United

States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. Second. That the

President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed

and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the

United States, and to call into the actual service of the

United States the militia of the several States, to such

extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect."

Congressional Record,

April 25, pages 4674 and 4693.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).

Cabinet changes.

Two resignations from the President's cabinet occurred in

April, both occasioned by failing health. Honorable James A.

Gary was succeeded as Postmaster-General by Honorable Charles

Emory Smith, and Honorable John Sherman was followed in the

Secretaryship of State by his First Assistant in that office,

Judge William R. Day.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May).

War with Spain.

Military preparations.

Regular and Volunteer armies.

"The Rough Riders."

At the outbreak of the war, the Regular Army of the United

States numbered but 28,000 officers and men. Under authority

given by acts of Congress it was rapidly increased, and

returns for May, 1898, show 2,191 officers and nearly 42,000

men in the ranks. At the same time, a Volunteer Army was being

speedily raised and equipped. By proclamation of April 2-3d,

the President called for 125,000 volunteers, to be

apportioned, as far as practicable, among the states and

territories, according to population. On the 25th of May he

called for 75,000 more. Before the end of May, 118,580

enlisted volunteers, with 6,224 officers, were reported to

have been mustered in. These were assembled in various camps

and prepared for service in a more or less hurried way. At the

beginning, six army corps were constituted, embracing both the

Regular and Volunteer branches of the army. The First Corps,

under Major General John R. Brooke, and the Third under Major

General James F. Wade, were organized at Camp Thomas, Georgia.

The Second was organized under Major General William M.

Graham, at Camp Alger, near Falls Church, Virginia. The

organization of the Fourth Corps, Major General John J.

Coppinger, commanding, was begun at Mobile, Alabama. The Fifth

Corps was organized at Tampa, Florid., under Major General

William R. Shafter.

{592}

A Sixth Corps, which had been provided for, was never

organized; but the Seventh was formed, at Tampa, Florida,

under Major General Fitzhugh Lee. Subsequently an Eighth Corps

was concentrated at San Francisco, and transported to the

Philippine Islands. Tampa, Florida, was the port chosen for

the shipment of troops to Cuba, and extensive preparations

were made for the transport service from that point. The

movement waited, first, for the preparation of newly levied

troops, and, secondly, for naval operations to make the voyage

of transports to Cuba safe from attack.

Annual Report of the Adjutant-General to the

Major-General Commanding the Army, 1898.

Among the Volunteer regiments organized, one known as that of

"the Rough Riders" excited public interest in the greatest

degree. "The moment that the newspapers sent broadcast the

tale that such a regiment was contemplated, excitement began

in nearly every State in the Union, and did not end until the

announcement was made that the regiment was complete. As it

stood, finished, the troops which made it up, theoretically

came from the following sections, although men from the East

and from other States and Territories were scattered through

each troop. Troops A, B, and C, from Arizona. Troop D, from

Oklahoma. Troops E, F, G, H, and I, from New Mexico. Troop K,

from Eastern colleges and cities. Troops L and M, from Indian

Territory.

"Senator Warren, of Iowa, is responsible for the idea of the

Rough Riders. He introduced and carried through Congress,

aided by Senators Kyle, Carter, and others, a bill authorizing

the enrollment of three regiments, to be made up of expert

hunters, riflemen, cow-men, frontiersmen, and such other hardy

characters as might care to enlist from the Territories.

Captain Leonard Wood, of the Medical Corps, was the

President's chief medical adviser, and had had much experience

in Indian fighting in the West. Theodore Roosevelt was

Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and had had some knowledge of

men and things on the frontier, through his life on his Own

and other ranches. It was the President's intention to offer

to Wood the colonelcy of one regiment, to Roosevelt the

colonelcy of a second, and to Griggsby, of Montana, the

colonelcy of a third. Wood and Roosevelt received their offers

at about the same moment. Roosevelt promptly declined his, on

the theory that he had not had sufficient military experience

to warrant him in taking command of a regiment. He asked that

he might be given the second place in the regiment commanded

by Wood, which was done. Thus the Rough Riders began.

"Alexander Brodie, who afterwards became major of the

regiment, was probably the first man to systematically start

towards the organization of this particular regiment. … It was

on the 3d of May that the Arizona men started for San Antonio.

It was on the 8th of May that the very last men of all—those

of K Troop—left Washington for San Antonio. These were the

'dude warriors,' the 'dandy troopers,' the 'gilded gang.' When

their train pulled into San Antonio, and they started

stragglingly to march into camp, they encountered a contingent

of 340 cowboys from New Mexico. Oil and water are not farther

removed than were the everyday natures of these two groups of

men. Yet, instantly they fraternized, and from that

moment—through the hardships of it all—these men were

brothers. … Probably no military organization has ever been

made up of men selected from so large a number of applicants,

or of men so carefully selected. … A large delegation of men

from Harvard College called upon Roosevelt one day in

Washington and offered their services in a body. Indeed,

delegations of that kind from most of the Eastern Colleges

went to him, but went to him in vain. His secretary answered

more than five thousand individual applications for places in

the regiment, and answered ninety-nine per cent. of them with

declinations."

E. Marshall,

The Story of the Rough Riders,

chapter 1

(Copyright, G. W. Dillingham & Co., New York).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Cuba)

War with Spain.

Blockade of Cuban ports.

On the 21st of April, the following instructions were

despatched by the Secretary of the Navy to Rear-Admiral

Sampson, appointed that day to the command of the naval force

on the Atlantic Station: "You will immediately institute a

blockade of the north coast of Cuba, extending from Cardenas

on the east to Bahia Honda on the west; also, if in your

opinion your force warrants, the port of Cienfuegos, on the

south side of the island. It is considered doubtful if the

present force at your command would warrant a more extensive

blockade. It should be borne in mind that whenever the Army is

ready to embark for Cuba the Navy will be required to furnish

the necessary convoy for its transports. For this reason it

does not seem desirable that you should undertake at present

to blockade any more of the island than has been indicated. It

is believed that this blockade will cut off Havana almost

entirely from receiving supplies from the outside. The Navy

Department is considering the question of occupying the port

of Matanzas by a military force large enough to hold it and to

open communications with the insurgents, and this may be done

at an early date, even before the main party of the Army is

ready to embark. If this operation is decided upon, you are

directed to co-operate with the Army and assist with such

vessels as are necessary to cover and protect such a

movement."

Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,

volume 2, page 175.

In previous confidential orders to the commander of the North

Atlantic squadron, issued April 6, in anticipation of

hostilities, the Department had directed as follows: "In the

event of hostilities with Spain, the Department wishes you to

do all in your power to capture or destroy the Spanish war

vessels in West Indian waters, including the small gunboats

which are stationed along the coast of Cuba.

"2. The Department does not wish the vessels of your squadron

to be exposed to the fire of the batteries at Havana, Santiago

de Cuba, or other strongly fortified ports in Cuba, unless the

more formidable Spanish vessels should take refuge within

those harbors. Even in this case the Department would suggest

that a rigid blockade and employment of our torpedo boats

might accomplish the desired object, viz, the destruction of

the enemy's vessels, without subjecting unnecessarily our own

men-of-war to the fire of the land batteries. There are two

reasons for this: First. There may be no United States troops

to occupy any captured stronghold, or to protect from riot and

arson, until after the dry season begins, about the first of

October. Second. The lack of docking facilities makes it

particularly desirable that our vessels should not be crippled

before the capture or destruction of Spain's most formidable

vessels.

{593}

"3. The Department further desires that, in case of war, you

will maintain a strict blockade of Cuba, particularly at the

ports of Havana, Matanzas, and, if possible, of Santiago de

Cuba, Manzanillo, and Cienfuegos. Such a blockade may cause

the Spaniards to yield before the rainy season is over."

Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,

volume 2, page 171.

The prudent policy here set forth restricted the action of the

fleet to blockading duty so closely, during the early weeks of

the war, that no serious demonstrations against the Spanish

land batteries were made. Admiral Sampson had been urgent for

permission to force the entrance to Havana harbor, before its

defenses were strengthened, expressing perfect confidence that

he could silence the western batteries, and reach a position

from which the city would be at the mercy of his guns; but he

was not allowed to make the attempt. The projected occupation

of Matanzas was not undertaken.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Philippines).

Statements of the circumstances in which Aguinaldo, the

head of the insurrectionary movement in the Philippines,

went to Manila, to co-operate with the American forces.

On the 4th of May, 1898, the following was published in the

"Singapore Free Press": "General Emilio Aguinaldo, accompanied

by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Marcelo H. del Pilar, and his

private secretary, Mr. J. Leyba, arrived incognito in

Singapore from Saigon on April 21, 1898. In Saigon, where

Aguinaldo had remained for one week, he had interviews with

one or two old Philippino friends now resident there. The

special purpose of Aguinaldo's visit to Singapore was to

consult other friends here, particularly Mr. Howard W. Bray,

an old and intimate English friend, for fifteen years resident

in the Philippines, about the state of affairs in the islands

generally—particularly as to the possibility of war between

the United States and Spain, and whether, in such an event,

the United States would eventually recognize the independence

of the Philippines, provided he lent his co-operation to the

Americans in the conquest of the country. The situation of the

moment was this, that the conditions of the honorable peace

concluded on December 14, 1897, between President Aguinaldo,

on behalf of the Philippine rebels, and H. E. Governor-General

Primo di Rivera, on behalf of Spain, had not been carried out,

although their immediate execution had been vouched for in

that agreement. These reforms would have provided protection

to the people against the organized oppression and rapacity of

the religious fraternities, would have secured improved civil

and criminal procedure in courts, and have guaranteed, in many

ways, improvements in the fiscal and social conditions of the

people. The repudiation by the Spanish Government of these

conditions, made by General Primo di Rivera, now left the

rebel leaders, who had for the most part gone to Hongkong,

free to act. And it was in pursuance of that freedom of action

that Aguinaldo again sought counsel of his friends in Saigon

and Singapore, with a view to the immediate resumption of

operations in the Philippines.

"Meantime Mr. Bray, whose assistance to this journal on

matters connected with the Philippines has been very

considerable, as our readers will have seen, was introduced by

the editor of the Singapore Free Press to Mr. Spencer Pratt,

consul-general of the United States, who was anxious, in view

of contingencies, to learn as much as possible about the real

condition of the Philippines. It was a few days after this

that Aguinaldo arrived incognito in Singapore, when he at once

met his friends, including Mr. Bray. Affairs now becoming more

warlike, Mr. Bray, after conversation with Mr. Spencer Pratt,

eventually arranged an interview between that gentleman and

General Aguinaldo, which took place late on the evening of

Sunday, the 24th April, at 'The Mansion,' River Valley road.

There were present on that occasion General Emilio Aguinaldo y

Fami, Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, consul-general United States of

America; Mr. Howard W. Bray; Aguinaldo's private secretary,

Mr. J. Leyba; Colonel M. H. del Pilar, and Dr. Marcelino

Santos.

"During this conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as

interpreter, General Aguinaldo explained to the American

consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the incidents and objects of the

late rebellion, and described the present disturbed state of

the country. General Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the

nature of the co-operation he could give, in which he, in the

event of the American forces from the squadron landing and

taking possession of Manila, would guarantee to maintain order

and discipline amongst the native troops and inhabitants in

the same humane way in which he had hitherto conducted the

war, and prevent them from committing outrages on defenceless

Spaniards beyond the inevitable in fair and honorable warfare.

He further declared his ability to establish a proper and

responsible government on liberal principles, and would be

willing to accept the same terms for the country as the United

States intend giving to Cuba.

"The consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the

general views expressed during the discussion, placed himself

at once in telegraphic communication with Admiral Dewey at

Hongkong, between whom and Mr. Pratt a frequent interchange of

telegrams consequently took place. As a result another private

interview was arranged at the American consular residence at

the Raffles Hotel between General Aguinaldo, Mr. Spencer

Pratt, Mr. Howard Bray, and Mr. Leyba, private secretary to

General Aguinaldo. As a sequel to this interview, and in

response to the urgent request of Admiral Dewey, General

Aguinaldo left Singapore for Hongkong by the first available

steamer, the Peninsular and Oriental 'Malacca,' on Tuesday,

the 26th April, at noon, accompanied by his aide-de-camp,

Captain del Pilar, and Mr. Leyba, his private secretary. …

"Throughout the whole stay of General Aguinaldo in Singapore

the editor was kept fully informed daily of the progress of

affairs. Naturally, however, all statement of what occurred

has been withheld by us until what has been deemed the fitting

moment has arrived. The substance of the whole incident in its

relations to the recent course of affairs in the Philippines

has been very fully telegraphed by the editor both to New York

and London."

{594}

Mr. Pratt, the U. S. Consul-General at Singapore, had already,

under date of April 28, given his own official report of the

interview with General Aguinaldo, to the Department at

Washington, as follows:

"I have the honor to report that I sent you on the 27th

instant, and confirmed in my dispatch Number 211 of that date,

a telegram which deciphered read as follows. … 'General

Aguinaldo gone my instance Hongkong arrange with Dewey

co-operation insurgents Manila.

PRATT.'

"The facts are these: On the evening of Saturday the 23d

instant, I was confidentially informed of the arrival here,

incognito, of the supreme leader of the Philippine insurgents,

General Emilio Aguinaldo, by Mr. H. W. Bray, an English gentleman

of high standing, who, after fifteen years' residence as a

merchant and planter in the Philippines, had been compelled by

the disturbed condition of things resulting from Spanish

misrule to abandon his property and leave there, and from whom

I had previously obtained much valuable information for

Commodore Dewey regarding fortifications, coal deposits, etc.,

at different points in the islands. Being aware of the great

prestige of General Aguinaldo with the insurgents, and that no

one, either at home or abroad, could exert over them the same

influence and control that he could, I determined at once to

see him, and, at my request, a secret interview was

accordingly arranged for the following morning, Sunday, the

24th, in which, besides General Aguinaldo, were only present

the General's trusted advisers and Mr. Bray, who acted as

interpreter.

"At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the

state of and object sought to be obtained by the present

insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the

Philippines, he was still directing, I took it upon myself,

whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the

Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent

action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the

expediency of co-operating with our fleet, then at Hongkong,

and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed

thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should

the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day

as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:

'Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange

with Commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if

desired. Telegraph.

PRATT.'

"The Commodore's reply reading thus:

'Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.

DEWEY.'

"I received it late that night, and at once communicated to

General Aguinaldo, who, with his aide-de-camp and private

secretary, all under assumed names, I succeeded in getting off

by the British steamer 'Malacca,' which left here on Tuesday,

the 26th. Just previous to his departure, I had a second and

last interview with General Aguinaldo, the particulars of

which I shall give you by next mail. The general impressed me

as a man of intelligence, ability, and courage, and worthy the

confidence that had been placed in him.

"I think that in arranging for his direct cooperation with

the commander of our forces, I have prevented possible

conflict of action and facilitated the work of occupying and

administering the Philippines. If this course of mine meets

with the Government's approval, as I trust it may, I shall be

fully satisfied; to Mr. Bray, however, I consider there is due

some special recognition for most valuable services rendered.

How that recognition can best be made I leave to you to

decide."

Two days later (April 30), Mr. Pratt reported further, as

follows: "Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th

instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and

last interview I had with General Emilio Aguinaldo, on the eve

of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the

necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting

absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no

excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American

Government, the President having declared that the present

hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord

with modern principles of civilized warfare. To this General

Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was

perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the

insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should

direct. The general further stated that he hoped the United

States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least

long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government

of their own, in the organization of which he would desire

American advise and assistance. These questions I told him I

had no authority to discuss."

Of the arrival of Aguinaldo at Hongkong and his conveyance

thence to Manila, the following account was given by Mr.

Wildman, the U. S. Consul at Hongkong, in a communication to

the State Department at Washington, which bears date July 18:

"On May 2 Aguinaldo arrived in Hongkong and immediately called

on me. It was May 16 before I could obtain permission from

Admiral Dewey to allow Aguinaldo to go by the United States

ship 'McCulloch,' and I put him aboard in the night so as to

save any complications with the local Government. Immediately

on the arrival of Aguinaldo at Cavite he issued a

proclamation, which I had outlined for him before he left,

forbidding pillage, and making it a criminal offense to

maltreat neutrals. He, of course, organized a government of

which he was dictator, an absolutely necessary step if he

hoped to maintain control over the natives, and from that date

until the present time he has been uninterruptedly successful

in the field and dignified and just as the head of his

government. According to his own statements to me by letter,

he has been approached by both the Spaniards and the Germans,

and has had tempting offers made him by the Catholic Church.

He has been watched very closely by Admiral Dewey, Consul

Williams, and his own junta here in Hongkong, and nothing of

moment has occurred which would lead anyone to believe that he

was not carrying out to the letter the promises made to me in

this consulate. The insurgents are fighting for freedom from

the Spanish rule, and rely upon the well-known sense of

justice that controls all the actions of our Government as to

their future."

{595}

In reply to Consul Pratt's report of his interviews with

General Aguinaldo, and of his proceedings in connection with

the departure of that personage from Singapore to Hongkong,

the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Day, wrote, June 16,

as follows: "The Department observes that you informed General

Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United

States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you

promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this

Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To

obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General

Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so

doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be

practicable to gratify. This Government has known the

Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious

subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes.

While their contest with that power has been a matter of

public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from

this Government any recognition. The United States, in

entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of

its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the

exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and

will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their

former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience

which will be lawfully due from them. If, in the course of

your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the

assumption that this government would cooperate with him for

the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting

his cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize

any political claims which he may put forward, your action was

unauthorized and cannot be approved."

Treaty of Peace, and Accompanying Papers

(55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document Number 62,

part 2, pages 337-354).

See, also (in this volume),

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1806-1808.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-June).

The War with Spain.

Movements or the Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera,

and the blockading of it in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba.

Lieutenant Hobson's exploit.

The sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel.

The opening of hostilities found a Spanish squadron of four

armored cruisers (the "Cristobal Colon," the "Almirante

Oquendo," the "Vizcaya," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa,") with

three torpedo-boat destroyers (the "Pluton," "Furor" and

"Terror") and some lighter craft, assembled at the Cape Verde

islands, under Rear-Admiral Pascual Cervera. They were in

Portuguese waters, and Portugal, though friendly to Spain, was

forced to issue a proclamation of neutrality, on the 20th of

April, which required the Spanish fleet to depart. Some of the

vessels then returned to Spain; but the seven named above

sailed westward, and their destination became a mystery, very

exciting for some time to the American mind. They might

attempt to surprise some American coast city; they might

intercept the battle-ship "Oregon," then making her way from

the Pacific coast, by the long circuit around Cape Horn; they

might have some plan for breaking the Cuban blockade. Acting

on the latter conjecture, and surmising that Porto Rico would

be chosen for the Spanish naval base, Admiral Sampson moved in

that direction to seek them. He attacked the forts at San Juan

(May 12), and satisfied himself that no fleet was in the bay.

The truth was that Cervera was then just entering the

Caribbean Sea, considerably to the south of Sampson's search.

He touched at the French island of Martinique, and at the

Dutch island of Curaçoa, and then slipped across to Santiago

de Cuba, where he was to be overtaken by his fate. In the long

hill-sheltered bay, with a narrow entrance, which forms this

excellent Cuban harbor, the Spanish fleet was so hidden that

nearly a fortnight passed before its whereabouts could be

fully ascertained. It was not until May 20 that a blockade of

Santiago was established by a flying squadron of the American

fleet, under Commodore Schley, with certainty that the

squadron of Cervera was harbored there. On the 1st of June,

Admiral Sampson arrived on the scene, with a stronger naval

force, and took command. To attempt to force the narrow

entrance of the harbor, strongly fortified and thickly mined

as it was, and attack the Spanish fleet in the bay, was not

deemed practicable. The course resolved upon was to hold the

enemy fast in the shelter he had sought, until Santiago could

be taken, by a land attack. In pursuance of this plan, an

exploit of splendid daring was performed, in the early morning

of June 3, by a young officer, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson

Hobson, with a crew of seven volunteers, who placed and sank a

huge coaling ship, the "Merrimac," in the channel that leads

into Santiago Bay. The following is Admiral Sampson's report

of the undertaking and its achievement:

"Before coming here, I decided to make the harbor entrance

secure against the possibility of egress of the Spanish ships

by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a

collier at that point. Upon calling upon Mr. Hobson for his

professional opinion as to a sure method of sinking the ship,

he manifested a most lively interest in the problem. After

several days' consideration he presented a solution which he

considered would insure the immediate sinking of the ship when

she had reached the desired point in the channel. This plan we

prepared for before we reached Santiago. This plan included

ten electric torpedoes on the outside of the ship, each of 78

pounds of gunpowder, sinking the ship partially before going

in, cutting the sea valves, and opening the cargo ports. The

plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and Mr. Hobson, who

begged that it might be intrusted to him. The anchor chains

were ranged upon deck for both the anchors, forward and aft,

the plan including the anchoring of the ship almost

automatically. As soon as I reached Santiago and had the

collier to work upon the details were commenced and diligently

prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon

and tide served best the first night after our arrival.

Notwithstanding every effort, the hour of 4 o'clock in the

morning arrived and the preparations were scarcely completed.

After a careful inspection of the final preparations I was

forced to relinquish the plan for that morning, as dawn was

breaking. Mr. Hobson begged to try it at all hazards.

"This morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could

be made. Nothing could have been more gallantly executed. We

waited impatiently after the firing by the Spaniards had

ceased. When they did not reappear from the harbor at 6

o'clock I feared they had all perished. A steam launch, which

had been sent in charge of Naval Cadet Powell to rescue the

men, appeared at this time, coming out under a persistent fire

from the batteries, but brought none of the crew. A careful

inspection of the harbor from this ship showed that the

'Merrimac' had been sunk in the channel somewhat farther in

than had been intended.

{596}

This afternoon the chief of staff of Admiral Cervera came out

under a flag of truce with a letter from the Admiral extolling

the bravery of the crew in an unusual manner. I can not myself

too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of Mr.

Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more

brave and daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up

the 'Albemarle.'" The sunken ship did not actually block the

channel; but that fact takes nothing from the gallantry of the

exploit. Why the intended spot in the channel was missed was

explained by Lieutenant Hobson in a statement which he

afterwards made: "When the 'Merrimac' poked her nose into the

channel," says the Lieutenant, "our troubles commenced. The

deadly silence was broken by the swash of a small boat

approaching us from the shore. I made her out to be a picket

boat. She ran close up under the stern of the 'Merrimac' and

fired several shots from what seemed to be 3 pounder guns. The

'Merrimac's' rudder was carried away by this fire. That is why

the collier was not sunk across the channel. We did not discover

the loss of the rudder until Murphy [the volunteer assigned to

that duty] had cast anchor. We then found that the 'Merrimac'

would not answer to the helm and were compelled to make the

best of the situation. … Submarine mines and torpedoes were

exploded all around us, adding to the excitement. The mines

did no damage, although we could hear the rumbling and feel

the ship tremble. We were running without lights, and only the

darkness saved us from utter destruction. When the ship was in

the desired position and we found that the rudder was gone, I

called the men on deck. While they were launching the

catamaran I touched off the explosives. At the same time two

torpedoes, fired by the 'Reina Mercedes,' struck the

'Merrimac' amidships. I can not say whether our own explosives

or the Spanish torpedoes did the work, but the 'Merrimac' was

lifted out of the water, and almost rent asunder."

What followed, in the experience of the crew, when their

vessel went down, is described as follows by Lieutenant

Hobson, in a narrative of "The Sinking of the Merrimac," which

he published at a later day: "The stricken vessel now reeled

to port. Some one said: 'She is going to turn over on us,

sir,' to which I replied: 'No; she will right herself in

sinking, and we shall be the last spot to go under.' The

firing suddenly ceased. The vessel lowered her head like a

faithful animal, proudly aware of its sacrifice, bowed below

the surface, and plunged forward. The stern rose and heeled

heavily; it stood for a moment, shuddering, then started

downward, righting as it went. A great rush of water came up

the gangway, seething and gurgling out of the deck. The mass

was whirling from right to left 'against the sun'; it seized

us and threw us against the bulwarks, then over the rail. Two

were swept forward as if by a momentary recession, and one was

carried down into a coal-bunker—luckless Kelly. In a moment,

however, with increased force, the water shot him up out of

the same hole and swept him among us. The bulwarks

disappeared. A sweeping vortex whirled above. We charged about

with casks, cans, and spars, the incomplete stripping having

left quantities on the deck. The life-preservers stood us in

good stead, preventing chests from being crushed, as well as

buoying us on the surface; for spars came end on like

battering-rams, and the sharp corners of tin cans struck us

heavily. … When we looked for the life-boat we found that it

had been carried away. The catamaran was the largest piece of

floating debris; we assembled about it. The line suspending it

from the cargo-boom held and anchored us to the ship, though

barely long enough to reach the surface, causing the raft to

turn over and set us scrambling as the line came taut.

"The firing had ceased. It was evident the enemy had not seen

us in the general mass of moving objects; but soon the tide

began to drift these away, and we were being left alone with

the catamaran. The men were directed to cling close in, bodies

below and only heads out, close under the edges, and were

directed not to speak above a whisper, for the destroyer was

near at hand, and boats were passing near. We mustered; all

were present, and direction was given to remain as we were

till further orders, for I was sure that in due time after

daylight a responsible officer would come out to reconnoiter.

It was evident that we could not swim against the tide to

reach the entrance. Moreover, the shores were lined with

troops, and the small boats were looking for victims that

might escape from the vessel. The only chance lay in remaining

undiscovered until the coming of the reconnoitering boat, to

which, perhaps, we might surrender without being fired on. …

The air was chilly and the water positively cold. In less than

five minutes our teeth were chattering; so loud, indeed, did

they chatter that it seemed the destroyer or the boats would

hear. … We remained there probably an hour."

At daylight a steam launch approached, and was hailed by

Lieutenant Hobson, who judged that there must be officers on

board to whom it would be safe to surrender. He was more than

right. The commander of the launch was Admiral Cervera, in

person, who took the nearly exhausted men from the water and

treated them with great kindness, admiring the bravery of

their exploit, and sending a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson

to announce their safety. They were taken aboard the 'Reina

Mercedes,' and, as prisoners of war, were confined at first in

Morro Castle, and afterwards in the city. It so happened that

they were locked in the Morro during a bombardment of the

Spanish coast defences and fleet by ten of our vessels on June

6th, when about 1,500 projectiles were fired; and much anxiety

and indignation were expressed in this country in view of that

circumstance; but Mr. Ramsden, British consul at Santiago,

explained in a despatch that they were removed as soon as

lodgings could be prepared in the barracks—actually on June

7th. They were released on July 6th in exchange for prisoners

captured by our forces.

{597}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).

War with Spain,

Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

Despatches of Admiral Dewey.

His relations with Aguinaldo, the insurgent chief.

Arrival of American troops for the occupation of the city.

Commodore George Dewey, commanding the Asiatic Squadron, then

awaiting orders at Hongkong, received on the 25th of April the

following despatch by cable from the Secretary of the Navy: "War

has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at

once to Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once,

particularly against the Spanish fleet. You must capture

vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavors." On the sixth day

after receiving these orders (namely on May 1st), he was able

to report from Manila, by a telegram sent from Hongkong on the

7th: "The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this morning.

Immediately engaged enemy and destroyed the following Spanish

vessels: 'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de

Biloa,' 'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de

Cuba,' 'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Curreo,'

'Velasco,' one transport, 'Isla de Mandano,' water battery at

Cavite. I shall destroy Cavite arsenal dispensatory. The

squadron is uninjured. Few men were slightly wounded. I

request the Department will send immediately from San

Francisco fast steamer with ammunition. The only means of

telegraphing is to the American consul at Hongkong."

In due time the post brought particulars of the action, in the

following report from Commodore Dewey, dated May 4: "The

squadron left Mirs Bay, [China] on April 27, immediately on

the arrival of Mr. O. F. Williams, United States consul at

Manila, who brought important information and who accompanies

the squadron. Arrived off Bolinao on the morning of April 30

and, finding no vessels there, proceeded down the coast and

arrived off the entrance to Manila Bay on the same afternoon.

The 'Boston' and 'Concord' were sent to reconnoiter Port

Subic, I having been informed that the enemy intended to take

position there. A thorough search of the port was made by the

'Boston' and 'Concord,' but the Spanish fleet was not found,

although, from a letter afterwards found in the arsenal (

inclosed with translation), it appears that it had been their

intention to go there. Entered the Boca Grande, or south

channel, at 11.30 p. m., steaming in column at distance at 8

knots. After half the squadron had passed, a battery on the

south side of the channel opened fire, none of the shots

taking effect. The 'Boston' and 'McCulloch' returned the fire.

The squadron proceeded across the bay at slow speed, and

arrived off Manila at daybreak, and was fired upon at 5.15 a.

m. by three batteries at Manila and two at Cavite and by the

Spanish fleet anchored in an approximately east and west line

across the mouth of Bakor Bay, with their left in shoal water

in Canacao Bay. The squadron then proceeded to the attack, the

flagship 'Olympia,' under my personal direction, leading,

followed at distance by the 'Baltimore,' 'Raleigh,' 'Petrel,'

'Concord,' and 'Boston,' in the order named, which formation

was maintained throughout the action. The squadron opened fire

at 5.41 a. m. While advancing to the attack, two mines were

exploded ahead of the flagship, too far to be effective. The

squadron maintained a continuous and precise fire at ranges

varying from 5,000 to 2,000 yards, countermarching in a line

approximately parallel to that of the Spanish fleet. The

enemy's fire was vigorous, but generally ineffective.

"Early in the engagement two launches put out toward the

'Olympia' with the apparent intention of using torpedoes. One

was sunk and the other disabled by our fire and beached before

an opportunity occurred to fire torpedoes. At 7 a. m. the Spanish

flagship 'Reina Christina' made a desperate attempt to leave

the line and come out to engage at short range, but was

received with such galling fire, the entire battery of the

'Olympia' being concentrated upon her, that she was barely

able to return to the shelter of the point. The fires started

in her by our shell at this time were not extinguished until

she sank. At 7.35 a. m., it having been erroneously reported

to me that only 15 rounds per gun remained for the 5-inch

rapid-fire battery, I ceased firing and withdrew the squadron

for consultation and a redistribution of ammunition, if

necessary. The three batteries at Manila had kept up a

continuous fire from the beginning of the engagement, which

fire was not returned by this squadron. The first of these

batteries was situated on the south mole head at the entrance

to the Pasig River, the second on the south bastion of the

walled city of Manila, and the third at Malate, about one-ha]f

mile farther south. At this point I sent a message to the

Governor-General to the effect that if the batteries did not

cease firing the city would be shelled. This had the effect of

silencing them.

"At 11.16 a. m., finding that the report of scarcity of

ammunition was incorrect, I returned with the squadron to the

attack. By this time the flagship and almost the entire

Spanish fleet were in flames, and at 12.30 p. m. the squadron

ceased firing, the batteries being silenced and the ships

sunk, burnt, and deserted. At 12.40 p. m. the squadron

returned and anchored off Manila, the 'Petrel' being left

behind to complete the destruction of the smaller gunboats,

which were behind the point of Cavite. This duty was performed

by Commander E. P. Wood in the most expeditious and complete

manner possible. The Spanish lost the following vessels:

Sunk—'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de Ulloa.'

Burnt—'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de Cuba,'

'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Correo,' 'Velasco,'

and 'Isla Mindanao,' (transport). Captured—'Rapido,' and

'Hercules' (tugs), and several small launches. I am unable to

obtain complete accounts of the enemy's killed and wounded,

but believe their loss to be very heavy. The 'Reina Christina'

alone had 150 killed, including the captain, and 90 wounded.

"I am happy to report that the damage done to the squadron

under my command was inconsiderable. There were none killed,

and only 7 men in the squadron very slightly wounded. As will

be seen by the reports of the commanding officers which are

herewith inclosed, several of the vessels were struck and even

penetrated, but the damage was of the slightest, and the

squadron is in as good condition now as before the battle. I

beg to state to the Department that I doubt if any commander

in chief, under similar circumstances, was ever served by more

loyal, efficient, and gallant captains than those of the

squadron now under my command. … On May 2, the day following

the engagement, the squadron again went to Cavite, where it

remains. A landing party was sent to destroy the guns and

magazines of the batteries there. … On the 3d the military

forces evacuated the Cavite Arsenal, which was taken

possession of by a landing party."

{598}

Promptly in response to this report of his victory, a joint

resolution of thanks to Commodore Dewey and his officers and

men, by the two Houses of Congress, was despatched to them,

with announcement to the former of his promotion to the rank

of rear-admiral. The admiral replied, on the 13th, from

Cavite, making due acknowledgments, and adding: "I am

maintaining strict blockade of Manila by sea, and believe

rebels are hemming in by land, although they are inactive and

making no demonstrations. Great scarcity of provisions in the

city. I believe the Spanish Governor-General will be obliged

to surrender soon. I can take Manila at any moment. To retain

possession and thus control Philippine Islands would require,

in my best judgment, a well equipped force of 5,000 men."

On the 20th he reported, further: "Aguinaldo, the rebel

commander in chief, was brought down by the 'McCulloch' [from

Hongkong]. Organizing forces near Cavite and may render

assistance that will be valuable." On the 27th of June, in

reply to inquiries from the Navy Department, he explained his

relations with Aguinaldo, as follows: "Aguinaldo, insurgent

leader, with thirteen of his staff, arrived May 19, by

permission, on 'Nanshan.' Established self Cavite, outside

arsenal, under the protection of our guns, and organized his

army. I have had several conferences with him, generally of a

personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from assisting

him in any way with the force under my command, and on several

occasions I have declined requests that I should do so,

telling him the squadron could not act until the arrival of

the United States troops. At the same time I have given him to

understand that I consider insurgents as friends, being

opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of

insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil

government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron,

but has kept me advised of his progress, which has been

wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water recruits, arms, and

ammunition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from

the arsenal as he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct

the war humanely, which he has done invariably. My relations

with him are cordial, but I am not in his confidence. The

United States has not been bound in any way to assist

insurgents by any act or promises, and he is not, to my

knowledge, committed to assist us. I believe he expects to

capture Manila without my assistance, but doubt ability, they

not yet having many guns. In my opinion these people are far

superior in their intelligence and more capable of

self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar

with both races."

Report of the Secretary of the Navy, 1898,

volume 2, pages 67-72 and 103.

On the 30th of June, troops sent from San Francisco, to the

number of 2,500 officers and men, commanded by General T. M.

Anderson, arrived in Manila Bay, to co-operate with the navy

in taking Manila and occupying the city, when taken. They were

followed by a second expeditionary force, under General F. V.

Greene, which arrived July 17, and by a third, July 25 and 31,

with which came General Merritt, commanding the corps and the

Department of the Pacific. General Merritt's army then

numbered nearly 11,000 men, and it was increased during the

next few weeks to more than 15,000.

Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 499.

An English officer, Major Younghusband, who visited Manila at

this time, remarked: "It may, perhaps, with some confidence be

prophesied that when the cold fit, which will in due course

follow the warmth of the present enthusiasm, falls on the

nation, America will discover that the true parting of the

ways was … in having allowed Admiral Dewey to do more than

defeat the Spanish fleet and exact a heavy indemnity from the

city of Manila before sailing away." It would seem to be more

true, however, to say that the parting of the ways was when a

military expedition was sent from San Francisco to Manila, to

be landed, for the capture of the city and for the occupation

of the islands. It is claimed with reason that Admiral Dewey

could not "sail away," after the destruction of the Spanish

ships, because he needed the harbor he had seized, his fleet

having lost most of the privileges it had formerly been using

in neutral ports, when it became the fleet of a belligerent

power. To retain possession of Manila Bay while it was needed

by the American fleet was clearly a measure connected

legitimately with the general conduct of the war against

Spain. But it is difficult to see that the landing of soldiers

on the island of Luzon and the capture of the city of Manila

added anything to the security with which the Bay was held for

the purposes of Admiral Dewey's fleet, or that it contributed

at all to the weakening of Spain in the war, and to the rescue

of Cuba from Spanish misrule. For two months, from the first

day of May until the last day of June, before a soldier

arrived, and for six weeks longer, before Manila surrendered,

Admiral Dewey appears to have been as fully and as

conveniently in possession of all the advantages that

harborage there could give him, as he was after the Spanish

flag had been lowered in the city and on the island.

Therefore, the American conquest of the Philippines does not

readily connect itself with the war for the liberation of

Cuba, as a necessary part of it, but presents itself to the

mind as a somewhat supplementary enterprise, undertaken with

objects of its own.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (May-August).

Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

While Admiral Dewey was holding Manila Bay, before the taking

of the city, there were many rumors and exciting stories

afloat, of offensive behavior towards the American fleet by

commanders of German war ships that were sent to the scene. As

far as possible, the facts were officially suppressed, in

order to avoid a quarrel between the two countries, and no

authoritative account of what occurred can be found. But some

incidents obtained publicity which are probably true in the

main. The first unpleasant happening appears to have been the

arrival in Manila Bay of a German naval vessel, which steamed

in with entire disregard of the blockading fleet, as though

the port was its own. Thereupon Admiral Dewey sent a forcible

reminder to the captain that he was intruding upon a blockade,

by firing a shot across his bow, and ordering him to heave to.

The German captain, in a rage, is said to have called on the

commanding officer of a British squadron that was in the Bay,

for advice as to what he should do, and was told that he owed

the American Admiral an apology for his violation of naval

etiquette, well settled for such circumstances as those

existing in Manila Bay. According to the story, the British

commander, Captain Sir Edward Chichester, himself on the best

of terms with Admiral Dewey, visited the latter, on behalf of

the German officer, and made the matter smooth.

{599}

But, either through indiscretion of his own, or because he had

instructions to interfere as much as possible with the

proceedings of the Americans, the German commander continued

to pursue an offensive course. According to report, be went so

far as to stop a movement which Aguinaldo (then a recognized

ally of the United States) was making, to take possession of a

certain island, and to capture some Spaniards who were on it.

This provoked Admiral Dewey to a demonstration against him so

threatening that he drew back in haste, and the island was

occupied.

According to all accounts, Admiral Dewey showed unsurpassed

wisdom and dignity in meeting and checking these offensive

proceedings without allowing them to become a cause of

international quarrel; and he was happily aided in doing so by

the hearty support of the British naval commander. According

to still another report of the time, a German admiral, who had

come upon the scene, meditated an interference to forbid the

bombarding of Manila, when the city was about to be attacked,

and, calling upon Sir Edward Chichester to ascertain what

action the latter would take, was significantly told, "That is

only known to Admiral Dewey and myself,"—which convinced him

that his project was not wise. An English writer has related,

with much satisfaction, that when Sir Edward's ship, the

"Immortalité," finally steamed out of Manila Bay, returning to

Hong Kong, "every ship in the American fleet manned her yards

and gave the British man-of-war three cheers as she passed

along; and she with the answering signal, 'thank you,' flying

at her mast-head, went on her way."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

Act creating the United States Industrial Commission.

An Act "authorizing the appointment of a non-partisan

Commission to collate information and to consider and

recommend legislation to meet the problems presented by labor,

agriculture, and capital," was passed by Congress and approved

by the President June 18, 1898. It provided:

"That a commission is hereby created, to be called the

'Industrial Commission,' to be composed as follows. Five

members of the Senate, to be appointed by the presiding

officer thereof; five members of the House of Representatives,

to be appointed by the Speaker, and nine other persons, who shall

fairly represent the different industries and employments, to

be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and

consent of the Senate. … That it shall be the duty of this

commission to investigate questions pertaining to immigration,

to labor, to agriculture, to manufacturing, and to business,

and to report to Congress and to suggest such legislation as

it may deem best upon these subjects. … That it shall furnish

such information and suggest such laws as may be made a basis

for uniform legislation by the various States of the Union, in

order to harmonize conflicting interests and to be equitable

to the laborer, the employer, the producer, and the consumer.

… That the commission shall give reasonable time for hearings,

if deemed necessary, and if necessary it may appoint a

subcommission or subcommissions of its own members to make

investigation in any part of the United States, and it shall

be allowed actual necessary expenses for the same. It shall

have the authority to send for persons and papers and to

administer oaths and affirmations. … That it may report from

time to time to the Congress of the United States, and shall

at the conclusion of its labors submit a final report."

The Commission thus contemplated was duly appointed by the

President, and organized by the election of Senator Kyle for

its chairman. For the scope and plan of its investigations a

committee on procedure made the following recommendations,

which were adopted by the Commission and which have been

followed in what it has done:

"The main work of the Commission may … be said to be to study

and compare existing laws bearing upon industrial conditions,

here and elsewhere, to ascertain by competent testimony

wherein they are deficient, defective, inoperative, or

oppressive, and to recommend such remedial statutes as will

tend not only to make the conditions of industry more uniform

as between the several States, but to remove such existing

sources or causes of discontent, inequality, and injustice as

can be reached and regulated through legislation. … In order

to secure satisfactory results, it appears to your committee

imperatively necessary that the work shall be confined

strictly to the main purpose, viz, of ascertaining the nature

and effects of existing legislation, and the nature of

remedial legislation which may be necessary or desirable to

equalize conditions in industry and to remove any just grounds

of complaint on the part of either labor or capital or of the

people at large.

"To facilitate the progress of the work we recommend the

division of the Commission into four subcommissions of five

members each, to be severally charged with the investigation

of present conditions and the formulation of remedial

suggestions in the following branches of industry:

1. On agriculture and agricultural labor.

2. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in

manufacturing and general business.

3. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in mining.

4. On transportation.

In addition, we recommend a fifth subcommission, to be known

as the subcommission on statistics, in the membership of which

there shall be one representative of each of the above

subcommissions. …

"The committee also suggests that there are certain subjects

of inquiry which appertain equally to all the groups into

which it has recommended that the Commission be segregated.

The subjects of immigration, of education, of combinations and

trusts, and of taxation at once suggest themselves as

belonging in this category. It is therefore recommended that

these subjects, one or more of them, be examined into by the

full Commission pending the organization of the several

subcommissions."

The subject to which the Commission gave earliest attention

was that of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," on which it

submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS.

{600}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

Act providing for the arbitration of disputes between

employers and employees in inter-state commerce.

The following are the main sections of a very important Act of

Congress, approved June 1, 1898, which provides for the

arbitration of disputes between railway and other employees

engaged in interstate commerce and the companies or

individuals employing them:

"That the provisions of this Act shall apply to any common

carrier or carriers and their officers, agents, and employees,

except masters of vessels and seamen, … engaged in the

transportation of passengers or property wholly by railroad,

or partly by railroad and partly by water, for a continuous

carriage or shipment, from one State or Territory of the

United States or the District of Columbia, to any other State

or Territory of the United States, or the District of

Columbia, or from any place in the United States to an

adjacent foreign country, or from any place in the United

States through a foreign country to any other place in the

United States. …

"Section 2. That whenever a controversy concerning wages,

hours of labor, or conditions of employment shall arise

between a carrier subject to this Act and the employees of

such carrier, seriously interrupting or threatening to

interrupt the business of said carrier, the chairman of the

Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor

shall, upon the request of either party to the controversy,

with all practicable expedition, put themselves in

communication with the parties to such controversy, and shall

use their best efforts, by mediation and conciliation, to

amicably settle the same; and if such efforts shall be

unsuccessful, shall at once endeavor to bring about an

arbitration of said controversy in accordance with the

provisions of this Act.

"Section 3. That whenever a controversy shall arise between a

carrier subject to this Act and the employees of such carrier

which can not be settled by mediation and conciliation in the

manner provided in the preceding section, said controversy may

be submitted to the arbitration of a board of three persons,

who shall be chosen in the manner following: One shall be

named by the carrier or employer directly interested; the

other shall be named by the labor organization to which the

employees directly interested belong, or, if they belong to

more than one, by that one of them which specially represents

employees of the same grade and class and engaged in services

of the same nature as said employees so directly interested:

Provided, however, That when a controversy involves and

affects the interests of two or more classes and grades of

employees belonging to different labor organizations, such

arbitrator shall be agreed upon and designated by the

concurrent action of all such labor organizations; and in

cases where the majority of such employees are not members of

any labor organization, said employees may by a majority vote

select a committee of their own number, which committee shall

have the right to select the arbitrator on behalf of said

employees. The two thus chosen shall select the third

commissioner of arbitration; but, in the event of their

failure to name such arbitrator within five days after their

first meeting, the third arbitrator shall be named by the

commissioners named in the preceding section. A majority of

said arbitrators shall be competent to make a valid and

binding award under the provisions hereof. The submission

shall be in writing, shall be signed by the employer and by

the labor organization representing the employees, shall

specify the time and place of meeting of said board of

arbitration, shall state the questions to be decided, and

shall contain appropriate provisions by which the respective

parties shall stipulate, as follows:

"First. That the board of arbitration shall commence their

hearings within ten days from the date of the appointment of

the third arbitrator, and shall find and file their award, as

provided in this section, within thirty days from the date of

the appointment of the third arbitrator; and that pending the

arbitration the status existing immediately prior to the

dispute shall not be changed: Provided, That no employee shall

be compelled to render personal service without his consent.

"Second. That the award and the papers and proceedings,

including the testimony relating thereto certified under the

hands of the arbitrators and which shall have the force and

effect of a bill of exceptions, shall be filed in the clerk's

office of the circuit court of the United States for the

district wherein the controversy arises or the arbitration is

entered into, and shall be final and conclusive upon both

parties, unless set aside for error of law apparent on the

record.

"Third. That the respective parties to the award will each

faithfully execute the same, and that the same may be

specifically enforced in equity so far as the powers of a

court of equity permit: Provided, That no injunction or other

legal process shall be issued which shall compel the

performance by any laborer against his will of a contract for

personal labor or service.

"Fourth. That employees dissatisfied with the award shall not

by reason of such dissatisfaction quit the service of the

employer before the expiration of three months from and after

the making of such award without giving thirty days' notice in

writing of their intention so to quit. Nor shall the employer

dissatisfied with such award dismiss any employee or employees

on account of such dissatisfaction before the expiration of three

months from and after the making of such award without giving

thirty days' notice in writing of his intention so to

discharge.

"Fifth. That said award shall continue in force as between the

parties thereto for the period of one year after the same

shall go into practical operation, and no new arbitration upon

the same subject between the same employer and the same class

of employees shall be had until the expiration of said one

year if the award is not set aside as provided in section

four. That as to individual employees not belonging to the

labor organization or organizations which shall enter into the

arbitration, the said arbitration and the award made therein

shall not be binding, unless the said individual employees

shall give assent in writing to become parties to said

arbitration. …

"Section 7. That during the pendency of arbitration under this

Act it shall not be lawful for the employer, party to such

arbitration, to discharge the employees, parties thereto,

except for inefficiency, violation of law, or neglect of duty;

nor for the organization representing such employees to order,

nor for the employees to unite in, aid, or abet, strikes

against said employer; nor, during a period of three months

after an award under such an arbitration, for such an employer

to discharge any such employees, except for the causes

aforesaid, without giving thirty days' written notice of an

intent so to discharge; nor for any of such employees, during

a like period, to quit the service of said employer without

just cause, without giving to said employer thirty days'

written notice of an intent so to do; nor for such

organization representing such employees to order, counsel, or

advise otherwise.

{601}

Any violation of this section shall subject the offending

party to liability for damages; Provided, that nothing herein

contained shall be construed to prevent any employer, party to

such arbitration, from reducing the number of its or his

employees whenever in its or his judgment business necessities

require such reduction. …

"Section 10. That any employer subject to the provisions of

this Act and any officer, agent, or receiver of such employer

who shall require any employee, or any person seeking

employment, as a condition of such employment, to enter into

an agreement, either written or verbal, not to become or

remain a member of any labor corporation, association, or

organization; or shall threaten any employee with loss of

employment, or shall unjustly discriminate against any

employee because of his membership in such a labor

corporation, association, or organization; or who shall

require any employee or any person seeking employment, as a

condition of such employment, to enter into a contract whereby

such employee or applicant for employment shall agree to

contribute to any fund for charitable, social or beneficial

purposes; to release such employer from legal liability for

any personal injury by reason of any benefit received from

such fund beyond the proportion of the benefit arising from

the employer's contribution to such fund; or who shall, after

having discharged an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent

such employee from obtaining employment, or who shall, after

the quitting of an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent

such employee from obtaining employment, is hereby declared to

be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof in

any court of the United States of competent jurisdiction in

the district in which such offense was committed, shall be

punished for each offense by a fine of not less than one

hundred dollars and not more than one thousand dollars."

United States Statutes at Large,

volume 30, page 424.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).

The War with Spain.

Seizure of the island of Guam.

The following order, dated May 10, 1898, was addressed by the

Secretary of the Navy to the Commander of the U. S. S.

'Charleston':

"Upon the receipt of this order, which is forwarded by the

steamship 'City of Pekin' to you at Honolulu, you will proceed

with the 'Charleston' and 'City of Pekin' in company, to

Manila, Philippine Islands. On your way, you are hereby

directed to stop at the Spanish Island of Guam. You will use

such force as may be necessary to capture the port of Guam,

making prisoners of the governor and other officials and any

armed force that may be there. You will also destroy any

fortifications on said island and any Spanish naval vessels

that may be there, or in the immediate vicinity. These

operations at the Island of Guam should be very brief, and

should not occupy more than one or two days. Should you find

any coal at the Island of Guam, you will make such use of it

as you consider desirable. It is left to your discretion

whether or not you destroy it. From the Island of Guam,

proceed to Manila and report to Rear-Admiral George Dewey, U.

S. N., for duty in the squadron under his command."

In a despatch dated June 24, Captain Glass, of the

"Charleston," reported the execution of these orders as

follows: "I have the honor to report that in obedience to the

Department's telegraphic order of May 24, 1898, this ship

sailed from Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, on the 4th instant for

Manila with the transports 'City of Pekin,' 'Australia,' and

'City of Sydney' under convoy. When clear of land, I opened

the confidential order of May 10, 1898, and changed course for

the Island of Guam, next day informing Commander Gibson, in

charge of transports, and Brigadier-General Anderson,

commanding expeditionary force, of the change in my orders and

that the transports would accompany the 'Charleston.' Arriving

off the north end of the island at daylight, June 20, I first

visited the port of Agana, the capital of Guam, and of the

Mariana group, and finding no vessels there of any kind,

proceeded to San Luis D'Apra, where it was expected that a

Spanish gunboat and a military force would be found, a rumor

to that effect having reached me while at Honolulu. Arriving

off the port at 8.30 a. m., it was found that Fort Santiago,

on Oroté Point, was abandoned and in ruins, and I steamed

directly into the harbor, having ordered the transports to

take a safe position outside and await instructions. A few

shots were fired from the secondary battery at Fort Santa Cruz

to get the range and ascertain if it was occupied. Getting no

response, ceased firing and came to anchor in a position to

control the harbor, and it was then found that this fort also

was abandoned. The only vessel in port was a small Japanese

trading vessel from Yokohama. An officer had just shoved off

from the ship to board the Japanese vessel, and obtain

information as to the condition of affairs on shore, when a

boat was seen approaching the ship, through the reefs at the

head of the harbor, flying the Spanish flag and bringing two

officers, the captain of the port, a lieutenant-commander in

the Spanish navy, and the health officer, a surgeon of the

Spanish army. These officers came on board, and, in answer to

my questions, told me they did not know that war had been

declared between the United States and Spain, their last news

having been from Manila, under date of April 14. I informed

them that war existed and that they must consider themselves

as prisoners. As they stated that no resistance could be made

by the force on the island, I released them on parole for the

day, to proceed to Agana and inform the governor that I

desired him to come on board ship at once, they assuring me

that he would do so as soon as he could reach the port. While

awaiting the return of these officers, an examination was made

of the harbor, the only dangers to navigation were buoyed, and

the transports came in during the afternoon.

"At 5 p. m. the governor's secretary, a captain in the Spanish

army, came on board, bringing me a letter from the governor,

in which he stated that he was not allowed by law to go on

board a foreign vessel and requested me to meet him on shore

for a conference. This letter is appended, marked A. As it was

then too late to land a party, from the state of the tide on

the reef between the ship and the landing place, I directed

the secretary to return and say to the governor that I would

send an officer ashore with a communication for him early next

day.

{602}

… At 8.30 a. m. on June 21 Lieutenant William Braunersreuther

was sent ashore, under flag of truce, with a written demand

for the immediate surrender of the defenses of the Island of

Guam and all officials and persons in the military service of

Spain. Mr. Braunersreuther was directed to wait half an hour

only for a reply, to bring the governor and other officials on

board as prisoners of war in case of surrender, or in case of

refusal or delay beyond the time given, to return and take

command of the landing force, which he would find in

readiness, and proceed to Agaña. At 12.15 p. m. Mr.

Braunersreuther returned to the ship, bringing off the

governor and three other officers, his staff, and handed me a

letter from the governor acceding fully to my demand. Having

received the surrender of the Island of Guam, I took formal

possession at 2.45 p. m., hoisting the American flag on Fort

Santa Cruz and saluting it with 21 guns from the 'Charleston.'

From a personal examination of Fort Santa Cruz, I decided that

it was entirely useless as a defensive work, with no guns and

in a partly ruinous condition, and that it was not necessary

to expend any mines in blowing it up. The forts at Agaña, San

Luis D'Apra, and Umata are of no value and no guns remain in

the island except four small cast-iron guns of obsolete

pattern at Agaña, formerly used for saluting, but now

condemned as unsafe even for that purpose. No Spanish vessel

of war has visited Guam during the last eighteen months. No

coal was found on the island."

Annual Reports of the Navy Department, 1898,

volume 2, pages 151-3.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).

War with Spain.

Expedition of the army under General Shafter

against Santiago de Cuba.

Battles of El Caney and San Juan Hill.

To co-operate with the navy in operations for the capture of

Santiago de Cuba, and of the Spanish fleet blockaded in the

harbor of that town, orders were issued from Washington on the

31st of May, by Major-General Miles, Commanding the Army,

"with the approval of the Secretary of War," which directed

General Shafter, commanding the forces assembled at Tampa,

Florida, to place them on transports and proceed with them,

under convoy of the navy, to Santiago. Owing to an extreme

lack of both railway and harbor facilities at Tampa, an entire

week was consumed in the embarkation of the troops and

supplies. When on shipboard, the expedition was delayed

another week by false reports of the appearance of Spanish

cruisers on the Cuban coast, which seemed to the Washington

authorities to call for a stronger naval convoy to guard the

transport fleet. It was not until the 14th of June that the

fleet was permitted to sail, with 16,000 men. It arrived off

Guantanamo, near Santiago, on the morning of the 20th.

Meantime, the blockading fleet had bombarded the forts at

Santiago twice, on the 6th and on the 16th, and had silenced

them, for the time being, on both occasions, but apparently

with no permanent effect. With more success, two vessels from

the fleet had entered the harbor of Guantanamo on the 7th and

taken possession of the lower bay, where a marine battalion

was landed on the 10th and established in camp, to hold ground

until the army arrived. Meantime, also, communication with

General Garcia, commanding Cuban forces, had been opened, and

arrangements made, the results of which were subsequently

acknowledged by General Miles, in his annual report, as

follows:

"General Garcia regarded my requests as his orders, and

promptly took steps to execute the plan of operations. He sent

3,000 men to check any movement of the 12,000 Spaniards

stationed at Holguín. A portion of this latter force started

to the relief of the garrison at Santiago, but was

successfully checked and turned back by the Cuban forces under

General Feria. General Garcia also sent 2,000 men, under

Perez, to oppose the 6,000 Spaniards at Guantánamo, and they

were successful in their object. He also sent 1,000 men, under

General Ríos, against the 6,000 men at Manzanillo. Of this

garrison, 3,500 started to reenforce the garrison at Santiago,

and were engaged in no less than thirty combats with the

Cubans on their way before reaching Santiago. … With an

additional force of 5,000 men General Garcia besieged the

garrison of Santiago, taking up a strong position on the west

side and in close proximity to the harbor, and he afterwards

received General Shafter and Admiral Sampson at his camp near

that place. He had troops in the rear, as well as on both

sides of the garrison at Santiago before the arrival of our

troops."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 16.

The troops from Tampa, under General Shafter, arriving on the

20th, were disembarked on the 22d, 23d and 24th, at Daiquiri,

and advanced to Siboney. The first resistance encountered was

at La Guasima, three miles from Siboney, on the Santiago road,

where the Spaniards were driven from strong entrenchments by a

part of Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry division

(dismounted). The brigade thus first in the fighting was

composed of the 1st and 10th regiments of regular cavalry and

the 1st United States Volunteer cavalry, commonly called the

"Rough Riders." After the engagement at La Guasima, six days

were occupied in concentrating the army (including the Cuban

auxiliaries of General Garcia), mostly at Sevilla, a short

distance beyond La Guasima, on the same road, and in

overcoming great difficulties of transportation for supplies.

On June 30, General Shafter reconnoitered the country around

Santiago and made his plan of attack. "From a high hill," says

his subsequent report, "from which the city was in plain view,

I could see the San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney. The

roads were very poor, and, indeed, little better than

bridlepaths, until the San Juan River and El Caney were

reached. The position of El Caney, to the northeast of

Santiago, was of great importance to the enemy as holding the

Guantanamo road, as well as furnishing shelter for a strong

outpost that might be used to assail the right flank and rear

of any force operating against San Juan Hill. In view of this

I decided to begin the attack next day at El Caney with one

division, while sending two divisions on the direct road to

Santiago, passing by El Poso House, and, as a diversion, to

direct a small force against Aguadores from Siboney along the

railroad by the sea, with a view of attracting the attention

of the Spaniards in the latter direction and of preventing

them from attacking our left flank.

"During the afternoon I assembled the division commanders and

explained to them my general plan of battle. Lawton's division

[composed of Chaffee's, Miles' and Ludlow's brigades],

assisted by Capron's light battery, was ordered to move out

during the afternoon toward El Caney, to begin the attack

there early the next morning.

{603}

Map Illustrating the Santiago Campaign…

{604}

After carrying El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road

toward Santiago and take position on the right of the line.

Wheeler's division of dismounted cavalry [embracing Sumner's

brigade—3d, 6th and 9th regular cavalry, and Young's brigade

mentioned above] and Kent's division of infantry [Wikoft's,

Hawkins's and Pearson's brigades] were directed on the

Santiago road, the head of the column resting near El Poso,

toward which heights Grimes's battery moved on the afternoon

of the 30th, with orders to take position thereon early the

next morning and at the proper time prepare the way for the

advance of Wheeler and Kent on San Juan Hill. The attack at

this point was to be delayed until Lawton's guns were heard

at El Caney and his infantry fire showed he had become well

engaged.

"The remainder of the afternoon and night was devoted to

cutting out and repairing the roads and to other necessary

preparations for battle. These preparations were far from what

I desired them to be; but we were in a sickly climate; our

supplies had to be brought forward by a narrow wagon road,

which the rains might at any time render impassable; fear was

entertained that a storm might drive the vessels containing

our stores to sea, thus separating us from our base of

supplies; and lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with

8,000 reenforcements for the enemy, was en route from

Manzanillo and might be expected in a few days. Under those

conditions I determined to give battle without delay.

"Early on the morning of July 1, Lawton was in position around

El Caney, Chaffee's brigade [7th, 12th, and 13th U. S.

Infantry] on the right, across the Guantanamo road; Miles's

brigade [1st, 4th, and 25th U. S. Infantry] in the center, and

Ludlow's [8th and 22d U. S. Infantry and 2d Microcassettes

Volunteers] on the left. The duty of cutting off the enemy's

retreat along the Santiago road was assigned to the latter

brigade. The artillery opened on the town at 6.15 A. M. The

battle here soon became general and was hotly contested. The

enemy's position was naturally strong and was rendered more so

by blockhouses, a stone fort, and entrenchments cut in solid

rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built stone church. The

opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had been

anticipated, and prevented Lawton from joining the right of

the main line during the day, as had been intended.

"After the battle had continued for some time Bates's brigade

of two regiments (3d and 20th United States Infantry] reached

my headquarters from Siboney. I directed him to move near El

Caney, to give assistance, if necessary. He did so and was put

in position between Miles and Chaffee. The battle continued

with varying intensity during most of the day and until the

place was carried by assault, about 4.30 p. m. As the

Spaniards endeavored to retreat along the Santiago road,

Ludlow's position enabled him to do very effective work and to

practically cut off all retreat in that direction.

"After the battle at El Caney was well opened and the sound of

the small-arms fire caused us to believe that Lawton was

driving the enemy before him, I directed Grimes's battery to

open fire from the heights of El Poso on the San Juan'

blockhouse, which could be seen situated in the enemy's

entrenchments extending along the crest of San Juan Hill. This

fire was effective and the enemy could be seen running away

from the vicinity of the blockhouse. The artillery fire from

El Poso was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. They

evidently had the range of this hill, and their first shells

killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used

smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the positions

of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our

black powder plainly indicated the position of our battery.

"At this time the cavalry division [of General Wheeler] under

General Sumner (commanding temporarily in consequence of the

illness of General Wheeler, who returned to duty that day],

which was lying concealed in the general vicinity of the El

Poso House, was ordered forward, with directions to cross the

San Juan River and deploy to the right on the Santiago side,

while Kent's division was to follow closely in its rear and

deploy to the left. These troops moved forward in compliance

with orders, but the road was so narrow as to render it

impracticable to retain the column of fours formation at all

points, while the undergrowth on either side was so dense as

to preclude the possibility of deploying skirmishers. It

naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and the

long range rifles of the enemy's infantry killed and wounded a

number of our men while marching along this road and before

there was any opportunity to return this fire. At this time

Generals Kent and Sumner were ordered to push forward with all

possible haste and place their troops in position to engage the

enemy. General Kent, with this end in view, forced the head of

his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the

narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the

San Juan and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred

yards before reaching the San Juan the road forks, a fact that

was discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of my staff, who

had approached well to the front in a war balloon. This

information he furnished to the troops, resulting in Sumner

moving on the right-hand road, while Kent was enabled to

utilize the road to the left. … After crossing the stream, the

cavalry moved to the right with a view of connecting with

Lawton's left when he should come up, and with their left

resting near the Santiago road. In the meanwhile Kent's

division, with the exception of two regiments of Hawkins's

brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to the front from

the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilizing both

trails, but more especially the one to the left, and crossing

the creek formed for attack in the front of San Juan Hill."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 147.

"The particulars of this gallant attack, which won the hill

and decided the fate of Santiago, are given with more

clearness in the report of General Kent, who commanded the

division which had most of the fighting to do, than in that of

General Shafter. Wikoff's 'heroic brigade,' writes General

Kent, 'consisting of the 13th, 9th, and 24th United States

Infantry, speedily crossed the stream and were quickly

deployed to the left of the lower ford.

{605}

While personally superintending this movement Colonel Wikoff

was killed, the command of the brigade then devolving upon

Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, 13th Infantry, who immediately fell

severely wounded, and then upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum,

24th Infantry, who, five minutes later, also fell under the

withering fire of the enemy. The command of the brigade then

devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Ewers, 9th Infantry.

Meanwhile I had again sent a staff officer to hurry forward

the second brigade [Pearson's] which was bringing up the rear.

The 10th and 2d Infantry, soon arriving at the forks, were

deflected to the left to follow the Third Brigade [Wikoff's],

while the 21st was directed along the main road to support

Hawkins [whose brigade was composed of the 6th and 16th U. S.

Infantry and the 71st New York Volunteers].

"Crossing the lower ford a few minutes later, the 10th and 2d

moved forward in column in good order toward the green knoll …

on the left. Approaching the knoll the regiments deployed,

passed over the knoll, and ascended the high ridge beyond,

driving back the enemy in the direction of his trenches. I

observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. … Prior to

this advance of the second brigade, the third, connecting with

Hawkins's gallant troops on the right, had moved toward Fort

San Juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire,

scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting in capturing

the enemy's strong position (Fort San Juan) at 1.30 p. m. This

crest was about 125 feet above the general level and was

defended by deep trenches and a loopholed brick fort

surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements. General Hawkins, some

time after I reached the crest, reported that the 6th and 16th

Infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider

incorrect. Credit is almost equally due the 6th, 9th, 13th,

16th, and 24th regiments of infantry. … The Thirteenth

Infantry captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but

unfortunately destroyed them. …

"The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command,

whether company, battalion, regimental, or brigade commanders,

who so admirably directed the formation of their troops,

unavoidably intermixed in the dense thicket, and made the

desperate rush for the distant and strongly defended crest, I

have already mentioned the circumstances of my third brigade's

advance across the ford, where, in the brief space of ten

minutes, it lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two

ranking officers by disabling wounds; yet in spite of these

confusing conditions the formations were effected without

hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting

singly in some instances and by battalions and regiments in

others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream, waist

deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed-wire

entanglements. …

"The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I

directed my line to hold their positions and intrench. At ten

minutes past 3 p. m. I received almost simultaneously two

requests—one from Colonel Wood, commanding a cavalry brigade,

and one from General Sumner—asking for assistance for the

cavalry on my right, 'as they were hard pressed.' I

immediately sent to their aid the 13th Infantry, who promptly

went on this further mission, despite the heavy losses they

had already sustained. Great credit is due to the gallant

officer and gentleman, Brigadier General H. S. Hawkins, who,

placing himself between the two regiments, leading his

brigade, the 6th and 16th Infantry, urged and led them by

voice and bugle calls to the attack so successfully

accomplished."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 164.

The part borne by the dismounted cavalry division in the

capture of the Spanish intrenchments on San Juan Hill is

described as follows in the report of General Sumner,

temporarily in command:

"After crossing the creek with sufficient strength to hold it

and protect the crossing, I received verbal orders to move by

the right flank to connect with Lawton's left. During the

execution of this movement a balloon, under command of Colonel

Derby, came up the road, forcing open Wood's Brigade and

cutting it in two, thereby delaying the movement. The

artillery fire of the enemy opened upon the balloon and

continued for more than an hour, thereby subjecting part of my

command massed and the rest moving by the flank to long

shrapnel fire. Many officers and men were wounded here by

exploding shells and small arms' firing of the enemy. After

completing the deployment the command was so much committed to

battle that it became necessary either to advance or else

retreat under fire.

"Lieutenant Miley, representing General Shafter, authorized an

advance, which was ordered, Carroll's brigade taking the

advance, reinforced on the right by Roosevelt's regiment and

supported by the 1st and 10th Cavalry of Wood's Brigade. The

advance was made under heavy infantry fire through open flat

ground, cut up by wire fences, to the creek, dIstant about 600

yards. The advance was made in good order, the enemy's fire

being returned only under favorable opportunities. In crossing

the flat one officer (Captain O'Neil) and several men were

killed and several officers and men wounded. Both sides of the

creek are heavily wooded for about 200 yards. The creek was

swollen, and the crossing through this space and the creek was

made with great difficulty. After passing through the thick

woods the ground was entirely open and fenced by wire. From

this line it was necessary to storm the hill, upon the top of

which is a house loopholed, etc., for defense. The slope of

the hill is very difficult, but the assault was made with

great gallantry and with much loss to the enemy. In this

assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants Smith and Shipp were

killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants Thayer and Myer were

wounded. A number of casualties occurred among the enlisted

men. After taking this hill the front line advanced to take

the Fort San Juan Hill under fire from strong force of the

enemy in trenches and house known as 'Blockhouse.' … The

assault was successful, the line storming the trenches and

blockhouse with conspicuous gallantry and coolness, capturing

three prisoners, wounding and killing many of the enemy. …

Connected with my left, Hawkins's brigade of Kent's division

carried everything in front of it and captured the house and

hill known as 'Fort San Juan' proper."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2. page 370.

{606}

Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, who commanded the Rough Riders

regiment that day, while Colonel Wood commanded the brigade,

tells the story of the fight, and what followed, very tersely,

in his report: "After crossing the river at the ford," says

the Lieutenant-Colonel, "we were moved along and up its light

bank under fire, and were held in reserve at a sunken road.

Here we lost a good many men, including Captain O'Neil,

killed, and Lieutenant Haskell, wounded. We then received your

order to advance and support the regular cavalry in the attack

on the intrenchments and blockhouses on the hills to the left.

The regiment was deployed on both sides of the road, and moved

forward until we came to the rearmost lines of the regulars.

We continued to move forward until I ordered a charge, and the

men rushed the blockhouse and rifle pits on the hill to the

right of our advance. They did the work in fine shape, though

suffering severely. The guidons of Troops E and G were first

planted on the summit, though the first men up were some A and

B troopers who were with me.

"We then opened fire on the intrenchments on a hill to our

left which some of the other regiments were assailing and

which they carried a few minutes later. Meanwhile we were

under a heavy rifle fire from the intrenchments along the

hills to our front, from whence they also shelled us with a

piece of field artillery until some of our marksmen silenced

it. When the men got their wind we charged again and carried

the second line of intrenchments with a rush. Swinging to the

left, we then drove the Spaniards over the brow of the chain

of hills fronting Santiago. By this time the regiments were

much mixed, and we were under a very heavy fire, both of

shrapnel and from rifles from the batteries, intrenchments,

and forts immediately in front of the city. On the extreme

front I now found myself in command with fragments of the six

cavalry regiments of the two brigades under me. The Spaniards

made one or two efforts to retake the line, but were promptly

driven back.

"Both General Sumner and you sent me word to hold the line at

all hazards, and that night we dug a line of intrenchments

across our front, using the captured Spaniards' intrenching

tools. We had nothing to eat except what we captured from the

Spaniards; but their dinners had fortunately been cooked, and

we ate them with relish, having been fighting all day. We had

no blankets and coats, and lay by the trenches all night. The

Spaniards attacked us once in the night, and at dawn they

opened a heavy artillery and rifle fire. Very great assistance

was rendered us by Lieutenant Parker's Gatling battery at

critical moments; he fought his guns at the extreme front of

the firing line in a way that repeatedly called forth the

cheers of my men. One of the Spanish batteries which was used

against us was directly in front of the hospital so that the

red cross flag flew over the battery, saving it from our fire

for a considerable period. The Spanish Mauser bullets made

clean wounds; but they also used a copper-jacketed or

brass-jacketed bullet which exploded, making very bad wounds

indeed.

"Since then we have continued to hold the ground; the food has

been short; and until today [July 4] we could not get our

blankets, coats, or shelter tents, while the men lay all day

under the fire from the Spanish batteries, intrenchments, and

guerrillas in trees, and worked all night in the trenches,

never even taking off their shoes. But they are in excellent

spirits, and ready and anxious to carry out any orders they

receive. At the end of the first day the eight troops were

commanded, two by captains, three by first lieutenants, two by

second lieutenants, and one by the sergeant whom you made

acting lieutenant. We went into the fight about 490 strong; 86

were killed or wounded, and there are about half a dozen

missing. The great heat prostrated nearly 40 men, some of them

among the best in the regiment."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 684.

There have been much contradiction and controversy concerning

some of the orders by which the battle of San Juan was

directed. The following are the conclusions on that subject of

a civilian observer who seems to have seen and investigated

with impartiality:

"The orders under which the battle of San Juan was fought were

given by Adjutant-General McClernand to General Kent, commanding

the Infantry Division—consisting, in addition to the

organizations already mentioned (Wikoff's and Pearson's

brigades), of the First Brigade, including the Sixth and

Sixteenth United States Infantry and the Seventy-first New

York, under General Hawkins—at about nine o'clock in the

morning. There is no question fortunately as to the exact

wording of the orders. A little green knoll to the left of the

Santiago road and half a mile short of the San Juan Heights was

pointed out as the point which was to be the extreme limit of

the forward movement of the Infantry Division. Once there,

further orders would be given. The orders under which General

Sumner advanced from El Pozo would appear to have been more

specific, and certainly more clear than the orders which

General Kent received for the Infantry Division a few minutes

later. At the same time, it is true that these orders were

also based upon a complete misconception of the situation and

a total ignorance of the Spanish position and the lay of the

country beyond El Pozo. General Sumner's orders were to

advance along that branch of the Aguadores Creek which runs

parallel with the Santiago road from El Pozo, until it joins

the main stream of the Aguadores at the angle subsequently

known as the 'bloody angle,' where the creek makes a sharp

turn to the left, and then runs a general southerly course

toward the town of Aguadores and the sea. This creek General

Sumner was instructed to hold until the result of Lawton's

attack upon Caney became known, and he received further

orders. Once the creek was reached, Sumner, under the most

unfavorable circumstances of a heavy fire, and the thick and

pathless jungles which his men had to penetrate, deployed his

whole division, and then sent back word to McClernand, the

adjutant-general of the corps, acquainting him with the actual

conditions by which he was confronted, and asking whether his

orders contemplated an attack upon the enemy's intrenched

position, setting forth at the same time the utter

impossibility of keeping his men inactive for a long time

under such a heavy fire as was being poured in upon them.

{607}

"Had it been proposed to carry out the plan, as discussed and

agreed upon at General Shafter's headquarters the night

before, to advance along the right flank of the Spanish

position, keeping in touch with Lawton, obviously these two

divisions, or a large part of them, should have been directed

to take the direct road which ran north from El Pozo to

Marianaje and thence to El Caney, leaving in front of San Juan

only force sufficient to retain the Spaniards in their

position. But the divisions were ordered to proceed along the

Santiago road, and in a very few minutes came under fire. The

original plan may have been changed at the last moment, of

course; but as every movement that was subsequently made was

in the line of carrying this plan out, until finally, on the

12th, General Lawton succeeded in completely investing the

town on the north and west, this does not seem likely. The

more probable explanation of the movement and of what

followed, and the one accepted by general officers, is as

follows: That it was still intended to follow Lawton's advance

on the right, but that owing to our failure to develop the

Spanish position in our front, and our complete ignorance of

the lay of the land, the flank movement was not begun until

too late—not until the troops had been led into a position

from which they could be extricated only by wresting from the

Spaniards the block-houses and the trenches from which,

unexposed and unseen, they were delivering such a galling fire

upon our men, engaged in wandering aimlessly about in an

almost trackless tropical jungle. At this moment of great

confusion and uncertainty, when the road was choked with the

regiments of both the cavalry and infantry divisions, mutually

hindering one another in their struggles to advance, and

having to sustain a heavy and destructive fire which could not

be answered, an ordeal even for the veteran soldier; at this

moment, when something might still have been done to mislead

the enemy and cover our advance, the war balloon was sent up

directly behind our columns. This mistake betrayed the exact

location of our advance, and the Spanish fire became heavier

and better directed, and our losses more severe."

S. Bonsal,

The Fight for Santiago,

chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company).

The same writer gives a sickening account of the sufferings of

the wounded after the battle and the miserable failure of

provision for any kind of succor or care of them. "Of course:"

he says, "in view of the perilous situation which the two

divisions now occupied upon the crest of the hill, and the

great anxiety which was felt at headquarters for the safety of

the whole army, and the preparations which had to be made

against the expected night attack of the Spaniards to drive

our men back and retake their lost position, the search for

the dead and wounded this evening had to be confined to a very

limited area, and was only as thorough as the shortness of the

time for which men could be spared from the colors permitted.

The jungle and the great fields of long grass were not

searched, and thus many of the wounded were not discovered

until the following day; and quite a number, indeed, not until

the armistice was declared, on the third day after the battle,

when the men had time to ransack the hill-side and the valley

for the missing. And there were some—those who had the

strength when they fell to crawl through the cactus, the

Spanish bayonet, and all manner of prickly and trailing plants

into the deeper and more protected recesses of the jungle—who

were never discovered at all until days, many days, had

passed; and the gathering of the vultures told where some poor

fellow had died without care and without food, of his wounds

or from starvation. Of such an one, when his place of hiding

was discovered, there was, as a rule, only left a whitened

skeleton and pieces of the uniform he had worn. The last

resting place of not a few was never discovered at all.

"I believe I am giving a moderate estimate when I say that at

least one-third of the men wounded on July 1st received no

attention, and were not brought back to the division hospital

until the afternoon of Ju]y 3d. This night we knew nothing,

and had not even the slightest suspicion, of how numerous the

undiscovered wounded were. … Only about half of the wounded

men who were discovered this evening and been brought back to

the dressing station when the moon rose above the dark forest

line, and lit up the battlefield and the heights of San Juan

as clearly, and, indeed, more clearly than day, for there was

now not the dazzling force and the confusing mirage of the

pitiless sunlight to blind the sight. The majority of these

men had had their wounds dressed where they fell, or soon

after falling, with the first-aid bandages. There were very

few indeed to whom it had been possible to give any further

attention than this, as the regimental surgeons, for want of

transportation, had been unable to bring their medical chests,

and those who were best provided carried with them only small

pocket cases. …

"When the first-aid bandages were applied, the wounded man and

those who helped him were, as a rule, under fire, which made

any but the most summary methods of wound-dressing quite

impossible. Fortunately these bandages, so simple and

practical, lent themselves excellently well to this procedure.

The first thing the soldiers or the hospital attendants would

do when they came upon a wounded man was, in the case of a

wound in the body, to tear off his shirt, or in the case of a

wound in the leg, tear off his trousers, and then wrap around

the wound the first-aid bandage. The wound-dressers were

generally in such haste, and the wounded men usually so

helpless to assist in any way, and their shirts and trousers

so rotten from the drenching rains in which they had been worn

without change day or night, that the taking off of the clothing

was literally what I call it—tearing, and the garment came off

so rent as to be quite useless for further wear. Consequently

the soldiers were carried half-naked, or, if they had been

wounded in both the body and the lower limbs, as was so

frequently the case, entirely naked, to the army wagons and so

down to the hospital, where there was not a scrap of clothing

or bedding forthcoming to cover them with. These who were

stripped in this way during the daytime were baked and

blistered by the fierce sunlight, only to shiver with the

penetrating cold and dampness after the rain had ceased to

fall and when the chill night came on.

"Knowing that he was totally unprepared to clothe or cover the

wounded that would probably be brought in, the chief surgeon

of the corps issued an order, the evening before the battle,

that all wounded men should be brought in with their blankets,

halves of shelter-tents, and ponchos when possible. This was

certainly a step in the right direction, even if it was but a

frank confession by the authorities that no preparation had

been made by them for the emergency which it cannot be said

was suddenly thrust upon them, but which they might have

foreseen and should have been preparing against for many weeks

previous.

{608}

While the attending soldiers, realizing how serious for their

wounded comrades it would be to have to lie in the hospitals

uncovered to wind and weather, made great efforts to find

their packs, these efforts were not often successful, and a

great majority of the wounded reached the hospital half

naked, and had thereafter only the covering and the bedding

which their comrades and the hospital attendants were able to

'rustle' for them, and this was little enough and not seldom

nothing at all.

"Had this expedition been provided with a greater number of

surgeons and hospital attendants, had the ambulances been at

hand which we left in Tampa or upon the transports, ambulances

without which it is reasonable to suppose—at least we had

supposed—no civilized power would enter upon an aggressive

war, much less upon a campaign in which we had the advantage

of choosing both our own time and the field of operations, the

outrageous treatment which our wounded suffered, and the

barbarous scenes which we were called upon to witness upon

this and the following days would never have occurred."

S. Bonsai,

The Fight for Santiago,

chapter 8 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company).

The troops which had carried San Juan Hill were intrenched,

that night, in the positions they had gained, and those which

had taken El Caney were brought into connection with them,

Lawton's division on their right and Bates's brigade on the

left. The battle was renewed by the Spaniards soon after

daylight on the morning of the 2d, and raged with more or less

fury throughout the day. That evening, about 10 o'clock, a

fierce attempt was made to break through the American lines,

but without success. Again, on the morning of the third, the

Spaniards reopened battle, but with less vigor than before.

General Shafter then sent the following letter to General

Toral, the Spanish commander: "I shall be obliged, unless you

surrender, to shell Santiago de Cuba. Please inform the

citizens of foreign countries, and all women and children,

that they should leave the city before 10 o'clock to-morrow

morning." In reply, General Toral wrote; "It is my duty to say

to you that this city will not surrender, and that I will

inform the foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of

your message." Several of the foreign consuls at Santiago then

came into the American lines and persuaded General Shafter to

delay the shelling of the town until noon of the 5th, provided

that the Spanish forces made no demonstration meantime against

his own. This established a truce which was renewed, in a

series of negotiations until the 10th. "I was of the opinion,"

reported General Shafter, "that the Spaniards would surrender

if given a little time, and I thought this result would be

hastened if the men of their army could be made to understand

they would be well treated as prisoners of war. Acting upon

this presumption I determined to offer to return all the

wounded Spanish officers at El Caney who were able to bear

transportation, and who were willing to give their paroles not

to serve against the forces of the United States until

regularly exchanged. This offer was made and accepted. These

officers, as well as several of the wounded Spanish privates,

27 in all, were sent to their lines under the escort of some

of our mounted cavalry. Our troops were received with honors,

and I have every reason to believe the return of the Spanish

prisoners produced a good impression on their comrades. The

cessation of firing about noon on the 3d practically

terminated the battle of Santiago." General Shafter goes on to

say that when the battle was fiercest, on July 1st, he probably

had no more than 12,000 men on the firing line, not counting a

few Cubans who assisted in the attack on El Caney, and who

fought with valor. They were confronted by about equal numbers

of the enemy, in strong and intrenched positions. "Our losses

in these battles were 22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81

officers and 1,203 men wounded; missing 79. The missing, with

few exceptions, reported later." Up to this time, General

Shafter had been unable to complete the investment of the town

with his own men, and had depended upon General Garcia with

his Cubans, placed on the extreme right of the American lines,

to watch for and intercept reinforcements. They failed to do

so, and 2,800 Spaniards, under General Escario, entered the

city on the night of the 2d. The American commander now

extended his own lines as rapidly as possible and completed

the investment of the town.

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, pages 155-157.

As stated above, permission was given on the 3d for

non-combatants to leave the city. "They did leave in the

following days to the number of perhaps 20,000, filling the

neighboring villages and roads with destitute people, mostly

women and children. It then seemed to fall to our lot to see

that these people did not starve in a desolate country, and to

be as much our duty to take care of these people, whom our

policy had driven from their homes, as it was for Spain to

feed the reconcentrados, whom they drove from their homes

under their war policy. The task was not insignificant."

Report of Inspector-General

(Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 596).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July).

Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.

See (in this volume)

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS: A. D. 1898.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 1).

National Bankrupt Law.

After years of effort on the part of its advocates, a national

bankrupt law was enacted by both Houses of Congress and

received the President's signature on the 1st of July, 1898.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).

Destruction of the Spanish squadron at Santiago.

On the morning of July 3, Admiral Cervera, convinced that

Santiago would be taken by the American forces, and acting

under orders from the Captain-General at Havana, made a

desperate attempt to save his squadron by escaping to sea. The

result was a total destruction of the Spanish ships, in an

engagement with the blockading fleet, of which Admiral Sampson

gave the following account in his official report:

"The enemy's vessels came out of the harbor between 9.35 and

10 a. m., the head of the column appearing around Cay Smith at

9.31 and emerging from the channel five or six minutes later.

The positions of the vessels of my command off Santiago at

that moment were as follows: The flagship 'New York' was 4

miles east of her blockading station and about 7 miles from

the harbor entrance. She had started for Siboney, where I

intended to land, accompanied by several of my staff, and go

to the front to consult with General Shafter.

{609}

A discussion of the situation and a more definite

understanding between us of the operations proposed had been

rendered necessary by the unexpectedly strong resistance of

the Spanish garrison of Santiago. I had sent my chief of staff

on shore the day before to arrange an interview with General

Shafter, who had been suffering from heat prostration. I made

arrangements to go to his headquarters, and my flagship was in

the position mentioned above when the Spanish squadron

appeared in the channel. The remaining vessels were in or near

their usual blockading positions, distributed in a semicircle

about the harbor entrance, counting from the eastward to the

westward, in the following order: The 'Indiana' about a mile

and a half from shore, the 'Oregon'—the 'New York's' place

being between these two—the 'Iowa,' 'Texas,' and 'Brooklyn,'

the latter two miles from the shore west of Santiago. The

distance of the vessels from the harbor entrance was from 2½

to 4 miles, the latter being the limit of day blockading

distance. The length of the arc formed by the ships was about

8 miles. The 'Massachusetts' had left at 4 a. m., for

Guantanamo for coal. Her station was between the 'Iowa' and

'Texas.' The auxiliaries 'Gloucester' and 'Vixen' lay close to

the land and nearer the harbor entrance than the large

vessels, the 'Gloucester' to the eastward and the 'Vixen' to

the westward. The torpedo boat 'Ericsson' was in company with

the flagship and remained with her during the chase until

ordered to discontinue, when she rendered very efficient

service in rescuing prisoners from the burning' Vizcaya.' …

"The Spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbor, at a

speed estimated at from 8 to 10 knots, and in the following

order: 'Infanta Maria Teresa' (flagship), 'Vizcaya,'

'Cristobal Colon,' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' The distance

between these ships was about 800 yards, which means that from

the time the first one became visible in the upper reach of

the channel until the last one was out of the harbor an

interval of only about 12 minutes elapsed. Following the

'Oquendo,' at a distance of about 1,200 yards, came the

torpedo-boat destroyer 'Pluton,' and after her the 'Furor.'

The armored cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their

guns to bear, opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading

vessels, and emerged from the channel shrouded in the smoke

from their guns. The men of our ships in front of the port

were at Sunday 'quarters for inspection.' The signal was made

simultaneously from several vessels, 'Enemy ships escaping,'

and general quarters was sounded. The men cheered as they

sprang to their guns, and fire was opened probably within 8

minutes by the vessels whose guns commanded the entrance. The

'New York' turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet,

flying the signal, 'Close in towards harbor entrance and

attack vessels,' and gradually increasing speed, until toward

the end of the chase she was making 16½ knots, and was rapidly

closing on the 'Cristobal Colon.' She was not, at any time,

within the range of the heavy Spanish ships, and her only part

in the firing was to receive the undivided fire from the forts

in passing the harbor entrance, and to fire a few shots at one

of the destroyers, thought at the moment to be attempting to

escape from the 'Gloucester.'

"The Spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbor, turned to the

westward in column, increasing their speed to the full power

of their engines. The heavy blockading vessels, which had

closed in towards the Morro at the instant of the enemy's

appearance, and at their best speed, delivered a rapid fire,

well sustained and destructive, which speedily overwhelmed and

silenced the Spanish fire. The initial speed of the Spaniards

carried them rapidly past the blockading vessels, and the

battle developed into a chase in which the 'Brooklyn' and

'Texas' had, at the start, the advantage of position. The

'Brooklyn' maintained this lead. The 'Oregon,' steaming with

amazing speed from the commencement of the action, took first

place. The 'Iowa' and the 'Indiana' having done good work, and

not having the speed of the other ships, were directed by me,

in succession, at about the time the 'Vizcaya' was beached, to

drop out of the chase and resume blockading stations. These

vessels rescued many prisoners. The 'Vixen,' finding that the

rush of the Spanish ships would put her between two fires, ran

outside of our own column and remained there during the battle

and chase.

"The skillful handling and gallant fighting of the

'Gloucester' excited the admiration of everyone who witnessed

it, and merits the commendation of the Navy Department. She is

a fast and entirely unprotected auxiliary vessel—the yacht

'Corsair'—and has a good battery of light rapid-fire guns. She

was lying about 2 miles from the harbor entrance, to the

southward and eastward, and immediately steamed in, opening

fire upon the large ships. Anticipating the appearance of the

'Pluton' and 'Furor,' the 'Gloucester' was slowed, thereby

gaining more rapidly a high pressure of steam, and when the

destroyers came out she steamed for them at full speed, and

was able to close to short range, while her fire was accurate,

deadly, and of great volume. During this fight the

'Gloucester' was under the fire of the Socapa Battery. Within

twenty minutes from the time they emerged from Santiago Harbor

the careers of the 'Furor' and the 'Pluton' were ended, and

two-thirds of their people killed. The 'Furor' was beached and

sunk in the surf; the 'Pluton' sank in deep water a few

minutes later. The destroyers probably suffered much injury

from the fire of the secondary batteries of the battle ships

'Iowa,' 'Indiana,' and the 'Texas,' yet I think a very

considerable factor in their speedy destruction was the fire,

at close range, of the 'Gloucester's' battery. After rescuing

the survivors of the destroyers, the 'Gloucester' did

excellent service in landing and securing the crew of the

'Infanta Maria Teresa.'

"The method of escape attempted by the Spaniards, all steering

in the same direction, and in formation, removed all tactical

doubts or difficulties, and made plain the duty of every

United States vessel to close in, immediately engage, and

pursue. This was promptly and effectively done. As already

stated, the first rush of the Spanish squadron carried it past

a number of the blockading ships which could not immediately

work up to their best speed; but they suffered heavily in

passing, and the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' and the 'Oquendo' were

probably set on fire by shells fired during the first fifteen

minutes of the engagement. It was afterwards learned that the

'Infanta Maria Teresa's' fire main had been cut by one of our

first shots, and that she was unable to extinguish fire. With

large volumes of smoke rising from their lower decks aft,

these vessels gave up both fight and flight and ran in on the

beach—the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' at about 10.15 a. m. at Nima

Nima, 6½ miles from Santiago Harbor entrance, and the

'Almirante Oquendo' at about 10.30 a. m. at Juan Gonzales, 7

miles from the port.

{610}

"The 'Vizcaya' was still under the fire of the leading

vessels; the 'Cristobal Colon' had drawn ahead, leading the

chase, and soon passed beyond the range of the guns of the

leading American ships. The 'Vizcaya' was soon set on fire,

and, at 11.15, she turned inshore, and was beached at

Aserraderos, 15 miles from Santiago, burning fiercely, and

with her reserves of ammunition on deck already beginning to

explode. When about 10 miles west of Santiago the 'Indiana'

had been signaled to go back to the harbor entrance, and at

Aserraderos the 'Iowa' was signaled to 'Resume blockading

station.' The 'Iowa' assisted by the 'Ericsson' and the

'Hist,' took off the crew of the 'Vizcaya,' while the

'Harvard' and the 'Gloucester' rescued those of the 'Infanta

Maria Teresa' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' This rescue of

prisoners, including the wounded, from the burning Spanish

vessels, was the occasion of some of the most daring and

gallant conduct of the day. The ships were burning fore and

aft, their guns and reserve ammunition were exploding, and it

was not known at what moment the fire would reach the main

magazines. In addition to this a heavy surf was running just

inside of the Spanish ships. But no risk deterred our officers

and men until their work of humanity was complete.

"There remained now of the Spanish ships only the 'Cristobal

Colon'—but she was their best and fastest vessel. Forced by

the situation to hug the Cuban coast, her only chance of

escape was by superior and sustained speed. When the 'Vizcaya'

went ashore, the 'Colon' was about 6 miles ahead of the

'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon'; but her spurt was finished, and

the American ships were now gaining upon her. Behind the

'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' came the 'Texas,' 'Vixen,' and

'New York.' It was evident from the bridge of the 'New York'

that all the American ships were gradually overhauling the

chase, and that she had no chance of escape. At 12.50 the

'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' opened fire and got her range—the

'Oregon's' heavy shell striking beyond her—and at 1.20 she

gave up without firing another shot, hauled down her colors,

and ran ashore at Rio Torquino, 48 miles from Santiago.

Captain Cook, of the 'Brooklyn,' went on board to receive the

surrender. While his boat was alongside I came up in the 'New

York,' received his report, and placed the 'Oregon' in charge

of the wreck to save her, if possible, and directed the

prisoners to be transferred to the 'Resolute,' which had

followed the chase. Commodore Schley, whose chief of staff had

gone on board to receive the surrender, had directed that all

their personal effects should be retained by the officers.

This order I did not modify. The 'Cristobal Colon' was not

injured by our firing, and probably is not much injured by

beaching, though she ran ashore at high speed. The beach was

so steep that she came off by the working of the sea. But her

sea valves were opened and broken, treacherously, I am sure,

after her surrender, and despite all efforts she sank. When it

became evident that she could not be kept afloat, she was

pushed by the 'New York' bodily up on the beach, the 'New

York's' stem being placed against her for this purpose—the

ship being handled by Captain Chadwick with admirable

judgment—and sank in shoal water and may be saved. Had this

not been done she would have gone down in deep water and would

have been, to a certainty, a total loss.

"I regard this complete and important victory over the Spanish

forces as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous

and close blockade, so stringent and effective during the

night that the enemy was deterred from making the attempt to

escape at night, and deliberately elected to make the attempt

in daylight. The object of the blockade of Cervera's squadron

was fully accomplished, and each individual bore well his part

in it—the commodore in command on the second division, the

captains of ships, their officers, and men. The fire of the

battle ships was powerful and destructive, and the resistance

of the Spanish squadron was, in great part, broken almost

before they had got beyond the range of their own forts. …

Several of the [American] ships were struck—the 'Brooklyn'

more often than the others—but very slight material injury was

done, the greatest being aboard the 'Iowa.' Our loss was 1 man

killed and 1 wounded, both on the 'Brooklyn.' It is difficult to

explain this immunity from loss of life or injury to ships in

a combat with modern vessels of the best type, but Spanish

gunnery is poor at the best, and the superior weight and

accuracy of our fire speedily drove the men from their guns

and silenced their fire. This is borne out by the statements

of prisoners and by observation."

Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,

volume 2, pages 506-511.

Some particulars of the destruction of the "Furor," the

"Pluton," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa," and of the rescue of

surviving Spaniards, including Admiral Cervera, are given in a

report by Lieutenant Huse, executive officer of the "Gloucester,"

as follows: "The 'Pluton' was run on the rocks about 4 miles

west of Morro and blew up. Our crew cheered at the sight of

the explosion. The 'Furor' soon commenced to describe circles

with a starboard helm, her fire ceased, and it became apparent

that she was disabled. A white rag was waved from forward and

we stopped firing. Lieutenants Wood and Norman and Assistant

Engineer Proctor were sent to rescue the crews and to see if

the prizes could be saved. These found a horrible state of

affairs on the 'Furor.' The vessel was a perfect shambles. As

she was on fire and burning rapidly, they took off the living

and then rescued all they could find in the water and on the

beach. The 'Pluton' was among the rocks in the surf and could

not be boarded, but her crew had made their way ashore or were

adrift on life buoys and wreckage. These were all taken on board.

I have since learned that the 'New York' passed a number of

men in the water who had doubtless jumped overboard from the

destroyers to escape our fire. All these were probably

drowned. While this work was going on several explosions took

place on the 'Furor,' and presently—at about 11.30—she threw

her bows in the air, and turning to port slowly sank in deep

water. …

{611}

"While one of our boats was still ashore, seeing heavy clouds

of smoke behind the next point the ship was moved in that

direction, the men being at quarters and everything in

readiness for further action. On rounding the point two

men-of-war were found on the beach burning fiercely aft, the

majority of the crew being crowded on the forecastle and

unable apparently to reach land, only 200 yards away. Our

boats, under Lieutenant Norman and Ensign Edson, put off to

the nearer vessel, which proved to be the flagship 'Infanta

Maria Teresa,' and rescued all on board by landing them on the

beach through the surf. Lieutenant Norman formally received

the surrender of the commander in chief and all his officers

and men present, and as soon as all hands had been transferred

ashore, brought on board this ship all the higher officers,

including the admiral. Lieutenant Wood meanwhile rescued the

remaining survivors on board the 'Oquendo,' the second of the

burning vessels. The Spanish officers not feeling that the

prisoners on shore were secure from attack by Cuban partisans,

by your orders I directed Lieutenant Norman to land with a

small force, establish a camp on shore, and hoist the United

States flag over it. He took with him all the rations that

could be spared from the stores aboard."

Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,

volume 2, page 542.

The following is a translation, from Admiral Cervera's report,

as partly published in newspapers at Madrid, giving his

description of the destruction of his flagship and his own

rescue from death: "The enemy's fire produced terrible damages

on board the 'Infanta Maria Teresa,' destroying the elements

of defence—among others, the net for protection against fire.

In this critical moment the captain of the ship, Señor Concas,

fell wounded, and it was necessary to withdraw him, I taking

command of the vessel, because it was impossible to find the

second commandant of the 'Maria Teresa.' Immediately

afterwards they reported to me that my cabin was burning in

consequence of an explosion. The fire soon became very great

and ignited other parts of the ship. I gave orders to my aid

to flood the after magazines, but it was impossible. Dense

clouds of smoke impeded walking in the passages and practicing

any kind of operations. In this situation I could only think

of beaching the ship, and did so, running aground on Punta

Cabrera. The contest was impossible on our side, and there was

nothing more to be done but to save as much as possible. I

thought to lower the flag, but that was not possible on

account of the fire, which prevented all operations. In these

anxious moments two boats came to the aid of the 'Maria

Teresa,' into which a number of us jumped. Those that were not

dying were saved with nothing. The 'Teresa' lowered a small boat,

which sank before it could be of any service. Subsequently

they succeeded in launching a steam launch, but this also sank

after making one voyage to the beach. I succeeded in saving

myself with nothing, two sailors helping me, one named Andres

Sequeros and the officer D. Angel Cervera, all of us arriving

on board the American ship 'Gloucester' naked. At this time we

were all naked."

Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,

volume 2, pages 558-559.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 July (4-17).

The surrender of Santiago and of all the Spanish forces

in eastern Cuba.

The following is a continuation of the report made by General

Shafter of his operations at Santiago de Cuba, resulting in

the surrender of the entire forces of Spain in eastern Cuba:

"The information of our naval victory was transmitted under

flag of truce to the Spanish commander in Santiago on July 4,

and the suggestion again made that he surrender to save

needless effusion of blood. On the same date I informed

Admiral Sampson that if he would force his way into the harbor

the city would surrender without any further sacrifice of

life. Commodore Watson replied that Admiral Sampson was

temporarily absent, but that in his (Watson's) opinion the

navy should not enter the harbor. In the meanwhile letters

passing between General Toral and myself caused the cessation

of hostilities to continue; each army, however, continued to

strengthen its intrenchments. I was still of the opinion the

Spaniards would surrender without much more fighting, and on

July 6 called General Toral's attention to the changed

conditions and at his request gave him time to consult his

home Government. This he did, asking that the British consul,

with the employees of the cable company, be permitted to

return from El Caney to the city. This I granted. The strength

of the enemy's position was such I did not wish to assault if

it could be avoided. An examination of the enemy's works, made

after the surrender, fully justified the wisdom of the course

adopted. The intrenchments could only have been carried with

very great loss of life, probably with not less than 3,000

killed and wounded.

"On July 8 General Toral offered to march out of the city with

arms and baggage, provided he would not be molested before

reaching Holguin, and to surrender to the American forces the

territory then occupied by him. I replied that while I would

submit his proposition to my home Government, I did not think

it would be accepted. In the meanwhile arrangements were made

with Admiral Sampson that when the army again engaged the

enemy the navy would assist by shelling the city from ships

stationed off Aguadores, dropping a shell every few minutes.

On July 10 the 1st Illinois and the 1st District of Columbia

arrived, and were placed on the line to the right of the

cavalry division. This enabled me to push Lawton further to

the right and to practically command the Cobra road. On the

afternoon of the date last mentioned the truce was broken off

at 4 p. m., and I determined to open with four batteries of

artillery, and went forward in person to the trenches to give

the necessary orders; but the enemy anticipated us by opening

fire with his artillery a few minutes after the hour stated.

His batteries were apparently silenced before night, while

ours continued playing upon his trenches until dark. During

this firing the navy fired from Aguadores, most of the shells

falling in the city. There was also some small-arms firing. On

this afternoon and the next morning we lost Captain Charles W.

Rowell, 2d Infantry, and 1 man killed, and Lieutenant Lutz, 2d

Infantry, and 10 men wounded. On the morning of July 11 the

bombardment by the Navy and my field guns was renewed and

continued until nearly noon, and on the same day I reported to

the Adjutant-General of the Army that the right of Ludlow's

brigade of Lawton's division rested on the bay. Thus our hold

upon the enemy was complete.

{612}

"At 2 p. m. on this date, the 11th, the surrender of the city

was again demanded. The firing ceased and was not again

renewed. By this date the sickness in the army was increasing

very rapidly as a result of exposure in the trenches to the

intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. Moreover, the

dews in Cuba are almost equal to rains. The weakness of the

troops was becoming so apparent I was anxious to bring the

siege to an end, but in common with most of the officers of

the army I did not think an assault would be justifiable,

especially as the enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in

their preliminary propositions to surrender. On July 11 I

wrote General Toral as follows: 'With the largely increased

forces which have come to me, and the fact that I have your

line of retreat securely in my hands, the time seems fitting

that I should again demand of your excellency the surrender of

Santiago and of your excellency's army. I am authorized to

state that should your excellency so desire the Government of

the United States will transport the entire command of your

excellency to Spain.' General Toral replied that he had

communicated my proposition to his general-in-chief, General

Blanco.

"July 12 I informed the Spanish commander that Major-General

Miles, commander-in-chief of the American Army, had just

arrived in my camp, and requested him to grant us a personal

interview on the following day. He replied he would be pleased

to meet us. The interview took place on the 13th, and I

informed him his surrender only could be considered, and that

as he was without hope of escape he had no right to continue

the fight. On the 14th another interview took place, during

which General Toral agreed to surrender, upon the basis of his

army, the Fourth Army Corps, being returned to Spain, the

capitulation embracing all of eastern Cuba east of a line

passing from Acerraderos on the south to Sagua de Tanamo on

the north, via Palma Soriano. It was agreed commissioners

should meet during the afternoon to definitely arrange the

terms. … The terms of surrender finally agreed upon included

about 12,000 Spanish troops in the city and as many more in

the surrendered district. It was arranged the formal surrender

should take place between the lines on the morning of July 17,

each army being represented by 100 armed men. At the time

appointed, I appeared at the place agreed upon with my general

officers, staff, and 100 troopers of the Second Cavalry under

Captain Brett. General Toral also arrived with a number of his

officers and 100 infantry. We met midway between the

representatives of our two armies, and the Spanish commander

formally consummated the surrender of the city and the 24,000

troops in Santiago and the surrendered district. After this

ceremony I entered the city with my staff and escort, and at

12 o'clock noon the American flag was raised over the

governor's palace with appropriate ceremonies."

Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 2, pages 157-159.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898

(July-August: Army administration).

Red-tape and politics.

Their working in the campaign.

"The Cuban campaign had been foreseen by intelligent officers

for more than a year, but the department which clothes the

army had taken no steps toward providing a suitable uniform

for campaigning in the tropics until war was declared. The

Fifth Army Corps, a comparatively small body of 17,000 men,

was concentrated at Tampa on the railroad within reach of all

the appliances for expediting business. Between April 26, when

war was declared, and, June 6, when the corps embarked for

Cuba, sufficient time elapsed to have clothed 1,000,000 men if

the matter had been handled in the same manner a wholesale

clothing firm would handle similar business. Yet the corps

went to Cuba wearing the winter clothing it had brought on its

backs from Montana, Wyoming, and Michigan. It endured the heat

of the tropics clad in this, and was furnished with light

summer clothing by the department to wear for its return to

Montauk, where the breezes were so bracing that the teeth

chattered even when the men were clad in winter clothing. The

only reason for this absolute failure to properly clothe the

army was that the methods of the department are too slow and

antiquated for the proper performance of business. There was

no lack of money. It was a simple case of red-tape delays.

There can be no doubt that the intention was that the summer

clothing should be worn in Cuba and that there should be warm

clothing issued at Montauk. It was issued after the troops had

shivered for days in their light clothes. The delays

unavoidably connected with an obsolete method caused great

suffering that should not have been inflicted upon men

expected to do arduous duty. A sensible man would not put a

heavy blanket on a horse to do draught work on a hot day; but

the red tape of an antiquated way of doing business caused our

soldiers to wear heavy woolen clothes in torrid heat, when every

nerve was to be strained to the breaking point in athletic

exertion. This is not pointed out in a fault-finding spirit.

The men are proud to have been in the Fifth Corps and to have

endured these things for the country and the flag; but these

unnecessary sufferings impaired the fighting strength of the

army, caused much of the sickness that visited the Fifth

Corps, and might have caused the failure of the whole

expedition. …

"The difficulty here depicted was one which beset the

department at every turn in the whole campaign. It is a

typical case. Transports, tentage, transportation—it was the

same in everything. With the most heroic exertions the

department was able to meet emergencies only after they had

passed. This was caused partly by lack of ready material, but

mainly by an inelastic system of doing business which broke

down in emergencies. This, in turn, was caused mainly by the

illiberal treatment accorded to this, as well as to every

other department of the army by Congress. It uniformly cuts

mercilessly all estimates of this, as of every other

department, and leaves no margin of expenditure or chance of

improvement. It dabbles in matters which are purely technical

and require the handling of expert executive talent. …

"Plans for war should be prepared in advance. This was

especially true of the last war, which had been foreseen for

years and considered a probability for several months. All

details should have been previously worked out, all

contingencies foreseen before hostilities began. Such plans

would require some modifications, of course, but would form a

working basis.

{613}

Neither Santiago nor Manila Bay would have been foreseen; but

any plans for war would have involved the consideration and

solution of the following problems: How to raise, arm, equip,

organize, mobilize, clothe, feed, shelter, and transport large

bodies of soldiers. The point where the battle might occur

would be a mere tactical detail to be worked out at the proper

time. The above problems could all be solved in time of peace and

should have been solved. The general staff performs this

function in foreign armies, but we had no such body in our

service and nothing to imperfectly take its place. …

"The most urgently needed reform is the absolute divorcement

of the army in all of its departments from politics. … No

department of the army should be more exempt from political

influence than the staff. This points at once to the most

urgent reform, viz., make the commanding general the real

working head of the army, instead of the Secretary of War. No

good results have come to the service by the extension of the

Secretary's powers in Grant's first administration. Most of

the evils of the service can be traced to the fact that the

general commanding has since that time been practically

deprived of his proper functions, and the real head of the

army has been a politician."

Lieutenant J. H. Parker,

Our Army Supply Department and the need of a General Staff

(Review of Reviews, December, 1898).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Cuba).

The War with Spain.

Sickness in the American army at Santiago.

Its alarming state.

Hurried removal of troops to Montauk Point, Long Island.

"After the surrender of General Toral's army General Shafter

urged the War Department from time to time to hasten the

shipment of the Spanish prisoners to their homes, in order

that the American Army, whose condition was now deplorable,

might be transported to the United States. At this time about

half the command had been attacked by malarial fever, with a

few cases of yellow fever, dysentery, and typhoid fever. The

yellow-fever cases were mainly confined to the troops at

Siboney, and the few cases found among the troops at the front

were at once transferred to that place. … There was great

fear, and excellent grounds for it, that the yellow fever, now

sporadic throughout the command, would become epidemic. With

the command weakened by malarial fevers, and its general tone

and vitality much reduced by all the circumstances incident to

the campaign, the effects of such an epidemic would

practically mean its annihilation. The first step taken to

check the spread of disease was the removal of all the troops

to new camping grounds. … It was directed that the command be

moved in this way every few days, isolating the cases of

yellow fever as they arose, and it was expected that in a

short time the yellow fever would be stamped out. … But the

effect produced on the command by the work necessary to set up

the tents and in the removal of the camps increased the number

on the sick report to an alarming degree. Convalescents from

malarial fever were taken again with the fever, and yellow

fever, dysentery, and typhoid increased. It was useless now to

attempt to confine the yellow-fever cases to Siboney, and

isolation hospitals were established around Santiago. It was

apparent that to keep moving the command every few days simply

weakened the troops and increased the fever cases. Any exertion

in this heat caused a return of the fever, and it must be

remembered that the convalescents now included about 75 per

cent. of the command. The Commanding General was now directed

to move the entire command into the mountains to the end of

the San Luis railroad, where the troops would be above the

yellow fever limit; but this was a physical impossibility. …

"The situation was desperate; the yellow-fever cases were

increasing in number, and the month of August, the period in

which it is epidemic, was at hand. It was with these

conditions staring them in the face, that the officers

commanding divisions and brigades and the Chief Surgeon were

invited by General Shafter to discuss the situation. As a

result of this conference the General sent the following

telegram giving his views [and those of the General Officers

and Medical Officers]. … 'In reply to telegram of this date

[August 3], stating that it is deemed best that my command be

moved to end of railroad, where yellow fever is impossible, I

have to say that under the circumstances this move is

practically impossible. The railroad is not yet repaired,

although it will be in about a week. Its capacity is not to

exceed 1,000 men a day, at the best, and it will take until

the end of August to make this move, even if the sick-list

should not increase. An officer of my staff, Lieutenant Miley,

who has looked over the ground, says it is not a good camping

ground. … In my opinion there is but one course to take, and

that is to immediately transport the Fifth Corps and the

detached regiments that came with it, and were sent

immediately after it, with the least delay possible, to the

United States. If this is not done I believe the death-rate

will be appalling. I am sustained in this view by every

medical officer present. I called together to-day the General

Officers and the senior Medical Officers and telegraph you

their views.' …

"On August 4th instructions were received from the War

Department to begin the removal of the command to Montauk

Point, Long Island. Some of the immune regiments were on the

way to Santiago, and other regiments were at once ordered

there to garrison the district as General Shafter's command

was withdrawn. The first of the fleet of vessels to return the

Spanish troops arrived in time to be loaded and leave August

9th, and by the end of the month nearly all were transported.

"After the surrender the relations between the American and

Spanish troops were very cordial. There could be little or no

conversation between individuals, but in many ways the respect

each had for the other was shown, and there seemed to be no

hatred on either side. Most of the Spanish officers remained

in their quarters in town, and they shared in the feeling

displayed by their men. Salutations were generally exchanged

between the officers, and American ways and manners became

very popular among the Spaniards. …

{614}

"By the 25th of the month General Shafter's entire command,

with the exception of a few organizations just ready to

embark, had departed, and, turning over the command to General

Lawton, he sailed that day with his staff on the 'Mexico,' one

of the captured transports, and at noon September 1st went

ashore at Montauk Point, Long Island."

J. D. Miley, In Cuba with Shafter,

chapter 12 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Philippines).

Correspondence between the General commanding

United States forces at Cavite and Manila,

and Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.

On the 4th of July, General Thomas M. Anderson, then

commanding the "United States Expeditionary Forces" at Cavite

Arsenal, addressed the following communication to "Señor Don

Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, Commanding Philippine Forces":

"General: I have the honor to inform you that the United

States of America, whose land forces I have the honor to

command in this vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of

Spain, has entire sympathy and most friendly sentiments for

the native people of the Philippine Islands. For these reasons

I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to

have you and your people co-operate with us in military

operations against the Spanish forces. In our operations it

has become necessary for us to occupy the town of Cavite as a

base of operations. In doing this I do not wish to interfere

with your residence here and the exercise by yourself and

other native citizens of all functions and privileges not

inconsistent with military rule. I would be pleased to be

informed at once of any misconduct of soldiers under my

command, as it is the intention of my Government to maintain

order and to treat all citizens with justice, courtesy, and

kindness. I have therefore the honor to ask your excellency to

instruct your officials not to interfere with my officers in

the performance of their duties and not to assume that they

can not visit Cavite without permission."

On the following day Aguinaldo replied:

"General: Interpreting the sentiments of the Philippine

people, I have the honor to express to your excellency my most

profound gratefulness for the sympathy and amicable sentiments

with which the natives of these islands inspire the great North

American nation and your excellency. I also thank most

profoundly your desire of having friendly relations with us,

and of treating us with justice, courtesy, and kindness, which

is also our constant wish to prove the same, and special

satisfaction whenever occasion represents. I have already

ordered my people not to interfere in the least with your

officers and men, orders which I shall reiterate to prevent

their being unfulfilled; hoping that you will inform me of

whatever misconduct that may be done by those in my command,

so as to reprimand them and correspond with your wishes." …

To this communication General Anderson returned the following

on the 6th: "General: I am encouraged by the friendly

sentiment expressed by your excellency in your welcome letter

received on the 5th instant to endeavor to come to a definite

understanding, which I hope will be advantageous to both. Very

soon we expect a large addition to our forces, and it must be

apparent to you as a military officer that we will require

much more room to camp our soldiers, and also storeroom for

our supplies. For this I would like to have your excellency's

advice and co-operation, as you are best acquainted with the

resources of this country. It must be apparent to you that we

do not intend to remain here inactive, but to move promptly

against our common enemy. But for a short time we must

organize and land supplies, and also retain a place for

storing them near our fleet and transports. I am solicitous to

avoid any conflict of authority which may result from having

two sets of military officers exercising command in the same

place. I am also anxious to avoid sickness by taking sanitary

precaution. Your own medical officers have been making

voluntary inspections with mine, and fear epidemic diseases if

the vicinity is not made clean. Would it not be well to have

prisoners work to this end under the advice of the surgeons?"

…

On the 9th of July General Anderson reported to the War

Department at Washington: "General Aguinaldo tells me he has

about 15,000 fighting men, but only 11,000 armed with guns,

which mostly were taken from the Spaniards. He claims to have

in all 4,000 prisoners. When we first landed he seemed very

suspicious, and not at all friendly, but I have now come to a

better understanding with him and he is much more friendly and

seems willing to co-operate. But he has declared himself

dictator and president, and is trying to take Manila without

our assistance. This is not probable, but if he can effect his

purpose he will, I apprehend, antagonize any attempt on our

part to establish a provisional government."

On the 17th the American commander caused another

communication to be addressed to "General Emilio Aguinaldo" as

follows: "Sir: General Anderson wishes me to say that, the

second expedition having arrived, he expects to encamp in the

vicinity of Paranaque from 5,000 to 7,000 men. To do this,

supply this army and shelter, will require certain assistance

from the Filipinos in this neighborhood. We will want horses,

buffaloes, carts, etc., for transportation, bamboo for

shelter, wood to cook with, etc. For all this we are willing

to pay a fair price, but no more. We find so far that the

native population are not willing to give us this assistance

as promptly as required. But we must have it, and if it

becomes necessary we will be compelled to send out parties to

seize what we may need. We would regret very much to do this,

as we are here to befriend the Filipinos. Our nation has spent

millions of money to send forces here to expel the Spaniards

and to give good government to the whole people, and the

return we are asking is comparatively slight. General Anderson

wishes you to inform your people that we are here for their

good, and that they must supply us with labor and material at

the current market prices. We are prepared to purchase 500

horses at a fair price, but can not undertake to bargain for

horses with each individual owner. I regret very much that I

am unable to see you personally, as it is of the utmost

importance that these arrangements should be made as soon as

possible."

To this communication there seems to have been no written

reply until the 24th; and, on the 20th, the Chief

Quartermaster reported to General Anderson "that it is

impossible to procure transportation except upon Señor

Aguinaldo's order, in this section, who has an inventory of

everything. The natives have removed their wheels and hid

them." On the 23d General Anderson repeated his request, as

follows:

{615}

"General: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your

excellency to give what assistance you could to procure means

of transportation for the American Army, as it was to fight

the cause of your people. So far we have received no response.

As you represent your people, I now have the honor to make

requisition on you for 500 horses and 50 oxen and ox carts. If

you can not secure these, I will have to pass you and make

requisition directly on the people. I beg leave to request an

answer at your earliest convenience."

The next day Aguinaldo replied: "I have the honor to manifest

to your excellency that I am surprised beyond measure at that

which you say to me in it, lamenting the nonreceipt of any

response relative to the needs (or aids) that you have asked

of me in the way of horses, buffaloes, and carts, because I

replied in a precise manner, through the bearer, that I was

disposed to give convenient orders whenever you advised me of

the number of these with due anticipation (notice). I have

circulated orders in the provinces in the proximity that in

the shortest time possible horses be brought for sale, but I

cannot assure your excellency that we have the number of 500

that is needed, because horses are not abundant in these

vicinities, owing to deaths caused by epizootic diseases in

January and March last. Whenever we have them united (or

collected), I shall have the pleasure to advise your

excellency. I have also ordered to be placed at my disposal 50

carts that I shall place at your disposition whenever

necessary, always (premising) that you afford me a previous

advice of four days in anticipation."

Meantime, General Anderson had written to the War Department,

on the 18th: "Since reading the President's instructions to

General Merritt, I think I should state to you that the

establishment of a provisional government on our part will

probably bring us in conflict with insurgents, now in active

hostility to Spain. The insurgent chief, Aguinaldo, has

declared himself dictator and self-appointed president. He has

declared martial law and promulgated a minute method of rule and

administration under it. We have observed all official

military courtesies, and he and his followers express great

admiration and gratitude to the great American Republic of the

north, yet in many ways they obstruct our purposes and are

using every effort to take Manila without us. I suspect also

that Aguinaldo is secretly negotiating with the Spanish

authorities, as his confidential aid is in Manila. The city is

strongly fortified and hard to approach in the rainy season.

If a bombardment fails we should have the best engineering

ability here." And, again on the 21st, he had written: "Since

I wrote last, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate

system of military government, under his assumed authority as

dictator, and has prohibited any supplies being given us,

except by his order. As to this last I have written to him

that our requisitions on the country for horses, ox carts,

fuel and bamboo (to make scaling ladders) must be filled, and

that he must aid in having them filled. His assumption of

civil authority I have ignored, and let him know verbally that

I could, and would, not recognize it, while I did not

recognize him as a military leader. It may seem strange that I

have made no formal protest against his proclamation as

dictator, his declaration of martial law, and publication and

execution of a despotic form of government. I wrote such a

protest, but did not publish it, at Admiral Dewey's request,

and also for fear of wounding the susceptibilities of

Major-General Merritt, but I have let it be known in every

other way that we do not recognize the dictatorship. These

people only respect force and firmness. I submit, with all

deference, that we have heretofore underrated the natives.

They are not ignorant, savage tribes, but have a civilization

of their own; and although insignificant in appearance, are

fierce fighters, and for a tropical people they are

industrious. A small detail of natives will do more work in a

given time than a regiment of volunteers."

On the 24th General Anderson received from the Philippine

leader a very clear and definite statement of his attitude

towards the "Expeditionary Forces of the United States," and

the intentions with which he and the people whom he

represented were acting. "I came," he wrote, "from Hongkong to

prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the

Spanish against the North Americans, pledging before my word

to Admiral Dewey to not give place [to allow] to any internal

discord, because, [being] a judge of their desires, I had the

strong convictions that I would succeed in both objects,

establishing a government according to their desires. Thus it

is that in the beginning I proclaimed the dictatorship, and

afterwards, when some of the provinces had already liberated

themselves from Spanish domination, I established a

revolutionary government that to-day exists, giving it a

democratic and popular character as far as the abnormal

circumstances of war permitted, in order that they [the

provinces] might be justly represented, and administered to

their satisfaction. It is true that my government has not been

acknowledged by any of the foreign powers, but we expected

that the great North American nation, which struggled first

for its independence, and afterwards for the abolition of

slavery, and is now actually struggling for the independence

of Cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence than any

other nation. Because of this we have always acknowledged the

right of preference to our gratitude.

"Debtor to the generosity of the North Americans, and to the

favors we have received through Admiral Dewey, and [being]

more desirous than any other person of preventing any conflict

which would have as a result foreign intervention, which must be

extremely prejudicial, not alone to my nation but also to that

of your excellency, I consider it my duty to advise you of the

undesirability of disembarking North American troops in the

places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spanish, without

previous notice to this government, because as no formal

agreement yet exists between the two nations the Philippine

people might consider the occupation of its territories by

North American troops as a violation of its rights.

"I comprehend that without the destruction of the Spanish

squadron the Philippine revolution would not have advanced so

rapidly. Because of this I take the liberty of indicating to

your excellency the necessity that, before disembarking, you

should communicate in writing to this government the places

that are to be occupied and also the object of the occupation,

that the people may be advised in due form and [thus] prevent

the commission of any transgression against friendship.

{616}

I can answer for my people, because they have given me evident

proofs of their absolute confidence in my government, but I

can not answer for that which another nation whose friendship

is not well guaranteed might inspire in it [the people]; and

it is certain that I do this not as a menace, but as a further

proof of the true and sincere friendship which I have always

professed for the North American people, in the complete

security that it will find itself completely identified with

our cause of liberty."

In the same strain, on the 1st of August, Aguinaldo wrote to

United States Consul Williams, as to a "distinguished friend:"

"I have said always, and I now repeat, that we recognize the

right of the North Americans to our gratitude, for we do not

forget for a moment the favors which we have received and are

now receiving; but however great those favors may be, it is

not possible for me to remove the distrust of my compatriots.

These say that if the object of the United States is to annex

these islands, why not recognize the government established in

them, in order in that manner to join with it the same as by

annexation? Why do not the American generals operate in

conjunction with the Filipino generals and, uniting the

forces, render the end more decisive? Is it intended, indeed,

to carry out annexation against the wish of these people,

distorting the legal sense of that word? If the revolutionary

government is the genuine representative by right and deed of

the Filipino people, as we have proved when necessary, why is

it wished to oppress instead of gaining their confidence and

friendship?

"It is useless for me to represent to my compatriots the

favors received through Admiral Dewey, for they assert that up

to the present the American forces have shown not an active,

only a passive, co-operation, from which they suppose that the

intentions of these forces are not for the best. They assert,

besides, that it is possible to suppose that I was brought

from Hongkong to assure those forces by my presence that the

Filipinos would not make common cause with the Spaniards, and

that they have delivered to the Filipinos the arms abandoned

by the former in the Cavite Arsenal, in order to save

themselves much labor, fatigue, blood, and treasure that a war

with Spain would cost. But I do not believe these unworthy

suspicions. I have full confidence in the generosity and

philanthropy which shine in characters of gold in the history

of the privileged people of the United States, and for that

reason, invoking the friendship which you profess for me and

the love which you have for my people, I pray you earnestly,

as also the distinguished generals who represent your country

in these islands, that you entreat the Government at

Washington to recognize the revolutionary government of the

Filipinos, and I, for my part, will labor with all my power

with my people that the United States shall not repent their

sentiments of humanity in coming to the aid of an oppressed

people.

"Say to the Government at Washington that the Filipino people

abominate savagery; that in the midst of their past

misfortunes they have learned to love liberty, order, justice,

and civil life, and that they are not able to lay aside their

own wishes when their future lot and history are under

discussion. Say also that I and my leaders know what we owe to

our unfortunate country; that we know how to admire and are

ready to imitate the disinterestedness, the abnegation, and

the patriotism of the grand men of America, among whom stands

pre-eminent the immortal General Washington."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,

Senate Document Number 208.

In an article published in the "North American Review,"

February, 1900, General Anderson discussed his relations with

Aguinaldo very frankly, in part as follows: "On the 1st of

July, 1898, I called on Aguinaldo with Admiral Dewey. He asked

me at once whether 'the United States of the North' either had

recognized or would recognize his government—I am not quite

sure as to the form of his question, whether it was 'had' or

'would.' In either form it was embarrassing. My orders were,

in substance, to effect a landing, establish a base, not to go

beyond the zone of naval co-operation, to consult Admiral

Dewey and to wait for Merritt. Aguinaldo had proclaimed his

government only a few days before (June 28), and Admiral Dewey

had no instructions as to that assumption. The facts as to the

situation at that time I believe to be these: Consul Williams

states in one of his letters to the State Department that

several thousand Tagals were in open insurrection before our

declaration of war with Spain. I do not know as to the number,

yet I believe the statement has foundation in fact. Whether

Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman and Williams did or

did not give Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino government

would be recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so,

probably inferring this from their acts rather than from their

statements. If an incipient rebellion was already in progress,

what could be inferred from the fact that Aguinaldo and

thirteen other banished Tagals were brought down on a naval

vessel and landed in Cavite? Admiral Dewey gave them arms and

ammunition, as I did subsequently, at his request. They were

permitted to gather up a lot of arms which the Spaniards had

thrown into the bay; and, with the four thousand rifles taken

from Spanish prisoners and two thousand purchased in Hong

Kong, they proceeded to organize three brigades and also to

arm a small steamer they had captured. I was the first to tell

Admiral Dewey that there was any disposition on the part of

the American people to hold the Philippines, if they were

captured. The current of opinion was setting that way when the

first expeditionary force left San Francisco, but this the

Admiral had had no reason to surmise.

"But to return to our interview with Aguinaldo. I told him I

was acting only in a military capacity; that I had no

authority to recognize his government; that we had come to

whip the Spaniards, and that, if we were successful, the

indirect effect would be to free them from Spanish tyranny. I

added that, as we were fighting a common enemy, I hoped we

would get along amicably together. He did not seem pleased

with this answer. The fact is, he hoped and expected to take

Manila with Admiral Dewey's assistance, and he was bitterly

disappointed when our soldiers landed at Cavite. … A few days

thereafter, he made an official call, coming with cabinet and

staff and a band of music. On that occasion he handed me an

elaborate schedule for an autonomous government which he had

received from some Filipinos in Manila, with a statement that

they had reason to believe that Spain would grant them such a

form of government.

{617}

With this was an open letter addressed to the Filipino people

from Pedro Alexandre Paterno, advising them to put their trust

in Spain rather than America. The day before, two German

officers had called on Aguinaldo and I believed they had

brought him these papers. I asked him if the scheme was

agreeable to him. He did not answer, but asked if we, the

North Americans, as he called us, intended to hold the

Philippines as dependencies. I said I could not answer that,

but that in one hundred and twenty years we had established no

colonies. He then made this remarkable statement: 'I have studied

attentively the Constitution of the United States, and I find

in it no authority for colonies and I have no fear.' It may

seem that my answer was somewhat evasive, but I was at the

time trying to contract with the Filipinos for horses, carts,

fuel and forage. …

"The origin of our controversies and conflicts with the

Filipinos can … be traced back to our refusal to recognize the

political authority of Aguinaldo. Our first serious break with

them arose from our refusal to let them co-operate with us.

About nine o'clock on the evening of August 12, I received

from General Merritt an order to notify Aguinaldo to forbid

the Filipino insurgents under his command from entering

Manila. This notification was delivered to him at twenty

minutes past ten that night. The Filipinos had made every

preparation to assail the Spanish lines in their front.

Certainly, they would not have given up part of their line to

us unless they thought they were to fight with us. They,

therefore, received General Merritt's interdict with anger and

indignation. They considered the war as their war, and Manila

as their capital, and Luzon as their country. … At seven

o'clock I received an order from General Merritt to remove the

Filipinos from the city. … I therefore took the responsibility

of telegraphing Aguinaldo, who was at Bacoor, ten miles below,

requesting him to withdraw his troops and intimating that

serious consequences would follow if he did not do so. I

received his answer at eleven, saying that a Commission would

come to me the next morning with full powers. Accordingly the

next day Señors Buencomeno, Lagarde, Araneto and Sandeco came

to Division Headquarters in Manila and stated that they were

authorized to order the withdrawal of their troops, if we

would promise to reinstate them in their present positions on

our making peace with Spain. Thereupon I took them over to

General Merritt. Upon their repeating their demands, he told

them he could not give such a pledge, but that they could rely

on the honor of the American people. The General then read to

them the proclamation he intended to issue to the Filipino

people. …

"There is a great diversity of opinion as to whether a

conflict with the Filipinos could not have been avoided if a

more conciliatory course had been followed in dealing with

them. I believe we came to a parting of the ways when we

refused their request to leave their military force in a good

strategic position on the contingency of our making peace with

Spain without a guarantee of their independence."

T. M. Anderson,

Our Rule in the Philippines

(North American Review, volume 170, page 275).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Porto Rico).

Occupation of Porto Rico.

"With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Porto Rico became

the next strategic necessity. General Miles had previously been

assigned to organize an expedition for that purpose.

Fortunately, he was already at Santiago, where he had arrived

on the 11th of July with reinforcements for General Shafter's

army. With these troops, consisting of 3,415 infantry and

artillery, 2 companies of engineers and 1 company of the

signal corps, General Miles left Guantanamo on July 21st,

having 9 transports, convoyed by the fleet, under Captain

Higginson, with the 'Massachusetts' (flagship), 'Dixie,',

Gloucester,' 'Columbia' and 'Yale,' the two latter carrying

troops. The expedition landed at   on July 25th, which port

was entered with little opposition. Here the fleet was joined

by the 'Annapolis' and the 'Wasp,' while the 'Puritan' and

'Amphitrite' went to San Juan and joined the 'New Orleans,'

which was engaged in blockading that port. The major general

commanding was subsequently reinforced by General Schwan's

brigade of the Third Army Corps, by General Wilson with a part

of his division and also by General Brooke with a part of his

corps, numbering in all 16,973 officers and men. On July 27th

he entered Ponce, one of the most important ports in the

island, from which he thereafter directed operations for the

capture of the island. With the exception of encounters with

the enemy at Guayama, Hormigueros [the Rio Prieto], Coamo, and

Yauco and an attack on a force landed at Cape San Juan, there

was no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecuted with

great vigor and by the 12th of August much of the island was

in our possession and the acquisition of the remainder was

only a matter of a short time. At most of the points in the

island our troops were enthusiastically welcomed.

Protestations of loyalty to the flag and gratitude for

delivery from Spanish rule met our commanders at every stage."

Message of the President of the United States

to Congress, December 5, 1898.

"During the nineteen days of active campaign on the island of

Puerto Rico a large portion of the island was captured by the

United States forces and brought under our control. Our forces

were in such a position as to make the positions of the

Spanish forces, outside of the garrison at San Juan, utterly

untenable. The Spaniards had been defeated or captured in the

six different engagements which took place, and in every

position they had occupied up to that time. The volunteers had

deserted their colors, and many of them had surrendered to our

forces and taken the oath of allegiance. This had a

demoralizing effect upon the regular Spanish troops. … The

loss of the enemy in killed, wounded and captured was nearly

ten times our own, which was only 3 killed and 40 wounded."

General Miles,

Report

(Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, part 2, page 36).

{618}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).

The War with Spain.

Capture of Manila.

Relations with the Filipino insurgents.

General Merritt's report.

Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

"Immediately after my arrival [July 25] I visited General

Greene's camp and made a reconnaissance of the position held

by the Spanish, and also the opposing lines of the insurgent

forces, hereafter to be described. I found General Greene's

command encamped on a strip of sandy land running parallel to

the shore of the bay and not far distant from the beach, but

owing to the great difficulties of landing supplies, the

greater portion of the force had shelter tents only, and were

suffering many discomforts, the camp being situated in a low,

flat place, without shelter from the heat of the tropical sun

or adequate protection during the terrific downpours of rain

so frequent at this season. I was at once struck by the

exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, endurance shown by

the officers and men under such circumstances, and this

feeling of admiration for the manner in which the American

soldier, volunteer and regular alike, accept the necessary

hardships of the work they have undertaken to do, has grown

and increased with every phase of the difficult and trying

campaign which the troops of the Philippine expedition have

brought to such a brilliant and successful conclusion.

"I discovered during my visit to General Greene that the left

or north flank of his brigade camp extended to a point on the

'Calle Real' about 3,200 yards from the outer line of Spanish

defenses of the city of Manila. This Spanish line began at the

powder magazine, or old Fort San Antonio, within a hundred

yards of the beach and just south of the Malate suburb of

Manila, and stretched away to the Spanish left in more or less

detached works, eastward, through swamps and rice fields,

covering all the avenues of approach to the town and

encircling the city completely. The Filipinos, or insurgent

forces at war with Spain, had, prior to the arrival of the

American land forces, been waging a desultory warfare with the

Spaniards for several months, and were at the time of my

arrival in considerable force, variously estimated and never

accurately ascertained, but probably not far from 12,000 men.

These troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of

ammunition and several field guns, had obtained positions of

investment opposite to the Spanish line of detached works

throughout their entire extent; and on the particular road

called the 'Calle Real,' passing along the front of General

Greene's brigade camp and running through Malate to Manila,

the insurgents had established an earthwork or trench within

800 yards of the powder-magazine fort. They also occupied as

well the road to the right, leading from the village of Pasay,

and the approach by the beach was also in their possession.

This anomalous state of affairs, namely, having a line of

quasi-hostile native troops between our forces and the Spanish

position, was, of course, very objectionable, but it was

difficult to deal with, owing to the peculiar condition of our

relations with the insurgents, which may be briefly stated as

follows:

"Shortly after the naval battle of Manila Bay, the principal

leader of the insurgents, General Emilio Aguinaldo, came to

Cavite from Hongkong, and, with the consent of our naval

authorities, began active work in raising troops and pushing

the Spaniards in the direction of the city of Manila. Having

met with some success, and the natives flocking to his

assistance, he proclaimed an independent government of

republican form, with himself as president, and at the time of

my arrival in the islands the entire edifice of executive and

legislative departments and subdivision of territory for

administrative purposes had been accomplished, at least on

paper, and the Filipinos held military possession of many

points in the islands other than those in the vicinity of

Manila. As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival

nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and

as my instructions from the President fully contemplated the

occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and

stated that 'the powers of the military occupant are absolute

and supreme and immediately operate upon the political

condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to

hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until

I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as

I would not until then be in a position to issue a

proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his

pretensions should clash with my designs.

"For these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city

were pressed and military operations conducted without

reference to the situation of the insurgent forces. The wisdom

of this course was subsequently fully established by the fact

that when the troops of my command carried the Spanish

intrenchments, extending from the sea to the Pasay road on the

extreme Spanish right, we were under no obligations, by

pre-arranged plans of mutual attack, to turn to the right and

clear the front still held against the insurgents, but were

able to move forward at once and occupy the city and suburbs.

"To return to the situation of General Greene's brigade as I

found it on my arrival, it will be seen that the difficulty in

gaining an avenue of approach to the Spanish line lay in the

fact of my disinclination to ask General Aguinaldo to withdraw

from the beach and the 'Calle Real,' so that Greene could move

forward. This was overcome by instructions to General Greene

to arrange, if possible, with the insurgent brigade commander

in his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the

American forces unobstructed control of the roads in their

immediate front. No objection was made, and accordingly

General Greene's brigade threw forward a heavy outpost line on

the 'Calle Real' and the beach and constructed a trench, in

which a portion of the guns of the Utah batteries was placed.

The Spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very

sharp attack with infantry and artillery on the night of July

31. The behavior of our troops during this night attack was

all that could be desired, and I have, in cablegrams to the

War Department, taken occasion to commend by name those who

deserve special mention for good conduct in the affair. Our

position was extended and strengthened after this and resisted

successfully repeated night attacks, our forces suffering,

however, considerable loss in wounded and killed, while the

losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, could not be

ascertained.

"The strain of the night fighting and the heavy details for

outpost duty made it imperative to re-enforce General Greene's

troops with General MacArthur's brigade, which had arrived in

transports on the 31st of July. The difficulties of this

operation can hardly be overestimated. The transports were at

anchor off Cavite, 5 miles from a point on the beach where it

was desired to disembark the men.

{619}

Several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day

after day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies

ashore was to load them from the ship's side into native

lighters (called 'cascos') or small steamboats, move them to a

point opposite the camp, and then disembark them through the

surf in small boats, or by running the lighters head on to the

beach. The landing was finally accomplished, after days of

hard work and hardship; and I desire here to express again my

admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of the

men of all commands engaged in this operation. Upon the

assembly of MacArthur's brigade in support of Greene's, I had

about 8,500 men in position to attack, and I deemed the time

had come for final action. During the time of the night

attacks I had communicated my desire to Admiral Dewey that he

would allow his ships to open fire on the right of the Spanish

line of intrenchments, believing that such action would stop

the night firing and loss of life, but the admiral had

declined to order it unless we were in danger of losing our

position by the assaults of the Spanish, for the reason that,

in his opinion, it would precipitate a general engagement, for

which he was not ready. Now, however, the brigade of General

MacArthur was in position and the 'Monterey' had arrived, and

under date of August 6 Admiral Dewey agreed to my suggestion

that we should send a joint letter to the captain-general

notifying him that he should remove from the city all

non-combatants within forty-eight hours, and that operations

against the defenses of Manila might begin at any time after

the expiration of that period.

"This letter was sent August 7, and a reply was received the

same date, to the effect that the Spanish were without places

of refuge for the increased numbers of wounded, sick women,

and children now lodged within the walls. On the 9th a formal

joint demand for the surrender of the city was sent in. This

demand was based upon the hopelessness of the struggle on the

part of the Spaniards, and that every consideration of

humanity demanded that the city should not be subjected to

bombardment under such circumstances. The captain-general's

reply, of same date, stated that the council of defense had

declared that the demand could not be granted; but the

captain-general offered to consult his Government if we would

allow him the time strictly necessary for the communications

by way of Hongkong. This was declined on our part for the

reason that it could, in the opinion of the admiral and

myself, lead only to a continuance of the situation, with no

immediate result favorable to us, and the necessity was

apparent and very urgent that decisive action should be taken

at once to compel the enemy to give up the town, in order to

relieve our troops from the trenches and from the great

exposure to unhealthy conditions which were unavoidable in a

bivouac during the rainy season.

"The seacoast batteries in defense of Manila are so situated

that it is impossible for ships to engage them without firing

into the town, and as the bombardment of a city filled with

women and children, sick and wounded, and containing a large

amount of neutral property, could only be justified as a last

resort, it was agreed between Admiral Dewey and myself that an

attempt should be made to carry the extreme right of the

Spanish line of intrenchments in front of the positions at

that time occupied by our troops, which, with its flank on the

seashore, was entirely open to the fire of the navy. It was

not my intention to press the assault at this point, in case

the enemy should hold it in strong force, until after the navy

had made practicable breaches in the works and shaken the troops

holding them, which could not be done by the army alone, owing

to the absence of siege guns. … It was believed, however, as

most desirable, and in accordance with the principles of

civilized warfare, that the attempt should be made to drive

the enemy out of his intrenchments before resorting to the

bombardment of the city. …

"All the troops were in position on the 13th at an early hour

in the morning. About 9 a. m. on that day our fleet steamed

forward from Cavite and before 10 a. m. opened a hot and

accurate fire of heavy shells and rapid-fire projectiles on

the sea flank of the Spanish intrenchments at the powder

magazine fort, and at the same time the Utah batteries, in

position in our trenches near the 'Calle Real,' began firing

with great accuracy. At 10.25, on a prearranged signal from

our trenches that it was believed our troops could advance,

the navy ceased firing, and immediately a light line of

skirmishers from the Colorado regiment of Greene's brigade

passed over our trenches and deployed rapidly forward, another

line from the same regiment from the left flank of our

earthworks advancing swifty up the beach in open order. Both

these lines found the powder-magazine fort and the trenches

flanking it deserted, but as they passed over the Spanish

works they were met by a sharp fire from a second line

situated in the streets of Malate, by which a number of men

were killed and wounded, among others the soldier who pulled

down the Spanish colors still flying on the fort and raised

our own.

"The works of the second line soon gave way to the determined

advance of Greene's troops, and that officer pushed his

brigade rapidly through Malate and over the bridges to occupy

Binondo and San Miguel, as contemplated in his instructions.

In the meantime the brigade of General MacArthur, advancing

simultaneously on the Pasay road, encountered a very sharp

fire, coming from the blockhouses, trenches, and woods in his

front, positions which it was very difficult to carry, owing

to the swampy condition of the ground on both sides of the

roads and the heavy undergrowth concealing the enemy. With

much gallantry and excellent judgment on the part of the

brigade commander and the troops engaged these difficulties

were overcome with a minimum loss, and MacArthur advanced and

held the bridges and the town of Malate, as was contemplated

in his instructions.

"The city of Manila was now in our possession, excepting the

walled town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into

Malate a white flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon

Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Whittier, United States Volunteers,

of my staff, and Lieutenant Brumby, United States Navy,

representing Admiral Dewey, were sent ashore to communicate

with the Captain-General. I soon personally followed these

officers into the town, going at once to the palace of the

Governor-General, and there, after a conversation with the

Spanish authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of

capitulation was signed by the Captain-General and myself.

This agreement was subsequently incorporated into the formal

terms of capitulation, as arranged by the officers

representing the two forces, a copy of which is hereto

appended and marked.

{620}

Immediately after the surrender the Spanish colors on the sea

front were hauled down and the American flag displayed and

saluted by the guns of the navy. The Second Oregon Regiment,

which had proceeded by sea from Cavite, was disembarked and

entered the walled town as a provost guard, and the colonel

was directed to receive the Spanish arms and deposit them in

places of security. The town was filled with the troops of the

enemy driven in from the intrenchments, regiments formed and

standing in line in the streets, but the work of disarming

proceeded quietly and nothing unpleasant occurred.

"In leaving the subject of the operations of the 13th, I

desire here to record my appreciation of the admirable manner

in which the orders for attack and the plan for occupation of

the city were carried out by the troops exactly as

contemplated. I submit that for troops to enter under fire a

town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and guard all

principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the

insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an

army of Spaniards more than equal in numbers to the American

troops, and finally by all this to prevent entirely all

rapine, pillage, and disorder, and gain entire and complete

possession of a city of 300,000 people, filled with natives

hostile to the European interests, and stirred up by the

knowledge that their own people were fighting in the outside

trenches, was an act which only the law-abiding, temperate,

resolute American soldier, well and skillfully handled by his

regimental and brigade commanders, could accomplish. …

"The amount of public funds and the numbers of the prisoners

of war and small arms taken have been reported in detail by

cable. It will be observed that the trophies of Manila were

nearly $900,000, 13,000 prisoners, and 22,000 arms.

Immediately after the surrender my headquarters were

established in the ayuntamiento, or city office of the

Governor-General, where steps were at once inaugurated to set

up the government of military occupancy. … On the 16th a

cablegram containing the text of the President's proclamation

directing a cessation of hostilities was received by me, and

at the same time an order to make the fact known to the

Spanish authorities, which was done at once. This resulted in

a formal protest from the Governor-General in regard to the

transfer of public funds then taking place, on the ground that

the proclamation was dated prior to the surrender. To this I

replied that the status quo in which we were left with the

cessation of hostilities was that existing at the time of the

receipt by me of the official notice, and that I must insist

upon the delivery of the funds. The delivery was made under

protest.

"After the issue of my proclamation and the establishment of

my office as military governor, I had direct written

communication with General Aguinaldo on several occasions. He

recognized my authority as military governor of the town of

Manila and suburbs, and made professions of his willingness to

withdraw his troops to a line which I might indicate, but at

the same time asking certain favors for himself. The matters

in this connection had not been settled at the date of my

departure. Doubtless much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank

and file of the insurgents that they have not been permitted

to enjoy the occupancy of Manila, and there is some ground for

trouble with them owing to that fact, but, notwithstanding

many rumors to the contrary, I am of the opinion that the

leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances, as they

are sufficiently intelligent and educated to know that to

antagonize the United States would be to destroy their only

chance of future political improvement.

"On the 28th instant I received a cablegram directing me to

transfer my command to Major-General Otis, United States

Volunteers, and to proceed to Paris, France, for conference

with the peace commissioners. I embarked on the steamer

'China' on the 30th in obedience to these instructions."

Report of General Wesley Merritt

(Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,

volume 1, pages 39-45).

"Aguinaldo … retired to Malalos, about 25 miles to the

northward, leaving his troops entrenched round Manila, and

there with considerable pomp and ceremony on September 29th,

1898, he was declared First President of the Philippine

Republic, and the National Congress was opened with Pedro

Paterno as President of that assembly."

G. J. Younghusband,

The Philippines and Round About,

page 27.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-December).

War with Spain.

Suspension of hostilities.

Negotiation of Treaty of Peace.

Instructions to American Commissioners.

Relinquishment of Spanish sovereignty over Cuba and cession

of Porto Rico, the island of Guam and the Philippine Islands

to the United States.

In his message to Congress, December 5, 1898, President

McKinley gave the following account of his reception of

overtures from Spain, for the termination of the war, and of

the negotiations which resulted in a treaty of peace:

"The annihilation of Admiral Cervera's fleet, followed by the

capitulation of Santiago, having brought to the Spanish

Government a realizing sense of the hopelessness of continuing

a struggle now become wholly unequal, it made overtures of

peace through the French Ambassador, who, with the assent of

his Government, had acted as the friendly representative of

Spanish interests during the war. On the 26th of July M.

Cambon presented a communication signed by the Duke of

Almodovar, the Spanish Minister of State, inviting the United

States to state the terms upon which it would be willing to

make peace. On the 30th of July, by a communication addressed

to the Duke of Almodovar and handed to M. Cambon, the terms of

this Government were announced, substantially as in the

protocol afterwards signed. On the 10th of August the Spanish

reply, dated August 7th, was handed by M. Cambon to the

Secretary of State. It accepted unconditionally the terms

imposed as to Cuba, Porto Rico and an island of the Ladrone

group, but appeared to seek to introduce inadmissible

reservations in regard to our demand as to the Philippine

Islands. Conceiving that discussion on this point could

neither be practical nor profitable, I directed that, in order

to avoid misunderstanding, the matter should be forthwith

closed by proposing the embodiment in a formal protocol of the

terms upon which the negotiations for peace were to be

undertaken.

{621}

The vague and inexplicit suggestion of the Spanish note could

not be accepted, the only reply being to present as a virtual

ultimatum a draft of protocol embodying the precise terms

tendered to Spain in our note of July 30th, with added

stipulations of detail as to the appointment of commissioners

to arrange for the evacuation of the Spanish Antilles. On

August 12th M. Cambon announced his receipt of full powers to

sign the protocol submitted. Accordingly, on the afternoon of

August 12th M. Cambon, as the plenipotentiary of Spain, and

the Secretary of State, as the plenipotentiary of the United

States, signed a protocol providing:

Article I—

Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title

to Cuba.

Article II-

Spain will cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico

and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West

Indies and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by

the United States.

Article III-

The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and

harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace,

which shall determine the control, disposition and government

of the Philippines.

The fourth article provided for the appointment of joint

commissions on the part of the United States and Spain, to

meet in Havana and San Juan, respectively, for the purpose of

arranging and carrying out the details of the stipulated

evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and other Spanish islands in

the West Indies.

The fifth article provided for the appointment of not more

than five commissioners on each side, to meet at Paris not

later than October 1st, and proceed to the negotiation and

conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject to ratification

according to the respective constitutional forms of the two

countries.

The sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of

the protocol hostilities between the two countries should be

suspended and that notice to that effect should be given as

soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its

military and naval forces. Immediately upon the conclusion of

the protocol I issued a proclamation of August 12th,

suspending hostilities on the part of the United States. The

necessary orders to that end were at once given by telegraph.

The blockade of the ports of Cuba and San Juan de Porto Rico

was in like manner raised. On the 18th of August the

muster-out of 100,000 Volunteers, or as near that number as

was found to be practicable, was ordered. On the 1st of

December 101,165 officers and men had been mustered out and

discharged from the service and 9,002 more will be mustered

out by the 10th of this month. Also a corresponding number of

general staff officers have been honorably discharged from the

service. The military commissions to superintend the

evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and the adjacent islands were

forthwith appointed: For Cuba, Major-General James F. Wade,

Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, Major-General Matthew C.

Butler. For Porto Rico, Major-General John R. Brooke,

Rear-Admiral Winfield S. Schley and Brigadier-General William

W. Gordon, who soon afterwards met the Spanish commissioners

at Havana and San Juan respectively. … Pursuant to the fifth

article of the protocol, I appointed William H. Day, late

Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye and

George Gray, Senators of the United States, and Whitelaw Reid,

to be the peace commissioners on the part of the United

States. Proceeding in due season to Paris they there met on

the first of October five commissioners, similarly appointed

on the part of Spain."

Message of the President to Congress,

December 5, 1898.

The instructions given (September 16) by President McKinley to

the commissioners appointed to treat for peace with Spain, and

the correspondence between the commissioners at Paris and the

President and the Secretary of State at Washington during the

progress of the negotiations, were communicated confidentially

to the United States Senate on the 30th of January, 1899, but

not published until February, 1901, when the injunction of

secrecy was removed and the printing of the papers ordered by

vote of the Senate. The chief interest of these papers lies in

their disclosure of what passed between the American executive

and the peace commissioners on the subject of the Philippine

Islands which led to the demand for their entire surrender by

Spain.

In his instructions of September 16th to the commissioners, on

their departure for the meeting with Spanish commissioners at

Paris, the President wrote on this subject: "By article 6 of

the protocol it was agreed that hostilities between the two

countries should be suspended, and that notice to that effect

should be given as soon as possible by each Government to the

Commanders of its military and naval forces. Such notice was

given by the Government of the United States immediately after

the signature of the protocol, the forms of the necessary

orders having previously been prepared. But before notice

could reach the commanders of the military and naval forces of

the United States in the Philippines they captured and took

possession by conquest of the city of Manila and its suburbs,

which are therefore held by the United States by conquest as

well as by virtue of the protocol. In view of what has taken

place it is necessary now to determine what shall be our

future relations to the Philippines. …

"Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to

lasting results and to the achievement of the common good

under the demands of civilization rather than to ambitious

designs. The terms of the protocol were framed upon this

consideration. The abandonment of the Western Hemisphere by

Spain was an imperative necessity. In presenting that

requirement we only fulfilled a duty universally acknowledged.

It involves no ungenerous reference to our recent foe, but

simply a recognition of the plain teachings of history, to say

that it was not compatible with the assurance of permanent

peace on and near our own territory that the Spanish flag

should remain on this side of the sea. This lesson of events

and of reason left no alternative as to Cuba, Porto Rico, and

the other islands belonging to Spain in this hemisphere. The

Philippines stand upon a different basis. It is none the less

true, however, that, without any original thought of complete

or even partial acquisition, the presence and success of our

arms at Manila imposes upon us obligations which we can not

disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human

action. A vowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated

all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere to it, we can

not be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part

the war has brought us new duties and responsibilities which

we must meet and discharge as becomes a great nation on whose

growth and career from the beginning the Ruler of Nations has

plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization.

{622}

"Incidental to our tenure in the Philippines is the commercial

opportunity to which American statesmanship can not be

indifferent. It is just to use every legitimate means for the

enlargement of American trade; but we seek no advantages in

the Orient which are not common to all. Asking only the open

door for ourselves, we are ready to accord the open door to

others. The commercial opportunity which is naturally and

inevitably associated with this new opening depends less on

large territorial possessions than upon an adequate commercial

basis and upon broad and equal privileges. It is believed that

in the practical application of these guiding principles the

present interests of our country and the proper measure of its

duty, its welfare in the future, and the consideration of its

exemption from unknown perils will be found in full accord

with the just, moral, and humane purpose which was invoked as

our justification in accepting the war.

"In view of what has been stated, the United States can not

accept less than the cession in full right and sovereignty of

the island of Luzon. It is desirable, however, that the United

States shall acquire the right of entry for vessels and

merchandise belonging to citizens of the United States into

such ports of the Philippines as are not ceded to the United

States upon terms of equal favor with Spanish ships and

merchandise, both in relation to port and customs charges and

rates of trade and commerce, together with other rights of

protection and trade accorded to citizens of one country

within the territory of another. You are therefore instructed

to demand such concession, agreeing on your part that Spain

shall have similar rights as to her subjects and vessels in

the ports of any territory in the Philippines ceded to the

United States."

On the 7th of October, Mr. Day, on behalf of the American

commissioners, cabled a long communication from Paris to Mr.

Hay, his successor in the United States Department of State,

summarizing testimony given before the Commission by General

Merritt, lately commanding in the Philippines, and statements

brought by General Merritt from Admiral Dewey, General Greene,

and others. In part, the telegram was as follows:

"General Anderson, in correspondence with Aguinaldo in June

and July, seemed to treat him and his forces as allies and

native authorities, but subsequently changed his tone. General

Merritt reports that Admiral Dewey did not approve this

correspondence and advised against it. Merritt and Dewey both

kept clear of any compromising communications. Merritt

expresses opinion we are in no way committed to any insurgent

programme. Answering questions of Judge Day, General Merritt

said insurrection practically confined to Luzon. Tribal and

religious differences between the inhabitants of various

islands. United States has helped rather than injured

insurrection. Under no obligation other than moral to help

natives. Natives of Luzon would not accept Spanish rule, even

with amnesty. Insurgents would be victorious unless Spaniards

did better in future than in past. Insurgents would fight

among themselves if they had no common enemy. Think it

feasible for United States to take Luzon and perhaps some

adjacent islands and hold them as England does her colonies.

Natives could not resist 5,000 troops. … General Merritt

thinks that if United States attempted to take possession of

Luzon, or all the group as a colony, Aguinaldo and his

immediate followers would resist it, but his forces are

divided and his opposition would not amount to anything. If

the islands were divided, filibustering expeditions might go

from one island to another, thus exposing us to constant

danger of conflict with Spain. In answer to questions of

Senator Frye, Merritt said insurgents would murder Spaniards

and priests in Luzon and destroy their property if the United

States withdrew. United States under moral obligation to stay

there. He did not know whether the effect of setting up a

government by the United States in Luzon would be to produce

revolutions in other islands. It might cause reforms in their

government. … Answering questions of Mr. Gray, Merritt said

consequences in case of either insurgent or Spanish triumph

made it doubtful whether United States would be morally

justified in withdrawing. Our acts were ordinary acts of war,

as if we had attacked Barcelona, but present conditions in

Philippine Islands were partly brought about by us. Insurgents

not in worse condition by our coming. Spaniards hardly able to

defend themselves. If we restored them to their position and

trenches, they might maintain themselves with the help of a

navy when we withdrew. Did not know that he could make out a

responsibility by argument, but he felt it. It might be

sentimental. He thought it would be an advantage if the United

States would change its policy and keep the islands. (He)

thought our interests in the East would be helped by the cheap

labor in the Philippines, costing only from 20 to 80 cents a

day, according to skill. … Answering questions of Mr. Reid,

Merritt said he considered capture of Manila practically

capture of group. Nothing left of Spanish sovereignty that was

not at mercy of the United States. Did not think our humanity

bounded by geographical lines. After Dewey's victory we armed

insurgents to some extent, but Dewey says it was

over-estimated. Insurgents bought arms from Hongkong merchants

with Dewey's cognizance, but Dewey was not in favor of allowing

this to continue. Spaniards would destroy Aguinaldo and his

principal followers, if allowed to do so."

October 25, Judge Day cabled a message to Washington, saying:

"Differences of opinion among commissioners concerning

Philippine Islands are set forth in statements transmitted

herewith. On these we request early consideration and explicit

instructions. Liable now to be confronted with this question

in joint commission almost immediately." The differing

statements then transmitted were three in number, the first of

them signed by Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid, who said:

"Information gained by commission in Paris leads to conviction

that it would be naval, political, and commercial mistake to

divide the archipelago. Nearly all expert testimony taken

tends to this effect. As instructions provide for retention at

least of Luzon, we do not consider question of remaining in

Philippine Islands at all as now properly before us. We

therefore ask for extension of instructions. Spain governed

and defended these islands from Manila, and with destruction

of her fleet and the surrender of her army we became as

complete masters of the whole group as she had been, with

nothing needed to complete the conquest save to proceed with

the ample forces we had at hand to take unopposed possession.

{623}

The Ladrones and Carolines were also governed from the same

capital by the same governor-general. National boundaries

ought to follow natural divisions, but there is no natural

place for dividing Philippine Islands. … If we do not want the

islands ourselves, better to control their disposition; that

is, to hold the option on them rather than to abandon it.

Could then at least try to protect ourselves by ample treaty

stipulations with the acquiring powers. Commercially, division

of archipelago would not only needlessly establish dangerous

rivals at our door, but would impair value of part we kept."

Disagreeing with this view, Judge Day said:

"I am unable to agree that we should peremptorily demand the

entire Philippine island group. In the spirit of our

instructions, and bearing in mind the often declared

disinterestedness of purpose and freedom from designs of

conquest with which the war was undertaken, we should be

consistent in our demands in making peace. Territory

permanently held must be taken as war indemnity and with due

regard to our responsibility because of the conduct of our

military and naval authorities in dealing with the insurgents.

Whether this conduct was wise or unwise is not now important. We

cannot leave the insurgents to mere treaty stipulations or to

their unaided resources, either to form a government or to

battle against a foe which (although) unequal to us, might

readily overcome them. On all hands it is agreed that the

inhabitants of the islands are unfit for self-government. This

is particularly true of Mindanao and the Sulu group. Only

experience can determine the success of colonial expansion

upon which the United States is entering. It may prove

expensive in proportion to the scale upon which it is tried

with ignorant and semibarbarous people at the other side of

the world. It should therefore be kept within bounds." Judge

Day, accordingly, suggested a division of the archipelago that

would give to the United States Luzon, Mindoro, and Palawan,

and control the entrance to the China Sea. Senator Gray, in a

third statement, dissented from both these views, saying: "The

undersigned can not agree that it is wise to take Philippine

Islands in whole or in part. To do so would be to reverse

accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted

upon throughout our history. Propinquity governs the case of

Cuba and Porto Rico. Policy proposed introduces us into

European politics and the entangling alliances against which

Washington and all American statesmen have protested. It will

make necessary a navy equal to largest of powers; a greatly

increased military establishment; immense sums for

fortifications and harbors; multiply occasions for dangerous

complications with foreign nations, and increase burdens of

taxation. Will receive in compensation no outlet for American

labor in labor market already overcrowded and cheap; no area

for homes for American citizens; climate and social conditions

demoralizing to character of American youth; new and disturbing

questions introduced into our politics; church question

menacing. On whole, instead of indemnity—injury. The

undersigned can not agree that any obligation incurred to

insurgents is paramount to our own manifest interests. … No

place for colonial administration or government of subject

people in American system. So much from standpoint of

interest; but even conceding all benefits claimed for

annexation, we thereby abandon the infinitely greater benefit

to accrue from acting the part of a great, powerful, and

Christian nation; we exchange the moral grandeur and strength

to be gained by keeping our word to nations of the world and

by exhibiting a magnanimity and moderation in the hour of

victory that becomes the advanced civilization we claim, for

doubtful material advantages and shameful stepping down from

high moral position boastfully assumed. We should set example

in these respects, not follow in the selfish and vulgar greed

for territory which Europe has inherited from medieval times.

Our declaration of war upon Spain was accompanied by a solemn

and deliberate definition of our purpose. Now that we have

achieved all and more than our object, let us simply keep our

word. … At the very least let us adhere to the President's

instructions and if conditions require the keeping of Luzon

forego the material advantages claimed in annexing other

islands. Above all let us not make a mockery of the injunction

contained in those instructions, where, after stating that we

took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and

in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations, and

that we had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of

conquest, the President among other things eloquently says:

'It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace

should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in

facing war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the

concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its

original action.' This and more, of which I earnestly ask a

re-perusal, binds my conscience and governs my actions."

But the President had now arrived at a different state of

mind, and directed Secretary Hay to make the following reply,

on the 26th: "The information which has come to the President

since your departure convinces him that the acceptance of the

cession of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands

subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future

contention, can not be justified on political, commercial, or

humanitarian grounds. The cession must be of the whole

archipelago or none. The latter is wholly inadmissible and the

former must therefore be required. The President reaches this

conclusion after most thorough consideration of the whole

subject, and is deeply sensible of the grave responsibilities

it will impose, believing that this course will entail less

trouble than any other and besides will best subserve the

interests of the people involved, for whose welfare we can not

escape responsibility."

Two days later, the moral and political reflections of the

President on the subject were expressed still further to the

commissioners by Secretary Hay, in the following telegram:

"While the Philippines can be justly claimed by conquest,

which position must not be yielded, yet their disposition,

control, and government the President prefers should be the

subject of negotiation as provided in the protocol. It is

imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only

by motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion

should be our least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral

obligations of our victory is of the greatest.

{624}

It is undisputed that Spain's authority is permanently

destroyed in every part of the Philippines. To leave any part

in her feeble control now would increase our difficulties and

be opposed to the interests of humanity. The sentiment in the

United States is almost universal that the people of the

Philippines, whatever else is done, must be liberated from

Spanish domination. In this sentiment the President fully

concurs. Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any of the

islands to another power. Nor can we invite another power or

powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We

must either hold them or turn them back to Spain.

Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen

as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can

see but one plain path of duty—the acceptance of the archipelago.

Greater difficulties and more serious

complications—administrative and international—would follow

any other course. The President has given to the views of the

commissioners the fullest consideration, and in reaching the

conclusion above announced in the light of information

communicated to the commission and to the President since your

departure, he has been influenced by the single consideration

of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the

distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever

consideration the United States may show must come from its

sense of generosity and benevolence, rather than from any real

or technical obligation. The terms upon which the full cession

of the Philippines shall be made must be left largely with the

commission."

On the 3d of November, Judge Day cabled: "After a careful

examination of the authorities, the majority of the commission

are clearly of opinion that our demand for the Philippine

Islands can not be based on conquest. When the protocol was

signed Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and

capture made after the execution of the protocol. Captures

made after agreement for armistice must be disregarded and

status quo restored as far as practicable. We can require

cession of Philippine Islands only as indemnity for losses and

expenses of the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands,

the broken power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal would

leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors."

On the 4th, Senator Davis added a personal telegram as

follows: "I think we can demand cession of entire archipelago

on other and more valid grounds than a perfected territorial

conquest of the Philippine Islands, such as indemnity or as

conditions of peace imposed by our general military success

and in view of our future security and general welfare,

commercial and otherwise. I think the protocol admits all

these grounds, and that the ground alone of perfected

territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow

and untenable under protocol."

Secretary Hay replied, for the President, on the 5th: "The

President has no purpose to question the commission's judgment

as to the grounds upon which the cession of the archipelago is

to be claimed. His only wish in that respect is to hold all

the ground upon which we can fairly and justly make the claim.

He recognizes fully the soundness of putting forward indemnity

as the chief ground, but conquest is a consideration which

ought not to be ignored. How our demand shall be presented,

and the grounds upon which you will rest it, he confidently

leaves with the commissioners. His great concern is that a

treaty shall be effected in terms which will not only satisfy

the present generation but, what is more important, be

justified in the judgment of posterity."

Discussion followed, in which Judge Day and Senator Gray

repeated the views they had formerly expressed, in dissent

from the policy determined upon by the President and his

cabinet, the latter saying: "Believing that the result of a

failure to obtain a treaty would be the forcible seizure of

the whole Philippine Islands group, an event greatly to be

deprecated as inconsistent with the traditions and

civilization of the United States, I would be willing to take

the islands by the cession of a treaty of peace, and I would,

to that end, make such reasonable concessions as would comport

with the magnanimity of a great nation dealing with a weak and

prostrate foe. I mean that I would prefer the latter

alternative to the former, not that I have changed my mind as

to the policy of taking the Philippine Islands at all."

So far as concerned the demands of the United States (which

Spain was powerless to resist), the question was settled, on

the 13th of November, by a telegram from Secretary Hay to Mr.

Day, in which he said: "We are clearly entitled to indemnity

for the cost of the war. We can not hope to be fully

indemnified. We do not expect to be. It would probably be

difficult for Spain to pay money. All she has are the

archipelagoes of the Philippines and the Carolines. She surely

can not expect us to turn the Philippines back and bear the cost

of the war and all claims of our citizens for damages to life

and property in Cuba without any indemnity but Porto Rico,

which we have and which is wholly inadequate. … You are

therefore instructed to insist upon the cession of the whole

of the Philippines, and, if necessary, pay to Spain ten to

twenty millions of dollars, and if you can get cession of a

naval and telegraph station in the Carolines, and the several

concessions and privileges and guaranties, so far as

applicable, enumerated in the views of Commissioners Frye and

Reid, you can offer more."

United States, 56th Congress, 2d Session,

Senate Document Number 148

(Papers relating to the Treaty with Spain).

Discussion between the Spanish and American commissioners at

Paris was prolonged until the 10th of December, when the

former yielded to what they protested against as hard terms,

and the following Treaty of Peace was signed:

Treaty of Peace.

ARTICLE I.

Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to

Cuba. And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to

be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so

long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the

obligations that may under international law result from the

fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and

property.

ARTICLE II.

Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and

other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West

Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

{625}

ARTICLE III.

Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the

Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within

the following line: A line running from west to east along or

near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the

middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred

and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty seventh

(127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence

along the one hundred and twenty seventh (127th) degree

meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel of

four degrees and forty five minutes (4° 45') north latitude,

thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty five

minutes (4° 45') north latitude to its intersection with the

meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and

thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich, thence along

the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and

thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich to the

parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7° 40')

north, thence along the parallel of latitude of seven degrees

and forty minutes (7° 40') north to its intersection with the

one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude

east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection

of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the

one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of

longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred

and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of

Greenwich to the point of beginning. The United States will

pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000)

within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of

the present treaty.

ARTICLE IV.

The United States will, for the term of ten years from the

date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present

treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of

the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and

merchandise of the United States.

ARTICLE V.

The United States will, upon the signature of the present

treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish

soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by

the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question

shall be restored to them. Spain will, upon the exchange of

the ratifications of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate

the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms

similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to

arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in

the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, which

is to continue in force till its provisions are completely

executed. The time within which the evacuation of the

Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed

by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war

vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their

carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, livestock, and

materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and

naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain the

property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of

field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences,

shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months,

to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the

treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase

such material from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between

the two Governments on the subject shall be reached.

ARTICLE VI.

Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release

all prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned

for political offences, in connection with the insurrections

in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United

States. Reciprocally the United States will release all

persons made prisoners of war by the American forces, and will

undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in

the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines. The

Government of the United States will at its own cost return to

Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return

to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines,

according to the situation of their respective homes,

prisoners released or caused to be released by them,

respectively, under this article.

ARTICLE VII.

The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for

indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of either

Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other

Government, that may have arisen since the beginning of the

late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of

ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for

indemnity for the cost of the war. The United States will

adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain

relinquished in this article.

ARTICLE VIII.

In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III

of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in Porto

Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of

Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings,

wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and

other immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong

to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of

Spain. And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or

cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph

refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights

which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of

all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private

establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other

associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess

property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or

of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such

individuals may be. The aforesaid relinquishment or cession,

as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively

referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may

exist in the archives of the Peninsula. Where any document in

such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, a copy

of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested.

Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of Spain in

respect of documents in the archives of the islands above

referred to. In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as

the case may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of

Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official

archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in the

islands above referred to, which relate to said islands or the

rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives and

records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons

shall without distinction have the right to require, in

accordance with law, authenticated copies of the contracts,

wills and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols

or files, or which may be contained in the executive or

judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the islands

aforesaid.

{626}

ARTICLE IX.

Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the

territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes

or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may

remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights

of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such

property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the

right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions,

being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are

applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the

territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of

Spain by making, before a court of record, within a year from

the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a

declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in

default of which declaration they shall be held to have

renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the

territory in which they may reside. The civil rights and

political status of the native inhabitants of the territories

hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the

Congress.

ARTICLE X.

The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain

relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the

free exercise of their religion.

ARTICLE XI.

The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by

this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be

subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the

jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside,

pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they

shall have the right to appear before such courts, and to

pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the

courts belong.

ARTICLE XII.

Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of

ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which

Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be

determined according to the following rules:

1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private

individuals, or in criminal matters, before the date

mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or

right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be

final, and shall be executed in due form by competent

authority in the territory within which such judgments should

be carried out.

2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the

date mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment

before the court in which they may then be pending or in the

court that may be substituted therefor.

3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the

Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which

by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its

jurisdiction until final judgment; but, such judgment having

been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the

competent authority of the place in which the case arose.

ARTICLE XIII.

The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents

acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and in Porto Rico,

the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of

the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall

continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and

artistic works, not subversive of public order in the

territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of

duty into such territories, for the period of ten years, to be

reckoned from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of

this treaty.

ARTICLE XIV.

Spain will have the power to establish consular officers in

the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over

which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present

treaty.

ARTICLE XV.

The Government of each country will, for the term of ten

years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the

same treatment in respect of all port charges, including

entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage duties,

as it accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the

coastwise trade. This article may at any time be terminated on

six months notice given by either Government to the other.

ARTICLE XVI.

It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty

by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the

time of its occupancy thereof; but it will upon the

termination of such occupancy, advise any Government

established in the island to assume the same obligations.

ARTICLE XVII.

The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the

United States, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain;

and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington within

six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. In

faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have

signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done

in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year

of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight.

[Signed]

William R. Day,

Cushman K. Davis,

William P. Frye,

Geo. Gray,

Whitelaw Reid,

Eugenio Montero Ríos,

B. de Abarzuza,

J. de Garnica,

W. R. de Villa Urrutia,

Rafael Cerero.

That the treaty would be ratified by the Senate of the United

States was by no means certain when it was signed, and

remained questionable for two months.

See below:

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

Some time after the conclusion of the treaty, it was

discovered that the boundaries defined in it for the cession

of the Philippine Islands failed to include the islands of

Cagayan, or Kagayan, and Sibutu, in the southern part of the

archipelago. Still later, it was found that several small

islands (the Bachi or Bashee group, and others) belonging to

the Spanish possessions in the East were left lying outside of

the northern Philippine boundary, as laid down in the treaty

of cession. It is said that the Japanese government called

attention to this latter error, desiring to have the islands

in question, which are near to Formosa, controlled by the

United States, rather than by Spain. By a new treaty with

Spain, negotiated in 1900, all these outlying islands were

acquired by the United States, for the sum of $100,000.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August).

Losses of the armies at Santiago and in the Philippines.

See below:

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

{627}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August 21).

The War with Spain.

Letter from departing Spanish soldiers to the soldiers

of the American army.

The following letter, addressed, on the eve of their departure

for Spain, by the Spanish soldiers at Santiago, to the

soldiers of the American army, "is surely," says

Lieutenant-Colonel Miley, who quotes it in his book entitled

"In Cuba with Shafter"—"is surely the most remarkable letter

ever addressed by vanquished soldiers to their conquerors:

'Soldiers of the American Army: We would not be fulfilling our

duty as well-born men in whose breasts there lives gratitude

and courtesy, should we embark for our beloved Spain without

sending you our most cordial and sincere good wishes and

farewell. We fought you with ardor and with all our strength,

endeavoring to gain the victory, but without the slightest

rancor or hate toward the American nation. We have been

vanquished by you, so our generals and chiefs judged in

signing the capitulation, but our surrender and the

blood-battles preceding it have left in our souls no place for

resentment against the men who fought us nobly and valiantly.

You fought and acted in compliance with the same call of duty

as we, for we all but represent the power of our respective

States. You fought us as men, face to face, and with great

courage, as before stated—a quality we had not met with during

the three years we have carried on this war against a people

without a religion, without morals, without conscience, and of

doubtful origin, who could not confront the enemy, but shot

their noble victims from ambush and then immediately fled.

This was the kind of warfare we had to sustain in this

unfortunate land. You have complied exactly with all the laws

and usages of war as recognized by the armies of the most

civilized nations of the world; have given honorable burial to

the dead of the vanquished; have cured their wounded with

great humanity; have respected and cared for your prisoners

and their comfort; and lastly, to us, whose condition was

terrible, you have given freely of food and of your stock of

medicines, and have honored us with distinction and courtesy,

for after the fighting the two armies mingled with the utmost

harmony. With this high sentiment of appreciation from us all,

there remains but to express our farewell, and with the

greatest sincerity we wish you all happiness and health in

this land, which will no longer belong to our dear Spain, but

will be yours. You have conquered it by force and watered it

with your blood, as your conscience called for under the

demands of civilization and humanity; but the descendants of

the Congos and Guineas, mingled with the blood of unscrupulous

Spaniards and of traitors and adventurers—these people are

not able to exercise or enjoy their liberty, for they will

find it a burden to comply with the laws which govern

civilized humanity. From eleven thousand Spanish soldiers.

(Signed) Pedro Lopez De Castillo, Soldier of Infantry.

Santiago de Cuba, August 21, 1898.'"

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August-December).

Situation in the Philippines following the occupation

of Manila by American forces.

Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.

Report of General Otis.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (December).

Organization of military government in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

Statistics of the Spanish-American War.

The following military and naval statistics of the war with

Spain, compiled from official sources, were submitted to the

House of Representatives, during its debate on the Army Bill,

in December, 1900, as part of an appendix to a speech made in

support of the Bill by Honorable Charles Dick, of Ohio:

ORGANIZATION AND STRENGTH OF THE ARMY

DURING AND AFTER THE WAR.

By an Act of Congress approved April 22, 1898, providing for

the temporary increase of the military establishment of the

United States, "the organized and active land forces were

declared to consist of the Regular Army and of the militia of

the several States when called into service, constituting two

branches, designated, respectively, as be Regular Army and the

Volunteer Army of the United States. And the President was

authorized to organize the regular and volunteer troops into

divisions of three brigades, each brigade to be composed of

three or more regiments, and when three or more divisions are

present in the same army, to organize them into army corps,

each corps to consist of not more than three divisions. Under

the authority conferred upon him by the joint resolution of

April 20 and the act of April 22, 1898, the President issued a

proclamation, dated April 23, 1898, calling for volunteers to the

number of 125,000 men, to be apportioned as far as practicable

among the several States, Territories, and the District of

Columbia, according to population, to serve for two years

unless sooner discharged. Among the several arms of the

service the troops were apportioned as follows: Five regiments

and 17 troops of cavalry, 16 batteries of light artillery, 1

regiment and 7 batteries of heavy artillery, 119 regiments and

10 battalions of infantry. May 25, 1898, the President issued

a proclamation calling for an additional force of 75,000 men.

For controlling military reasons, it was determined to utilize

so much of this additional force as was necessary to bring up

the several State organizations in service to the full legal

strength, the remainder to be apportioned among the several

States and Territories according to their respective quotas as

nearly as possible. The apportionment to the several arms of

service under this second call was for 16 batteries of light

artillery, 3 battalions of heavy artillery, and 22 regiments,

ten battalions, and 46 companies of infantry."

The strength of the Regular Army on the 1st of April, 1898,

just before the breaking out of the war, was as follows:

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

General officers and staff corps.      532       2,026

Cavalry.                               437       6,047

Artillery.                             288       4,486

Infantry.                              886      12,828

Miscellaneous.                                     653

Total.                               2,143      26,040

The Regular Army was authorized to be increased to 65,000 men

as a war footing. The total strength of the armies, Regular

and Volunteer, at several later dates, was as follows:

{628}

DATE.             Regulars.   Volunteers.    Total.

April   15, 1898      28,183                    28,183

May     31, 1898      38,816       124,776     162,592

August  31, 1898      56,362       216,256     272,618

January 31, 1899      65,531        90,241     155,772

June    30, 1899      63,535        16,550      80,085

Maximum force at any one time during Spanish-American war,

274,717 officers and men. On the 29th of November, 1898, the

Army of the United States consisted of 2,324 officers and

61,444 enlisted men of the regular force, and of 5,216

officers and 110,202 enlisted men of the volunteer force,

making an aggregate of 7,540 officers and 171,646 enlisted

men.

PAY OF ARMY.

Payments made to Regular and Volunteer armies engaged during

Spanish-American war, from April 21, 1898, to April 11, 1899,

$67,065,629.56.

CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

In Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines between May 1, 1898,

and June 30, 1899.

Killed               Cuba    Porto Rico    Philippines

Officers            21                      16

Enlisted men       223          4          219

Wounded:

Officers           101                      92

Enlisted men     1,344         36        1,349

Died of Wounds:

Officers            10                      10

Enlisted men        64          8           82

Died of Disease:

Officers            34          4           11

Enlisted men.      888        251          369

Grand total, 5,136.

Casualties in Fifth Army Corps in campaign against Santiago,

June 22, 1898, to July 17, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.      21         222

Wounded     101       1,344

At battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.       1         15

Wounded       6         43

At battle of El Caney, July 1, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.       4         77

Wounded      25        335

At Aguadores, July 1-2, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.                  2

Wounded                 10

At battle of San Juan, July 1-3, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.      15        127

Wounded      69        945

Casualties around Santiago, July 10-12, 1898.

Officers.  Enlisted Men.

Killed.       1          1

Wounded       1         11

Grand total of casualties in killed and wounded

during the war with Spain.

WHERE.             KILLED.                WOUNDED.

Officers. Enlisted Men.  Officers. Enlisted Men.

Cuba            23        237           99        1,332

Porto Rico.                 3            4           36

Manila                     17           10           96

Total           23        257          113        1,464

The deaths from all causes (including casualties in action) in

the whole Army, regulars and volunteers, for the fourteen

months from May, 1898, to June, 1899, inclusive, were 6,619.

This is equivalent to an annual rate of 33.03 per thousand of

strength. The deaths from disease during the whole period were

at an annual rate of hut 25.68 per thousand. These were as

follows:

STATIONS.       Number of Deaths      Rate per 1,000.

United States        3,577               23.81

Cuba                   928               45.14

Porto Rico             238               38.15

Philippines            402               17.20

{629}

Deaths in the armies of the United States, by countries,

between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

[Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

COUNTRY             KILLED.     DIED OF    DISEASE.    ACCIDENT.

WOUNDS

Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.

REGULARS.

United States        1    5          10    32  874      1   51

Cuba                19  184      5   60     8  381           7

Porto Rico                                  3   73           3

Hawaiian Islands                                10           1

Philippine Islands    4  81      1   33     4  109          10

At sea                           1   11     4   77

Total                24 270      7  114    51  1,524    1   72

VOLUNTEERS.

United States                         1    87  2,836    3  111

Cuba                  3  39          10    16    457    2   12

Porto Rico                3                 1    157         5

Hawaiian Islands                                  33         1

Philippine Islands   14  146     3   67     5    215         6

At sea                                      5    122         2

Total                17  188     3   78   114  3,820    5  137

Aggregate            38  458    10  192   165  5,344    6  209

COUNTRY.              DROWNED.    SUICIDE.  MURDER       TOTAL.

HOMICIDE

Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.

REGULARS.

United States          1   16          19         18    35   993

Cuba                        7           5          6    32   650

Porto Rico                  1           3          1     3    81

Hawaiian Islands            1                                 12

Philippine Islands         19      1    3          1    10   256

At sea                 1    4           2                6    94

Total                  2   48      1   32         26    86 2,086

VOLUNTEERS.

United States              23      1  15          22    91 3,008

Cuba                        4                      3    21   525

Porto Rico                  2          1           1     1   169

Hawaiian Islands                                              34

Philippine Islands     1    9          3                23   446

At sea                      2          1                 5   127

Total                  1   40      1  20          26   141  4,309

Aggregate              3  88       2  52          52   224  6,395

{630}

Recapitulation of casualties in action in the armies of the

United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

[Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

COUNTRY.           KILLED.      WOUNDED.     TOTAL.     AGGREGATE

Off. Enl.    Off. Enl.   Off.  Enl.

REGULARS.

Cuba                18  183     86  1,126   104  1,309    1,413

Porto Rico                1      2     15     2     16       18

United States        1    5            10     1     15       16

Philippines, to

August 13, 1898          7      1     25     1     32       33

Philippines since

February 4, 1899    2   74     20    410    22    484      506

Total               21  270    109  1,586   130  1,856    1,986

VOLUNTEERS.

Cuba                 3   39     15    218    18    257     275

Porto Rico                3      2     21     2     24      26

Philippines,

to Aug. 13, 1898        11      9     74     9     85      94

Philippines, since

February 4, 1899   14  135     62    865    76  1,000   1,076

Total               17  188     88  1,178   105  1,366   1,471

Grand total         38  458    197  2,764   235  3,222  3,457

HOSPITALS.

From the declaration of war with Spain to September 20, 1899,

there have been established:

Beds.

20 field division hospitals, averaging 250 beds each      5,000

31 general hospitals with a total capacity of about      13,800

Railroad ambulance train                                    270

4 hospital ships                                          1,000

Total                                                    20,070

In addition to these over 5,000 cases were treated in civil

hospitals. It is difficult even to approximate the number of

men treated in these hospitals. During that period somewhat

over 100,000 cases were admitted on sick report, a number

equal to 2,147 per 1,000 of strength during the year, or to

179 per 1,000 per month—the ratio of admissions to hospital

cases being 13 to 8. Using these data as a basis, and assuming

the mean strength of the Army (Regulars and Volunteers) to have

been 154,000, it would appear that from May 1, 1898, to

September 20, 1899, about 275,000 cases have been treated in

these hospitals.

TRANSPORTATION OF SPANISH PRISONERS OF WAR TO SPAIN.

The following is a statement showing the dates of embarkation,

names of vessels, and number of officers, enlisted men, and

others who took passage:

[Date   = Date of Embarkation,

Off.    = Officers

Men     = Enlisted men,

Women   = Women and children over 5 years of age,

Priests = Priests and Sisters of Charity.]

Date          Name of Vessel.    Off.   Men Women  Priests  Total

August  9     Alicante            38  1,069    6      11    1,124

August 14     Isla de Luzon      137  2,056   40       4    2,237

August 16     Covadonga          109  2,148   79            2,336

August 19     Villaverde          52    565   34              651

August 19     Isla de Panay       99  1,599   26       5    1,729

August 22     P. de Satrustegui  128  2,359   68            2,555

August 25     Montevideo         136  2,108  122       2    2,368

August 27     Cherihon            18    905   37              960

August 28     Colón              100  1,316   59            1,475

August 30     do                  23    726    5              754

September 1   Leon XIII          113  2,209  108            2,430

September 3   San Ignacio         59  1,408   20      12    1,499

September 6   Leonora             15  1,118                 1,333

September 12  Cindad de Cadiz     53          19      14       86

September 17  San Augustin        65    800   45              910

September 17  San Francisco       18    588   11              617

Total                          1,163 20,974  679      48   22,864

ARMS AND AMMUNITION CAPTURED AT SANTIAGO.

Mauser carbines, Spanish, 7 mm     16,902

Mauser rifles, Argentine, 7½ mm       872

Remington rifles, 7 mm              6,118

Total rifles                       23,892

Mauser carbines, Spanish              833

Mauser carbines, Argentine 7½ mm       84

Remington carbines, 7½ mm             330

Total carbines                      1,247

Revolvers                              75

{631}

Mauser-Spanish—cartridges, 7 mm.     1,500,000

Mauser-Argentine—cartridges, 7½ mm.  1,471,200

Remington cartridges, 7½ mm          1,680,000

Total.                               4,651,200

Nine hundred and seventy-three thousand Remington

cartridges, 7½ mm., worthless.

STRENGTH OF THE NAVY, REGULAR AND AUXILIARY.

The number of enlisted men allowed by law prior to the

outbreak of hostilities was 12,500. On August 15, when the

enlisted force reached its maximum, there were 24,123 men in

the service. This great increase was made necessary by the

addition of 128 ships to the Navy. The maximum fighting force

of the Navy, separated into classes, was as follows:

Battle ships (first class).   4

Battle ships (second class).  1

Armored cruisers.             2

Coast defense monitors.       6

Armored ram.                  1

Protected cruisers.          12

Unprotected cruisers.         3

Gunboats.                    18

Dynamite cruiser.             1

Torpedo boats.               11

Vessels of old Navy,

Including monitors.       14

Auxiliary Navy:

Auxiliary cruisers.       11

Converted yachts.         28

Revenue cutters.          15

Light-house tenders.       4

Converted tugs.           27

Converted colliers.       19

Miscellaneous.            19

NAVAL, PRISONERS OF WAR CAPTURED OFF SANTIAGO, JULY 3, 1898.

Officers.                   99

Enlisted men.            1,675

CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

ENGAGEMENT.               Casualties  Killed  Wounded Died later

from wounds

Action at Manila Bay,

May 1                      9                 9

Action off Cienfuegos,

May 11                    12         1      11        1

Action off Cardenas,

May 11.                    8         5       3

Action off San Juan,

Porto Rico, May 12         8         1       7

Engagements at Guantanamo,

Cuba, June 11 to 20       22        *6      16

Engagement off Santiago:

June 22                   10         1       9

July 3                    11         1      10

Miscellaneous:

Yankee, June 13.           1                 1

Eagle, July 12                1                 1

Bancroft, August 2            1         1

Amphitrite, August 7          1         1      †l

Total                        84        16      68       2

* One accidentally killed.

† Accidentally shot.

Congressional Record,

February 1, 1901, pages 1941-1962.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

Investigation of the conduct of the War Department

in the war with Spain.

Severe criticism of the conduct of the War Department during

the war with Spain, including many charges of inefficiency in

its service, produced by improper appointments made for

political reasons, and other charges of misdoing in the

purchase of supplies, under influences either political or

otherwise corrupt, led to the appointment by the President, in

September, 1898, of an investigating commission, composed of

nine soldier and civilian members, as follows:

General Grenville M. Dodge, President.

Colonel James A. Sexton.

Colonel Charles Denby,

Captain Evan P. Howell,

Honorable Urban A. Woodbury,

Brigadier-General John M. Wilson, U. S. A.,

General James A. Beaver,

Major-General Alexander McD. Cook, U. S. A.,

Dr. Phineas S. Conner.

The report of the Commission, made in the following February,

cannot be said to have been a convincing and satisfactory one

to the country at large. It was indignantly described as a

"whitewashing report," even by many journals and writers of

the party in power. Its inquiries did not appear to have been

keenly and impartially searching; its conclusions were not

thought to be drawn with a rigorous and fearless hand.

The charges against the War Department which excited most

feeling and drew most public attention related to the quality

of the fresh beef supplied to the army, which was in two

forms, refrigerated and canned. Major-General Miles,

commanding the Army, had declared that much of the

refrigerated beef furnished to the soldiers should be called

"embalmed beef," maintaining that it had been "apparently

preserved with secret chemicals, which destroy its natural

flavor" and which were believed to be "detrimental to the

health of the troops." He intimated that hundreds of tons of

such beef had been contracted for by the Commissary-General

"under pretense of experiment." In repelling this serious

accusation, Commissary-General Charles P. Eagan read a

statement before the Commission, so violent and unmeasured in

its vituperation of the commanding general that it was

returned to him for correction; many newspapers declined to

publish it, and he was subsequently tried by court-martial in

consequence—as related below. The conclusion of the

Commission on the subject of the charges relating to

refrigerated beef was stated in its report as follows:

"The Commission is of the opinion that no refrigerated beef

furnished by contractors and issued to the troops during the

war with Spain was subjected to or treated with any chemicals

by the contractors or those in their employ."

Concerning the canned beef, which had caused much disgust in

the army, the Commission reported:

"The result of our own testing and of all the analyses made at

our instance … is that the canned meat which has been brought

to our attention is pure, sound, and nutritive. It has not

been found to contain any acids or any deleterious substance,

but to be unadulterated meat. The testimony before us is that

the canned meat is not, in general, intended to be issued to

troops except as an emergency ration. The preponderance of the

proof is that meat on the hoof and the refrigerated beef are

more acceptable. A number of officers and others have

testified that the meat is unpalatable. Its palatability

greatly depends upon the mode in which it is cooked. In a

tropical climate, carried on the march, exposed to heat, the

meat so changes in appearance as to become repulsive. In the

Navy, where the meat is properly cared for, there has been no

complaint, so far as has appeared in evidence before us. After

careful consideration we find that canned meat, as issued to

the troops, was generally of good quality, was properly

prepared, and contained no deleterious substance.

{632}

At times probably material of poor quality is issued; in one

of the cans sent to us and examined by the chemist a large

amount of gristle was found. That it was not issued 'under

pretense of an experiment' is indicated by the fact that it

has been in use in the Army for more than 20 years."

On the general management of the Quarter-master's Department,

with which much fault had been found, the Commission reported:

"The conclusions drawn … are as follows:

"1. The Quartermaster's Department, a month before war was

declared, was neither physically nor financially prepared for

the tremendous labor of suddenly equipping and transporting an

army over ten times the size of the Regular Army of the United

States.

"2. That the department devoted the ability, zeal, and

industry of its officers to accomplish the herculean task

before it so soon as funds were made available and war was

declared.

"3. That it deserves credit for the great work accomplished,

for the immense quantity of materials obtained and issued

within so short a period, and for its earnest efforts in

reference to railroad transportation and in protecting the

great interests of the General Government committed to its

charge. Its officers, especially those at the head-quarters of

the department and at its depots, worked earnestly and

laboriously day and night, sparing themselves in no possible

way.

"4. There appears to have been a lack of system, whereby, even

as late as October, troops in camps and in the field were

lacking in some articles of clothing, camp and garrison

equipage; and hospitals, at least at two important localities

in the South—Fort Monroe, Virginia, and Huntsville,

Alabama—lacked stoves, while at Huntsville fuel was wanting.

"5. There appears to have been lack of executive or

administrative ability, either on the part of the

Quartermaster's Department or the railroad officials, in

preventing the great congestion of cars at Tampa and

Chickamauga when these camps were first established, which

congestion caused delay, annoyance, and discomfort to the

large bodies of troops concentrating at those places.

"6. There appears to have been a lack of foresight in

preparing and promptly having available at some central

locality on the seacoast the necessary fleet of transports

which it seemed evident would be required for the movement of

troops to a foreign shore, and, finally, when the call came

suddenly and the emergency was supreme, the department appears

not to have fully comprehended the capacity of the fleet under

its command; not to have supplied it with a complete outfit of

lighters for the immediate disembarkation of troops and

supplies; to have accepted without full investigation the

statement that the vessels were capable of transporting 25,000

men, while really they could not and did not transport more

than 17,000 with their artillery, equipments, ammunition, and

supplies, and lacked sufficient storage room for the necessary

amount of wagon transportation—that very important element

in the movement of an army in the face of an enemy.

"7. The Quartermaster's Department should maintain on hand at

all times a complete supply for at least four months for an

army of 100,000 men of all articles of clothing, camp and

garrison equipage, and other quartermaster's supplies which

will not deteriorate by storage or which cannot at once be

obtained in open market.

"Finally. In the opinion of this commission, there should be a

division of the labor now devolving upon the Quartermaster's

Department."

In another part of its report, dealing especially with the

Santiago campaign, the Commission makes a statement which

seems to reflect some additional light on the sixth paragraph

of the finding quoted above, relative to the unpreparedness of

the quartermaster's department for the landing of the Santiago

expedition. It says:

"The Navy Department, on the 31st of May, 1898, sent the

following communication to the honorable the Secretary of War:

'This Department begs leave to inquire what means are to be

employed by the War Department for landing the troops,

artillery, horses, siege guns, mortars, and other heavy

objects when the pending military expedition arrives on the

Cuban coast near Santiago. While the Navy will be prepared to

furnish all the assistance that may be in its power, it is

obvious that the crews of the armored ships and of such others

as will be called upon to remove the Spanish mines and to meet

the Spanish fleet in action can not be spared for other purposes,

and ought not to be fatigued by the work incident to landing

of the troops and stores, etc.' This information, so far as

can be ascertained, was never communicated to either General

Miles or General Shafter; the expedition therefore left Tampa

with no facilities for landing other than were afforded by the

boats of the several transports conveying the expedition, with

the exception of several lighters and steam tugs of light draft,

such as could be hastily secured."

On the conduct of the Medical Department, which was another

matter of investigation, the Commission reported: "To sum up,

in brief, the evidence submitted shows:

" 1. That at the outbreak of the war the Medical Department

was, in men and materials, altogether unprepared to meet the

necessities of the army called out.

"2. That as a result of the action through a generation of

contracted and contracting methods of administration, it was

impossible for the Department to operate largely, freely, and

without undue regard to cost.

"3. That in the absence of a special corps of inspectors, and

the apparent infrequency of inspections by chief surgeons, and

of official reports of the state of things in camps and

hospitals, there was not such investigation of the sanitary

conditions of the army as is the first duty imposed upon the

Department by the regulations.

"4. That the nursing force during the months of My, June, and

July was neither ample nor efficient, reasons for which may be

found in the lack of a proper volunteer hospital corps, due to

the failure of Congress to authorize its establishment, and to

the nonrecognition in the beginning of the value of women

nurses and the extent to which their services could be

secured.

"5. That the demand made upon the resources of the Department

in the care of sick and wounded was very much greater than had

been anticipated, and consequently, in like proportion, these

demands were imperfectly met.

{633}

"6. That powerless as the Department was to have supplies

transferred from point to point, except through the

intermediation of the Quartermaster's Department, it was

seriously crippled in its efforts to fulfil the regulation

duty of 'furnishing all medical and hospital supplies.'

"7. That the shortcomings in administration and operation may

justly be attributed, in large measure, to the hurry and

confusion incident to the assembling of an army of untrained

officers and men, ten times larger than before, for which no

preparations in advance had been or could be made because of

existing rules and regulations.

"8. That notwithstanding all the manifest errors, of omission

rather than of commission, a vast deal of good work was done

by medical officers, high and low, regular and volunteer, and

there were unusually few deaths among the wounded and the

sick.

"What is needed by the medical department in the future is—

"1. A larger force of commissioned medical officers.

"2. Authority to establish in time of war a proper volunteer

hospital corps.

"3. A reserve corps of selected trained women nurses, ready to

serve when necessity shall arise, but under ordinary

circumstances, owing no duty to the War Department, except to

report residence at determined intervals.

"4. A year's supply for an army of at least four times the

actual strength, of all such medicines, hospital furniture,

and stores as are not materially damaged by keeping, to be

held constantly on hand in the medical supply depots.

"5. The charge of transportation to such extent as will secure

prompt shipment and ready delivery of all medical supplies.

"6. The simplification of administrative 'paper work,' so that

medical officers may be able to more thoroughly discharge

their sanitary and strictly medical duties.

"7. The securing of such legislation as will authorize all

surgeons in medical charge of troops, hospitals, transports,

trains, and independent commands to draw from the Subsistence

Department funds for the purchase of such articles of diet as

may be necessary to the proper treatment of soldiers too sick

to use the army ration. This to take the place of all

commutation of rations of the sick now authorized.

"Convalescent soldiers traveling on furlough should be

furnished transportation, sleeping berths or staterooms, and

$1.50 per diem for subsistence in lieu of rations, the soldier

not to be held accountable or chargeable for this amount."

Report of the Commission, volume 1.

Public opinion of the report, when divested of partisan

prejudice, was probably expressed very fairly in the following

comments of "The Nation," of New York:

"The two leading conclusions of the court of inquiry as to the

quality of the beef supplied to our troops during the war with

Spain, are in accordance with the evidence and will be

accepted as fairly just by the country. The court finds that

so far as the canned roast beef was concerned, the charges

which General Miles made against it as an unsuitable ration

are sustained, but that as regards the use of chemicals in the

treatment of refrigerated beef his charges were not

established. If instead of saying 'not established,' the court

had said 'not fully sustained,' its verdict would have been

above criticism on these two points. There was evidence of the

use of chemicals, but it was not conclusive and was flatly

contradicted. There is no doubt whatever that the use of the

refrigerated beef was a blunder, but there was very little

evidence to sustain a more serious charge than that against

it.

"But while the court has found justly on these points, it is

difficult to read its report without feeling that its members

did so reluctantly, and that, if left to follow their

inclinations, they would have censured General Miles and

allowed everybody else concerned to go free. General Miles is

the one person involved whom they allow no extenuating

circumstances to benefit in their report. At every opportunity

they take the worst possible view of his conduct, while almost

invariably taking the most lenient view possible of nearly

everybody else. … So far as the findings of the court apply to

Eagan's conduct, they are condemnatory in general terms, but

they do not seek to go behind him for the reasons for his

conduct. … No attention whatever is paid to the evidence of

several reputable witnesses that Eagan had told them that he

had to buy of certain contractors; none is paid, either, to

the evidence of Eagan's subordinates that he himself so

altered the refrigerated beef contracts that no one could say

whether they called for preservation for seventy-two hours or

twenty-four. Leniency of this kind is never shown toward

General Miles."

The Nation,

May 11, 1899.

Perhaps a weightier criticism is represented by the following,

which we quote from an article contributed to "The

Independent" by General Wingate, President of the National

Guard Association of the United States: "So far as the

refrigerated beef was concerned, the truth probably is that

there was little, if any, 'embalming' about it. Soldiers

generally agree that the beef itself was almost universally

good. … General Miles, on the other hand, was clearly right in

asking that the troops might be furnished with beef cattle on the

hoof, which could follow the army over any road and which

would keep in good condition on the luxuriant grasses of Cuba

and Porto Rico. This was the system pursued in our Civil War.

No one has yet explained why it was abandoned for the

experiment of furnishing this kind of beef to places in the

tropics where it had to be hauled in wagons for many hours

over muddy roads, and when most of the wagons required to move

it promptly had to be left behind for want of water

transportation.

"The matter of the refrigerated or so-called 'embalmed' beef

is, however, of very slight consequence compared with that of

the canned roast beef. The use of that beef as an army ration

in this country, at least, was new. Officer after officer has

testified before the court of inquiry that they never saw it

so issued before the Cuban campaign. It is true that the navy

uses it, but the facilities on shipboard for caring for and

cooking food are so different and so superior to those of an

army in the field that no comparison can justly be made

between them. Moreover, as was recently stated in the 'Army

and Navy Journal,' the belief is general in the navy that the

canned beef it had rejected on inspection was afterward sold

to the army and accepted by it without inspection.

{634}

Be this as it may, the evidence is overwhelming that the

canned roast beef which was issued to the army was repulsive

in appearance and disagreeable in smell. … Governor Roosevelt

says in his testimony that 'from generals to privates he never

heard any one who did not condemn it as an army ration.' Its

defects appeared on the voyage to Santiago, if not before. It

was then so bad that the men would not touch it, and as

Governor Roosevelt says in his article in 'Scribner's,' his

Rough Riders, who certainly were not particular, could not eat

it, and as it constituted one-third of the rations, his men

had to go hungry. And yet, in spite of these facts, a million

pounds of that beef was purchased from Armour & Co. alone, and

its issue was continued not only in Cuba but in Porto Rico.

What is worse than all, after its defects were fully known it

was issued as a traveling ration to the fever-racked men on

their homeward voyage to this country; men who needed and were

entitled to receive the most nourishing food and to whom this

indigestible stuff was poison. This should never be forgotten

or forgiven by the plain people of the country. …

"No one in authority has been willing to admit that there was

the slightest thing wrong, or the least need for improvement

in his department. … This is another of the hundreds of

examples which have occurred in our past war, and which will

continue to take place in the future until the whole staff

system of the army has been rectified, of the reign of that

hide bound bureaucratic spirit which induces the head of a

department in Washington to decide in his office what should

be used by the troops in the field without practical

experience on the subject, and to stubbornly close his eyes

and ears to everything which will tend to show that it is

possible that his department has made a mistake. …

"It is noticeable that so far not an official in any of the

supply or medical departments is known to have been court

martialed or even censured. Yet I do not hesitate to say that

the summary dismissal from the service, in the beginning, of

two or three quartermasters and commissaries, including the

gentlemen who were the cause of sending thousands of cars to

Tampa without invoices or anything on the outside of them to

indicate their contents, would have saved the lives of

hundreds of our soldiers. Under these circumstances it is most

lamentable to find that the awful experiences which have made

so many homes desolate, and so many of our best young men

invalids, have borne no practical fruit. Both the army

officials and Congress are like the Bourbons, they 'have

learned nothing and forgotten nothing.'"

G. W. Wingate,

What the Beef Scandal Teaches

(Independent, April 6, 1899).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

Joint High Commission for settlement of

pending questions with Canada.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).

Military government of Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).

Instructions by the President to General Otis,

Military Governor of the Philippines.

Their proclamation by the latter in a modified form.

The effect.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).

The case of Commissary-General Eagan.

A court-martial, sitting in January, 1899, for the trial of

Commissary-General Eagan, on the charge that he had been

guilty of "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, and

conduct to the prejudice of good order and military

discipline," in the abusive language that he had applied to

the commanding general of the army, in the course of his

testimony before the Commission to investigate the conduct of

the War Department found the accused officer guilty, and

imposed the inevitable penalty of dismissal from the service,

but recommended executive clemency in his case.

See:

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

The sentence was commuted by the President to suspension from

rank and duty for six years. This involved no loss of pay,

and, at the end of six years, General Eagan will go on the

retired list.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).

Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines.

The President's instructions to the Commissioners.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-February).

The Treaty of Peace in the Senate.

Its ratification.

The Treaty of Peace with Spain, signed at Paris December 10,

1898, was sent by the President to the Senate on the 4th of

January, 1899, and held under debate in that body until the

6th of February following. The opposition to it was very

strong, being especially directed against the acquisition of

the Philippine Islands, involving, as that acquisition did,

the embarkation of the Republic in a colonial or imperial

policy, of conquest and of government without the consent of

the governed, which seemed to a great number of thoughtful

people, not only incongruous with its constitution, but a

dangerous violation of the principles on which its republican

polity is founded. But even those most opposed to the

acquisition of the Philippine Islands were reluctant to reopen

the state of war by rejection of the treaty, and directed

their efforts mainly towards the securing of a definite

declaration from Congress of the intention of the government

of the United States to establish independence in the islands.

"Even before the signing of the treaty at Paris, on the 6th of

December, when the demand of the American commissioners for

cession of the Philippines was known, the opposition expressed

itself in the following resolution, introduced by Senator

Vest, of Missouri:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled. That under the

Constitution of the United States no power is given to the

Federal Government to acquire territory to be held and

governed permanently as colonies. The colonial system of

European nations can not be established under our present

Constitution, but all territory acquired by the Government,

except such small amount as may be necessary for coaling

stations, correction of boundaries, and similar governmental

purposes, must be acquired and governed with the purpose of

ultimately organizing such territory into States suitable for

admission into the Union."

This resolution became the ground of much senatorial debate

during the following weeks. The arguments opposed to it, and

supporting the policy of the administration, are represented

fairly by the following passage from a speech made by Senator

Platt, of Connecticut, on December 16:

{635}

"I propose to maintain that the United States is a nation;

that as a nation it possesses every sovereign power not

reserved in its Constitution to the States or the people; that

the right to acquire territory was not reserved, and is

therefore an inherent sovereign right; that is a right upon

which there is no limitation, and with regard to which there

is no qualification; that in certain instances the right may

be inferred from specific clauses in the Constitution, but

that it exists independent of these clauses; that in the right

to acquire territory is found the right to govern it; and as

the right to acquire is a sovereign and inherent right, the

right to govern is a sovereign right not limited in the

Constitution, and that these propositions are in accordance

with the views of the framers of the Constitution, the

decisions of the Supreme Court, and the legislation of

Congress.

"Mr. President, this is a nation. It has been called by

various names. It has been called a Confederated Republic, a

Federal Union, the Union of States, a league of States, a rope

of sand; but during all the time these names have been applied

to it it has been a nation. It was so understood by the

framers of the Constitution. It was so decided by the great

judges of the Supreme Court in the early days of the

Constitution. It is too late to deny it, and, Mr. President,

it is also too late to admit it, and not have faith in it.

Intellectual assent to the doctrines of Christianity does not

make a man a Christian. It is saving faith that makes the

Christian. And a mere intellectual assent to the doctrine that

we are a nation does not make the true patriot. It is high

time that we come to believe without qualification, to believe

in our hearts, in the exercise of patriotic faith, that the

United States is a nation. When we come to believe that, Mr.

President, many of the doubts and uncertainties which have

troubled men will disappear.

"It is time to be heroic in our faith and to assert all the

power that belongs to the nation as a nation. … The attempt to

shear the United States of a portion of its sovereign power is

an attempt which may well be thoroughly and fully discussed.

In the right to acquire territory is found the right to

govern, and as the right to acquire is sovereign and

unlimited, the right to govern is a sovereign right, and I

maintain is not limited in the Constitution. If I am right in

holding that the power to acquire is the sovereign power

without limitation, I think it must be admitted that the right

to govern is also sovereign and unlimited. But if it is sought

to rest the right to govern upon that clause of the

Constitution which gives Congress the power to dispose of or

make 'all needful rules and regulations' for the government of

the territory of the United States, I submit there is no

limitation there. There is no qualification there."

On the 4th of January the Senate received the treaty from the

President. On the 7th, Senator Mason, of Illinois, introduced

the following resolution, and, subsequently, spoke with

earnestness in its support:

"Whereas all just powers of government are derived from the

consent of the governed: Therefore, be it

"Resolved by the Senate of the United States, That the

Government of the United States of America will not attempt to

govern the people of any other country in the world without

the consent of the people themselves, or subject them by force

to our dominion against their will."

On the 9th an impressive speech was made by Senator Hoar, of

Massachusetts, mainly in reply to Senator Platt. He spoke

partly as follows:

"Mr. President, I am quite sure that no man who will hear or

who will read what I say today will doubt that nothing could

induce me to say it but a commanding sense of public duty. I

think I dislike more than most men to differ from men with

whom I have so long and so constantly agreed. I dislike to

differ from the President, whose election I hailed with such

personal satisfaction and such exulting anticipations for the

Republic. I dislike to differ from so many of my party

associates in this Chamber, with whom I have for so many years

trod the same path and sought the same goal. I am one of those

men who believe that little that is great or good or permanent

for a free people can be accomplished without the

instrumentality of party. And I have believed religiously, and

from my soul, for half a century, in the great doctrines and

principles of the Republican party. I stood in a humble

capacity by its cradle. I do not mean, if I can help it, to

follow its hearse. I am sure I render it a service; I am sure

I help to protect and to prolong the life of that great

organization, if I can say or can do anything to keep it from

forsaking the great principles and doctrines in which alone it

must live or bear no life. I must, in this great crisis,

discharge the trust my beloved Commonwealth has committed to

me according to my sense of duty as I see it. However

unpleasant may be that duty, as Martin Luther said, 'God help

me. I can do no otherwise.'

"I am to speak for my country, for its whole past and for its

whole future. I am to speak to a people whose fate is bound up

in the preservation of our great doctrine of constitutional

liberty. I am to speak for the dead soldier who gave his life

for liberty that his death might set a seal upon his country's

historic glory. I am to speak for the Republican party, all of

whose great traditions are at stake, and all of whose great

achievements are in peril. …

"The question with which we now have to deal is whether

Congress may conquer and may govern, without their consent and

against their will, a foreign nation, a separate, distinct,

and numerous people, a territory not hereafter to be populated

by Americans, to be formed into American States and to take its

part in fulfilling and executing the purposes for which the

Constitution was framed, whether it may conquer, control, and

govern this people, not for the general welfare, common

defense, more perfect union, more blessed liberty of the

people of the United States, but for some real or fancied

benefit to be conferred against their desire upon the people

so governed or in discharge of some fancied obligation to

them, and not to the people of the United States.

"Now, Mr. President, the question is whether the men who

framed the Constitution, or the people who adopted it, meant

to confer that power among the limited and restrained powers

of the sovereign nation that they were creating. Upon that

question I take issue with my honorable friend from

Connecticut.

{636}

I declare not only that this is not among the express powers

conferred upon the sovereignty they created, that it is not

among the powers necessarily or reasonably or conveniently

implied for the sake of carrying into effect the purposes of

that instrument, but that it is a power which it can be

demonstrated by the whole contemporaneous history and by our

whole history since until within six months they did not mean

should exist—a power that our fathers and their descendants

have ever loathed and abhorred—and that they believed that no

sovereign on earth could rightfully exercise it, and that no

people on earth could rightfully confer it. They not only did

not mean to confer it, but they would have cut off their right

hands, everyone of them, sooner than set them to an instrument

which should confer it. …

"The great contemporaneous exposition of the Constitution is

to be found in the Declaration of Independence. Over every

clause, syllable, and letter of the Constitution the

Declaration of Independence pours its blazing torch-light. The

same men framed it. The same States confirmed it. The same

people pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred

honor to support it. The great characters in the

Constitutional Convention were the great characters of the

Continental Congress. There are undoubtedly, among its burning

and shining truths, one or two which the convention that

adopted it were not prepared themselves at once to put into

practice. But they placed them before their countrymen as an

ideal moral law to which the liberty of the people was to

aspire and to ascend as soon as the nature of existing

conditions would admit. Doubtless slavery was inconsistent

with it, as Jefferson, its great author, has in more than one

place left on record. But at last in the strife of a great

civil war the truth of the Declaration prevailed and the

falsehood of slavery went down, and at last the Constitution

of the United States conformed to the Declaration and it has

become the law of the land, and its great doctrines of liberty

are written upon the American flag wherever the American flag

floats. Who shall haul them down?"

Two days later (January 11) the following resolutions were

introduced by Senator Bacon, of Georgia:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled,

First, That the Government and people of the United States

have not waged the recent war with Spain for conquest and for

the acquisition of foreign territory, but solely for the

purposes set forth in the resolution of Congress making the

declaration of said war, the acquisition of such small tracts

of land or harbors as may be necessary for governmental

purposes being not deemed inconsistent with the same.

"Second. That in demanding and in receiving the cession of the

Philippine Islands it is not the purpose of the Government of

the United States to secure and maintain dominion over the

same as a part of the territory of the United States, or to

incorporate the inhabitants thereof as citizens of the United

States, or to hold said inhabitants as vassals or subjects of

this Government.

"Third. That whereas at the time of the declaration of war by

the United States against Spain, and prior thereto, the

inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were actively engaged in

a war with Spain to achieve their independence, and whereas

said purpose and the military operations thereunder have not

been abandoned, but are still being actively prosecuted

thereunder, therefore, in recognition of and in obedience to

the vital principle announced in the great declaration that

governments derive 'their just powers from the consent of the

governed,' the Government of the United States recognizes that

the people of the Philippine Islands of a right ought to be

free and independent; that, with this view and to give effect

to the same, the Government of the United States has required

the Government of Spain to relinquish its authority and

government in the Philippine Islands and to withdraw its land

and naval forces from the Philippine Islands and from the

waters thereof.

"Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaim any

disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,

jurisdiction, or control over said islands, and assert their

determination when an independent government shall have been

duly erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to

transfer to said government, upon terms which shall be

reasonable and just, all rights secured under the cession by

Spain, and to thereupon leave the government and control of

the islands to their people."

On the 13th, Senator McLaurin, of South Carolina, returned to

the question of constitutional power in the government of the

United States to hold territory in a permanently subject

state, and spoke against the view maintained by Senator Platt,

of Connecticut: "To hold," he said, "that there is an inherent

power of sovereignty in the nation, outside of the

Constitution, to do something not authorized by that

instrument is to place this 'inherent sovereignty' above the

Constitution and thus destroy the very foundation upon which

constitutional government rests. Judge Gray in the

Chinese-exclusion case, said: 'The United States are a

sovereign and independent nation, and are invested by the

Constitution with the entire control of international

relations and with all the powers of government necessary to

maintain that control and make it effective.' While holding

that the United States are a sovereign and independent nation,

it will be seen that he also holds that the sovereignty of the

nation is vested by the Constitution; and if so, it can only

be exercised in the mode pointed out in the Constitution and

is controlled by the words of the grant of this sovereignty.

There was no nation of the United States until the adoption of

the Federal Constitution; hence before that time there could

be no sovereignty of the nation. What conferred this

sovereignty? Clearly the States, by and through the Federal

Constitution. If so, then there can be no inherent right of

sovereignty except that conferred by the Constitution.

"The Senator further contends that we are a sovereign nation,

and as such have the same inherent right to acquire territory

as England, France, Germany, and Mexico. I controvert that

proposition. The sovereignty of the nation of Great Britain

and the others is vested in the people, and has never been

delegated and limited as in our country. These Governments

enjoy sovereignty in its elementary form.

{637}

What the government wills it may do without considering the

act or its consequences in the light of an organic law of

binding obligation. Our Government is in a very different

position. The Federal Constitution is the embodiment of the

sovereignty of the United States as a nation, and this

sovereignty can only be exercised in accordance with the

powers contained in its provisions. Great Britain can do

anything as a nation in the way of the exercise of

governmental functions. There is nothing to prohibit or

restrict the fullest exercise of her sovereignty as a nation.

Hence there is no analogy, and the sovereignty of the United

States as a nation differs widely from that of Great Britain.

"It is further contended that a sovereign right can not be

limited and that all our Constitution can do is to prescribe

the manner in which it can be exercised. If, as already shown,

the sovereignty of the United States was conferred by the

States through the Federal Constitution, it is clear that, in

conferring the power and prescribing the manner of its

exercise, they did set a limit in the very terms of the

instrument itself. I deny, therefore, that the United States

as a nation has a sovereign, inherent right and control

outside of the grant of such power in the Constitution. This

is not an essential element of nationality so far as our

nation is concerned, although it may be in England or Russia,

where the nationality and sovereignty incident to it are not

created and limited by a written constitution."

On the 14th of January, Mr. Hoar submitted the following:

"Resolved, That the people of the Philippine islands of right

ought to be free and independent; that they are absolved from

all allegiance to the Spanish Crown, and that all political

connection between them and Spain is and ought to be totally

dissolved, and that they have, therefore, full power to do all

acts and things which independent states may of right do; that

it is their right to institute a new government for

themselves, laying its foundation on such principles and

organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most

likely to effect their safety and happiness; and that with

these rights the people of the United States do not propose to

interfere."

On the 18th, Mr. Bacon amended his resolutions, given above,

by changing the phrase "an independent government" to "a

stable and independent government," and then spoke upon them

with force, saying, among other things: "The simple fact that

we went to war with Spain did not devolve upon us any

obligation with reference to the Philippine Islands. We went

to war with Spain not for the purpose of correcting all the

evils with which her people were afflicted; we went to war

with Spain not to break the chains of tyranny with which she

might be binding her different colonies: we did not undertake

to be the great universal benefactor and to right all the

wrongs of all the world, or even all the wrongs that Spain

might be inflicting upon any of her people. "We went to war

because a particular colony which she was afflicting lay at

our doors; we went to war because the disorders of that

Government affected the peace of our community and were

injurious to our material interest. We said there was a

condition of affairs which was unbearable and that we would

put an end to it.

"To that extent and to that alone we claimed and avowed the

reason for the declaration of war. So it follows that the mere

declaration of war did not affect in any manner our relations

with the Philippine Islands except to put us in a state of war

with them as a part of the Spanish domain, and in no manner

laid any obligations upon us as to those islands. We were not

charged with the duty of preserving order in Asia. We were not

charged with the obligations of seeing that they had a stable

and orderly government in any part of that hemisphere. No such

duty rested upon us. None such was assumed by us. Therefore

the simple declaration of war did not lay any obligation upon

us as to the Philippine Islands, and I desire that any Senator

will put his finger upon the act which laid us under any

obligations to the Philippine Islands outside of the fact that

in the war which ensued we took those who were the insurgents

in those islands to be our allies and made a common cause with

them.

"Now, Mr. President, all that grows out of that—all that grows

out of the fact of that cooperation and that alliance—is to

impose upon us a single obligation which we must not ignore.

How far does that obligation go? Does it require that we shall

for all time undertake to be the guardians of the Philippine

Islands? Does that particular obligation lay upon us the duty

hereafter, not only now but for years to come, to maintain an

expensive military establishment, to burden our people with

debt, to run the risk of becoming involved in wars in order

that we may keep our hands upon the Philippine Islands and

keep them in proper condition hereafter? I am unable to see

how the obligation growing out of the fact that they were our

allies can possibly be extended to that degree. No Senator has

yet shown any reason why such an obligation rests upon us, and

I venture to say that none which is logical will or can be

shown."

The practical considerations, of circumstance and expediency,

which probably had more influence than those of law or

principle, were strongly urged by Senator Lodge, of

Massachusetts, who said, on the 24th:

"Suppose we ratify the treaty. The islands pass from the

possession of Spain into our possession without committing us

to any policy. I believe we can be trusted as a people to deal

honestly and justly with the islands and their inhabitants

thus given to our care. What our precise policy shall be I do

not know, because I for one am not sufficiently informed as to

the conditions there to be able to say what it will be best to

do, nor, I may add, do I think anyone is. But I believe that

we shall have the wisdom not to attempt to incorporate those

islands with our body politic, or make their inhabitants part

of our citizenship, or set their labor alongside of ours and

within our tariff to compete in any industry with American

workmen. I believe that we shall have the courage not to

depart from those islands fearfully, timidly, and unworthily

and leave them to anarchy among themselves, to the brief and

bloody domination of some self-constituted dictator, and to

the quick conquest of other powers, who will have no such

hesitation as we should feel in crushing them into subjection

by harsh and repressive methods. It is for us to decide the

destiny of the Philippines, not for Europe, and we can do it

alone and without assistance. …

{638}

"During the campaign of last autumn I said in many speeches to

the people of my State that I could never assent to hand those

islands back to Spain; that I wanted no subject races and no

vassal States; but that we had by the fortunes of war assumed

a great responsibility in the Philippines; that we ought to

meet it, and that we ought to give to those people an

opportunity for freedom, for peace, and for self-government;

that we ought to protect them from the rapacity of other

nations and seek to uplift those whom we had freed. From those

views I have never swerved, and I believed then, as I believe

now, that they met with the approbation of an overwhelming

majority of the people of Massachusetts. …

"Take now the other alternative. Suppose we reject the treaty

or strike out the clause relating to the Philippines. That

will hand the islands back to Spain; and I cannot conceive

that any American should be willing to do that. Suppose we

reject the treaty: what follows? Let us look at it

practically. We continue the state of war, and every sensible

man in the country, every business interest, desires the

re-establishment of peace in law as well as in fact. At the

same time we repudiate the President and his action before the

whole world, and the repudiation of the President in such a

matter as this is, to my mind, the humiliation of the United

States in the eyes of civilized mankind and brands us a people

incapable of great affairs or of taking rank where we belong,

as one of the greatest of the great world powers.

"The President cannot be sent back across the Atlantic in the

person of his commissioners, hat in hand, to say to Spain,

with bated breath, 'I am here in obedience to the mandate of a

minority of one-third of the Senate to tell you that we have

been too victorious, and that you have yielded us too much,

and that I am very sorry that I took the Philippines from

you.' I do not think that any American President would do

that, or that any American would wish him to."

Senator Harris, of Kansas, submitted the following on the 3d

of February:

"Resolved by the Senate of the United States of America, That

the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention

to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control

over the Philippine Islands, and assert their determination,

when a stable and independent government shall have been

erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to transfer

to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and

just, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to

thereupon leave the government and control of the islands to

their people."

The following was offered on the 27th of January by Senator

Sullivan, of Mississippi:

"Resolved, That the ratification of the pending treaty of

peace with Spain shall in no wise determine the policy to be

pursued by the United States in regard to the Philippines, nor

shall it commit this Government to a colonial policy; nor is

it intended to embarrass the establishment of a stable,

independent government by the people of those islands whenever

conditions make such a proceeding hopeful of successful and

desirable results."

On the same day a joint resolution was proposed by Senator

Lindsay, of Kentucky:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled, That the

acquisition by the United States, through conquest, treaty, or

otherwise, of territory, carries with it no constitutional

obligation to admit said territory, or any portion thereof,

into the Federal Union as a State or States.

"Section 2.

That it is against the policy, traditions, and interests of

the American people to admit states erected out of other than

North American territory into our union of American States.

"Section 3.

That the United States accept from Spain the cession of the

Philippine Islands with the hope that the people of those

islands will demonstrate their capacity to establish and

maintain a stable government, capable of enforcing law and

order at home and of discharging the international obligations

resting on separate and independent States, and with no

expectation of permanently holding those islands as colonies

or provinces after they shall demonstrate their capacity for

self-government, the United States to be the judge of such

capacity."

None of the resolutions given above obtained favorable

consideration in the Senate. On the 6th of February the treaty

was ratified, by one vote in excess of the two-thirds which

the constitution requires. It received 57 votes against 27, or

61 against 29 if account be taken of senators absent and

paired. Of the supporters of the treaty, 42 were Republicans;

of its opponents, 24 were Democrats. It was signed by

President McKinley on the 10th of February, and by the Queen

of Spain on the 17th of March.

After the ratification of the treaty, the Senate, by 26 votes

against 22, adopted the following resolution, offered by Mr.

McEnery of Louisiana:

"Resolved, That by the ratification of the treaty of peace

with Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants

of the Philippine islands into citizenship of the United

States, nor is it intended to permanently annex said islands

as an integral part of the territory of the United States. But

it is the intention of the United States to establish on said

islands a government suitable to the wants and conditions of

the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them for local

self-government, and in due time to make such disposition of

said islands as will best promote the interests of the

citizens of the United States and the inhabitants of said

islands."

Congressional Record,

December 6, 1898—February 6, 1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-November).

Attack on Americans at Manila by Aguinaldo's forces.

Continued hostilities.

Progress of American conquest.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (March).

Appointment of the Isthmian Canal Commission.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May).

Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.

See (in this volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (June-October).

Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

{639}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).

Cabinet change.

General Russel A. Alger resigned his place in the President's

Cabinet as Secretary of War, in July, and was succeeded by the

Honorable Elihu Root, of New York.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).

Provisional government established in the island of Negros.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).

Report of conditions in Cuba by the Military Governor.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).

Modus Vivendi fixing provisional boundary line between Alaska

and Canada.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).

Death of Vice-President Hobart.

Honorable Garret A. Hobart, Vice-President of the United

States, died November 21. Under the Act provided for this

contingency, the Secretary of State then became the successor

to the President, in the event of the death of the latter

before the expiration of his term.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).

Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.

Acquisition of the eastern group, with Pago Pago harbor.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).

Arrangement with European Powers of the commercial policy

of the "open-door" in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (November-November).

Continued military operations in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

Reciprocity arrangements under the Dingley Tariff Act,

not ratified by the Senate.

The Dingley Tariff Act, which became law on the 24th of July,

1897, authorized the making of tariff concessions to other

countries on terms of reciprocity, if negotiated within two

years from the above date. At the expiration of two years,

such conventions of reciprocity had been arranged with France

and Portugal, and with Great Britain for her West Indian

colonies of Jamaica, Barbadoes, Trinidad, Bermuda, and British

Guiana. With France, a preliminary treaty signed in May, 1898,

was superseded in July, 1899, by one of broader scope, which

opens the French markets to an extensive list of American

commodities at the minimum rates of the French tariff, and

cuts the American tariff from 5 to 20 per cent. on many French

products, not inclusive of sparkling wines. In the treaty with

Portugal, the reduction of American duties on wines is more

general. The reciprocal reduction on American products extends

to many agricultural and mineral products. The reciprocal

agreement with the British West Indies covers sugar, fruits,

garden products, coffee and asphalt, on one side, and flour,

meat, cotton goods, agricultural machinery, oils, etc., on the

other.

None of these treaties was acted upon by the United States

Senate during the session of 1899-1900, and it became

necessary to extend the time for their ratification, which was

done. Some additional reciprocity agreements were then

negotiated, of which the following statement was made by the

President in his Message to Congress, December 3, 1900:

"Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject

special commercial agreements under the third section of the

tariff act have been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy and

with Germany. Commercial conventions under the general

limitations of the fourth section of the same act have been

concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the Dominican

Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of

Trinidad and with Denmark on behalf of the island of St.

Croix. These will be early communicated to the Senate.

Negotiations with other governments are in progress for the

improvement and security of our commercial relations."

The question of the ratification of all these treaties was

pending in the Senate when the term of the 56th Congress

expired, March 4, 1901. Opposing interests in the United

States seemed likely then to defeat their ratification. On the

last day of the special session of the Senate, March 5-9, an

agreement extending the time for the ratification of the

French reciprocity treaty was received and referred to the

committee on foreign relations. On the 15th of March,

Secretary Hay and Lord Pauncefote signed protocols extending

for one year the time of ratification for four of the British

West Indian reciprocity treaties, namely, Jamaica, Bermuda,

Guiana and Turks and Caicos islands.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Naval strength.

See (in this volume)

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

State of Indian schools.

Recent Indian policy.

Indian population.

See (in this volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January).

Report of the First Philippine Commission.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).

The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (February).

Negotiation of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention relative

to the Nicaragua Canal.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (March-December).

Passage of the Financial Bill.

Settlement of the question of the monetary standard.

The working of the act.

Legislation in the direction sought by the advocates of the

gold standard and of a reformed monetary system for the

country, whose agitations are referred to above, was attained

in the spring of 1900, by the passage of an important

"Financial Bill" which became law on the 14th of March.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898

The provisions and the effect of the Act were summarized at

the time by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gage, in a

published statement, as follows:

"The financial bill has for its first object what its title

indicates, the fixing of the standard of value and the

maintaining at a parity with that standard of all forms of

money issued or coined by the United States. It reaffirms that

the unit of value is the dollar, consisting of 25.8 grains of

gold, nine tenths fine, but from that point it goes on to make

it the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain all

forms of money issued or coined at a parity with this

standard. It puts into the hands of the Secretary ample power

to do that.

{640}

For that purpose, the bill provides in the Treasury bureaus of

issue and redemption and transfers from the general fund of

the Treasury's cash $150,000,000 in gold coin and bullion to

redemption fund, that gold to be used for the redemption of

United States notes and Treasury notes. That fund is

henceforth absolutely cut out of and separated from the cash

balance in the Treasury and the available cash balance will

hereafter show a reduction of $150,000,000 from the figures

that have heretofore prevailed. This $150,000,000 redemption

fund is to be used for no other purpose than the redemption of

United States notes and Treasury notes and those notes so

redeemed may be exchanged for the gold in the general fund or

with the public, so that the reserve fund is kept full with

gold to the $150,000,000 limit. If redemptions go on so that

the gold in this reserve fund is reduced below $100,000,000,

and the Secretary is unable to build it up to the $150,000,000

mark by exchange for gold in the general fund or otherwise, he

is given power to sell bonds and it is made his duty to

replenish the gold to the $150,000,000 mark by such means.

"The 'endless chain' is broken by a provision which prohibits

the use of notes so redeemed to meet deficiencies in the

current revenues. The act provides for the ultimate retirement

of all the Treasury notes issued in payment for silver bullion

under the Sherman act. As fast as that bullion is coined into

silver dollars Treasury notes are to be retired and replaced

with an equal amount of silver certificates. The measure

authorizes the issue of gold certificates in exchange for

deposits of gold coin, the same as at present, but suspends

that authority whenever and so long as the gold in the

redemption fund is below $100,000,000 and gives to the

Secretary the option to suspend the issue of such certificates

whenever the silver certificates and United States notes in

the general fund of the Treasury exceed $40,000,000. The bill

provides for a larger issue of silver certificates, by

declaring that hereafter silver certificates shall be issued

only in denominations of $10 and under except as to 10 per

cent. of the total volume. Room is made for this larger use of

silver certificates in the way of small bills by another

provision which makes it necessary as fast as the present

silver certificates of high denominations are broken up into

small bills to cancel a similar volume of United States notes

of small denominations and replace them with notes of

denominations of $10 and upward. Further room is made for the

circulation of small silver certificates by a clause which

permits national banks to have only one third of their capital

in denomination under $10.

"One clause of the bill which the public will greatly

appreciate is the right it gives to the Secretary to coin any

of the 1890 bullion into subsidiary silver coins up to a limit

of $100,000,000. There has for years been a scarcity of

subsidiary silver during periods of active retail trade, but

this provision will give the Treasury ample opportunity to

supply all the subsidiary silver that is needed. Another

provision that the public will greatly appreciate is the

authority given to the Secretary to recoin worn and uncurrent

subsidiary silver now in the Treasury or hereafter received.

"A distinct feature of the bill is in reference to refunding

the 3 per cent. Spanish war loan, the 2 per cent. bonds

maturing in 1907 and the 5 per cent. bonds maturing in 1904, a

total of $839,000,000, into new 2 per cent. bonds. These new 2

per cent. bonds will not be offered for sale, but will only be

issued in exchange for an equal amount, face value, of old

bonds. This exchange will save the Government, after deducting

the premium paid, nearly $23,000,000, if all the holders of the

old bonds exchange them for the new ones. National banks that

take out circulation based on the new bonds are to be taxed

only one half of 1 per cent. on the average amount of

circulation outstanding, while those who have circulation

based on a deposit of old bonds will be taxed, as at present,

1 per cent. There are some other changes in the national

banking act. The law permits national banks with $25,000

capital to be organized in places of 3,000 inhabitants or

less, whereas heretofore the minimum capital has been $50,000.

It also permits banks to issue circulation on all classes of

bonds deposited up to the par value of the bonds, instead of

90 per cent. of their face, as heretofore. This ought to make

an immediate increase in national bank circulation of

something like $24,000,000, as the amount of bonds now

deposited to secure circulation is about $242,000,000. If the

price of the new 2s is not forced so high in the market that

there is no profit left to national banks in taking out

circulation, we may also look for a material increase in

national bank circulation based on additional deposits of

bonds. National banks are permitted under the law to issue

circulation up to an amount equal to their capital. The total

capital of all national banks is $616,000,000. The total

circulation outstanding is $253,000,000. There is, therefore,

a possibility of an increase in circulation of $363,000,000,

although the price of the 2 per cent. bonds, as already

foreshadowed by market quotations in advance of their issue,

promises to be so high that the profit to the banks in taking

out circulation will not be enough to make the increase

anything like such a possible total."

Upon the working of the Act, during the first nine months of

its operation, Secretary Gage remarked as follows, in his

annual report dated December 14, 1900:

"The operation of the act of March 14 last with respect to

these two important matters of our finances has well

exemplified its wisdom. Confidence in the purpose and power of

the Government to maintain the gold standard has been greatly

strengthened. The result is that gold flows toward the

Treasury instead of away from it. At the date of this report

the free gold in the Treasury is larger in amount than at any

former period in our history. Including the $150,000,000

reserve, the gold in the Treasury belonging to the Government

amounts to over $242,000,000, while the Treasury holds,

besides, more than $230,000,000, against which certificates

have been issued. That provision of the act which liberalized

the conditions of bank-note issue was also wise and timely.

Under it, … there has been an increase of some $77,000,000 in

bank-note issues. To this fact may be chiefly attributed the

freedom from stress for currency to handle the large harvests

of cotton, wheat, and corn. In this respect the year has been

an exception to the general rule of stringency which for

several years has so plainly marked the autumn season.

{641}

"Nevertheless, the measures referred to, prolific as they have

been in good results, will yet need re-enforcement in some

important particulars. Thus, as to the redemption fund

provided for in said act, while the powers conferred upon the

Secretary are probably ample to enable a zealous and watchful

officer to protect fully the gold reserve, there appears to be

lacking sufficient mandatory requirement to furnish complete

confidence in the continued parity, under all conditions,

between our two forms of metallic money, silver and gold. Upon

this point further legislation may become desirable. As to the

currency, while the liberalizing of conditions has, as previously

noted, found response in a necessary increase of bank-note

issues, there is under our present system no assurance

whatever that the volume of bank currency will be continuously

responsive to the country's needs, either by expanding as such

needs require or by contracting when superfluous in amount.

The truth is that safe and desirable as is our currency system

in many respects, it is not properly related. The supply of

currency is but remotely, if at all, influenced by the ever

changing requirements of trade and industry. It is related

most largely, if not entirely, to the price of Government

bonds in the market."

Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1900,

pages 72-73.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).

Speech of Senator Hoar in denial of the right of the

government of the United States, under the Constitution, to

hold the Philippine Islands as a subject state.

On the 17th of April, the following joint resolution was under

consideration in the Senate: "Be it resolved by the Senate and

House of Representatives of the United States of America in

Congress assembled, that the Philippine Islands are territory

belonging to the United States; that it is the intention of

the United States to retain them as such and to establish and

maintain such governmental control throughout the archipelago

as the situation may demand." Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts,

spoke in opposition to the resolution, and some passages from

his speech are quoted here, because they are notably

representative of the ground and spirit of an opposition which

existed within the party controlling the government to the war

of subjugation in the Philippine Islands, to which the party

and the government were finally committed by the adoption of

this Congressional declaration. The attitude and argument of

parties on the question are set forth below, in the platforms

and manifestos of the presidential election. This speech

exhibits a feeling on that question which was overridden in

the winning party, and it has an importance both forensic and

historical:

"The American people, so far as I know, were all agreed that

their victory [in the Spanish American war] brought with it

the responsibility of protecting the liberated peoples from

the cupidity of any other power until they could establish

their own independence in freedom and in honor. I stand here

to-day to plead with you not to abandon the principles that

have brought these things to pass. I implore you to keep to

the policy that has made the country great, that has made the

Republican party great, that has made the President great. I

have nothing new to say. But I ask you to keep in the old

channels, and to keep off the old rocks laid down in the old

charts, and to follow the old sailing orders that all the old

captains of other days have obeyed, to take your bearings, as

of old, from the north star,

Of whose true fixed and resting quality

There is no fellow in the firmament,

and not from this meteoric light of empire.

"Especially, if I could, would I persuade the great Republican

party to come back again to its old faith, to its old

religion, before it is too late. There is yet time. The

President has said again and again that his is only an ad

interim policy until Congress shall act. It is not yet too

late. Congress has rejected, unwisely, as I think, some

declarations for freedom. But the two Houses have not as yet

committed themselves to despotism. The old, safe path, the

path alike of justice and of freedom, is still easy. It is a

path familiar, of old, to the Republican party. If we have

diverged from it for the first time, everything in our

history, everything in our own nature calls us back. The great

preacher of the English church tells you how easy is the

return of a great and noble nature from the first departure

from rectitude:—

'For so a taper, when its crown of flame is newly blown off,

retains a nature so symbolical to light,

that it will with greediness reenkindle and snatch a ray

from the neighbor fire.'

"I, for one, believed, and still believe that the pathway to

prosperity and glory for the country was also the pathway to

success and glory for the Republican party. I thought the two

things inseparable. If, when we made the treaty of peace, we

had adhered to the purpose we declared when we declared war;

if we had dealt with the Philippine Islands as we promised to

deal, have dealt, and expect to deal with Cuba, the country

would have escaped the loss of 6,000 brave soldiers, other

thousands of wrecked and shattered lives, the sickness of many

more, the expenditure of hundreds of millions, and, what is

far worse than all, the trampling under foot of its cherished

ideals. There would have been to-day a noble republic in the

East, sitting docile at our feet, receiving from us

civilization, laws, manners, and giving in turn everything the

gratitude of a free people could give-love, obedience, trade.

The Philippine youth would throng our universities; our

Constitution, our Declaration, the lives of Washington and

Lincoln, the sayings of Jefferson and Franklin would have been

the textbooks of their schools. How our orators and poets

would have delighted to contrast America liberating and

raising up the republic of Asia, with England subduing and

trampling under foot the republic of Africa. Nothing at home

could have withstood the great party and the great President

who had done these things. We should have come from the next

election with a solid North and have carried half the South.

You would at least have been spared the spectacle of great

Republican States rising in revolt against Republican

policies. I do not expect to accomplish anything for liberty

in the Philippine Islands but through the Republican party.

Upon it the fate of these Islands for years to come is to

depend. If that party can not be persuaded, the case is in my

judgment for the present hopeless. …

{642}

"The practical question which divided the American people last

year, and which divides them to-day, is this: Whether in

protecting the people of the Philippine Islands from the

ambition and cupidity of other nations we are bound to protect

them from our own. … In dealing with this question, Mr.

President, I do not mean to enter upon any doubtful ground. I

shall advance no proposition ever seriously disputed in this

country till within twelve months. … If to think as I do in

regard to the interpretation of the Constitution; in regard to

the mandates of the moral law or the law of nations, to which

all men and all nations must render obedience; in regard to

the policies which are wisest for the conduct of the State, or

in regard to those facts of recent history in the light of

which we have acted or are to act hereafter, be treason, then

Washington was a traitor; then Jefferson was a traitor; then

Jackson was a traitor; then Franklin was a traitor; then

Sumner was a traitor; then Lincoln was a traitor; then Webster

was a traitor; then Clay was a traitor; then Corwin was a

traitor; then Kent was a traitor; then Seward was a traitor;

then McKinley, within two years, was a traitor; then the

Supreme Court of the United States has been in the past a nest

and hotbed of treason; then the people of the United States,

for more than a century, have been traitors to their own flag

and their own Constitution.

"'We are presented with an issue that can be clearly and

sharply stated as a question of constitutional power, a

question of international law, a question of justice and

righteousness, or a question of public expediency. This can be

stated clearly and sharply in the abstract, and it can be put

clearly and sharply by an illustration growing out of existing

facts.

"The constitutional question is: Has Congress the power, under

our Constitution, to hold in subjection unwilling vassal

States?

"The question of international law is: Can any nation

rightfully convey to another sovereignty over an unwilling

people who have thrown off its dominion, asserted their

independence, established a government of their own, over whom

it has at the time no practical control, from whose territory

it has been disseized, and which it is beyond its power to

deliver?

"The question of justice and righteousness is: Have we the

right to crush and hold under our feet an unwilling and

subject people whom we had treated as allies, whose

independence we are bound in good faith to respect, who had

established their own free government, and who had trusted us?

"The question of public expediency is: Is it for our advantage

to promote our trade at the cannon's mouth and at the point of

the bayonet?

"All these questions can be put in a way of practical

illustration by inquiring whether we ought to do what we have

done, are doing, and mean to do in the case of Cuba; or what

we have done, are doing, and some of you mean to do in the

case of the Philippine Islands.

"It does not seem to me to be worth while to state again at

length the constitutional argument which I have addressed to

the Senate heretofore. It has been encountered with eloquence,

with clearness and beauty of statement, and, I have no doubt,

with absolute sincerity by Senators who have spoken upon the

other side. But the issue between them and me can be summed up

in a sentence or two, and if, so stated, it can not be made

clear to any man's apprehension, I despair of making it clear

by any elaboration or amplification. I admit that the United

States may acquire and hold property, and may make rules and

regulations for its disposition. I admit that, like other

property, the United States may acquire and hold land. It may

acquire it by purchase. It may acquire it by treaty. It may

acquire it by conquest. And it may make rules and regulations

for its disposition and government, however it be acquired.

When there are inhabitants upon the land so acquired it may

make laws for their government. But the question between me

and the gentlemen on the other side is this: Is this

acquisition of territory, of land or other property, whether

gained by purchase, conquest, or treaty, a constitutional end

or only a means to a constitutional end? May you acquire,

hold, and govern territory or other property as an end for

which our Constitution was framed, or is it only a means

toward some other and further end? May you acquire, hold, and

govern property by conquest, treaty, or purchase for the sole

object of so holding and governing it, without the

consideration of any further constitutional purpose? Or must

you hold it for a constitutional purpose only, such as the

making of new States, the national defense and security, the

establishment of a seat of government, or the construction of

forts, harbors, and like works, which, of course, are

themselves for the national defense and security?

"I hold that this acquisition, holding and governing, can be

only a means for a constitutional end—the creation of new

States or some other of the constitutional purposes to which I

have adverted. And I maintain that you can no more hold and

govern territory than you can hold and manage cannon or fleets

for any other than a constitutional end; and I maintain that

the holding in subjection an alien people, governing them

against their will for any fancied advantage to them, is not

only not an end provided for by the Constitution, but is an

end prohibited therein. … It is an end which the generation

which framed the Constitution and the Declaration of

Independence declared was unrighteous and abhorrent. So, in my

opinion, we have no constitutional power to acquire territory

for the purpose of holding it in subjugation, in a state of

vassalage or serfdom, against the will of its people.

"It is to be noted just here that we have acquired no

territory or other property in the Philippine Islands, save at

few public buildings. By every other acquisition of territory

the United States became a great land owner. She owned the

public lands as she had owned the public lands in the

Northwest ceded to her by the old States. But you own nothing

in the Philippines. The people own their farms and dwellings

and cities. The religious orders own the rest. The Filipinos

desire to do what our English ancestors did in the old days

when England was Catholic. The laity feared that the Church

would engross all the land. So they passed their statute of

mortmain. You have either got to let the people of the

Philippine Islands settle this matter for themselves, or you

must take upon you the delicate duty of settling it for them.

{643}

Your purchase or conquest is a purchase or conquest of nothing

but sovereignty. It is a sovereignty over a people who are

never to be admitted to exercise it or to share it. In the

present case we have not, I repeat, bought any property. We

have undertaken to buy mere sovereignty. There were no public

lands in the Philippine Islands, the property of Spain, which

we have bought and paid for. The mountains of iron and the

nuggets of gold and the hemp-bearing fields—do you purpose to

strip the owners of their rightful title? We have undertaken

to buy allegiance, pure and simple. And allegiance is just

what the law of nations declares you can not buy. …

"I have been unable to find a single reputable authority more

than twelve months old for the power now claimed for Congress

to govern dependent nations or territories not expected to

become States. The contrary, until this war broke out, has

been taken as too clear for reasonable question. I content

myself with a few authorities. Among them are Daniel Webster,

William H. Seward, the Supreme Court of the United States,

James Madison.

"Daniel Webster said in the Senate, March 23, 1848: 'Arbitrary

governments may have territories and distant possessions,

because arbitrary governments may rule them by different laws

and different systems. We can do no such thing. They must be

of us, part of us, or else strangers. I think I see a course

adopted which is likely to turn the Constitution of the land

into a deformed monster, into a curse rather than a blessing;

in fact, a frame of an unequal government, not founded on

popular representation, not founded on equality, but on the

grossest inequality; and I think that this process will go on,

or that there is danger that it will go on, until this Union

shall fall to pieces. I resist it to-day and always! Whoever

falters or whoever flies, I continue the contest!'

"James Madison said in the Federalist: 'The object of the

Federal Constitution is to secure the union of the thirteen

primitive States, which we know to be practicable; and to add

to them such other States as may arise in their own bosoms, or

in their neighborhood, which we can not doubt will be

practicable.'

James Madison,

Federalist, Number 14.

"William H. Seward said: 'It is a remarkable feature of the

Constitution of the United States that its framers never

contemplated colonies, or provinces, or territories at all. On

the other hand, they contemplated States only, nothing less

than States, perfect States, equal States, as they are called

here, sovereign States. … There is reason—there is sound

political wisdom in this provision of the Constitution

excluding colonies, which are always subject to oppression,

and excluding provinces, which always tend to corrupt and

ultimately to break down the parent State.'

Seward's Works

Volume 1, page 122.

'By the Constitution of the United States, there are no

subjects, Every citizen of any one State is a free and equal

citizen of the United States. Again, by the Constitution of

the United States there are no permanent provinces or

dependencies.'

Seward's Works

Volume 4, page 167.

"The Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of

Fleming vs. Page, said: 'The genius and character of our

institutions are peaceful; and the power to declare war was

not conferred upon Congress for the purposes of aggression or

aggrandizement, but to enable the Government to vindicate by

arms, if it should become necessary, its own rights and the

rights of its citizens. A war, therefore, declared by

Congress, can never be presumed to be waged for the purpose of

conquest or the acquisition of territory; nor does the law

declaring the war imply an authority to the President to

enlarge the limits of the United States by subjugating the

enemy's country.'

"Our territories, so far, have all been places where Americans

would go to dwell as citizens, to establish American homes, to

obtain honorable employment, and to build a State. Will any

man go to the Philippine Islands to dwell, except to help

govern the people, or to make money by a temporary residence?

…

"When hostilities broke out, February 5, 1899, we had no

occupancy of and no title of any kind to any portion of the

Philippine territory, except the town and bay of Manila.

Everything else was in the peaceful possession of the

inhabitants. In such a condition of things, Mr. President,

international law speaks to us with its awful mandate. It

pronounces your proposed action sheer usurpation and robbery.

You have no better title, according to the law of nations, to

reduce this people to subjection than you have to subjugate

Mexico or Haiti or Belgium or Switzerland. This is the settled

doctrine, as declared by our own great masters of

jurisprudence. You have no right, according to tho law of

nations, to obtain by purchase or acquisition sovereignty over

a people which is not actually exercised by the country which

undertakes to convey it or yield it. We have not yet completed

the acquisition. But at the time we entered upon it, and at

the time of this alleged purchase, the people of the

Philippine Islands, as appears by General Otis's report, by

Admiral Dewey's report, and the reports of officers for whom

they vouched, held their entire territory, with the exception

of the single town of Manila. They had, as appears from these

reports, a full organized government. They had an army

fighting for independence, admirably disciplined, according to

the statement of zealous advocates of expansion.

"Why, Mr. President, is it credible that any American

statesman, that any American Senator, that any intelligent

American citizen anywhere, two years ago could have been found

to affirm that a proceeding like that of the Paris treaty

could give a just and valid title to sovereignty over a people

situated as were the people of those islands? A title of

Spain, originally by conquest, never submitted to nor admitted

by the people of the islands, with frequent insurrections at

different times for centuries, and then the yoke all thrown

off, a constitutional government, schools, colleges, churches,

universities, hospitals, town governments, a legislature, a

cabinet, courts, a code of laws, and the whole island occupied

and controlled by its people, with the single exception of one

city; with taxes lawfully levied and collected, with an army

and the beginning of a navy.

{644}

"And yet the Senate, the Congress enacted less than two years

ago that the people of Cuba—controlling peaceably no part of

their island, levying no taxes in any orderly or peaceable

way, with no administration of justice, no cabinet—not only of

right ought to be, but were, in fact, a free and independent

State. I did not give my assent to that declaration of fact. I

assented to the doctrine that they of right ought to be. But I

thought the statement of fact much calculated to embarrass the

Government of the United States, if it were bound by that

declaration; and it has been practically disregarded by the

Administration ever since. But the question now is a very

different one. You not only deny that the Filipinos are, but

you deny that they of right ought to be free and independent;

and you recognize Spain as entitled to sell to you the

sovereignty of an island where she was not at the time

occupying a foot of territory, where her soldiers were held

captives by the government of the island, a government to

which you had delivered over a large number of Spanish

prisoners to be held as captives. And yet you come here to-day

and say that they not only are not, but they of right ought

not to be free and independent; and when you are pressed you

answer us by talking about mountains of iron and nuggets of

gold, and trade with China.

"I affirm that you can not get by conquest, and you can not

get by purchase, according to the modern law of nations,

according to the law of nations as accepted and expounded by

the United States, sovereignty over a people, or title to a

territory, of which the power that undertakes to sell it or

the power from whom you undertake to wrest it has not the

actual possession and dominion. … You cannot buy a war. More

than this, you cannot buy a tyrant's claim to subject again an

oppressed people who have achieved their freedom. …

"Gentlemen tell us that the bill of the Senator from Wisconsin

is copied from that introduced in Jefferson's time for the

purchase of Louisiana. Do you claim that you propose to deal

with these people as Jefferson meant to deal with Louisiana?

You talk of Alaska, of Florida, of California; do you mean to

deal with the Philippines as we mean to deal with Alaska and

dealt with Florida or California?

"I have spoken of the Declaration of Independence as a solemn

affirmation of public law, but it is far more than that. It is

a solemn pledge of national faith and honor. It is a baptismal

vow. It is the bedrock of our republican institutions. It is,

as the Supreme Court declared, the soul and spirit of which

the Constitution is but the body and letter. It is the light

by which the Constitution must be read. … There is expansion

enough in it, but it is the expansion of freedom and not of

despotism; of life, not of death. Never was such growth in all

human history as that from the seed Thomas Jefferson planted.

The parable of the mustard seed, than which, as Edward Everett

said, 'the burning pen of inspiration, ranging heaven and

earth for a similitude, can find nothing more appropriate or

expressive to which to liken the Kingdom of God,' is repeated

again. 'Whereunto shall we liken it, or with what comparison

shall we compare it? It is like a grain of mustard seed,

which, when it is sown in the earth, is less than all the

seeds that be in the earth. But when it is sown, it groweth

up, and becometh greater than all herbs, and shooteth out

great branches, so that the fowls of the air may lodge under

the shadow of it.' This is the expansion of Thomas Jefferson.

It has covered the continent. It is on both the seas. It has

saved South America. It is revolutionizing Europe. It is the

expansion of freedom. It differs from your tinsel, pinchbeck,

pewter expansion as the growth of a healthy youth into a

strong man differs from the expansion of an anaconda when he

swallows his victim. Ours is the expansion of Thomas

Jefferson. Yours is the expansion of Aaron Burr. It is

destined to as short a life and to a like fate. …

"There are 1,200 islands in the Philippine group. They extend

as far as from Maine to Florida. They have a population

variously estimated at from 8,000,000 to 12,000,000. There are

wild tribes who never heard of Christ, and islands that never

heard of Spain. But among them are the people of the island of

Luzon, numbering 3,500,000, and the people of the Visayan

Islands, numbering 2,500,000 more. They are a Christian and

civilized people. They wrested their independence from Spain

and established a republic. Their rights are no more to be

affected by the few wild tribes in their own mountains or by

the dwellers in the other islands than the rights of our old

thirteen States were affected by the French in Canada, or the

Six Nations of New York, or the Cherokees of Georgia, or the

Indians west of the Mississippi. Twice our commanding

generals, by their own confession, assured these people of

their independence. Clearly and beyond all cavil we formed an

alliance with them. We expressly asked them to co-operate with

us. We handed over our prisoners to their keeping; we sought

their help in caring for our sick and wounded. We were told by

them again and again and again that they were fighting for

independence. Their purpose was as well known to our generals,

to the War Department, and to the President, as the fact that

they were in arms. We never undeceived them until the time

when hostilities were declared in 1899. The President declared

again and again that we had no title and claimed no right to

anything beyond the town of Manila. Hostilities were begun by

us at a place where we had no right to be, and were continued

by us in spite of Aguinaldo's disavowal and regret and offer

to withdraw to a line we should prescribe. If we crush that

republic, despoil that people of their freedom and

independence, and subject them to our rule, it will be a story

of shame and dishonor. …

"But we are told if we oppose the policy of our imperialistic

and expanding friends we are bound to suggest some policy of

our own as a substitute for theirs. We are asked what we would

do in this difficult emergency. It is a question not difficult

to answer. I for one am ready to answer it.

"1. I would declare now that we will not take these islands to

govern them against their will.

"2. I would reject a cession of sovereignty which implies that

sovereignty may be bought and sold and delivered without the

consent of the people. Spain had no rightful sovereignty over

the Philippine Islands. She could not rightfully sell it to

us. We could not rightfully buy it from her.

"3. I would require all foreign governments to keep out of

these islands.

"4. I would offer to the people of the Philippines our help in

maintaining order until they have a reasonable opportunity to

establish a government of their own.

{645}

"5. I would aid them by advice, if they desire it, to set up a

free and independent government.

"6. I would invite all the great powers of Europe to unite in

an agreement that that independence shall not be interfered

with by us, by themselves, or by any one of them with the

consent of the others. As to this I am not so sure. I should

like quite as well to tell them it is not to be done whether

they consent or not.

"7. I would declare that the United States will enforce the

same doctrine as applicable to the Philippines that we

declared as to Mexico and Haiti and the South American

Republics. It is true that the Monroe Doctrine, a doctrine

based largely on our regard for our own interests, is not

applicable either in terms or in principle to a distant

Asiatic territory. But, undoubtedly, having driven out Spain,

we are bound, and have the right, to secure to the people we

have liberated an opportunity, undisturbed and in peace, to

establish a new government for themselves.

"8. I would then, in a not distant future, leave them to work

out their own salvation, as every nation on earth, from the

beginning of time, has wrought out its own salvation. Let them

work out their own salvation, as our own ancestors slowly and

in long centuries wrought out theirs; as Germany, as

Switzerland, as France, in briefer periods, wrought out

theirs; as Mexico and the South American Republics have

accomplished theirs, all of them within a century, some of

them within the life of a generation. To attempt to confer the

gift of freedom from without, or to impose freedom from

without, on any people, is to disregard all the lessons of

history. It is to attempt

'A gift of that which is not to be given

By all the blended powers of earth and heaven.'

"9. I would strike out of your legislation the oath of

allegiance to us and substitute an oath of allegiance to their

own country."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).

Act temporarily to provide revenues and a civil

government for Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).

Appointment of Second Commission to the Philippines.

The President's instructions.

Steps toward the establishment of civil government and

the principles to be observed.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (May-October).

The Twelfth Census of the Republic.

The Twelfth Census of the United States was taken between May

1 and November 1, 1900, with general results reported on the

latter date by the Director, William R. Merriam, as

follows:—The following statement … gives the population of the

United States in detail for each State and organized Territory

and for Alaska and Hawaii as finally revised. The figures

purporting to give the number of "persons in the service of

the United States stationed abroad" include an estimated

population of 14,400 for certain military organizations and

naval vessels stationed abroad, principally in the

Philippines, for which the returns have not yet been received.

The total population of the United States in 1900, as shown by

the accompanying statement, is 76,304,799, of which 74,610,523

persons are contained in the 45 States, representing the

population to be used for apportionment purposes. This

statement also shows a total of 134,158 Indians not taxed, of

which 44,617 are found in certain of the States and which are

to be deducted from the population of such States for the

purpose of determining the apportionment of Representatives.

The total population in 1890, with which the aggregate

population at the present census should be compared, is

63,069,756, comprising 62,622,250 persons enumerated in the

States and organized Territories at that census, 32,052

persons in Alaska, 180,182 Indians and other persons in the

Indian Territory, 145,282 Indians and other persons on Indian

reservations, etc., and 89,990 persons in Hawaii, this

last-named figure being derived from the census of the

Hawaiian Islands taken as of December 28, 1890. Taking this

population for 1890 as a basis, there has been a gain in

population of 13,235,043 during the ten years from 1890 to

1900, representing an increase of very nearly 21 per cent. No

provision was made by the census act for the enumeration of

the inhabitants of Porto Rico, but a census for that island,

taken as of October 16, 1899, under the direction of the War

Department, showed a population of 953,243.

STATES AND                                    Indians not

TERRITORIES            1900         1890      taxed 1900

The United States.  76,304,799   63,009,756     134,158

STATES.

Alabama              1,828,697    1,513,017

Arkansas             1,311,564    1,128,179

California           1,485,053    1,208,130        1549

Colorado               539,700      412,198         597

Connecticut            908,355      746,258

Delaware               184,735      168,493

Florida                528,542      391,422

Georgia              2,216,331    1,837,353

Idaho                  161,772       84,385       2,297

Illinois             4,821,550    3,826,351

Indiana              2,516,462    2,192,404

Iowa                 2,231,853    1,911,896

Kansas               1,470,495    1,427,096

Kentucky             2,147,174    1,858,635

Louisiana            l,381,625    1,118,587

Maine                  694,466      661,086

Maryland             1,190,050    1,042,390

Massachusetts        2,805,346    2,238,943

Michigan             2,420,982    2,093,889

Minnesota            1,751,394    1,301,826       1,768

Mississippi          1,551,270    1,289,600

Missouri             3,106,665    2,679,184

Montana                243,329      132,159      10,746

Nebraska             1,068,539    1,058,910

Nevada                  42,335       45,761       1,665

New Hampshire          411,588      376,530

New Jersey           1,883,669    1,444,933

New York             7,268,012    5,991,353       4,711

North Carolina       1,893,810    1,617,947

North Dakota           319,146      182,719       4,692

Ohio                 4,157,145    3,672,316

Oregon                 413,536      313,767

Pennsylvania         6,302,115    5,258,014

Rhode Island           428,556      345,506

South Carolina       1,340,316    1,151,149

South Dakota           401,570      328,808      10,932

Tennessee            2,020,616    1,767,518

Texas                3,048,710    2,235,523

Utah                   276,749      207,905       1,472

Vermont                343,641      332,422

Virginia             1,854,184    1,655,980

Washington             518,103      349,390       2,531

West Virginia          958,800      762,704

Wisconsin            2,069,042    1,686,880       1,657

Wyoming                 92,531       60,705

Total for

45 States           74,610,523   62,116,811      44,617

{646}

STATES AND TERRITORIES     1900        1890     Indians

not taxed 1900

TERRITORIES

Alaska                     63,441     32,052

Arizona                   122,931     59,620    24,644

District of Columbia      278,718    230,392

Hawaii                    154,001     89,900

Indian Territory          391,960    180,182    56,033

New Mexico                195,310    153,593     2,937

Oklahoma                  398,245     61,834     5,921

Total                   1,604,606    807,663    89,541

Persons in the service

of the United States

stationed abroad           89,670

Indians, etc.,on

Indian reservations,

except Indian Territory              145,282

Report of the Director of the Census,

November 1, 1900.

"By the twelfth census the center of population

in 1900 was in the following position:

Latitude 39° 9' 36"; longitude 85° 48' 54".

In ten years the center of population has moved westward 16'

1", or about fourteen miles, and southward 2' 20", or about

two and one half miles. It rests now in Southern Indiana, at a

point about six miles southeast of Columbus, the county seat

of Bartholomew county, Indiana. The center of population is

the center of gravity of the country, each individual being

assumed to have the same weight. … The center of area of the

United States, excluding Alaska and Hawaii and other recent

accessions, is in northern Kansas, in approximate latitude 39°

55', and approximate longitude 98° 50'. The center of

population is therefore about three-fourths of a degree south

and more than 13 degrees east of the center of area."

United States, Twelfth Census,

Bulletin Number 62.

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900 (May-November).

The Presidential election.

Party platforms and nominations.

The issues on which the presidential election of 1900 would

naturally and logically have turned were those growing out of

the Spanish-American War, relative to principles and policy in

dealing with the colonial possessions that were taken from

Spain. But circumstances forced those most important political

questions into the background of consideration, so far as

concerned the opinion of a large part of the American people.

The monetary question, which might have been supposed to be

settled by the election of 1896 and by the Congressional

legislation of March, 1900, was brought forward again with a

persistency that caused uneasy feeling in the commercial and

industrial world. The party which had fought the battle for a

silver monetary standard in 1896, and been beaten, seemed

willing to abandon that "lost cause," but the candidate to

whose fortunes the party had become committed would not

consent. His will prevailed, and the old issue came into the

canvass again, with such confusing effects that the real

meaning of the votes that were cast, as an expression of the

judgment and will of the American people, can by no

possibility be known. Men dreaded a disturbance of the

conditions under which the business of the country was active

and prosperous. How far their wish to preserve those

conditions coincided, as a motive in voting, with their

judgment on other issues, and how far it overcame dispositions

that urged them contrariwise, are puzzling questions which the

election of 1900 has left behind.

UNITED STATES:

United Christian Party Platform and Nominations.

The first candidates to be set in the field of the

presidential campaign were put forward by a convention held at

Rock Island, Illinois, May 1, representing a small combination of

voters styled the United Christian Party. It named, in the

first instance, the Reverend S. C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania,

for President, and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for Vice

President, both of whom declined the nomination. Jonah F. R.

Leonard, of Iowa, and David H. Martin, of Pennsylvania, were

subsequently made the candidates of the party, and received a

few hundred votes at the ensuing election, mostly, it would

seem, in Illinois. The "Declarations" of the United Christian

Party were as follows:

"We, the United Christian party, in National Convention

assembled in the city of Rock Island, Illinois, May 1 and 2,

1900, acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power

and authority, the Lord Jesus Christ as the sovereign ruler of

nations, and the Bible as the standard by which to decide moral

issues in our political life, do make the following

declaration:

"We believe the time to have arrived when the eternal

principles of justice, mercy, and love, as exemplified in the

life and teachings of Jesus Christ should be embodied in the

Constitution of our nation, and applied in concrete form to

every function of our Government.

"We maintain that this statement is in harmony with the

fundamental principles of our National common law; our

Christian usages and customs; the declaration of the Supreme

Court of the United States that 'This is a Christian nation,'

and the accepted principle in judicial decisions that no law

should contravene the Divine law.

"We deprecate certain immoral laws which have grown out of the

failure of our nation to recognize these principles, notably

such as require the desecration of the Christian Sabbath,

authorize unscriptural marriage and divorce, and license the

manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage.

"The execution of these immoral laws above mentioned we hold

to be neither loyalty to our country nor honoring to God;

therefore it shall be our purpose to administer the

Government, so far as it shall be intrusted to us by the

suffrages of the people, in accordance with the principles

herein set forth, and, until amended, our oath of office shall

be to the Constitution and laws as herein explained, and to no

other, and we will look to Him who has all power in Heaven and

in earth to vindicate our purpose in seeking His glory and the

welfare of our beloved land.

"As an expression of consent or allegiance on the part of the

governed, in harmony with the above statements, we declare for

the adoption and use of the system of legislation known as the

'initiative and referendum,' together with 'proportionate

representation' and the 'imperative mandate.'

"We hold that an men and women are created free and with equal

rights, and declare for the establishment of such political,

industrial, and social conditions as shall guarantee to every

person civic equality, the full fruits of his or her honest

toil, and opportunity for the righteous enjoyment of the same;

and we especially condemn mob violence and outrages against

any individual or class of individuals in our country.

{647}

"We declare against war, and for the arbitration of all

National and international disputes.

"We hold that the legalized liquor traffic is the crowning

infamy of civilization, and we declare for the immediate

abolition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors

as a beverage.

"We are gratified to note the widespread agitation of the

cigarette question, and declare ourselves in favor of the

enactment of laws prohibiting the sale of cigarettes or

tobacco in any form to minors.

"We declare for the daily reading of the Bible in the public

schools and institutions of learning under control of the

State.

"We declare for the Government ownership of public utilities.

"We declare for the election of the President and

Vice-President and United States Senators by the direct vote

of the people.

"We declare for such amendment of the United States

Constitution as shall be necessary to give the principles

herein set forth an undeniable legal basis in the fundamental

law of our land.

"We invite into the United Christian party every honest man

and woman who believes in Christ and His golden rule and

standard of righteousness. We say especially to the sons of

toil: Jesus, the carpenter's son, is your true friend. In His

name and through the practice of His principles you may obtain

your rights long withheld and long outraged. You have the

votes necessary to enthrone Him. His love and principles,

politically applied, will lift you up and give you true civic

liberty forever."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

People's or Populist Party Platforms and Nominations.

The second of the political parties to appear in the field of

the national contest was the People's, known more commonly as

the Populist Party, the division in which, shown in 1896, had

become separation, complete. The two wings of the party held

distinct conventions, in different places, but on the same

day, May 10. Those known as the Middle-of-the-Road Populists

assembled at Cincinnati and named Wharton Barker, of

Pennsylvania, for President, with Ignatius Donnelly, of

Minnesota for Vice President. The convention representing

those who wished to act in co-operation with the Democratic

Party, and known as the Fusion wing, met at Sioux Falls, South

Dakota, and anticipated the action of the Democracy by

nominating William J. Bryan for President, with Charles A.

Towne, of Minnesota, for Vice President.

See, also, (in this volume)

FARMERS' ALLIANCE.

The platform declarations of the two wings were substantially

the same on main questions; but those of the Fusionists

covered several subjects which the Cincinnati convention

passed by. They were as follows:

"The People's party of the United States, in convention

assembled, congratulating its supporters on the wide extension

of its principles in all directions, does hereby reaffirm its

adherence to the fundamental principles proclaimed in its two

prior platforms and calls upon all who desire to avert the

subversion of free institutions by corporate and imperialistic

power to unite with it in bringing the Government back to the

ideals of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln. It

extends to its allies in the struggle for financial and

economic freedom, assurances of its loyalty to the principles

which animate the allied forces and the promise of honest and

hearty cooperation in every effort for their success. To the

people of the United States we offer the following platform as

the expression of our unalterable convictions:

"Resolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the

culmination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the

people of their constitutional rights over the money of the

nation and relegate to a gigantic money trust the control of

the purse and hence of the people. We denounce this act,

First, for making all money obligations, domestic and foreign,

payable in gold coin or its equivalent, thus enormously

increasing the burdens of the debtors and enriching the

creditors.

Second—For refunding 'coin bonds' not to mature for years into

long-time gold bonds so as to make their payment improbable

and our debt perpetual.

Third—For taking from the Treasury over $50,000,000 in a time

of war and presenting it, as a premium, to bondholders to

accomplish the refunding of bonds not due.

Fourth—For doubling the capital of bankers by returning to

them the face value of their bonds in current money notes so

that they may draw one interest from the Government and

another from the people.

Fifth—For allowing banks to expand and contract their

circulation at pleasure, thus controlling prices of all

products.

Sixth—For authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue

new gold bonds to an unlimited amount whenever he deems it

necessary to replenish the gold hoard, thus enabling usurers

to secure more bonds and more bank currency by drawing gold

from the Treasury, thereby creating an 'endless chain' for

perpetually adding to a perpetual debt.

Seventh—For striking down the green back in order to force the

people to borrow $346,000,000 more from the banks at an annual

cost of over $20,000,000. While barring out the money of the

Constitution this law opens the printing mints of the Treasury

to the free coinage of bank paper money, to enrich the few and

impoverish the many.

"We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the

agitation until this great financial conspiracy is blotted

from the statute books, the Lincoln greenback restored, the

bonds all paid, and all corporation money forever retired. We

affirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United

States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold

at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase

in the volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to

be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the banknotes issued by

private corporations under special privilege granted by law of

March 14, 1900, and prior National banking laws, the remaining

portion of the banknotes to be replaced with full legal-tender

Government paper money, and its volume so controlled as to

maintain at all times a stable money market and a stable price

level.

"We demand a graduated income and inheritance tax, to the end

that aggregated wealth shall bear its just proportion of

taxation.

"We demand that postal savings banks be established by the

Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people

and to facilitate exchange.

{648}

"With Thomas Jefferson we declare the land, including all

natural sources of wealth, the inalienable heritage of the

people. Government should so act as to secure homes for the

people and prevent land monopoly. The original homestead

policy should be enforced, and future settlers upon the public

domain should be entitled to a free homestead, while all who

have paid an acreage price to the Government under existing

laws should have their homestead rights restored.

"Transportation being a means of exchange and a public

necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads

in the interests of the people and on a non-partisan basis, to

the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in

transportation, and that the extortion, tyranny, and political

power now exercised by the great railroad corporations, which

result in the impairment, if not the destruction, of the

political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be

destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished in a manner

consistent with sound public policy.

"Trusts, the overshadowing evil of the age, are the result and

culmination of the private ownership and control of the three

great instruments of commerce—money, transportation, and the

means of transmission of information—which instruments of

commerce are public functions, and which our forefathers

declared in the Constitution should be controlled by the

people through their Congress for the public welfare. The one

remedy for the trusts is that the ownership and control be

assumed and exercised by the people. We further demand that

all tariffs on goods controlled by a trust shall be abolished.

To cope with the trust evil, the people must act directly

without the intervention of representatives who may be

controlled or influenced. We therefore demand direct

legislation, giving the people the lawmaking and veto power

under the initiative and referendum. A majority of the people

can never be corruptly influenced.

"Applauding the valor of our army and navy in the Spanish War,

we denounce the conduct of the Administration in changing a

war for humanity into a war of conquest. The action of the

Administration in the Philippines is in conflict with all the

precedents of our National life; at war with the Declaration

of Independence, the Constitution, and the plain precepts of

humanity. Murder and arson have been our response to the

appeals of the people who asked only to establish a free

government in their own land. We demand a stoppage of this war

of extermination by the assurance to the Philippines of

independence and protection under a stable government of their

own creation.

"The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the

American flag are one and inseparable. The island of Porto

Rico is a part of the territory of the United States, and by

levying special and extraordinary customs duties on the

commerce of that island the Administration has violated the

Constitution, abandoned the fundamental principles of American

liberty, and has striven to give the lie to the contention of

our forefathers that there should be no taxation without

representation.

"Out of the imperialism which would force an undesired

domination on the people of the Philippines springs the

un-American cry for a large standing army. Nothing in the

character or purposes of our people justifies us in ignoring

the plain lesson of history and putting our liberties in

jeopardy by assuming the burden of militarism, which is

crushing the people of the Old World. We denounce the

Administration for its sinister efforts to substitute a

standing army for the citizen soldiery, which is the best

safeguard of the Republic.

"We extend to the brave Boers of South Africa our sympathy and

moral support in their patriotic struggle for the right of

self-government, and we are unalterably opposed to any

alliance, open or covert, between the United States and any

other nation that will tend to the destruction of liberty.

"And a further manifestation of imperialism is to be found in

the mining districts of Idaho. In the Cœur d'Alene soldiers

have been used to overawe miners striving for a greater

measure of industrial independence. And we denounce the State

Government of Idaho and the Federal Government for employing

the military arm of the Government to abridge the civil rights

of the people, and to enforce an infamous permit system which

denies to laborers their inherent liberty and compels them to

forswear their manhood and their right before being permitted

to seek employment.

"The importation of Japanese and other laborers under contract

to serve monopolistic corporations is a notorious and flagrant

violation of the immigration laws. We demand that the Federal

Government shall take cognizance of this menacing evil and

repress it under existing laws. We further pledge ourselves to

strive for the enactment of more stringent laws for the

exclusion of Mongolian and Malayan immigration.

"We indorse municipal ownership of public utilities, and

declare that the advantages which have accrued to the public

under that system would be multiplied a hundredfold by its

extension to natural interstate monopolies.

"We denounce the practice of issuing injunctions in the cases

of dispute between employers and employés, making criminal

acts by organizations which are not criminal when performed by

individuals, and demand legislation to restrain the evil.

"We demand that United States Senators and all other officials

as far as practicable be elected by direct vote of the people,

believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot

are essential to a government for and by the people.

"The People's party condemns the wholesale system of

disfranchisement by coercion and intimidation, adopted in some

States, as un-republican and un-democratic. And we declare it

to be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take such

action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot, and an

honest count.

"We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of

Columbia, and the early admission of the Territories as

States.

"We denounce the expensive red-tape system, political

favoritism, cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion

of the statutes in the management of the Pension Office, and

demand the simple and honest execution of the law, and the

fulfilment by the nation of its pledges of service pension to

all its honorably discharged veterans."

{649}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Socialist Labor Party Platform and Nominations.

The convention of the Populists was followed next by that of

the Socialist Labor Party, which met in New York City, on the

2d of June, and put in nomination Joseph P. Maloney, of

Massachusetts, and Valentine Remmel, of Pennsylvania. Its

Platform was as follows:

"The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention

assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life,

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

"With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the

purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the

enjoyment of this right; but in the light of our social

conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such right can be

exercised under a system of economic inequality, essentially

destructive of life, of liberty, and of happiness.

"With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true

theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be

owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of

our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true

theory of economics is that the machinery of production must

likewise belong to the people in common.

"To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is

the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics can

plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the

corruption of government by that class, the alienation of

public property, public franchises, and public functions to

that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of

nations upon that class.

"Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of

plutocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone

produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by

compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the

necessaries of life. Human power and natural forces are thus

wasted, that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery,

with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the

people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are

diverted from their humane purpose to the enslavement of women

and children.

"Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more

enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental

declaration that private property in the natural sources of

production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious

cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

"The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social

evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its

failures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive

tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations

on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

"We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of the United

States, and upon all other honest citizens, to organize under

the banner of the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious

body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them by

taking possession of the public powers; so that, held together

by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying

conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary

end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the

restoration of the land and of all the means of production,

transportation, and distribution to the people as a collective

body, and the substitution of the Cooperative Commonwealth for

the present state of planless production, industrial war, and

social disorder—a commonwealth in which every worker shall

have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties,

multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Republican Party Platform and Nominations.

On the 19th of June the national convention of the Republican

Party began its session at Philadelphia; adopted its platform

on the following day, and nominated President William McKinley

for re-election ou the 21st, naming Theodore Roosevelt, then

Governor of New York, for Vice President, in opposition to his

earnestly expressed wish. The adopted platform of principles

was as follows:

"The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen

representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon

an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward to a

great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the

judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations:

"The expectation in which the American people, turning from

the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a

Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has

been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled at the

polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and

administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the

National credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital

was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. The

Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruinous

conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin

silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Republican Party,

denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse

than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore

prosperity by means of two legislative measures—a protective

tariff and a law making gold the standard of value.

"The people, by great majorities, issued to the Republican

party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has

been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed.

Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever

known has followed these enactments. There is no longer

controversy as to the value of any government obligations.

Every American dollar is a gold dollar, or its assured

equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any

nation. Capital is fully employed, and labor everywhere is

profitably occupied. No single fact can more strikingly tell

the story of what Republican government means to the country

than this—that while during the whole period of 107 years from

1790 to 1897 there was an excess of exports over imports of

only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three years of

the present Republican Administration an excess of exports

over imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094.

{650}

"And while the American people, sustained by this Republican

legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in

their business and commerce, they have conducted and in

victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No

thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose

with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war

unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American

Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its

armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of

its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage

of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and

foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the

human race there was given 'a new birth of freedom,' and to

the American people a new and noble responsibility.

"'We indorse the Administration of William McKinley. Its acts

have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home

and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the

influence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and

facing unforeseen responsibilities, President McKinley has

been in every situation the true American patriot and the

upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm

in action, always inspiring and deserving the confidence of

his countrymen. In asking the American people to indorse this

Republican record and to renew their commission to the

Republican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace

to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic

principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the

Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime

essential of business prosperity is public confidence in the

good sense of the Government, and in its ability to deal

intelligently with each new problem of administration and

legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never

earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the country's

prosperity when Democratic success at the polls is announced

halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders

and failures.

"We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold

standard, and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the

legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress by which the parity of

all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold

basis has been secured.

"We recognize that interest rates are potent factors in

production and business activity, and for the purpose of

further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of

interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will enable

the varying needs of the seasons and of all sections to be

promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained,

labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of

money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is

to-day.

"We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited

coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered

which was without the support of the leading commercial

countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation

may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base

and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic

President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to

bring once more into question the intention of the American

people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their

money circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced that

the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform.

"We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest

cooperation of capital to meet new business conditions, and

especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but

we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to

restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production,

or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will

effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and

promote competition, and secure the rights of producers,

laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce.

"We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American

labor. In that policy our industries have been established,

diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market

competition has been stimulated and production cheapened.

Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been

secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at

high rates, higher now than ever before, and always

distinguishing our working people in their better conditions

of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the

blessings of the American common school, secure in the right

of self-government, and protected in the occupancy of their

own markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill

have enabled them finally to enter the markets of the world.

"We favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as

to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not

ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets.

"In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more

effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from

foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for

working children, the raising of the age limit for child

labor, the protection of free labor as against contract

convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance.

"Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths

of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of

this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for

its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would

seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The National

defence and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply

a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to

recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of

the world.

"The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers

and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the

Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the

widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's

wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should

be liberal, and should be liberally administered, and

preference should be given wherever practicable with respect

to employment in the public service to soldiers and sailors

and to their widows and orphans.

"We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining

the efficiency of the Civil Service. The Administration has

acted wisely in its effort to secure for public service in

Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands only those

whose fitness has been determined by training and experience.

We believe that employment in the public service in these

territories should be confined as far as practicable to their

inhabitants.

"It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the

Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or

color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State

governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment

to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and

should be condemned.

{651}

"Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the

roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial

approval and we recommend this subject to the earnest

consideration of the people and of the Legislatures of the

several States. We favor the extension of the rural free

delivery service wherever its extension may be justified.

"In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican

party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend

adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the

United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for

irrigation to the respective States and Territories.

"We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood

of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.

"The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for

the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it

has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of

$40,000,000. So ample are the Government's revenues and so

great is the public confidence in the integrity of its

obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent bonds sell at a

premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it

will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a

reduction of the war taxes.

"We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection

of an isthmian canal by the Government of the United States.

"New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our

farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain

new markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration

is warmly to be commended for its successful effort to commit

all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open

door in China.

"In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that

Congress create a department of commerce and industries in the

charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United

States consular system should be reorganized under the

supervision of this new department, upon such a basis of

appointment and tenure as will render it still more

serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. The American

Government must protect the person and property of every

citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in

peril.

"We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid

record of public service in the volunteer aid association, and

as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of

our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we

appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of

education and industry.

"President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the

United States with distinguished credit to the American

people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a

European alliance for the government of Samoa his course is

especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided

control the most important island of the Samoan group and the

best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest

has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the

Hawaiian Islands to the United States. We commend the part

taken by our Government in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in

the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention

were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his

friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great

Britain and the South African republics. While the American

Government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington,

affirmed by every succeeding President and imposed upon us by

The Hague Treaty, of non-intervention in European

controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way

may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties,

to terminate the strife between them.

"In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility

of our victories in the Spanish war the President and the

Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No

other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty

throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That

course created our responsibility before the world, and with

the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed

from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order,

and for the establishment of good government and for the

performance of international obligations. Our authority could

not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign

rights were extended it became the high duty of the Government

to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and

to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all

the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government

consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured

to them by law.

"To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the

same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this

pledge will be performed.

"The Republican party upon its history, and upon this

declaration of its principles and policies, confidently

invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American

people."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900

Prohibition Party Platform and Nominations.

In the next week after the meeting of the Republican national

convention, that of the Prohibition Party was held at Chicago,

opening on the 27th of June. It chose Mr. John G. Woolley, of

Chicago (already named by the United Christian Party for Vice

President—see above) to be its candidate for President, with

Mr. Henry B. Metcalfe, of Rhode Island, for Vice President.

Setting aside all political issues save those connected with

the liquor traffic, its declarations were confined to that

subject alone, and were as follows:

"The National Prohibition party, in convention represented at

Chicago, June 27 and 28, 1900, acknowledged Almighty God as

the supreme source of all just government. Realizing that this

Republic was founded upon Christian principles, and can endure

only as it embodies justice and righteousness, and asserting

that all authority should seek the best good of all the

governed, to this end wisely prohibiting what is wrong and

permitting only what is right, hereby records and proclaims:

{652}

"First.—We accept and assert the definition given by Edward

Burke, that a party is 'a body of men joined together for the

purpose of protecting by their joint endeavor the National

interest upon some particular principle upon which they are

all agreed.'

"We declare that there is no principle now advocated, by any

other party, which could be made a fact in government with

such beneficent moral and material results as the principle of

prohibition applied to the beverage liquor traffic; that the

National interest could be promoted in no other way so surely

and widely as by its adoption and assertion through a National

policy and a cooperation therein by every State, forbidding

the manufacture, sale, exportation, importation, and

transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes;

that we stand for this as the only principle proposed by any

party anywhere for the settlement of a question greater and

graver than any other before the American people, and

involving more profoundly than any other their moral future

and financial welfare; and that all the patriotic citizenship

of this country agreed upon this principle, however much

disagreement there may be as to minor considerations and

issues, should stand together at the ballot-box from this time

forward until prohibition is the established policy of the

United States, with a party in power to enforce it and to

insure its moral and material benefits.

"We insist that such a party agreed upon this principle and

policy, having sober leadership, without any obligation for

success to the saloon vote and to those demoralizing political

combinations, can successfully cope with all other and lesser

problems of government, in legislative halls and in the

executive chair, and that it is useless for any party to make

declarations in its platform as to any questions concerning

which there may be serious differences of opinion in its own

membership and as to which, because of such differences, the

party could legislate only on a basis of mutual concessions

when coming into power.

"We submit that the Democratic and Republican parties are

alike insincere in their assumed hostility to trusts and

monopolies. They dare not and do not attack the most dangerous

of them all, the liquor power. So long as the saloon debauches

the citizen and breeds the purchasable voter, money will

continue to buy its way to power. Break down this traffic,

elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship will find a way to

control dangerous combinations of capital. We purpose, as a

first step in the financial problem of the nation, to save

more than a billion of dollars every year, now annually

expended to support the liquor traffic and to demoralize our

people. When that is accomplished, conditions will have so

improved that with a clearer atmosphere the country can

address itself to the questions as to the kind and quantity of

currency needed.

"Second.—We reaffirm as true indisputably the declaration of

William Windom, when Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabinet

of President Arthur, that 'considered socially, financially,

politically, or morally, the licensed liquor traffic is or

ought to be the overwhelming issue in American politics, and

that the destruction of this iniquity stands next on the

calendar of the world's progress.' We hold that the existence

of our party presents this issue squarely to the American

people, and lays upon them the responsibility of choice

between liquor parties, dominated by distillers and brewers,

with their policy of saloon perpetuation breeding waste,

wickedness, woe, pauperism, taxation, corruption, and crime,

and our one party of patriotic and moral principle, with a

policy which defends it from domination by corrupt bosses, and

which insures it forever against the blighting control of

saloon politics.

"We face with sorrow, shame, and fear the awful fact that this

liquor traffic has a grip on our Government, municipal, State,

and National, through the revenue system and a saloon

sovereignty, which no other party dare to dispute; a grip

which dominates the party now in power, from caucus to

Congress, from policemen to President, from the rum shop to

the White House; a grip which compels the Executive to consent

that law shall be nullified in behalf of the brewer, that the

canteen shall curse our army and spread intemperance across

the seas, and that our flag shall wave as the symbol of

partnership, at home and abroad, between this Government and

the men who defy and defile it for their unholy gain.

"Third.—We charge upon President McKinley, who was elected to

his high office by appeal to Christian sentiment and

patriotism almost unprecedented and by a combination of moral

influences never before seen in this country, that by his

conspicuous example as a wine-drinker at public banquets and

as a wine-serving host in the White House, he has done more to

encourage the liquor business, to demoralize the temperance

habits of young men, and to bring Christian practices and

requirements into disrepute than any other President this

Republic has had. "We further charge upon President McKinley

responsibility for the Army canteen, with all its dire brood

of disease, immorality, sin and death, in this country, in

Cuba, in Porto Rico and the Philippines; and we insist that by

his attitude concerning the canteen, and his apparent contempt

for the vast number of petitions and petitioners protesting

against it, he has outraged and insulted the moral sentiment

of this country in such a manner and to such a degree as calls

for its righteous uprising and his indignant and effective

rebuke. We challenge denial of the fact that our Chief

Executive, as commander in chief of the military forces of the

United States, at any time prior to or since March 2, 1899,

could have closed every Army saloon, called a canteen, by

executive order, as President Hayes in effect did before him,

and should have closed them, for the same reason that actuated

President Hayes; we assert that the act of Congress passed

March 2, 1899, forbidding the sale of liquor, 'in any post

exchange or canteen,' by any 'officer or private soldier' or

by 'any other person on any premises used for military

purposes in the United States,' was and is as explicit an act

of prohibition as the English language can frame; we declare

our solemn belief that the Attorney-General of the United

States in his interpretation of that law, and the Secretary of

War in his acceptance of that interpretation and his refusal

to enforce the law, were and are guilty of treasonable

nullification thereof, and that President McKinley, through

his assent to and indorsement of such interpretation and

refusal on the part of officials appointed by and responsible

to him, shares responsibility in their guilt; and we record

our conviction that a new and serious peril confronts our

country, in the fact that its President, at the behest of the

beer power, dare and does abrogate a law of Congress, through

subordinates removable at will by him and whose acts become

his, and thus virtually confesses that laws are to be

administered or to be nullified in the interest of a

law-defying business, by an Administration under mortgage to

such business for support.

{653}

"Fourth.-We deplore the fact that an Administration of this

Republic claiming the right and power to carry our flag across

seas, and to conquer and annex new territory, should admit its

lack of power to prohibit the American saloon on subjugated

soil, or should openly confess itself subject to liquor

sovereignty under that flag. We are humiliated, exasperated

and grieved by the evidence painfully abundant that this

Administration's policy of expansion is bearing so rapidly its

first fruits of drunkenness, insanity and crime under the

hothouse sun of the tropics; and when the president of the

first Philippine Commission says 'It was unfortunate that we

introduced and established the saloon there, to corrupt the

natives and to exhibit the vices of our race,' we charge the

inhumanity and un-Christianity of this act upon the

Administration of William McKinley and upon the party which

elected and would perpetuate the same.

"Fifth.—We declare that the only policy which the Government

of the United States can of right uphold as to the liquor

traffic under the National Constitution upon any territory

under the military or civil control of that Government is the

policy of prohibition; that 'to establish justice, insure

domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote

the general welfare, and insure the blessings of liberty to

ourselves and our posterity,' as the Constitution provides,

the liquor traffic must neither be sanctioned nor tolerated,

and that the revenue policy, which makes our Government a

partner with distillers and brewers and barkeepers, is a

disgrace to our civilization, an outrage upon humanity, and a

crime against God.

"We condemn the present Administration at Washington because

it has repealed the prohibitory law in Alaska, and has given

over the partly civilized tribes there to be the prey of the

American grogshop, and because it has entered upon a license

policy in our new possessions by incorporating the same in the

revenue act of Congress in the code of laws for the government

of the Hawaiian Islands.

"We call general attention to the fearful fact that

exportation of liquors from the United States to the

Philippine Islands increased from $337 in 1898 to $167,198 in

the first ten months of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900;

and that while our exportations of liquor to Cuba never

reached $30,000 a year previous to American occupation of that

island, our exports of such liquors to Cuba during the fiscal

year of 1899 reached the sum of $629,655.

"Sixth.—One great religious body (the Baptist) having truly

declared of the liquor traffic 'that it has no defensible

right to exist, that it can never be reformed, that it stands

condemned by its unrighteous fruits as a thing unchristian,

un-American, and perilous utterly to every interest in life';

another great religious body (the Methodist) having as truly

asserted and reiterated that 'no political party has the right

to expect, nor should it receive, the votes of Christian men

so long as it stands committed to the license system or

refuses to put itself on record in an attitude of open

hostility to the saloons'; other great religious bodies having

made similar deliverances, in language plain and unequivocal,

as to the liquor traffic and the duty of Christian citizenship

in opposition thereto, and the fact being plain and undeniable

that the Democratic party stands for license, the saloon, and

the canteen, while the Republican party, in policy and

administration, stands for the canteen, the saloon, and

revenue therefrom, we declare ourselves justified in expecting

that Christian voters everywhere shall cease their complicity

with the liquor curse by refusing to uphold a liquor party,

and shall unite themselves with the only party which upholds

the prohibition policy, and which for nearly thirty years has

been the faithful defender of the church, the State, the home,

and the school against the saloon, its expanders and

perpetuators, their actual and persistent foes.

"We insist that no differences of belief, as to any other

question or concern of government, should stand in the way of

such a union of moral and Christian citizenship as we hereby

invite for the speedy settlement of this paramount moral,

industrial, financial, and political issue which our party

presents; and we refrain from declaring ourselves upon all

minor matters as to which differences of opinion may exist

that hereby we may offer to the American people a platform so

broad that all can stand upon it who desire to see sober

citizenship actually sovereign over the allied hosts of evil,

sin, and crime in a government of the people, by the people,

and for the people.

"We declare that there are but two real parties to-day

concerning the liquor traffic—Perpetuationists and

Prohibitionists—and that patriotism, Christianity, and every

interest of genuine republicanism and of pure democracy,

besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, require the

speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the ballot-box, of all

who oppose the liquor traffic's perpetuation, and who covet

endurance for this Republic."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

The delegates of the Democratic Party met in national

convention at Kansas City, on the Fourth of July. By unanimous

vote, on the following day, they again nominated William J.

Bryan, of Nebraska, for President, and subsequently associated

with him ex-Vice President Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,

for Vice President. The platform, adopted on the same day,

reiterating the demand of 1896 for a free and unlimited

coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, but emphasizing the

question of colonial expansion as the "paramount issue of the

campaign," was as follows: "'We, the representatives of the

Democratic party of the United States, assembled in national

convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the

Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that

immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and

our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith

by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with the United States

Supreme Court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit

of our government, of which the constitution is the form and

letter.

{654}

We declare again that all governments instituted among men

derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;

that any government not based upon the consent of the governed

is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government

of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those

of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag

and denounce the doctrine that an executive or congress,

deriving their existence and their powers from the

constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in

violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half

republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that

imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to

despotism at home.

"Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the

Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the

protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold

and open violation of the Nation's organic law and a flagrant

breach of National good faith. It imposes upon the people of

Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxation

without representation. It dishonors the American people by

repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the

commanding general of our Army, which the Porto Ricans

welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their

land. It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose

helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and

magnanimity. In this, the first act of its imperialistic

programme, the Republican party seeks to commit the United

States to a colonial policy inconsistent with republican

institutions and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous

decisions.

"We demand the prompt and honest fulfilment of our pledge to

the Cuban people and the world, that the United States has no

disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty,

jurisdiction, or control over the island of Cuba, except for

its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound

peace reigns over all the island, and still the Administration

keeps the government of the island from its people, while

Republican carpetbag officials plunder its revenue and exploit

the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people.

"We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present

Administration. It has embroiled the Republic in an

unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest

sons, and placed the United States, previously known and

applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in

the false and un-American position of crushing with military

force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and

self-government. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without

endangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without

imperilling our form of government; and as we are not willing

to surrender our civilization, or to convert the Republic into

an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's

purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable form of

government; second, independence; and third, protection from

outside interference such as has been given for nearly a

century to the republics of Central and South America. The

greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of

the Republican Administration attempts to justify it with the

plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea

fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of 'criminal

aggression' against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense

of many millions, has already cost more than any possible

profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for

years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended at the

expense of liberty the price is always too high.

"We are not opposed to territorial expansion, when it takes in

desirable territory which can be erected into States in the

Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American

citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and

legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the

seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed

outside the Constitution and whose people can never become

citizens. We are in favor of extending the Republic's

influence among the nations, but believe that influence should

be extended not by force and violence, but through the

persuasive power of a high and honorable example.

"The importance of other questions now pending before the

American people is in nowise diminished and the Democratic

party takes no backward step from its position on them; but

the burning issue of imperialism, growing out of the Spanish

war, involving the very existence of the Republic and the

destruction of our free institutions, we regard as the

paramount issue of the campaign.

"The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the

Philadelphia Convention, held in June, 1900, that the

Republican party 'steadfastly adheres to the policy announced

in the Monroe Doctrine,' is manifestly insincere and

deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed

policy of that party, in opposition to the spirit of the

Monroe Doctrine, to acquire and hold sovereignty over large

areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern

Hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe

Doctrine in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit,

as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on

these continents and as essential to our supremacy in American

affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people

shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to

European authority.

"We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and

intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm

which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what

millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will

impose upon our peace loving people a large standing army, an

unnecessary burden of taxation, and would be a constant menace

to their liberties. A small standing army and a well

disciplined State militia are amply sufficient in time of

peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military

establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory military

service and conscription. When the Nation is in danger the

volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National

Guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the

patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever

an element of strength and safety. For the first time in our

history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been

a wholesale departure from our time honored and approved

system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as

un-American, undemocratic and unrepublican and as a subversion

of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people.

{655}

"Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They

destroy competition, control the price of raw material and of

the finished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer.

They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms

and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy and

small capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are

the most efficient means yet devised for appropriating the

fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the expense of

the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checked, all

wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic

destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the

Republican party in its State and National platforms is

conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are

the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are

fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by

the Republican Administration in return for campaign

subscriptions and political support. We pledge the Democratic

party to an unceasing warfare in Nation, State and city

against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against

trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be

enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of

corporations engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all

corporations to show, before doing business outside of the

State of their origin, that they have no water in their stock,

and that they have not attempted and are not attempting to

monopolize any branch of business or the production of any

articles of merchandise; and the whole constitutional power of

Congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all modes of

interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment

of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.

"Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of

trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea

of protection. The failure of the present Republican

Administration, with an absolute control over all the branches

of the National Government, to enact any legislation designed

to prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and

illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws

already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the

high sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations

should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate

interests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations

to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to

control the sovereignty which creates them should be forbidden

under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. We

condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust breeding measure

skilfully devised to give to the few favors which they do not

deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should

not bear. We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the

Interstate Commerce law as will enable the Commission to

protect individuals and communities from discrimination and

the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates.

"We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National

Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896 and we

reiterate the demand of that platform for an American

financial system made by the American people for themselves,

which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and

as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free

and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal

ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of

any other nation.

"We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of

Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims

to discredit the sovereign right of the National Government to

issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon

National banks the power to issue and control the volume of

paper money for their own benefit. A permanent National bank

currency, secured by Government bonds, must have a permanent

debt to rest upon, and, if the bank currency is to increase

with population and business, the debt must also increase. The

Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for

fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt for

the benefit of the banks. We are opposed to this private

corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal

tender qualities, and demand the retirement of National bank

notes as fast as Government paper or silver certificates can

be substituted for them. We favor an amendment to the Federal

Constitution providing for the election of United States

Senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor direct

legislation wherever practicable. We are opposed to government

by injunction; we denounce the blacklist, and favor

arbitration as a means of settling disputes between

corporations and their employés.

"In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the

workingman as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our

country, we recommend that Congress create a Department of

Labor, in charge of a Secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet,

believing that the elevation of the American laborer will

bring with it increased production and increased prosperity to

our country at home and to our commerce abroad. We are proud

of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and

sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and

their dependents; and we reiterate the position taken in the

Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and

service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease

and disability before enlistment.

"We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of

the Nicaraguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the

insincerity of the plank in the Republican national platform

for an Isthmian canal, in the face of the failure of the

Republican majority to pass the bill pending in Congress.

"We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of

American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the

American people.

"We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out

its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona,

New Mexico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those

territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their

condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a

territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico.

"We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of

the West, storing the waters for the purposes of irrigation,

and the holding of such lands for actual settlers.

{656}

"We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the

Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes

of all Asiatic races.

"Jefferson said: 'Peace, commerce and honest friendship with

all nations, entangling alliances with none.' We approve this

wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the

Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world

politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue

and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the

ill-concealed Republican alliance with England, which must

mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which

has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being

strangled in Africa.

"Believing in the principles of self-government and rejecting,

as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy, we view with

indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the

South African Republics. Speaking, as we believe, for the

entire American nation, except its Republican officeholders,

and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the

heroic Burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their

liberty and independence.

"We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican

congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the

perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the

accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced

frauds upon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bill, which,

under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building,

would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite

contributors to the Republican campaign fund.

"We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes,

and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict

economy in governmental expenditures.

"Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great

peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic

is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will

determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those

blessed privileges of free government which have made the

United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask

for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support

of the liberty-loving American people, regardless of previous

party affiliations."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Silver Republican Platform and Nominations.

The Republicans who broke from their party in 1896 on the

silver question, and supported Mr. Bryan for the presidency,

were still in affiliation with him and his party, but

preserving a distinct organization, assuming the name of

Lincoln Republicans. Simultaneously with that of the Democrats

(July 6), they held a convention at Kansas City, and named Mr.

Bryan as their candidate for President. The nomination for

Vice President was referred to the national committee, which

ultimately placed Mr. Stevenson's name on the Silver

Republican ticket. The platform adopted differed little in

leading principles from that of the Democratic party, except

in the greater emphasis put on the monetary doctrines that

were common to both. It was as follows:

"We, the Silver Republican party, in National Convention

assembled, declare these as our principles and invite the

cooperation of all who agree therewith:

"We recognize that the principles set forth in the Declaration

of Independence are fundamental and everlastingly true in

their applications of governments among men. We believe the

patriotic words of Washington's farewell to be the words of

soberness and wisdom, inspired by the spirit of right and

truth. We treasure the words of Jefferson as priceless gems of

American statesmanship.

"We hold in sacred remembrance the broad philanthropy and

patriotism of Lincoln, who was the great interpreter of

American history and the great apostle of human rights and of

industrial freedom, and we declare, as was declared by the

convention that nominated the great emancipator, that the

maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration

of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution,

'that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by

their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among

these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to

secure these rights governments are instituted among men,

deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,'

is essential to the preservation of our republican

institutions.

"We declare our adherence to the principle of bimetallism as

the right basis of a monetary system under our National

Constitution, a principle that found place repeatedly in

Republican platforms from the demonetization of silver in 1873

to the St. Louis Republican Convention of 1896. Since that

convention a Republican Congress and a Republican President,

at the dictation of the trusts and money power, have passed

and approved a currency bill which in itself is a repudiation

of the doctrine of bimetallism advocated theretofore by the

President and every great leader of his party.

"This currency law destroys the full money power of the silver

dollar, provides for the payment of all government obligations

and the redemption of all forms of paper money in gold alone;

retires the time-honored and patriotic greenbacks,

constituting one-sixth of the money in circulation, and

surrenders to banking corporations a sovereign function of

issuing all paper money, thus enabling these corporations to

control the prices of labor and property by increasing or

diminishing the volume of money in circulation, thus giving

the banks power to create panics and bring disaster upon

business enterprises. The provisions of this currency law

making the bonded debt of the Republic payable in gold alone

change the contract between the Government and the bondholders

to the advantage of the latter, and is in direct opposition to

the declaration of the Matthews resolution passed by Congress

in 1878, for which resolution the present Republican

President, then a member of Congress, voted, as did also all

leading Republicans, both in the House and Senate. We declare

it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of

this currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and

time-honored principles of the American people before the

Constitution was adopted, but is violative of the principles

of the Constitution itself, and we shall not cease our efforts

until there has been established in its place a monetary

system based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and

gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the

independent action of the United States, under which system

all paper money shall be issued by the Government and all such

money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in payment

of all debts, public and private, without exception.

{657}

"We are in favor of a graduated tax upon incomes, and if

necessary to accomplish this we favor an amendment to the

Constitution.

"We believe that United States Senators ought to be elected by

direct vote of the people, and we favor such amendment of the

Constitution and such legislation as may be necessary to that

end.

"We favor the maintenance and the extension wherever

practicable of the merit system in the public service,

appointments to be made according to fitness, competitively

ascertained, and public servants to be retained in office only

so long as shall be compatible with the efficiency of the

service.

"Combinations, trusts, and monopolies contrived and arranged

for the purpose of controlling the prices and quantity of

articles supplied to the public are unjust, unlawful, and

oppressive. Not only do these unlawful conspiracies fix the

prices of commodities in many cases, but they invade every

branch of the State and National Government with their

polluting influence and control the actions of their employés

and dependents in private life until their influence actually

imperils society and the liberty of the citizen. We declare

against them. We demand the most stringent laws for their

destruction and the most severe punishment of their promoters

and maintainers and the energetic enforcement of such laws by

the courts.

"We believe the Monroe doctrine to be sound in principle and a

wise National policy, and we demand a firm adherence thereto.

We condemn acts inconsistent with it and that tend to make us

parties to the interests and to involve us in the

controversies of European nations and to recognition by

pending treaty of the right of England to be considered in the

construction of an interoceanic canal. We declare that such

canal, when constructed, ought to be controlled by the United

States in the interests of American nations.

"We observe with anxiety and regard with disapproval the

increasing ownership of American lands by aliens and their

growing control over our international transportation, natural

resources, and public utilities. We demand legislation to

protect our public domain, our natural resources, our

franchises, and our internal commerce and to keep them free

and maintain their independence of all foreign monopolies,

institutions, and influences, and we declare our opposition to

the leasing of the public lands of the United States whereby

corporations and syndicates will be able to secure control

thereof and thus monopolize the public domain, the heritage of

the people.

"We are in favor of the principles of direct legislation. In

view of the great sacrifice made and patriotic services

rendered we are in favor of liberal pensions to deserving

soldiers, their widows, orphans, and other dependents. We

believe that enlistment and service should be accepted as

conclusive proof that the soldier was free from disease and

disability at the time of his enlistment. We condemn the

present administration of the pension laws.

"We tender to the patriotic people of the South African

Republics our sympathy and express our admiration for them in

their heroic attempts to preserve their political freedom and

maintain their national independence. We declare the

destruction of these republics and the subjugation of their

people to be a crime against civilization. We believe this

sympathy should have been voiced by the American Congress, as

was done in the case of the French, the Greeks, the

Hungarians, the Poles, the Armenians, and the Cubans, and as

the traditions of this country would have dictated. We declare

the Porto Rican Tariff law to be not only a serious but a

dangerous departure from the principles of our form of

government. We believe in a republican form of government and

are opposed to monarchy and to the whole theory of

imperialistic control.

"We believe in self-government—a government by the consent of

the governed—and are unalterably opposed to a government based

upon force. It is clear and certain that the inhabitants of

the Philippine Archipelago cannot be made citizens of the

United States without endangering our civilization. We are,

therefore, in favor of applying to the Philippine Archipelago

the principle we are solemnly and publicly pledged to observe

in the case of Cuba.

"There no longer being any necessity for collecting war taxes,

we demand the repeal of the war taxes levied to carry on the

war with Spain.

"We favor the immediate admission into the union of States the

Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.

"We demand that our nation's promises to Cuba shall be

fulfilled in every particular.

"We believe the National Government should lend every aid,

encouragement, and assistance toward the reclamation of the

arid lands of the United States, and to that end we are in

favor of a comprehensive survey thereof and an immediate

ascertainment of the water supply available for such

reclamation, and we believe it to be the duty of the General

Government to provide for the construction of storage

reservoirs and irrigation works so that the water supply of

the arid region may be utilized to the greatest possible

extent in the interests of the people, while preserving all

rights of the State.

"Transportation is a public necessity and the means and

methods of it are matters of public concern. Railway companies

exercise a power over industries, business, and commerce which

they ought not to do, and should be made to serve the public

interests without making unreasonable charges or unjust

discriminations.

"We observe with satisfaction the growing sentiment among the

people in favor of the public ownership and operation of

public utilities.

"We are in favor of expanding our commerce in the interests of

American labor and for the benefit of all our people by every

honest and peaceful means. Our creed and our history justify

the nations of the earth in expecting that wherever the

American flag is unfurled in authority human liberty and

political liberty will be found. We protest against the

adoption of any policy that will change in the thought of the

world the meaning of our flag.

"We are opposed to the importation of Asiatic laborers in

competition with American labor, and favor a more rigid

enforcement of the laws relating thereto.

"The Silver Republican party of the United States, in the

foregoing principles, seeks to perpetuate the spirit and to

adhere to the teachings of Abraham Lincoln."

{658}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Platform of the American League of Anti-Imperialists.

Republicans and others opposed to a policy of conquest, and to

the government of people, not as citizens, but as subjects of

the Republic of the United States, and who wished to make that

opposition distinct and emphatic in the presidential canvass,

met in convention at Indianapolis, on the 16th of August, as

the "Liberty Congress of the American League of

Anti-Imperialists." One party among them thought the best

demonstration of public opinion on this issue could be

obtained by the nomination of a third ticket; while another

and larger party deemed it expedient to indorse the candidacy

of William J. Bryan, as a pronounced opponent of the imperial

policy. The views of the latter prevailed, and the indorsement

of Mr. Bryan was carried in the convention; but many of the

former refused submission to the vote of the majority, and

subsequently held a Third Party convention at New York (see

below). The Indianapolis Declaration was as follows:

"This Liberty Congress of Anti-Imperialists recognizes a great

National crisis, which menaces the Republic, upon whose future

depends in such large measure the hope of freedom throughout

the world. For the first time in our country's history the

President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people and to

rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of

the flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has

arrogated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants

of the Philippines government without their consent and

taxation without representation. He is waging war upon them

for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which

our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes and their

sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress authority to

govern the territories of the United States without

constitutional restraint.

"We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths,

not less self-evident to-day than when first announced by our

fathers, are of universal application and cannot be abandoned

while government by the people endures.

"We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives

the President and Congress certain limited powers and secures

to every man within the jurisdiction of our Government certain

essential rights. We deny that either the President or

Congress can govern any person anywhere outside the

Constitution.

"We are absolutely opposed to the policy of President

McKinley, which proposes to govern millions of men without

their consent, which in Porto Rico establishes taxation

without representation, and government by the arbitrary will

of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and

in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands

unconditional surrender from a people who are of right free

and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever been

a struggle for constitutional liberty. There is no liberty if

the citizen has no right which the Legislature may not invade,

if he may be taxed by the Legislature in which he is not

represented, or if he is not protected by fundamental law

against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of

the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and

the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of

American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no

representation in the Congress which taxes them. This is the

government of men by arbitrary power without their consent.

This is imperialism. There is no room under the free flag of

America for subjects. The President and Congress, who derive

all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man

without regard to its limitations.

"We believe the greatest safeguard of liberty is a free press,

and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines, which

keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done

in their name, be abolished. We are entitled to know the

truth, and we insist that the powers which the President holds

in trust for us shall not be used to suppress it.

"Because we thus believe, we oppose the reelection of Mr.

McKinley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous

campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his

attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can

have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a

Chief Magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked

purpose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the

character of their government and to destroy their National

ideals.

"We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this

crisis for the American people again to declare their faith in

the universal application of the Declaration of Independence

and to reassert their will that their servants shall not have

or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by

the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommendations

to our countrymen:

"First, that, without regard to their views on minor questions

of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr.

McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has

done.

"Second, that they vote for those candidates for Congress in

their respective districts who will oppose the policy of

imperialism.

"Third, while we welcome any other method of opposing the

re-election of Mr. McKinley we advise direct support of Mr.

Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. We

are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest

purpose to secure to the Filipinos their independence. His

position and the declarations contained in the platform of his

party on the vital issue of the campaign meet our unqualified

approval.

"We recommend that the Executive committees of the American

Anti-Imperialist League and its allied leagues continue and

extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the

movement; and that they take the most active part possible in

the pending political campaign.

"Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm

friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of

them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the

President. After the next election it becomes the policy of

every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus becomes with

him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed.

"In declaring that the principles of the Declaration of

Independence apply to all men, this Congress means to include

the negro race in America as well as the Filipinos. We

deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North,

to deprive the negro of his rights as a citizen under the

Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United

States."

{659}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

The "Third Party" Anti-Imperialist Platform and Nominations.

The Anti-Imperialists who desired a Third Party ticket in the

field, called a convention which met in the city of New York,

September 5, and put in nomination for President and Vice

President Senator Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, and

Archibald Murray Howe, of Massachusetts. The name "National

Party" was assumed, and its "aims and purposes" were thus

declared:

"We find our country threatened with alternative perils. On

the one hand is a public opinion misled by organized forces of

commercialism, that have perverted a war intended by the

people to be a war of humanity into a war of conquest. On the

other is a public opinion swayed by demagogic appeals to

factional and class passions, the most fatal of diseases to a

republic. We believe that either of these influences, if

unchecked, would ultimately compass the downfall of our

country, but we also believe that neither represents the sober

conviction of our countrymen. Convinced that the extension of

the jurisdiction of the United States for the purpose of

holding foreign people as colonial dependents is an innovation

dangerous to our liberties and repugnant to the principles

upon which our Government is founded, we pledge our earnest

efforts through all constitutional means:

"First, to procure the renunciation of all imperial or

colonial pretensions with regard to foreign countries claimed

to have been acquired through or in consequence of military or

naval operations of the last two years.

"Second, we further pledge our efforts to secure a single gold

standard and a sound banking system.

"Third, to secure a public service based on merit only.

"Fourth, to secure the abolition of all corrupting special

privileges, whether under the guise of subsidies, bounties,

undeserved pensions or trust breeding tariffs."

Within a few weeks after the holding of this convention,

Senator Caffery and Mr. Howe withdrew their names from the

canvass, and it was decided to appoint electors-at-large in as

many states as possible, to receive the votes of those

supporting the movement.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

Social Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

The last distinct movement of organization for the

presidential election was that of a "Social Democratic Party,"

whose convention, at Chicago, September 29, placed Eugene V.

Debs, of Illinois, in nomination for President, and Job

Harriman, of California, for Vice President, on principles

declared as follows:

"The Social Democratic party of America declares that life,

liberty, and happiness depend upon equal political and

economic rights.

"In our economic development an industrial revolution has

taken place, the individual tool of former years having become

the social tool of the present. The individual tool was owned

by the worker, who employed himself and was master of his

product. The social tool, the machine, is owned by the

capitalist, and the worker is dependent upon him for

employment. The capitalist thus becomes the master of the

worker, and is able to appropriate to himself a large share of

the product of his labor.

"Capitalism, the private ownership of the means of production,

is responsible for the insecurity of subsistence, the poverty,

misery, and degradation of the ever-growing majority of our

people; but the same economic forces which have produced and

now intensify the capitalist system will necessitate the

adoption of Socialism, the collective ownership of the means

of production for the common good and welfare.

"The present system of social production and private ownership

is rapidly converting society into two antagonistic classes—i.

e., the capitalist class and the propertyless class. The

middle class, once the most powerful of this great nation, is

disappearing in the mill of competition. The issue is now

between the two classes first named. Our political liberty is

now of little value to the masses unless used to acquire

economic liberty. Independent political action and the

trade-union movement are the chief emancipating factors of the

working class, the one representing its political, the other

its economic wing, and both must cooperate to abolish the

capitalist system.

"Therefore, the Social Democratic party of America declares

its object to be:

"First—The organization of the working class into a political

party to conquer the public powers now controlled by

capitalists.

"Second—The abolition of wage-slavery by the establishment of

a National system of cooperative industry, based upon the

social or common ownership of the means of production and

distribution, to be administered by society in the common

interest of all its members, and the complete emancipation of

the socially useful classes from the domination of capitalism.

"The working class and all those in sympathy with their

historic mission to realize a higher civilization should sever

connection with all capitalist and reform parties and unite

with the Social Democratic party of America. The control of

political power by the Social Democratic party will be

tantamount to the abolition of all class rule. The solidarity

of labor connecting the millions of class-conscious

fellow-workers throughout the civilized world will lead to

international Socialism, the brotherhood of man.

"As steps in that direction, we make the following demands:

"First-Revision of our Federal Constitution, in order to

remove the obstacles to complete control of government by the

people irrespective of sex.

"Second—The public ownership of all industries controlled by

monopolies, trusts, and combines.

"Third—The public ownership of all railroads, telegraphs, and

telephones; all means of transportation and communication; all

water-works, gas and electric plants, and other public

utilities.

"Fourth—The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper,

lead, iron, coal, and other mines, and all oil and gas wells.

"Fifth—The reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to

the increasing facilities of production.

{660}

"Sixth—The inauguration of a system of public works and

improvements for the employment of the unemployed, the public

credit to be utilized for that purpose.

"Seventh—Useful inventions to be free, the inventor to be

remunerated by the public.

"Eighth—Labor legislation to be National instead of local, and

international when possible.

"Ninth—National insurance of working people against

accidents, lack of employment, and want in old age.

"Tenth—Equal civil and political rights for men and women, and

the abolition of all laws discriminating against women.

"Eleventh—The adoption of the initiative and referendum,

proportional representation, and the right of recall of

representatives by the voters.

"Twelfth—Abolition of war and the introduction of

international arbitration."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

The Canvass and Election.

The canvass preceding the election was much less excited than

that of 1896. The confusion of issues greatly lessened the

intensity with which they were discussed. Mr. Bryan again took

the field in person, travelling widely through all parts of

the country, making great numbers of speeches to immense

audiences everywhere; and Governor Roosevelt did the same on

the Republican side, to a somewhat less extent.

The election, which occurred on the 6th of November, was

conducted with the quiet order that is rarely broken at such

times in America. About fourteen millions of votes were cast,

of which, according to the returns compiled for the Tribune

Almanac,

President McKinley received 7,214,027,

and Bryan, 6,342,514.

For the Prohibition ticket, 197,112 votes were cast;

for the Socialist Labor ticket, 32,433;

for the Social Democratic ticket, 82,904;

and 78,444 votes were scuttered among other candidates.

The States carried for McKinley were:

California, giving 9 electoral votes;

Connecticut, 6;

Delaware, 3;

Illinois, 24;

Indiana, 15;

Iowa, 13;

Kansas, 10;

Maine, 6;

Maryland, 8;

Massachusetts, 15;

Michigan, 14;

Minnesota, 9;

Nebraska, 8;

New Hampshire, 4;

New Jersey, 10;

New York, 36;

North Dakota, 3;

Ohio, 23;

Oregon, 4;

Pennsylvania, 32;

Rhode Island, 4;

South Dakota, 4;

Utah, 3;

Vermont, 4;

Washington, 4;

West Virginia, 6;

Wisconsin, 12;

Wyoming, 3;

Total, 292.

For Bryan, the electoral votes of the following States

were given:

Alabama, 11;

Arkansas, 8;

Colorado, 4;

Florida, 4;

Georgia, 13;

Idaho, 3;

Kentucky, 13;

Louisiana, 8;

Mississippi, 9;

Missouri, 17;

Montana, 3;

Nevada, 3;

North Carolina, 11;

South Carolina, 9;

Tennessee, 12;

Texas, 15;

Virginia, 12;

Total, 155.

President McKinley was re-elected by a majority of 137 votes

in the Electoral College, and by a majority of nearly half a

million of the popular vote.

" The popular vote for President shows three interesting

things:

"(1) Many men of each party abstained from voting, for the

total was only 45,132 greater than in 1896, whereas the

increase in population adds about a million to the electorate

every four years. The total vote last year was 13,970,234. Mr.

McKinley received only about 100,000 more than in 1896, and

Mr. Bryan 130,000 less. Many men in each party, then, were

dissatisfied with their candidate and platform.

"(2) Mr. Bryan's largest gains were in New England, because of

the anti-Imperialistic feeling, and in New York and New Jersey

and Illinois, because of a milder fear of financial

disturbance; and his losses were greatest in Utah, in

Colorado, and in the Pacific States, an indication of better

times and of less faith in free silver.

"(3) Twelve Southern States cast a smaller vote than in 1896,

partly because of the elimination of the Negroes, and partly

because many Gold Democrats abstained from voting."

The World's Work, February, 1901.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

The Democratic candidate on "Imperialism."

The issue which ought to have been supreme in the Presidential

election, because fundamental principles of government and

lasting consequences of policy were bound up in it, but which

was unhappily confused by prevailing anxieties in the

sensitive region of commercial and industrial affairs, is more

broadly and adequately defined in the declarations of the two

leading candidates, on their formal acceptance of nominations

by the Democratic and Republican parties, than it is in the

party platforms quoted above. The first to speak was Mr.

Bryan. Responding to the committee which notified him of his

nomination, at Indianapolis, ou the 8th of August, he devoted

the greater part of his remarks to the policy of colonial

acquisition on which the government had been embarked. The

following passages are fairly representative of the view taken

by those who condemned what they termed "imperialism," in the

undertaking of the government of the American Republic to

impose its sovereignty upon the people of the Philippine

Islands, and to hold their country as a "possession:"

"When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote

of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the

purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the

country, without regard to party, applauded. Although the

Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily

gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in

the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete

victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which

they gave to the President. When the war was over and the

Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a

colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself.

"When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty

which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for

the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States,

the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many

preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might

follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of

the treaty by the independent action of this country. I was

among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the

treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the

excuse for war expenditures, and then give the Filipinos the

independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.

… The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to

deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The

Bacon resolution, introduced a mouth before hostilities broke

out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the

same terms that it was promised to the Cubans.

{661}

I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption

prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented

bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would

have ended hostilities. … If the Bacon resolution had been

adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either

at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time

afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism

out of politics and left the American people free to deal with

their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by

the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time

to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action

whatever in the matter.

"When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and

Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those

who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during

the progress of the war, the same Republicans have accused the

opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the

Filipinos. …

"The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans

now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement, not

only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in

their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to

censure all who have used language calculated to make the

Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech

of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal,

'Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed a sentiment

which still echoes in the hearts of men. Let them censure

Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used

words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in

political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared

that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.

Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of

Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln,

whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular

government when the present advocates of force and conquest

are forgotten. … If it were possible to obliterate every word

written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in

the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still

leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself

who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never

made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or

intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.

"Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of

empire must, consider not only the effect of imperialism on

the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon

our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of

self-government in the Philippines without weakening that

principle here. …

"Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek

to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to

claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson

spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no

one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared:

'If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other

in the mind of every American, it is that we should have

nothing to do with conquest.' And again he said: 'Conquest is

not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our

government.' The forcible annexation of territory to be

governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the

acquisition of territory to be built up into states as a

monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does

not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the

Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by

American citizens, or adds to our population people who are

willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging

their duties as such. …

"A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine

Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few

officeholders and an army large enough to support the

authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule

the natives. If we have an imperial policy we must have a

great standing army as its natural and necessary complement.

The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation of the

Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands

and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest

we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military

establishment. …

"The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands

will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a

right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the

future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a

subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten

million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history

that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in

making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No

Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such

a proposition. The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate

immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly

negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describes the

situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens

without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And

what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a

citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the

Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares

that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our

form of government. A Republic can have no subjects. A subject

is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is

unknown in a government deriving its just powers from the

consent of the governed. "The Republican platform says that

'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their

welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the

Filipinos) by law.' This is a strange doctrine for a

government which owes its very existence to the men who

offered their lives as a protest against government without

consent and taxation without representation. In what respect

does the position of the Republican party differ from the

position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the

English government promise a good government to the colonists?

What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did

not the English government promise that the colonists should

have the largest measure of self-government consistent with

their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish

government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure

of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish

duties? The whole difference between a Monarchy and a Republic

may be summed up in one sentence. In a Monarchy the King gives

to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a

Republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to

be a good government. …

{662}

"The Republican platform promises that some measure of

self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even

this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed

after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of

Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the

Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the

only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American

authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to

legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would

disclose the radical departure from history and precedent

contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The

storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an

indication of what may be expected when the American people

are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject.

If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied

the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of

the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret

influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward

friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will

those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000

miles away? …

"Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the

people of the United States, and the twilight of

semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while

the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the

Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine

that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the

forty-five States. The Democratic party disputes this doctrine

and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of

our organic law. There is no place in our system of government

for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. That the

leaders of a great party should claim for any President or

Congress the right to treat millions of people as mere

'possessions' and deal with them unrestrained by the

Constitution or the bill of rights, shows how far we have

already departed from the ancient landmarks and indicates what

may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a

career of empire.

"The territorial form of government is temporary and

preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory

has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same

constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general

laws as the citizen of a state. Take away this security and

his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at

the demand of those who have political influence. This is the

evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is

applied. …

"Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in

support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our

duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an

argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is,

in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally

accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no

matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little

value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no

matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he

belongs. …

"It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations

which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a

government in the Philippine Islands. I reply, first, that the

highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No

obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations

combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of

government, and the substitution of doctrines against which

our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that

our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is

greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who

have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to

trade there. It is argued by some that the Filipinos are

incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to

the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an

official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos

more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that

he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. …

"Republicans ask, 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats

over our dead in the Philippines?' The same question might

have been asked when the American flag floated over

Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the

tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national

cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an

American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but

when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority

withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that

during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made

more progress under the stimulus of independence and

self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag

government held in place by bayonets. The United States and

Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than

they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter

crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as 'benevolent

assimilation.'

"'Can we not govern colonies?', we are asked. The question is

not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can

do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept

responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in

the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the

nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid

the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. …

"Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will

result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not

deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall

not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The

educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most

ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our

domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and

give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must

pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the

Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United

States and mock us for our inconsistency. The principal

arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense

of imperialism are:

"First—That we must improve the present opportunity to become

a world power and enter into international politics.

{663}

"Second—That our commercial interests in the Philippine

Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the

islands permanently.

"Third—That the spread of the Christian religion will be

facilitated by a colonial policy.

"Fourth—That there is no honorable retreat from the position

which the nation has taken.

"The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the

second to the nation's pocket-book. The third is intended for

the church member and the fourth for the partisan. It is

sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more

than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten

decades it has been the most potent influence in the world.

Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to

affect the politics of the human race than all the other

nations of the world combined. Because our Declaration of

Independence was promulgated others have been promulgated.

Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have

fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted, other

constitutions have been adopted. The growth of the principle

of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the

overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has

made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a

place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed.

Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea.

I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the

omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of

physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this

Republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and

fallen since time began.

"The permanent chairman of the last Republican National

Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its

baldness when he said: 'We make no hypocritical pretense of

being interested in the Philippines solely on account of

others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a

sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people

first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We

believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within

the province of government and constitution we mean to

stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.'

This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory

that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and

that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence.

… The Democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade.

It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful

means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human

blood. But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is

unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines

would answer every trade and military necessity, and such a

concession could have been secured at any time without

difficulty.

"It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with

them. We carry on trade to-day with every part of the world,

and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce

of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we

trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of

Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not

been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or

the nations of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade

cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. …

"Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it

would be profitable to the ship-owners, who would carry live

soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it

would be profitable to those who would seize upon the

franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose

salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the

farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those

engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure

without return and risk without reward.

"The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain

classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with

so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has been

termed the 'gunpowder gospel' were urged against the Filipinos

only, it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority

of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the

Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much

wider application and challenges serious consideration. The

religious argument varies in positiveness, from a passive

belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands

for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the

minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the natives

(Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every

bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved, means

righteousness.' … If true Christianity consists in carrying

out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say

that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte

with the sword? …

"Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice

for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of

reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me that

the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his

assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon

it. Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls

instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being

the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth

to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with truth

and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of

peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying

the sword of the spirit; let it be known that they are

citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens

of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its

own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will

be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries

of any other nation.

"The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the

nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands,

but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent

acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. We

won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to

hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine

Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain

possession forever. American blood was shed at San Juan Hill

and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans

independence. The fact that the American flag floats over

Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty

over the islands; the American flag waves over Havana to-day,

but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag

of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a

thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag

representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of

this Republic should become the flag of an empire.

{664}

"There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the

Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic

platform, and it is submitted with confidence to the American

people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will

convene congress in extraordinary session as soon as

inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the

nation's purpose, first, to establish a stable form of

government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now

establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to

give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the

Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their

destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central

and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to

protect Cuba."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.

The Republican candidate on the same subject.

The answer of the party controlling the government to the

impeachment of its policy of colonial acquisition, and

especially of its conduct in the Philippine Islands, was given

by Mr. McKinley, in a letter of acceptance, addressed,

September 8, to the committee which gave him formal notice of

his renomination by the Republican convention. After

rehearsing at considerable length the events which preceded,

attended and followed the capture of Manila, he continued:

"Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila

to capture and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or,

dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after the

destruction of the Spanish fleet; and, if the latter, whither

would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have gone?

What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries

condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to

strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our

triumph over Spain, with which nation we were at war? Was it

not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable

point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the

earliest practicable moment? And was it not our duty to

protect the lives and property of those who came within our

control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any

time between May 1, 1898, and the conclusion of peace without a

stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without

dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace

treaty by the Senate of the United States? There has been no

time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could

or should have left the Philippine Archipelago. After the

treaty of peace was ratified, no power but Congress could

surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of the territory

thus acquired. The Congress has not seen fit to do the one or

the other, and the President had no authority to do either, if

he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the

sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive,

whoever he may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be

attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political

adversaries do less?

"It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting

in the Philippines if Congress had declared its purpose to

give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did

not wait for the action of Congress. They assumed the

offensive; they opened fire on our Army. Those who assert our

responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have

forgotten that, before the treaty was ratified in the Senate,

and while it was being debated in that body and while the

Bacon resolution was under discussion, on February 4, 1899,

the insurgents attacked the American Army, after being

previously advised that the American forces were under orders

not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in

the recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate

that this attack had been carefully planned for weeks before

it occurred. This unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a

time when the Senate was deliberating upon the treaty shows

that no action on our part, except surrender and abandonment,

would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any

fair mind of where the responsibility rests for the shedding

of American blood.

"With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral

contest, we are in danger of being diverted from the real

contention. We are in agreement with all of those who

supported the war with Spain and also with those who counseled

the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great

essential steps there can be no issue and out of these came

all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the

obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline

to act further with them, and here the issue was made. It is our

purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable

to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants and to prepare

them for self-government when they are ready for it and as

rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to do under

my Constitutional authority, and will continue to do until

Congress shall determine the political status of the

inhabitants of the archipelago.

"Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be

reminded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate

but for their assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty

and the Congress which added its sanction by a large

approbation comprised Senators and Representatives of the

people of all parties. Would our opponents surrender to the

insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If

that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly

disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by

our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their

success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of

our Army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago; the

complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the

powers of government over all the other people of the

archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. The effect of

a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done

has already prolonged the rebellion and increases the

necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now

delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment

of civil governments and has influenced many of the insurgents

against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by

General MacArthur under my direction. But for these false

hopes, a considerable reduction could have been had in our

military establishment in the Philippines, and the realization

of a stable government would be already at hand.

{665}

"The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the

sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines to a small

fraction of the population, a single tribe out of 80 or more

inhabiting the archipelago, a faction which wantonly attacked

the American troops in Manila while in rightful possession

under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of

the treaty of peace by the Senate, and which has since been in

active, open rebellion against the United States. We are asked

to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in the

islands, without consulting the majority, and to abandon the

largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us,

to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More, than

this, we are asked to protect this minority in establishing a

government, and to this end repress all opposition of the

majority. We are required to set up a stable government in the

interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired

upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or

sacrifice against its enemies within and against those having

ambitious designs from without. This would require an army and

navy far larger than is now maintained in the Philippines and

still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full

recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of

authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very essence

of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose,

but which by their policy would of necessity be established in

its most offensive form.

"The American people will not make the murderers of our

soldiers the agents of the Republic to convey the blessings of

liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not make them

the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would be a

betrayal of our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos

and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers the

lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would

make possible and easy the commission of such atrocities as

were secretly planned to be executed on the 22d of February,

1899, in the city of Manila, when only the vigilance of our

Army prevented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all

foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its

surroundings. In short, the proposition of those opposed to us

is to continue all the obligations in the Philippines which

now rest upon the Government, only changing the relation from

principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our

responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be

diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is

to be surrendered to another power, which is without

experience or training or the ability to maintain a stable

government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its

international obligations with the rest of the world. To this

we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our

obligations last. In the language of our platform, 'Our

authority should not be less than our responsibility,' and our

present responsibility is to establish our authority in every

part of the islands.

"No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore

public order, establish law, justice and stable conditions as

ours. Neither Congress nor the Executive can establish a

stable government in these islands except under our right of

sovereignty, our authority and our flag. And this we are

doing. We could not do it as a protectorate power so

completely or so successfully as we are doing it now. As the

sovereign power, we can initiate action and shape means to

ends and guide the Filipinos to self-development and

self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate

action, but would be compelled to follow and uphold a people

with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can

protect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved

in dangerous complications; in the other we could not protect

even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Beside,

if we cannot establish any government of our own without the

consent of the governed, as our opponents contend, then we

could not establish a stable government for them or make ours

a protectorate without the like consent, and neither the

majority of the people or a minority of the people have

invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate

even with the consent of the governed without giving

provocation for conflicts and possibly costly wars. Our rights

in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and

will continue so in our present relation. They would not be

thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own

to guarantee another sovereignty.

"Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were

receiving a good title when they concluded the treaty. The

Executive believed it was a good title when he submitted it to

the Senate of the United States for its ratification. The Senate

believed it was a good title when they gave it their

Constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have

doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000

provided by the treaty. If any who favored its ratification

believed it gave us a bad title, they were not sincere. Our

title is practically identical with that under which we hold

our territory acquired since the beginning of the government,

and under which we have exercised full sovereignty and

established government for the inhabitants. It is worthy of

note that no one outside of the United States disputes the

fulness and integrity of the cession. What then is the real

issue on this subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or

not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government

of the Philippines with the sovereignty and authority which

enable us to guide them to regulated liberty, law, safety and

progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible

and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and

authority on our part and with only the embarrassment of a

protectorate which draws us into their troubles without the

power of preventing them. There were those who two years ago

were rushing us on to war with Spain who are unwilling now to

accept its clear consequence, as there are those among us who

advocated the ratification of the treaty of pence, but now

protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must

be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they

make treaties must keep them.

{666}

"Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable

purposes of the Administration in its treatment of the

Philippines are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its

creed or conduct. Freedom is a rock upon which the Republican

party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the great

Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for

which 1,000,000 lives were offered and billions of dollars

expended to make it a lawful legacy of all without the consent

of master or slave. There is a strain of ill-conceived

hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the Constitutional

guarantees to the people of the Philippines while their

nullification is openly advocated at home. Our opponents may

distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the

good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people, who

are opposing them; they may fear the worst form of imperialism

with the helpless Filipinos in their hands, but if they do, it

is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the

fathers and have lost the virility of the founders of the

party which they profess to represent.

"The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to

the Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of

the fathers remained unexecuted until the people under the

lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle

turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into the

Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to

American citizenship and it has never broken them or counseled

others in breaking them. It will not be guided in its conduct by

one set of principles at home and another set in the new

territory belonging to the United States. If our opponents

would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of Abraham

Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our

institutions at home or their rightful influence in any

territory over which our flag floats.

"Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines

by American freemen. The flag of the Republic now floats over

these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the

Republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings

of liberty, education and free institutions, or steal away,

leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? The American question

is between duty and desertion—the American verdict will be for

duty and against desertion, for the Republic against both

anarchy and imperialism."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Revenues and expenditures of the government for the

fiscal year ended June 30, 1900.

The revenues of the Government from all sources (by

warrants) for the fiscal year ended June 30. 1900, were:

From internal revenue.                          $295,327,926.76

From customs.                                    233,164,871.16

From profits on coinage, bullion deposits, etc.    9,992,374.09

From District of Columbia.                         4,008,722.77

From fees-consular, letters patents, and land.     3,291.716.68

From sales of public lands.                        2,836.882.98

From tax on national banks.                        1.998.554.00

From navy pension, navy hospital, clothing,

and deposit funds.                              1,621.558.52

From sales of Indian lands.                        1,384,663.49

From payment of interest by Pacific railways.      1,173,466.43

From miscellaneous.                                  997,375.68

From sales of Government property.                   779,522.78

From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc.            675,706.95

From immigrant fund.                                 537,404.81

From deposits for surveying public lands.            273,247.19

From sales of ordnance material.                     257,265.56

From Soldiers' Home, permanent fund.                 247,926.62

From tax on seal skins, and rent of seal islands.    225,676.47

From license fees, Territory of Alaska.              157,234.94

From trust funds, Department of State.               152,794.56

From depredations on public lands.                    76,307.58

From Spanish indemnity.                               57,000.00

From sales of lands and buildings                  3,842,737.68

From part payment Central Pacific

Railroad indebtedness.                          3,338,016.49

From dividend received for account of

Kansas Pacific Railway.                           821,891.70

From Postal Service.                             102,354,579.29

Total receipts                                   669,595,431.18

The expenditures for the same period were:

For the civil establishment, including foreign

intercourse, public buildings, collecting

the revenues, District of Columbia,

and other miscellaneous expenses                 $98,542,411.37

For the military establishment, including

rivers and harbors, forts, arsenals, sea

coast defenses, and expenses of the war

with Spain and in the Philippines                134,174,761.18

For the naval establishment, including

construction of new vessels, machinery,

armament, equipment, improvement at

navy-yards, and expenses of the war

with Spain and in the Philippines                 55,953,077.72

For Indian Service.                               10,175,100.76

For pensions.                                    140,877,316.02

For interest on the public debt.                  40,160,333.27

For deficiency in postal revenues.                 7,230,778.79

For Postal Service.                              102,354,579.29

Total expenditures.                              590,068,371.00

Showing a surplus of                              79,527,060.18

"As compared with the fiscal year 1899, the receipts for 1900

increased $58,613,426.83. … There was a decrease of

$117,358,388.14 in expenditures."

United States Secretary of the Treasury,

Annual Report on the State of the Finances,

1900, pages 7-9.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Return of losses from all causes in the armies of the

United States since May 1, 1898.

In response to a resolution of the Senate, the following

return (56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document 426) was

made by the Secretary of War, June 1, 1900, showing the losses

from all causes in the armies of the United States between May

1, 1898, and June 30, 1899; casualties in the Philippines

during the war with Spain, and after the close of the war with

Spain down to May 20, 1900; and other interesting details:

Statement showing losses, from all causes, in the armies of

the United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

Average strength.

1898:

Regular Army, 55,853:

Volunteers, 163,103.

1899:

Regular Army, 63,370;

Volunteers, 45,457.

REGULAR ARMY.

CAUSES.               Officers.    Enlisted Men.   Total.

Deaths:

Killed in action.     24             270          294

By Wounds.             7             114          121

Disease.              51           1,524        1,575

Accident.              1              72           73

Drowning.              2              48           50

Suicide.               1              32           33

Murder or homicide.                   26           26

Total                 86           2,086        2,172

Wounded.                109           1,586        1,695

{667}

VOLUNTEERS.

CAUSES.

Officers.   Enlisted Men    Total.

Deaths:

Killed in action.       17           188         205

By wounds.               3            78          81

Disease.               114         3,820       3,934

Accident.                5           137         142

Drowning.                1            40          41

Suicide.                 1            20          21

Murder or homicide.                   26          26

Total.                 141         4,309       4,450

Wounded.                88         1,178       1,266

GRAND TOTAL.

CAUSES.

Officers.   Enlisted Men

Deaths:

Killed In action        38           458

By wounds               10           192

Disease                165         5,344

Accident                 6           209

Drowning                 3            88

Suicide.                 2            52

Murder or homicide.                   52

Total                     224         6,395

Wounded                   197         2,764

Casualties in the Philippines during the war

with Spain, June 30, 1898, to August 13, 1898.

Average strength, 10,900.

Officers.   Enlisted Men.   Total.

Killed

(no deaths from wounds)                   18           18

Wounded                          10          99          109

Total                            10         117          127

In the Philippines, from February 4, 1899, to May 20, 1900,

Average strength, 43,232.

Officers.   Enlisted Men. Total.

Killed or died of wounds.     43          579        622

Deaths:

By disease                 19        1,054      1,073

Accident                    1           43         44

Drowning                    2           94         96

Suicide                     6           23         29

Murder or homicide                      11         11

Total                         71        1,804      1,875

Wounded.                     132        1,897      2,029

Grand total                  203        3,701      3,904

Casualties in the Fifth Corps in the operations against

Santiago, June 22 to July 17, 1898:

KILLED.             WOUNDED.

ACTIONS.

Officers.  Men.      Officers.  Men.

Las Guasimas, June 24       1       15            6      43

El Caney,     July 1        4       77           25     335

San Juan,     July 1-3     15      127           69     945

Aguadores,    July l-2               2                   10

Around Santiago,

July 10-12    1        1            1      11

Total.                     21      222           101  1,344

Died of wounds received in the five battles named:

Officers, 5; men, 70.

Total killed and died of wounds:

Officers, 26; men, 292.

Statement of the number of insane soldiers admitted to the

Government Hospital for the Insane, Washington, D. C., from

the Philippine Islands, May 24, 1900, and the disposition made

of them:

Regulars.   Volunteers.

Admitted                         47           15

Discharged recovered             16            3

Discharged unimproved             1

On visit from hospital            1

Remaining in hospital            29           12

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Immigration for the year ended June 30.

"The Commissioner-General of Immigration, in the annual report

of the operations of his Bureau for the fiscal year ended June

30, 1900, submits tabulated statements showing the arrival in

this country during that period of 448,572 alien immigrants,

425,372 through ports of the United States and 23,200 through

Canada. Of these, 304,148 were males and 144,424 females;

54,624 were under 14 years of age, 370,382 were from 14 to 45

years old, and 23,566 were 45 and over. As to the literacy of

persons 14 years of age and over, there were 93,576 who could

neither read nor write, and 2,097 who could read but were

unable to write; 54,288 brought each $30 or over, and 271,821

showed sums less than $30, the total amounts displayed to

inspectors aggregating $6,657,530. There were returned to

their own countries within one year after landing 356, and

hospital relief was rendered during the year to 2,417. The

total debarred, or refused a landing at the ports, were 4,246,

as compared with 3,798 last year. Of these, 1 was excluded for

idiocy, 32 for insanity, 2,974 as paupers or persons likely to

become public charges, 393 on account of disease, 4 as

convicts, 2 as assisted immigrants, 833 as contract laborers,

and 7 women upon the ground that they had been imported for

immoral purposes. In addition to the foregoing, there were

excluded at the Mexican and Canadian borders a total of 1,616

aliens.

"It appears that the Croatian and Slovenian races sent an

increase of 99 per cent over those of the same races who came

last year; the Hebrew, an increase of 62 per cent; the South

Italian (including Sicilian), 28 per cent; the Japanese, 271

per cent; the Finnish, 106 per cent; the Magyar, 181 per cent;

the Polish, 64 per cent; the Scandinavian, 41 per cent.; the

Slovak, 84 per cent. These nine races, of the total of

forty-one races represented by immigration, furnished nearly

as many immigrants as the total arrivals for the last year, or

310,444, and their aggregate increase represented 85 per cent of

the total increase shown for the year.

{668}

The total immigration reported, 448,572, is in excess of that

for the preceding year, 311,715, by 136,857, or 43.9 per cent.

As to countries of origin, 424,700 came from European, 17,946

from Asiatic, 30 from African, and 5,896 from all other

sources. The Commissioner-General points out that in addition

to the 448,572 immigrants there arrived 65,635 other alien

passengers, who, he contends, should be included in conformity

to law with those classified as immigrants."

United States, Secretary of the Treasury,

Annual Report, 1900, page 37.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Shipping, compared with that of other countries.

See (in this volume)

SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Alaska Act.

See (in this volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).

Returns of Filipinos killed, wounded and captured from the

beginning of hostilities with them.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).

Appeal of citizens of Manila to the

Congress of the United States.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).

Forces sent to China under General Chaffee.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (August).

Agreement with Russian proposal to withdraw troops

from Peking.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September).

Opposition to German proposal for dealing with China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September-November).

Legislative measures of the Philippine Commission.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (October).

Military forces in the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Amendment and ratification of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Celebration of the 100th anniversary of the removal of

the capital to Washington.

See (in this volume)

WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).

Exports for the calendar year exceeding those

of any other nation.

A Press despatch from Washington, dated February 21, 1901,

announced the fact that the "complete figures for the calendar

year 1900, when compared with those of other nations, show

that American exports of domestic products are greater than

those of any other country. The total exports of domestic

merchandise from the United States in the calendar year 1900

were $1,453,013,659; those from the United Kingdom, which has

heretofore led in the race for this distinction were

$1,418,348,000, and those from Germany $1,050,611,000.

Additional interest is given to the first rank which the

United States now holds as an exporting nation by the fact

that a quarter of a century ago she stood fourth in that list.

In 1875 the domestic exports of the United States were

$497,263,737; those of Germany, $607,096,000; those of France,

$747,489,000, and those of the United Kingdom, $1,087,497,000.

To-day the United States stands at the head of the list, the

United Kingdom second, Germany third and France fourth, with

the figures as follows: United States, $1,453,013,659; United

Kingdom, $1,418,348,000; Germany, $1,050,611,000; France,

$787,060,000. All of these figures, it should be remembered,

relate to the exports of domestic products. Thus in the

quarter century the United States has increased her exports

from $497,263,737 to $1,453,013,659, or 192 per cent; Germany,

from $607,096,000 to $1,050,611,000, or 73 per cent; the

United Kingdom, from $1,087,497,000 to $1,418,348,000, or 34

per cent, and France, from $747,489,000 to $787,060,000, or 5

per cent.

"The following table, compiled from official reports, shows

the exports of domestic merchandise from the United States,

the United Kingdom and Germany in each calendar year from 1875

to 1900:

Year      United States   United Kingdom    Germany

1875      $497,263,737    $1,087,497,000    $607,096,000

1876       575,735,804       976,410,000     619,919,000

1877       607,666,495       967,913,000     672,151,000

1878       723,286,821       938,500,000     702,513,000

1879       754,656,755       932,090,000     675,397,000

1880       875,564,075     1,085,521,000     741,202,000

1881       814,162,951     1,138,873,000     724,379,000

1882       749,911,309     1,175,099,000     776,228,000

18&1       777,523,718     1,166,982,000     796,208,000

1884       733,768,764     1,134,016,000     779,832,000

1885       673,593,506     1,037,124,000     695,892,000

1886       699,519,430     1,035,226,000     726,471,000

1887       703,319,692     1,079,944,000     762,897,000

1888       679,597,477     1,141,365,000     780,076,000

1889       814,154,864     1,211,442,000     770,537,000

1890       845,999,603     1,282,474,000     809,810,000

1891       907,333,551     1,203,169,000     772,679,000

1892       923,237,315     1,105,747,000     718,806,000

1893       854,729,454     1,062,162,000     753,301,000

1894       807,312,116     1,051,193,000     720,607,000

1895       807,742,415     1,100,452,000     807,328,000

1896       986,830,080     1,168,671,000     857,745,000

1897     1,079,834,296     1,139,882,000     884,486,000

1898     1,233,564,828     1,135,642,000     894,063,000

1899     1,203,460,000     1,287,971,039   1,001,278,000

1900     1,453,013,659     1,418,348,000   1,050,611,000

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900-1901.

Questions relating to the political status of the new

possessions of the nation submitted to the Supreme Court.

Questions of surpassing importance, touching the political

status of the new possessions which the nation had acquired

from Spain, the relations of their inhabitants to the

government and laws of the United States, the source and

nature of the authority to be exercised over them by the

Congress of the United States, whether exercised under the

constitution of the United States or independently of it, were

taken, in December and January (1900-1901), into the Supreme

Court for authoritative decision, by appeals to that tribunal

made in several suits which had arisen from disputed exactions

of duty on importations from Porto Rico and the Philippine

Islands. The questions had been burning ones in American

politics, from the moment that the treaty of peace with Spain

was signed, and the whole cast, character and consequence of

the new policy of over-sea expansion on which the American

Republic was then launched depended on the decision of the

Court.

{669}

Soon after the January argument and submission of these cases

to the Supreme Court, their extraordinary importance was

touched upon with impressive eloquence by the Honorable W.

Bourke Cockran, in an address upon "John Marshall," in which

he said:

"At this moment the [Supreme Court] is considering the gravest

question ever submitted to a judicial tribunal in the history

of mankind. Within a few days it must decide whether the

government of the United States, or rather whether two of its

departments can govern territory anywhere by the sword, or

whether authority exercised by officers of the United States

must be controlled and limited everywhere by the Constitution

of the United States.

"I do not mention this momentous question to express the

slightest opinion upon its merits, but merely that this

assemblage of judges and of lawyers may realize the part which

the judiciary is now required to play in determining the

influence which this country must exercise forevermore in the

family of nations. The power of Congress to acquire territory

is of course unquestioned, but the disposition to exercise

that power will always be controlled by the conditions under

which newly acquired territory must be held, and these

conditions the court must now prescribe. On the one hand it

may hold that wherever power is exercised under the

constitution there the limitations of the constitution must be

obeyed—that wherever the executive undertakes to administer, or

Congress to legislate, there the judiciary must enforce upon

both respect for the organic law to which they owe their

existence. If this doctrine be established it is clear that no

scheme of forcible conquest will ever be undertaken by this

government, for the simple reason that there can be no profit

in such an enterprise. On the other hand the Court may decide

that Congress can hold newly annexed territories on any terms

that it chooses—that it may govern them according to the

constitution or independently of it—that they may be

administered to establish justice among the governed or for

the glory and profit of the governors. If it be held that

government for profit can be maintained under the authority of

the United States, conceive the extent to which it may be

carried and the consequences which it may portend. If it be

possible to maintain two forms of government under our

constitution, it is possible to establish twenty in as many

different places. Territory may be annexed to the North, to

the South, to the East and to the West. The President of the

United States may be vested with imperial powers in one place,

with royal prerogatives in another and perhaps remain a

constitutional magistrate at home. He may be made a military

autocrat in some South American State, an anointed emperor in

some Northern clime, a turbaned sultan in some Eastern island.

Nay, more, Congress can move itself and the seat of government

from Washington to some newly annexed territory governed by

officers of its own creation, subject to its own unlimited

power, and thus take both outside the jurisdiction of the

Supreme Court.

"Has the world ever before seen—could the framers of this

constitution have conceived—a bench of judges exercising such

a power amid the universal submission and approval of the

whole people. And more extraordinary than all, this submission

remains unanimous though the decision of the court may

seriously affect its own position in the structure of our

government. For if it be held that the constitution does not

extend of itself over newly annexed territory, then clearly

the authority of the court cannot extend to it except by the

action of Congress and the executive. If the authority, that

is to say, the existence of the court in any part of the

territory of the United States, depends upon the other

departments, then it is idle to contend that it is an

independent and coordinate branch of the government. To decide

that the executive and legislative departments have the right

to govern territory outside the constitution the court must

deliberately renounce the importance which it has heretofore

enjoyed and accept for itself an inferior place in our

political system.

"To me this is the most sublime spectacle ever presented in

the history of the world. Think of it! A war has been waged

with signal success, vast territory has been exacted from a

conquered foe; a great political campaign has been fought and

won upon the policy of taking this territory and governing it

at the pleasure of Congress and the executive, yet if the

court should hold that what the executive has attempted, what

Congress has sanctioned, and what the people appear to have

approved at the polls is in contravention of the constitution,

not one voice would be raised to question the judgment or to

resist its enforcement. I have said the spectacle is sublime;

my friends, even a few weeks ago it was inconceivable. Before

the late election I confess I believed and said that the

success of the present administration would be interpreted as

a popular endorsement of its foreign policy and that the

popular verdict would very probably be made to exercise a

strong if not decisive influence on the court. I admit now

that I was mistaken. It is evident that this question will be

decided on its merits without the slightest attempt to coerce,

intimidate or influence the judges, and I say now with all

frankness that whatever may be the judgment it will be the

very best outcome for the people of this country, for the

peace of the world, for the welfare of the human race. I

cannot tell what this outcome may be, but I know that whenever

a crisis has arisen in the pathway of the republic, the

statesmanship of the common people has always met it with

justice and solved it with wisdom."

W. Bourke Cockran,

John Marshall: an address before the Erie County Bar

Association, February 4, 1901, at Buffalo.

Argument before the Supreme Court was begun on the 17th of

December, 1900, on two cases thus stated in the brief

submitted for the government: "On June 6, 1899, Goetze

imported from Porto Rico into the port of New York a quantity

of leaf or filler tobacco, upon which duty was assessed at 35

cents per pound as filler tobacco not specially provided for,

in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 213 of the

tariff act of 1897, commonly known as the 'Dingley Act.' The

importer protested, claiming that the merchandise was not

subject to duty, because Porto Rico at the time of the

importation was not a foreign country and because, therefore,

the imposition of duties on goods brought from a place within

the territory of the United States into a port of the United

States is not lawful and valid under the Constitution.

{670}

The Board of General Appraisers sustained the assessment of

duty imposed by the collector upon the merchandise in

question, and thereupon the importer appealed to the United

States circuit court for the southern district of New York, by

which court the decision of the Board of General Appraisers

was affirmed in an opinion rendered by District Judge

Townsend. From the judgment of the circuit court this appeal

was taken.

"Porto Rico was partially occupied by the war forces of the

United States during the months of July and August, 1898. By

the protocol of August 12, 1898, between the United States and

Spain, Spain agreed to cede Porto Rico to the United States

and immediately evacuate. The evacuation was effected and full

possession of the island assumed by the United States prior to

January 1, 1899. From that date until the 1st of May, 1900,

Porto Rico was occupied and governed by the military forces of

the United States, under the command of the President, as

conquered territory, under the law of belligerent right. The

treaty of Paris, made in pursuance of the protocol, was signed

December 10, 1898, ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899,

and ratifications exchanged April 11, 1899. So that the

importation in this case was subsequent to the ratification of

the treaty, but prior to the establishment of a civil

government in the island under act of Congress. It does not

appear that the importers are citizens of the United States or

of Porto Rico, nor whether or not the imported tobacco was the

product of Porto Rico.

"In the case of Fourteen Diamond Rings, it appears that the

claimant, Pepke, is a citizen of the United States and served

as a United States soldier in the Island of Luzon; that while

there he purchased or acquired the rings in question and

brought them into the United States without paying duty

thereon some time in the year 1899, between July 31 and

September 25. The rings were seized, on May 18, 1900, at

Chicago, by a United States customs officer as merchandise

liable to duty which should have been invoiced, and was

fraudulently imported and brought into the United States

contrary to law. An information for the forfeiture of the

rings was filed on behalf of the Government, June 1, 1900, to

which the claimant pleaded. Setting up that at the time he

acquired said property Luzon was a part of the territory of

the United States and that the seizure of said goods was

contrary to the claimant's right as a citizen of the United

States under the Constitution, and particularly under section

2, Article IV, thereof, and he insisted that under Article I,

section 8, Congress is required in laying and collecting taxes

to see to it that all taxes and duties shall be uniform

throughout the United States. To this plea the United States

demurred, and upon hearing of the demurrer, the district court

gave judgment of forfeiture for the Government. This judgment

the claimant has removed into this court by a writ of error."

The contention of the government as set forth in the same

brief, and the main contention of the appellants in the case,

against which the argument for the government was directed,

were partly as follows:

"The Tariff Act of 1897 declares that 'there shall be levied,

collected and paid upon all articles imported from foreign

countries and mentioned in the schedules herein contained, the

rates of duty which are by the schedules and paragraphs

respectively prescribed.' (30 Stat., 151.)

"The Government contends, and the circuit court so held, that

this act applied to merchandise imported from Porto Rico and

the Philippine Islands after their cession to the United

States exactly as it did before; that within the meaning of

the act these countries are to be regarded as foreign,

belonging to but not forming in a domestic sense a part of the

United States.

"That it is within the constitutional province of the

treaty-making power to accept the cession of foreign territory

upon such terms, conditions, and limitations as to its

internal status as may best subserve the interests of the

United States, and it is not necessary to invest such

territory with the full status of an integral part of the

Union.

"That this is one of the ordinary and necessary sovereign

powers of an independent nation, and nothing in the Federal

Constitution or in the fundamental principles that underlie

our Republic denies to the nation a right to the full exercise

of this usual and common sovereign right.

"That the treaty-making power—the President and the Senate—as

evidenced by the language of the treaty of Paris, did not

intend to make Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands integral

parts of the United States, but intended, in several

particulars, to reserve their final status for adjustment by

Congress, at the same time making peculiar and special

differential provisions for variations and exceptions in

customs and port regulations as to Spain and Spanish goods and

subjects, which are inconsistent with the intention that the

ceded countries became upon the ratification of the treaty a

part of the United States in all respects and in the fullest

sense.

"The Government contends that the term 'foreign countries' in

the act of 1897 is to be regarded as having been understood by

Congress to be subject to the rule of interpretation of the

phrase given by the Supreme Court in the case of Fleming v.

Page, where it was held that under our revenue laws every port

is regarded as a foreign one until expressly established as

domestic under the authority and control of the statutes of

the United States.

"That the clause of the Constitution which declares that

duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the

United States does not apply to nor govern these cases,

because the term 'United States,' as there used, means only

the territory comprised within the several States of the

Union, and was intended only for their benefit and protection,

and not for the benefit or protection of outside territory

belonging to the nation; that in the latter sense duties on

imports from these islands are uniform throughout the United

States, because they are uniformly imposed at every port in

the United States, so that there is no preference given to the

ports of one State over those of another, nor is any

inequality between the several States created.

{671}

"That the right to bring merchandise into the United States is

a right entirely within the regulation of Congress; such right

in no wise differs as to either citizens or aliens.

Citizenship carries with it no special or peculiar privileges

at the custom-house. The American, the Spaniard, the Porto

Rican, are treated alike. The basis of the customs laws is not

ownership, but (1) the geographical origin of the shipment,

and (2) the nature of the goods. The duty is imposed against

merchandise, not upon the importer. "The Government contends,

therefore, that in view of the fact that tariff laws are 'in

rem,' there is no principle of justice, much less of

constitutional restriction, which forbids Congress from taxing

in this way the merchandise of outlying possessions of the

United States when brought into the ports of the Union. That

the limitations of the Constitution as to customs, etc., were

intended to secure equality between the States in the

geographical sense, and not to forbid Congress from exercising

the ordinary sovereign power of taxation as to the products of

other sections of country not included within the geographical

boundaries of the States; for which we rely upon the opinion

of this court in Knowlton v. Moore as decisive and conclusive.

"If the foregoing propositions are sound, then it is

established (1) that the tariff act of 1897 was intended by

Congress to classify as foreign all countries not a part of or

belonging to the United States at the time of its passage, and

the subsequent cession of the Spanish islands to the United

States did not operate to admit imports from those islands

free of duty, under that law; (2) that the tariff act so

construed and enforced violates no constitutional rule of

uniformity.

"And the case of the plaintiffs in error would seem on these

grounds to have no legal foundation.

"The Government might well be content to rest its argument

upon these propositions. But counsel for the plaintiffs in

error, in the court below as well us in this court, have gone

far beyond these limits, and have challenged and denied the

constitutionality of certain provisions of the treaty of

Paris, contending that the cession of Porto Rico and the

Philippine Archipelago effected a complete incorporation of

those countries with the United States, so that they have

become a part of the United States in the fullest and largest

sense, not only internationally, but organically, so

completely, indeed, that no difference or distinction can be

made by law between imports from those countries and imports

from one of the States of the Union.

"They insist that there can be no limited or qualified

acquisition of territory by this nation; that when Porto Rico

was ceded to the United States it came at once under the

obligations of the Constitution and became entitled to the

privileges of the Constitution, its inhabitants citizens of

the United States, and its territory a part of the United

States. They argue, therefore, that the clause of the treaty

which says that 'the civil rights and political status of the

inhabitants shall be determined by the Congress,' in so far as

it is intended to defer the full enjoyment of the rights and

privileges of citizenship under the Constitution until

Congress shall bestow them hereafter upon the inhabitants, is

'ultra vires' and void, or at least superfluous and

ineffective, because the Constitution 'ex proprio vigore'

extends at once, as an automatic operation, to all territory

ceded to this Government, and no treaty or treaty-making power

can hinder or even suspend it. …

"Counsel have been at great pains to prove that the Government

of the United States is one of delegated powers, and that its

powers are not absolute and untrammeled, but subject to

certain limits never and nowhere to be transcended; that the

vague political entity known as The People stands behind the

constituted agencies of government, holding in reserve the

sources of supreme power, capable and ready to alter or

destroy at its pleasure the machinery heretofore set up in its

behalf. They call these doctrines truisms, and so they are.

They do not help us in this case.

"The Government of the United States has been vested not with

all powers but only with certain particular powers. These

particular delegated powers are in some respects limited and

confined in scope and operation, but in other respects they

are entirely unlimited. So that the real and practical

question is whether there is any limitation preventing the

particular thing here complained of.

"It is worth while, in passing, to allude to the undeniable

fact that 'The People' referred to are not the people of the

Territories or of the outlying possessions of the United

States, but the people of the several States, who ordained and

established for themselves and their posterity the Federal

Constitution.

"Counsel confuse ideas when they argue that the contention of

the Government in these cases implies the possession by

Congress of all unlimited and despotic powers in the

government of territory. We mean no more than this court meant

when it said:

"'The power of Congress over the Territories is general and

plenary.

"'Its sovereignty over them is complete.

"'It has full and complete legislative authority over the

people of the Territories and all departments of the

Territorial governments.

"'The people of the United States, as sovereign owners of the

National Territories, have supreme power over them and their

inhabitants.

"'In legislating for the Territories Congress would doubtless

be subject to those fundamental limitations in favor of

personal rights which are formulated in the Constitution and

its amendments, but these limitations would exist rather by

inference and the general spirit of the Constitution than by

any express and direct application of its provisions.'"

In the Supreme Court of the United States,

October Term, 1900, John H. Goetze, Appellant, &c.;

Brief for the United States.

On the 8th of January, 1901, four other causes, involving

substantially the same questions, came before the Supreme

Court, and, by order of the Court, were consolidated, to be

dealt with virtually as one case. The titles of the cases were

respectively as follows:

Elias S. A. Dc Lima et al., plaintiffs in error,

agt. George R. Bidwell;

Samuel B. Downes et al., plaintiffs in error,

agt. George R. Bidwell;

Henry W. Dooley et al., plaintiffs in error,

agt. the United States;

Carlos Armstrong, appellant,

agt. the United States, and George W. Crossmon et al.,

appellants, agt. the United States.

{672}

For the plaintiffs, in the case of Henry W. Dooley et al., the

Honorable John G. Carlisle made an oral argument, in which he

said: "What is the Constitution? In the first place it is not

only the supreme law of the States composing the union, but

the supreme law of the land; supreme over every branch and

department of the Government; supreme over every one

exercising authority under the Government; supreme over every

other law or order or regulation, and supreme over all the

people, wherever they may be, within its jurisdiction, and

what we claim is, that so long as this Constitution exists

absolute and arbitrary power over the lives, liberties, or

property of the people can be exercised nowhere in this

Republic. It is now argued that it is supreme only within the

boundaries of the several States, unless Congress extends it

to the Territories; that it limits the powers of Congress only

when legislating for the geographical area embraced in the

States; that the inhabitants of the States are the only people

who can, as a matter of right, claim the benefit of its

guarantees and prohibitions for the protection even of those

personal and property rights which have for ages been secured

by the common law of England, and that all other people within

the jurisdiction of the United States are dependent for the

protection of their civil rights substantially upon the will

of Congress. The question whether the Constitution should be

declared to be the supreme law of the whole land, or only the

supreme law of the respective States and their inhabitants or

citizens, was presented in the Federal Convention of 1787, and

was finally disposed of by the adoption of the clause as it

now stands in the Constitution, which declares it to be "the

supreme law of the land.

"In the plan proposed by Mr. Charles Pinckney, of South

Carolina, it was provided that 'all acts made by the

legislature of the United States pursuant to this

Constitution, and all treaties made under the authority of the

United States, shall be the supreme law of the land,' etc. (1

Elliot, page 46). Mr. Patterson's plan proposed 'that all acts

of the United States in Congress assembled made by virtue and

in pursuance of the powers hereby vested in them, and by the

Articles of Confederation and all treaties made and ratified

under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme

law of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties

shall relate to such States or their citizens,' etc. (pages

71, 72). These plans and others were referred to the Committee

of the Whole House and were reported back without any

provision upon this subject. Afterwards the Convention

unanimously agreed to the following resolution:

'That the Legislative acts made by virtue and in pursuance of

the Articles of Union and all treaties made and ratified under

the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law

of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties

shall relate to the said States or their citizens or

inhabitants' (page 100). Thus it stood when referred to the

committee of five, of which Mr. Rutledge was chairman, and on

the 6th of August, 1787, that committee reported back to the

Convention a draft of the proposed Constitution, the eighth

article of which was the same as the resolution last quoted,

except that in the place of the words 'Articles of Union' it

contained the words 'this Constitution' (page 120). This

report was considered in the Committee of the Whole, and on

the 23d of August the eighth article was unanimously amended

so as to read: 'This Constitution and all laws of the United

States made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under

the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of

the several States and of their citizens and inhabitants,'

etc. (page 151).

"This was the form in which the article stood when the whole

draft was referred to the committee of eleven, but when

reported back September 12, it constituted the second clause

of the sixth article and declared that the Constitution and

laws and the treaties made and to be made should be 'the

supreme law of the land,' and so it now stands as part of the

Constitution. If the clause had been adopted in the form

agreed to in the committee and inserted in the first draft,

there would have been at least a certain degree of

plausibility in the argument made here for the Government, but

even in that case we think the powers of Congress would have

been limited whenever and wherever it might attempt to

exercise them. But it is argued here that the history of the

Constitution and the language employed in the preamble, and in

some other places, show that it was intended to establish a

government only for such of the States then existing as might

ratify it, and such other States as might thereafter be

admitted into the Union, and that, therefore, while it confers

power upon Congress to govern Territories, it does not require

that body to govern them in accordance with the supreme law of

the land; that is, in accordance with the instrument from

which the power to govern is derived. Even if the premises

were true, the conclusion would not follow; but is it true

that the Constitution was ordained and established for the

government of the States only? If so, how did it happen that

the great men who framed that instrument made it confer the

power to govern Territories as well as States? It is true that

the Constitution was ordained and established by the people of

the States, but it created a National Government for national

purposes, not a mere league or compact between the States, and

jurisdiction was conferred upon that Government over the whole

national domain, whatever its boundaries might be. It is not

true that the Government was established only for the States,

their inhabitants or citizens, but if it were true, then it

could exercise no power outside of the States, and this court

would have to put a new construction upon that provision which

authorizes Congress to dispose of and make all needful rules

and regulations respecting the territory, or other property,

belonging to the United States. The necessary construction of

that clause would be that it conferred power only to dispose

of land or other property, and to make necessary rules and

regulations respecting land or other property belonging to the

United States; that is, belonging to the several States

composing the Union. It would confer no power whatever to

govern the people outside of the States."

Supreme Court of the United States,

October Term, 1900,

Henry W. Dooley [et al.] vs. the United States:

Argument of J. G. Carlisle.

{673}

On one point the argument of Mr. Charles H. Aldrich, attorney

for the plaintiff in the case of the "Fourteen Diamond Rings,"

was as follows: In "the relations of the United States to other

nations, our government is a sovereign state, and has the

right, and as such 'free and independent State has full power,

to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish

commerce, and to do all other acts and things which

independent States may of right do.' In this relation it is

correct, as I conceive, to speak of the United States of

America as a unit and use a singular verb. It is such unit and

has this power because there was created a government upon

which the people conferred these powers. If war is declared it

must be under the constitution; if peace is concluded it is in

the exercise of a constitutional power; if commerce is

established it is because Congress under the constitution was

given power to regulate commerce; if alliances are contracted

it can only be done under the constitution. In short, the

sovereign nation exists through the adoption of the

constitution, and its powers are derived from that instrument

and must be found, as this court has often declared, in the

language thereof or by necessary implication therefrom. We are

in the Philippines and Porto Rico and can be rightfully there

only in the exercise of some of these enumerated powers, as in

the language of the tenth amendment, 'the powers not delegated

to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it

to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to

the people.' This amendment designates the constitution as the

source of the power of the United States and excludes the idea

of power free from constitutional restraint derived by

implication from powers delegated by the constitution.

"Nor is it true that at the time this declaration was made all

independent states or nations claimed and exercised the right

to acquire, hold and govern foreign dependencies, and no state

or nation then recognized its obligation to confer on the

people of such acquired territory the privileges and

immunities enjoyed by the people of the home government,

except at its own will and discretion. It is true that all

independent states claimed and exercised the right to acquire

territory, but if it were important in this case I think the

arguments of Pitt, Camden and Barre could be used to establish

the proposition that under the British Constitution as it

then was, that nation had, from the time of King John and the

Great Charter until King George, recognized that its subjects

had essential rights not dependent upon the 'will and

discretion' of the home government. It is unnecessary to

follow that subject here. It is sufficient that the

Declaration of Independence was brought about by the assertion

on the part of King George and his ministers of precisely the

present doctrine of this administration and its

representatives in this court. If value is to be attached to

contemporary history that fact cannot be lost sight of. The

speeches of Grenville and Townshend in favor of unlimited

power on the part of Parliament over the American colonists

and their affairs have been substantially parodied in Congress

by the advocates of unrestrained power over our 'colonies,' as

it is now unfortunately fashionable to denominate them. The

signers of the Declaration of Independence held that as

subjects of the British Constitution there was no right to

impose taxes upon them without their consent, to deprive them

of trial by jury, to deprive them of their legislatures, and

to declare Parliament in vested with power to legislate for

them 'in all cases whatsoever.' These and other grievances

were held denials of rights belonging to every British subject

as such and to justify rebellion and war. It seems impossible

that a people who rebelled for such reasons established a

State invested with the very power which they had denied to

the British government and the assertions of which made

rebellion necessary.

"This argument that the power to declare war and conclude

peace carries with it, as an auxiliary, power to do whatever

other nations are accustomed to do with the people and

territory acquired through the exercise of these powers, has a

remarkable likeness to the arguments put forward at the

beginning of the century with reference to the Alien and

Sedition Acts. The supporters of the constitutionality of

these acts claimed that the common law had been introduced and

become a part of the constitution of the United States, and

therefore the powers usually exercisable under the common law

could be exercised by the Congress of the United States in the

respects involved in those acts. Mr. Madison's letter

discussing this contention was answered, so far as it asserted

the right of a state to nullify an act of Congress, but was

never answered, so far as it denied the existence of the

common law as a part of the constitution of the United States.

His objections to that contention, succinctly stated, were,

that if the common law was a part of the constitution, then

there were no constitutional limitations. Congress, like

Parliament, could legislate in all cases whatsoever; that the

President would be possessed of the royal prerogatives (as is

now claimed in this case by the Attorney-General); that the

judiciary would have a discretion little short of legislative

power; that these powers in the different branches of the

government would not be alterable, because, being in the

constitution, they could only be repealed by amendment of that

instrument; and, lastly, that the constitution would have a

different meaning in different States, inasmuch as the common

law was different in such States, and that it would lack the

certainty which a constitution should have, as the common law

was an ever-growing or varying body of law, and, therefore,

with reference to the proper action of the government in each

instance, the question would be important as to what portion

of the common law was in the constitution and what not so

embodied.

"Nearly every sentence of Mr. Madison's able argument with

reference to the common law as a part of the constitution is

applicable to the contention that sovereign powers, so-called,

as derived from or defined by international law, became a part

of the constitution of the United States through the

delegation of the powers to make war, conclude peace, and make

all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and

other property belonging to the United States. This court has

adopted the view of Mr. Madison. It is hoped that the child of

the old error by which again the executive and legislative

power is sought to be enlarged through the incorporation into

the constitution of 'the sovereign power of other nations'

will receive the same answer.

"In fact, we submit that this court has already held that

sovereign power in the sense that the words are used in the

law of nations as prerogative rights of the King or Emperor,

not only is not vested in the United States or in any branch

of its government, but cannot be so vested. The sovereign

power is with the people. In leaving it with the people our

government marked a departure from all that had previously

existed."

Supreme Court of the United States,

October Term, 1900, Number 419:

C. H. Aldrich, Argument in reply.

{674}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901.

Military and naval expenditure,

compared with that of other Powers.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (January).

Apportionment of Representatives under the Twelfth Census.

The question of obedience to the Fourteenth Amendment.

Restrictions of the elective franchise in the States.

Section 3 of Article 1 of the Constitution requires that

"Representatives … shall be apportioned among the several

States which may be included within this Union according to

their respective numbers. … The actual enumeration shall be

made within three years after the first meeting of the

Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent

term of ten years. … The number of Representatives shall not

exceed one for every 30,000; but each State shall have at

least one." The first meeting of Congress was in 1789; the

required first census of the United States was taken in 1790,

and, in obedience to the constitutional requirement, the

enumeration has been repeated within the closing year of every

decade since, to supply the basis for a new apportionment of

representatives among the States. The twelfth census, taken in

1900, called for such new distribution, and action upon it was

taken in Congress in January, 1901.

As the section quoted above stood in the Constitution until

1868, it contained a further clause, inserted as one of the

original compromises made between the slaveholding and the

free States, requiring that the determination of numbers to be

represented in the several States should be made "by adding to

the whole number of free persons, including those bound to

service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,

three-fifths of all other persons." This original clause of

the Constitution was superseded by the Fourteenth Amendment,

adopted in 1868, which introduced this new provision, in its

second section: "Representatives shall be apportioned among

the several States according to their respective numbers,

counting the whole number of persons in each State, except

Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election

for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of

the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive

and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the

Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants

of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of

the United States, or in any way abridged, except for

participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of

representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion

which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole

number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such

State." To many persons it seemed to be very clear that this

provision of the amended Constitution required account to be

taken of the qualifications by which a number of States have

abridged the suffrage, especially where done for the

understood purpose of disfranchising colored citizens and that

Congress was left with no discretion to do otherwise.

See, (in this volume),

LOUISIANA, NORTH CAROLINA, SOUTH CAROLINA,

MISSISSIPPI, and MARYLAND.

Those holding this view in the House of Representatives gave

support to the following resolution, introduced by Mr.

Olmsted, of Pennsylvania:

"Whereas the continued enjoyment of full representation in

this House by any State which has, for reasons other than

participation in rebellion or other crime, denied to any of

the male inhabitants thereof, being 21 years of age and

citizens of the United States, the right to vote for

Representatives in Congress, Presidential electors, and other

specified officers, is in direct violation of the fourteenth

amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which

declares that in such case 'the basis of representation

therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of

such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male

citizens 21 years of age in such State,' and is an invasion of

the rights and dignity of this House and of its members, and

an infringement upon the rights and privileges in this House

of other States and their representatives; and

"Whereas the States of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,

Delaware, California, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina,

South Carolina, Wyoming, Oregon, and other States do, by the

provisions of the constitutions and statutes of said States,

and for reasons other than participation in rebellion or other

crime, deny the right to vote for members of Congress and

Presidential electors, as well as the executive and judicial

officers of such States and members of the legislatures

thereof, to male inhabitants 21 years of age and over and

citizens of the United States; and such denial in certain of

the said States extends to more than one-half of those who

prior to the last apportionment of representation were

entitled to vote in such States; and

"Whereas in order that the apportionment of membership of the

House of Representatives may be determined in a constitutional

manner: Therefore, be it

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the Director

of the Census is hereby directed to furnish this House, at the

earliest possible moment, the following information;

"First. The total number of male citizens of the United States

over 21 years of age in each of the several States of the

Union.

"Second. The total number of male citizens of the United

States over 21 years of age who, by reason of State

constitutional limitations or State legislation, are denied

the right of suffrage, whether such denial exists on account

of illiteracy, on account of pauperism, on account of

polygamy, or on account of property qualifications, or for any

other reason.

"Resolved further, That the Speaker of the House of

Representatives is hereby authorized and directed to appoint a

select committee of five members from the membership of the

Census Committee of the House of Representatives, who shall

investigate the question of the alleged abridgment of the

elective franchise for any of the causes mentioned in all the

States of the Union in which constitutional or legislative

restrictions on the right of suffrage are claimed to exist,

and that such committee report its findings within twenty days

from the date of the adoption of this resolution to the said

Census Committee, and that within one week after the said

report shall have been received by the Census Committee the

Census Committee shall return a bill to the House of

Representatives providing for the apportionment of the

membership of the House of Representatives based on the

provisions of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of

the United States."

{675}

Republicans, hardly less than Democrats, in Congress and

outside, were averse to raising what could not fail to be a

burning sectional issue, and grounds for ignoring the

constitutional mandate were sought with considerable eagerness

on both sides. Strict obedience to the requirement of the

Constitutional provision was claimed to be impracticable, at

least within the time available for proceedings connected with

the present apportionment of representatives. Said one

speaker, opposing the resolutions in the House: "There is not

a State in this Union that has not added to or subtracted from

the Federal constitutional requirements—not one. … If there is

any addition, whether as a matter of police regulation or

otherwise, to the constitutional amendments regulating the

franchise and the resultant representation in this House—if

there is addition or subtraction of one iota—then those who

desire to live up to this Constitution, no matter whether they

ruin their neighbors, no matter whether they again kindle the

fires of sectional strife, those who in their love for the

Constitution are so mentally rigid that they would demand its

enforcement though they set the Union aflame, must include

every State in this Union."

Said another: "How would anybody find out how many people in

the State of Mississippi were disfranchised for the reasons

stated in this resolution? There is there an educational

qualification. How are you to determine how many of the men in

the State of Mississippi who did not vote, did not vote

because they were disfranchised under the educational

qualification? Then there is a qualification in extension and

not in limitation of the suffrage, saying that even those who

can not read and write may still vote, provided they can give

an understanding interpretation of the Constitution or any

part of it. How are you going to determine how many are

disqualified by that? And then there is a qualification which

says that those can not vote who shall not by a certain time

have paid their poll tax. Out of the number of people who did

not vote, how are you going to determine which of them have

not voted because of the educational qualification? Which

because of the understanding qualification? Which because of

the poll-tax qualification? Which because of the registration

qualification? How many because of the pure Australian ballot

which exists in the State of Mississippi? … There is not a

State in the Union which has the Australian ballot which by

the very fact and the necessity of voting according to that

Australian ballot does not prevent the citizen who can not

read and write from voting if he votes a split ticket of any

sort."

A third speaker remarked: "To live up to that amendment, 'that

no male inhabitant shall be deprived of suffrage except for

participation in the rebellion or other crimes,' the male

inhabitant, I take it, is he who has acquired domicile in that

State, and the moment that he acquires domicile, and is a

male, he is a 'male inhabitant' of that State, and entitled

at once to suffrage; and yet every State in the Union, I

believe without exception, has requirements as to residence

not only in the State, but in the city, in the county, in the

precinct and ward and the voting place; and everyone of those

requirements, as every gentleman on that side must admit, are

in direct conflict with and contravention of the fourteenth

amendment to the Constitution of the United States literally

construed."

But the advocates of obedience to the Constitution, supporting

the resolutions of Mr. Olmsted, planted their argument on the

very facts brought against it, as demonstrating the need of

measures to check a growing tendency in the country to

restrict the elective franchise. Said Mr. Shattuck, of Ohio:

"We find that in 1870 there were three States that had

abridged their electorates—California, Connecticut, and

Massachusetts. In these three States there was a

constitutional provision for an educational qualification,

which disfranchised a certain percentage of the

electorate—namely, the illiterates. But, in those States, the

percentage of illiteracy is very light, averaging about 6 per

cent. The basis of representation would hardly have been

affected in those States had the fourteenth amendment been

conformed with.

"An examination into the election laws of the various States

reveals an astonishing tendency at this time to abridge their

electorates. When the Congress which adopted the existing

apportionment discussed the matter ten years ago but three

States had abridged their electorate by action of the State,

and in these the percentage of disfranchised males was but 6

per cent. But since that time similar policies have been

adopted by other States, and to-day we face the fact that ten

of the forty-five States of this Union have abridged their

electorates, and that in these the percentage of males 21

years of age and over, disfranchised, averages over 20 per

cent. The constitutions of several other States permit such an

abridgment. Besides, there are other States preparing to adopt

these policies and to disfranchise thousands of men who to-day

hold the right of franchise. In view of this remarkable

tendency it is inconceivable that Congress can longer permit

the fourteenth amendment to remain a dead letter, and to pass

a bill making an apportionment based solely upon the

population and neglecting the proviso which applies to all

States which have abridged their electorate.

"We will not review the past by any discussion of the question

as to whether the provisions of the fourteenth amendment

should have been made effective when the last apportionment

was made ten years ago. We find to-day conditions existing

which make its enforcement imperative. I do not propose to

discuss at this time whether the reasons given for these

abridgments by the people of the various States are valid or

not. … I am simply pointing out the conditions as they exist;

I am simply pointing out that the time has come when the

tendency of the States to abridge their electorates has grown

to such proportions as to demand that this Congress shall

proceed in a constitutional manner in making the new

apportionment. I do not say that States have not the right to

establish educational qualifications for their electors, but I

do maintain that when they have done so they must pay the penalty

prescribed in the Constitution, and have their representation

abridged proportionately.

{676}

I do not say that we shall punish only Louisiana;

I do not say that we shall punish only Massachusetts;

I do not say that we shall punish only California;

but I do say and insist, as the representative of a State in

which every male member 21 years of age and over is guaranteed

the sacred right of franchise, that there is a constitutional

remedy prescribed for their acts, and I do demand that that

remedy be applied."

The following interesting table, showing the restrictions of

the electorate in the various States of the Union, was

appended to the remarks of Mr. Shattuck:

STATES.

REQUIREMENTS AS TO CITIZENSHIP. [First paragraph]

PERSONS EXCLUDED FROM SUFFRAGE. [Second paragraph]

ALABAMA.

Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

Convicted of treason or other crime punishable by

imprisonment, idiots, or insane.

ARKANSAS.

Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

Idiots, insane, convicted of felony until pardoned, failure

to pay poll tax, United States soldiers on duty in State.

CALIFORNIA.

Citizen by nativity, naturalization, or treaty of Queretaro.

Chinese, insane, embezzlers of public moneys, convicted

of infamous crime, person unable to read Constitution

in English, and to write his name.

COLORADO.

Citizen or alien, male or female, who has declared intention 4

months prior to election.

Under guardianship, insane, idiots, or imprisoned.

CONNECTICUT.

Citizen of United States.

Convicted of felony or theft, unless pardoned.

Person unable to read Constitution or statutes.

DELAWARE.

Citizen who has paid registration fee of $1.

Idiots, insane, paupers, felons. Person who can not

read the English language and write his name.

FLORIDA.

Citizen of United States.

Insane, under guardianship, convicted of felony or any

infamous crime.

GEORGIA.

Citizen of the United States who has paid all

his taxes since 1877.

Idiots, insane, convicted of crime punishable by imprisonment

until pardoned, failure to pay taxes.

IDAHO.

Citizen of the United States, male or female.

Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of felony,

treason, or embezzlement of public funds, polygamist or

bigamist.

ILLINOIS.

Citizen of the United States.

Convicted of felony.

INDIANA.

Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention

and resided 1 year in United States and 6 months in State.

Convicted of crime and disfranchised by judgment of the court,

United States soldiers, sailors, and marines.

IOWA.

Citizen of the United States.

Idiots, insane, convicted of infamous crime.

KANSAS.

Citizen of United States, alien who has declared intention, or

[under] treaties with Mexico.

Felons, insane, duelists, rebels, not restored to

citizenship, under guardianship, public embezzlers,

offering or accepting a bribe.

KENTUCKY.

Citizen of the United States.

Treason, felony, bribery at election.

LOUISIANA.

Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

Idiots, insane, convicted of treason, embezzlement of public

funds, all crime punishable by imprisonment in penitentiary,

persons unable to read and write, and not owning property in

the State assessed at $300, or not the son or grandson of a

citizen of the United States prior to January 1, 1867, person

who has not paid pool tax.

MAINE.

Citizen of the United States.

Paupers, persons under guardianship, Indians not taxed, and in

1893 all new voters who can not read the Constitution or write

their own names in English.

MARYLAND.

Citizen of the United States.

Convicted of larceny or other infamous crime, unless pardoned,

persons convicted of bribery.

MASSACHUSETTS.

Citizen of the United States.

Paupers and persons under guardianship, person who can not

read Constitution in English and write his name.

MICHIGAN.

Citizen or inhabitant who has declared intention under United

States laws 6 months before election and lived in State

2½ years.

Indians, duelists, and accessories.

MINNESOTA.

Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention,

and civilized Indians.

Convicted of treason or felony, unless pardoned, persons

under guardianship or insane.

MISSISSIPPI.

Citizen of the United States.

Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed, felons, persons who have

not paid taxes, persons who can not read or understand

Constitution.

Missouri.

Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention

not less than 1 year or more than 5 before offering to vote.

United States soldiers and marines, paupers, criminals

convicted once until pardoned, felons and violators of

suffrage laws convicted a second time.

MONTANA.

Citizen of the United States.

Felons, unless pardoned, idiots, insane, United States

soldiers, seamen, and marines, Indians.

NEBRASKA.

Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

Convicts.

NEVADA.

Citizen of the United States.

Idiots, insane, unpardoned convicts, Indians, Chinese.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Citizen of United States.

Paupers (except honorably discharged United States soldiers

and sailors), persons excused from paying taxes at their own

request,

NEW JERSEY.

Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared

intention 30 days prior to election.

Idiots, insane paupers, persons convicted of crimes (unless

pardoned) which exclude them from being witnesses.

NEW YORK.

Citizen who shall have been a citizen for 90 days.

Convicted of bribery or any infamous crime, Indians under

tribal relations.

NORTH CAROLINA.

Citizen of the United States.

Convicted of felony or other infamous crime, idiots,

lunatics, persons unable to read or write, unless lineal

descendant of citizen of United States prior to January 1,

1867, nonpayment of poll tax.

NORTH DAKOTA.

Citizen of the United States, alien who has declared

intention 1 year, and civilized Indian.

Under guardianship, persons non compos mentis, or convicted

of felony and treason, unless restored to civil rights.

OHIO.

Citizen of the United States.

Felony until pardoned, idiots, insane, United States

soldiers and sailors.

{677}

OREGON.

Citizen of Unite States or alien who

has declared intention 1 year preceding election.

Idiots, insane, convicted of felony, United States soldiers

and sailors, Chinese.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Citizen of the United States at least 1 month, and if 22 years

old or more, must have paid tax within 2 years.

Convicted of some offense whereby right of suffrage is

forfeited, non taxpayers.

RHODE ISLAND.

Citizen of the United States.

Paupers, lunatics, persons non compos mentis, convicted

of bribery or infamous crime until restored to right to

vote under guardianship.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

Citizen of the United States.

Convicted of treason, murder, or other infamous crime,

dueling, paupers, insane, idiots, person who has not

paid poll tax, who can not read an write any section of

the State constitution, or can show that he has paid all

taxes on property within the State assessed at $300.

SOUTH DAKOTA.

Citizen of the United States or alien

who has declared intention.

Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of treason

or felony, unless pardoned.

TENNESSEE.

Citizen of the United States who has paid poll tax of

preceding year.

Convicted of bribery or other infamous offense.

TEXAS.

Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared

intention.

Idiots, lunatics, paupers, convicted of felony, United

States soldiers and seamen.

UTAH.

Citizen, male and female.

Idiots, insane, convicted of treason or violation of

election laws.

VERMONT.

Citizen of the United States.

Those who have not obtained the approbation of the board of

civil authority of the town in which they reside.

VIRGINIA.

Citizen of the United States.

Idiots, lunatics, convicted of bribery at election,

embezzlement of public funds, treason, felony and petty

larceny, duelists and abettors unless pardoned by legislature.

WASHINGTON.

Citizen of the United States.

Indians not taxed, idiots, insane, persons convicted of

infamous crimes.

WEST VIRGINIA.

Citizen of the State.

Paupers, idiots, lunatics, convicted of treason, felony, or

bribery at elections.

WISCONSIN.

Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared

intention.

Insane, under guardianship, convicted of treason or felony,

unless pardoned, Indians having tribal relations.

WYOMING.

Citizen of the United States, male and female.

Idiots, insane, persons convicted of infamous crimes unless

restored to civil rights, unable to read State constitution.

Congressional Record, January 4-5, 1901,

pages 618-20, and 662-5.

The resolutions of Mr. Olmsted were not adopted. The

reapportionment was made on the basis of the totals of the

census returns, with no reckoning of any denials of the right

to vote. The following is the text of the Act, as passed and

approved January 16:

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States of America in Congress assembled, That after

the third day of March, nineteen hundred and three, the House

of Representatives shall be composed of three hundred and

eighty-six members [the existing number being 357] to be

apportioned among the several States as follows:

Alabama, nine;

Arkansas, seven;

California, eight;

Colorado, three;

Connecticut, five;

Delaware, one;

Florida, three;

Georgia, eleven;

Idaho, one;

Illinois, twenty-five;

Indiana, thirteen;

Iowa, eleven;

Kansas, eight;

Kentucky, eleven;

Louisiana, seven;

Maine, four;

Maryland, six;

Massachusetts, fourteen;

Michigan, twelve;

Minnesota, nine;

Mississippi, eight;

Missouri, sixteen:

Montana, one;

Nebraska, six;

Nevada, one;

New Hampshire, two;

New Jersey, ten;

New York, thirty-seven;

North Carolina, ten;

North Dakota, two;

Ohio, twenty-one:

Oregon, two;

Pennsylvania, thirty-two;

Rhode Island, two;

South Carolina, seven;

South Dakota, two;

Tennessee, ten:

Texas, sixteen:

Utah, one;

Vermont, two;

Virginia, ten;

Washington, three;

West Virginia, five;

Wisconsin, eleven; and

Wyoming, one.

"SECTION 2.

That whenever a new State is admitted to the Union the

Representative or Representatives assigned to it shall be in

addition to the number three hundred and eighty-six.

"SECTION 3.

That in each State entitled under this apportionment, the

number to which such State may be entitled in the Fifty-eighth

and each subsequent Congress shall be elected by districts

composed of contiguous and compact territory and containing as

nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants. The said

districts shall be equal to the number of the Representatives

to which such State may be entitled in Congress, no one

district electing more than one Representative.

"SECTION 4.

That in case of an increase in the number of Representatives

which may be given to any State under this apportionment such

additional Representative or Representatives shall be elected

by the State at large, and the other Representatives by the

districts now prescribed by law until the legislature of such

State in the manner herein prescribed, shall redistrict such

State; and if there be no increase in the number of

Representatives from a State the Representatives thereof shall

be elected from the districts now prescribed by law until such

State be redistricted as herein prescribed by the legislature

of said State; and if the number hereby provided for shall in

any State be less than it was before the change hereby made,

then the whole number to such State hereby provided for shall

be elected at large, unless the legislatures of said States

have provided or shall otherwise provide before the time fixed

by law for the next election of Representatives therein.

"SECTION 5.

That all Acts and parts of Acts inconsistent with this Act are

hereby repealed."

No existing State quota was reduced by the new apportionment,

and the gains were as follows:

Illinois, New York and Texas, 3;

Minnesota, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 2;

Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida,

Louisiana, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, North

Carolina, North Dakota, Washington, West Virginia and

Wisconsin, 1.

{678}

That clause of the third section which requires districts to

be "composed of contiguous and compact territory" is intended

to be a bar to the partisan trick called "gerrymandering." The

vote on the bill in the House (165 against 102) was singularly

non-partisan. The minority was said to be composed of exactly

the same number of Republicans and Democrats, 51 of each, and

in the majority vote there were included 84 Republicans and 81

Democrats. The vote was also non-sectional, except that New

England voted almost solidly for the measure. East, South and

West the State delegations were almost equally divided.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February).

Act to increase the standing army of the nation to 100,000 men.

In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the

President set forth the military needs of the country, created

by its new policy of imperial expansion, and recommended that

the permanent army be raised to 100,000 in number, from 45,000

to 60,000 of which would be required in the Philippine Islands

until their people were made submissive to the authority of

the United States. In accord with the executive

recommendation, Congress passed "an Act to increase the

efficiency of the permanent military establishment of the

United States," which became law by the President's signature

on the 2d of February, 1901. Its first section provides that

"from and after the approval of this Act the Army of the

United States, including the existing organizations, shall

consist of fifteen regiments of cavalry, a corps of artillery,

thirty regiments of infantry, one Lieutenant-General, six

major-generals, fifteen brigadier-generals, an

Adjutant-General's Department, an Inspector-General's

Department, a Judge-Advocate-General's Department, a

Quartermaster's Department, a Subsistence Department, a

Medical Department, a Pay Department, a Corps of Engineers, an

Ordnance Department, a Signal Corps, the officers of the

Record and Pension Office, the chaplains, the officers and

enlisted men of the Army on the retired list, the professors,

corps of cadets, the army detachments and band at the United

States Military Academy, Indian scouts as now authorized by

law, and such other officers and enlisted men as may

hereinafter be provided for." A subsequent section enacts that

the total enlisted force of the line of the army shall not exceed

at any one time 100,000.

Section 2 provides that "each regiment of cavalry shall

consist of one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors,

fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen

second lieutenants; two veterinarians, one sergeant-major, one

quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three

squadron sergeants-major, two color-sergeants with rank, pay,

and allowances of squadron sergeant-major, one band, and

twelve troops organized into three squadrons of four troops

each. … Each troop of cavalry shall consist of one captain,

one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one first

sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, six sergeants, six

corporals, two cooks, two farriers and blacksmiths, one

saddler, one wagoner, two trumpeters, and forty-three

privates; the commissioned officers to be assigned from among

those hereinbefore authorized."

Sections 3-9, relating to the Artillery, are, in part, as

follows:

"That the regimental organization of the artillery arm of the

United States Army is hereby discontinued, and that arm is

constituted and designated as the Artillery Corps. It shall be

organized as hereinafter specified and shall belong to the

line of the Army. That the Artillery Corps shall comprise two

branches—the coast artillery and the field artillery. The

coast artillery is defined as that portion charged with the

care and use of the fixed and movable elements of land and

coast fortifications, including the submarine mine and torpedo

defenses; and the field artillery as that portion accompanying

an army in the field, and including field and light artillery

proper, horse artillery, siege artillery, mountain artillery,

and also machine-gun batteries: Provided, That this shall not

be construed to limit the authority of the Secretary of War to

order coast artillery to any duty which the public service

demands or to prevent the use of machine or other field guns

by any other arm of the service under the direction of the

Secretary of War. … That the Artillery Corps shall consist of

a Chief of Artillery, who shall be selected and detailed by

the President from the colonels of artillery, to serve on the

staff of the general officer commanding the Army, and whose

duties shall be prescribed by the Secretary of War: fourteen

colonels, one of whom shall be the Chief of Artillery;

thirteen lieutenant-colonels, thirty-nine majors, one hundred

and ninety-five captains, one hundred and ninety-five first

lieutenants, one hundred and ninety-five second lieutenants;

and the captains and lieutenants provided for in this section

not required for duty with batteries or companies shall be

available for duty as staff officers of the various artillery

garrisons and such other details as may be authorized by law

and regulations; twenty-one sergeants-major, with the rank,

pay, and allowances of regimental sergeants-major of infantry;

twenty-seven sergeants-major, with the rank, pay, and

allowances of battalion sergeants-major of infantry; one

electrician sergeant to each coast artillery post having

electrical appliances; thirty batteries of field artillery,

one hundred and twenty-six batteries of coast artillery, and

ten bands organized as now authorized by law for artillery

regiments: Provided, That the aggregate number of enlisted men

for the artillery, as provided under this Act, shall not

exceed eighteen thousand nine hundred and twenty, exclusive of

electrician sergeants." Concerning the Infantry it is

provided, in Section 10, that "each regiment of infantry shall

consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, three majors,

fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen

second lieutenants; one sergeant-major, one

quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three

battalion sergeants-major, two color sergeants, with rank,

pay, and allowances of battalion sergeants-major, one band,

and twelve companies, organized into three battalions of four

companies each. Of the officers herein provided, the captains

and lieutenants not required for duty with the companies shall

be available for detail as regimental and battalion staff

officers and such other details as may be authorized by law or

regulations. … Each infantry company shall consist of one

captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one

first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, four sergeants,

six corporals, two cooks, two musicians, one artificer, and

forty-eight privates, the commissioned officers to be assigned

from those hereinbefore authorized."

{679}

Section 11 provides that "the enlisted force of the Corps of

Engineers shall consist of one band and three battalions of

engineers. … Each battalion of engineers shall consist of one

sergeant-major, one quartermaster-sergeant, and four

companies. Each company of engineers shall consist of one

first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, with the rank,

pay, and allowances of sergeant, eight sergeants, ten

corporals, two musicians, two cooks, thirty-eight first-class

and thirty-eight second-class privates."

Section 12 relates to the appointment of army chaplains—one

for each regiment of cavalry and infantry, and twelve for the

corps of artillery—no person to be appointed who has passed

the age of forty years. The office of post chaplain is

abolished. Sections 13 to 27 relate mainly to the organization

of the several Departments, of the Adjutant-General,

Inspector-General, Judge-Advocate-General,

Quartermaster-General, Commissary-General, Surgeon-General,

Paymaster-General, Chief of Engineers, Chief of Ordnance, etc.

Section 28, prescribing the rules of promotion and

appointment, is as follows: "That vacancies in the grade of

field officers and captain, created by this Act, in the

cavalry, artillery, and infantry shall be filled by promotion

according to seniority in each branch, respectively. Vacancies

existing after the promotions have been made shall be provided

for as follows: A sufficient number shall be reserved in the

grade of second lieutenant for the next graduating class at

the United States Military Academy. Persons not over forty

years of age who shall have at any time served as volunteers

subsequent to April twenty-first, eighteen hundred and

ninety-eight, may be ordered before boards of officers for

such examination as may be prescribed by the Secretary of War,

and those who establish their fitness before these examining

boards may be appointed to the grades of first or second

lieutenant in the Regular Army, taking rank in the respective

grades according to seniority as determined by length of prior

commissioned service; but no person appointed under the

provisions of this section shall be placed above another in

the same grade with longer commissioned service, and nothing

herein contained shall change the relative rank of officers

heretofore commissioned in the Regular Army. Enlisted men of

the Regular Army or volunteers may be appointed second

lieutenants in the Regular Army to vacancies created by this

Act, provided that they shall have served one year, under the

same conditions now authorized by law for enlisted men of the

Regular Army."

Important provisions are embodied in Sections 35 and 36, as

follows:

"SECTION 35. That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby,

authorized and directed to cause preliminary examinations and

surveys to be made for the purpose of selecting four sites

with a view to the establishment of permanent camp grounds for

instruction of troops of the Regular Army and National Guard,

with estimates of the cost of the sites and their equipment

with all modern appliances, and for this purpose is authorized

to detail such officers of the Army as may be necessary to

carry on the preliminary work; and the sum of ten thousand

dollars is hereby appropriated for the necessary expense of

such work, to be disbursed under the direction of the

Secretary of War: Provided, That the Secretary of War shall

report to Congress the result of such examination and surveys,

and no contract for said sites shall be made nor any

obligation incurred until Congress shall approve such

selections and appropriate the money therefor.

"SECTION 36. That when in his opinion the conditions in the

Philippine Islands justify such action the President is

authorized to enlist natives of those islands for service in

the Army, to be organized as scouts, with such officers as he

shall deem necessary for their proper control, or as troops or

companies, as authorized by this Act, for the Regular Army.

The President is further authorized, in his discretion, to

form companies, organized as are companies of the Regular

Army, in squadron's or battalions, with officers and

non-commissioned officers corresponding to similar

organizations in the cavalry and infantry arms. The total

number of enlisted men in said native organizations shall not

exceed twelve thousand, and the total enlisted force of the

line of the Army, together with such native force, shall not

exceed at any one time one hundred thousand. … When, in the

opinion of the President, natives of the Philippine Islands

shall, by their services and character, show fitness for

command, the President is authorized to make provisional

appointments to the grades of second and first lieutenants

from such natives, who, when so appointed, shall have the pay

and allowances to be fixed by the Secretary of War, not

exceeding those of corresponding grades of the Regular Army."

Section 38 abolishes the so-called "Army Canteen," in

compliance with strenuous demands from temperance

organizations in the country, notwithstanding much testimony

favorable to the canteen system from well-informed and

conscientious witnesses. The language of the section is as

follows: "The sale of or dealing in beer, wine, or any

intoxicating liquors, by any person in any post exchange or

canteen or army transport, or upon any premises used for

military purposes by the United States, is hereby prohibited.

The Secretary of War is hereby directed to carry the

provisions of this section into full force and effect." Prompt

obedience to this command of law was given by the War

Department, which issued the required general order February

4th.

The following amendment, proposed by Senator Hoar for addition

to the Act, was voted down: "Provided, That no further

military force shall be used in the Philippine Islands, except

such as may be necessary to keep order in places there now

actually under the peaceable control of the United States and

to protect persons or property to whom, in the judgment of the

President, protection may be due from the United States, until

the President shall have first proclaimed an amnesty for all

political offenses committed against the United States in the

Philippine Islands, and shall have, if in his power, agreed

upon an armistice with persons now in hostility to the United

States, and shall have invited such number, not less than 10,

as he shall think desirable of the leaders or representatives

of the persons now hostile to the United States there to come

to the United States and state their wishes and the condition,

character, and wishes of the people of the Philippine Islands

to the Executive and Congress, and shall have offered to

secure to them safe conduct to come, abide, and return, and

shall have provided at the public charge for the expenses of

their transportation both ways and their stay in this country

for a reasonable and sufficient time for such purpose."

{680}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (February).

The Russian sugar question.

United States countervailing duty and Russian retaliation.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).

Adoption of the so-called "Spooner Amendment" to

the Army Appropriation Bill empowering the President to

establish a civil government in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).

Adoption of the "Platt Amendment," prescribing conditions on

which the President is authorized to "leave the government and

control of the island of Cuba to its people."

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).

Reinauguration of President McKinley for a second term in the

executive office. His inaugural address.

The reinauguration of President McKinley, for the second term

of office to which he had been elected, was performed with the

customary ceremonies, at the capitol, in Washington, on the

4th of March, 1001. His inaugural address upon the occasion is

especially interesting, for the reason that it indicates the

understanding with which the President received his

re-election, and the interpretation which he has put upon it

as an expression of the national will on questions of

extraordinary moment. He spoke as follows:

"My Fellow Citizens: When we assembled here on March 4, 1897,

there was great anxiety with regard to our currency and

credit. None exists now. Then our treasury receipts were

inadequate to meet the current obligations of the government.

Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and we have a

surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to

convene the Congress in extraordinary session to devise

revenues to pay the ordinary expenses of the government. Now I

have the satisfaction to announce that the Congress just

closed has reduced taxation in the sum of $41,000,000. Then

there was deep solicitude because of the long depression in

our manufacturing, mining, agricultural and mercantile

industries, and the consequent distress of our laboring

population. Now every avenue of production is crowded with

activity, labor is well employed and American products find

good markets at home and abroad. Our diversified productions,

however, are increasing in such unprecedented volume as to

admonish us of the necessity of still further enlarging our

foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this

purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations

should in liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.

"The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been

executed. Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing

obligation resting with undiminished force upon the Executive

and the Congress. But fortunate as our condition is, its

permanence can only be assured by sound business methods and

strict economy in national administration and legislation. We

should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless

ventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures.

While the Congress determines the objects and the sum of

appropriations, the officials of the executive departments are

responsible for honest and faithful disbursement, and it

should be their constant care to avoid waste and extravagance.

Honesty, capacity and industry are nowhere more indispensable

than in public employment. These should be fundamental

requisites to original appointment and the surest guarantees

against removal.

"Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the

people knowing it and without any preparation or effort at

preparation for the impending peril. I did all that in honor

could be done to avert the war, but without avail. It became

inevitable, and the Congress at its first regular session,

without party division, provided money in anticipation of the

crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was

signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree

honorable to the government. It imposed upon us obligations

from which we cannot escape, and from which it would be

dishonorable to seek to escape. We are now at peace with the

world, and it is my fervent prayer that if differences arise

between us and other powers they may be settled by peaceful

arbitration, and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors

of war.

"Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of

President, I enter upon its administration appreciating the

great responsibilities which attach to this renewed honor and

commission, promising unreserved devotion on my part to their

faithful discharge and reverently invoking for my guidance the

direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrink from the

duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in their

performance I should have the cooperation of the wise and

patriotic men of all parties. It encourages me for the great

task which I now undertake to believe that those who

voluntarily committed to me the trust imposed upon the chief

executive of the republic will give to me generous support in

my duties to 'preserve, protect and defend the constitution of

the United States,' and to 'care that the laws be faithfully

executed.' The national purpose is indicated through a

national election. It is the constitutional method of

ascertaining the public will. When once it is registered it is

a law to us all, and faithful observance should follow its

decrees.

"Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and fortunately

we have them in every part of our beloved country. We are

reunited. Sectionalism has disappeared. Division on public

questions can no longer be traced by the war maps of 1861.

These old differences less and less disturb the judgment.

Existing problems demand the thought and quicken the

conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their

presence as well as for their righteous settlement rests upon

us all, no more upon me than upon you. There are some national

questions in the solution of which patriotism should exclude

partisanship. Magnifying their difficulties will not take them

off our hands nor facilitate their adjustment. Distrust of the

capacity, integrity and high purpose of the American people

will not be an inspiring theme for future political contests.

Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless.

These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of

safety and honor. 'Hope maketh not ashamed.'

{681}

"The prophets of evil were not the builders of the republic,

nor in its crises have they saved or served it. The faith of

the fathers was a mighty force in its creation, and the faith

of their descendants has wrought its progress and furnished

its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair and who

would destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve

wisely and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon

them. The American people, intrenched in freedom at home, take

their love for it with them wherever they go, and they reject

as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine that we lose our own

liberties by securing the enduring foundations of liberty to

others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension,

and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in

distant seas.

"As heretofore so hereafter will the nation demonstrate its

fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon

it, and in the fear of God will 'take occasion by the hand and

make the bounds of freedom wider yet.' If there are those

among us who would make our way more difficult we must not be

disheartened, but the more earnestly dedicate ourselves to the

task upon which we have rightly entered. The path of progress

is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard to do. Our

fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient.

They cost us something. But are we not made better for the

effort and sacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and

blessed?

"We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has

confronted every onward movement of the republic from its

opening hour until now, but without success. The republic has

marched on and on, and its every step has exalted freedom and

humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal as did our

predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the course

they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and

plead organic impotency in the nation? Surely after one

hundred and twenty-five years of achievement for mankind we

will not now surrender our equality with other Powers on

matters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such

purpose was the nation created. In no such spirit has it

developed its full and independent sovereignty. We adhere to

the principle of equality among ourselves, and by no act of

ours will we assign to ourselves a subordinate rank in the

family of nations.

"My fellow citizens, the public events of the last four years

have gone into history. They are too near to justify recital.

Some of them were unforeseen; many of them momentous and far

reaching in their consequences to ourselves and our relations

with the rest of the world. The part which the United States

bore so honorably in the thrilling scenes in China, while new

to American life, has been in harmony with its true spirit and

best traditions, and in dealing with the results its policy

will be that of moderation and fairness.

"We face at this moment a most important question—that of the

future relations of the United States and Cuba. With our near

neighbors we must remain close friends. The declaration of the

purposes of this government in the resolution of April 20,

1898, must be made good. Ever since the evacuation of the

island by the army of Spain the Executive with all practicable

speed has been assisting its people in the successive steps

necessary to the establishment of a free and independent

government prepared to assume and perform the obligations of

international law, which now rest upon the United States under

the Treaty of Paris. The convention elected by the people to

frame a constitution is approaching the completion of its

labors. The transfer of American control to the new government

is of such great importance, involving an obligation resulting

from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad

to be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy

which the legislative branch of the government deems essential

to the best interests of Cuba and the United States. The

principles which led to our intervention require that the

fundamental law upon which the new government rests should be

adapted to secure a government capable of performing the

duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, of

observing its international obligations, of protecting life

and property, insuring order, safety and liberty, and

conforming to the established and historical policy of the

United States in its relation to Cuba.

"The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people

must carry with it the guarantees of permanence. We became

sponsors for the pacification of the island, and we remain

accountable to the Cubans no less than to our own country and

people for the reconstruction of Cuba as a free commonwealth,

on abiding foundations of right, justice, liberty and assured

order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not be completed

until free Cuba shall 'be a reality, not a name—a perfect

entity, not a hasty experiment, bearing within itself the

elements of failure.'

"While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on February

6, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years

ago, the Congress has indicated no form of government for the

Philippine Islands. It has, however, provided an army to

enable the Executive to suppress insurrection, restore peace,

give security to the inhabitants and establish the authority

of the United States throughout the archipelago. It has

authorized the organization of native troops as auxiliary to

the regular force. It has been advised from time to time of

the acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of

my action in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions

with which they were charged, of their duties and powers, of

their recommendations and of their several acts under

Executive commission, together with the very complete general

information they have submitted.

"These reports fully set forth the conditions, past and

present, in the islands, and the instructions clearly show the

principles which will guide the Executive until the Congress

shall, as it is required to do by the treaty, determine 'the

civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants.'

The Congress having added the sanction of its authority to the

powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under

the constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the

responsibility for the government of the Philippines, I shall

continue the efforts already begun until order shall be

restored throughout the islands, and as fast as conditions

permit will establish local governments, in the formation of

which the full co-operation of the people has been already

invited, and when established will encourage the people to

administer them.

{682}

"The settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the

inhabitants of the islands self-government as fast as they

were ready for it will be pursued with earnestness and

fidelity. Already something has been accomplished in this

direction. The government's representatives, civil and

military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission

of emancipation, and merit the approval and support of their

countrymen. The most liberal terms of amnesty have already

been communicated to the insurgents, and the way is still open

for those who have raised their arms against the government

for honorable submission to its authority.

"Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war

against the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion

of them are making war against the United States. By far the

greater part of the inhabitants recognize American

sovereignty, and welcome it as n guarantee of order and

security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience

and the pursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be

given. They shall not be abandoned. We will not leave the

destiny of the loyal millions in the islands to the disloyal

thousands who are in rebellion against the United States.

Order under civil institutions will come as soon as those who

now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or

used when those who make war against us shall make it no more.

May it end without further bloodshed, and there be ushered in

the reign of peace, to be made permanent by a government of

liberty under law."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).

Rejection by the British government of the Interoceanic Canal

Treaty as amended by the Senate.

See (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).

Death of Ex-President Harrison.

Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States 1889-1893,

died at his home in Indianapolis, on the afternoon of March

13, 1901, after an illness of a few days.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).

Capture of Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.

His oath of allegiance to the United States.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH-APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).

Organization of the enlarged regular army.

Its strength, 76,000 men.

A Press despatch from Washington, April 24, announced that the

Secretary of War had approved recommendations of

Lieutenant-General Miles for the organization of the army, not

raising it to the full strength of 100,000 men authorized by

Congress, but providing for a force of 76,787 enlisted men,

distributed as follows:

"Line of the army, 74,504;

ordnance department, 700;

signal corps, 760;

post quartermaster sergeants, 150;

post commissary sergeants, 200;

electrician sergeants, 100;

Military Academy detachment and band, 298;

Indian scouts, 75.

The cavalry is to be organized into fifteen regiments,

consisting of 12 troops of 85 enlisted men, which, with the

bands, will make a cavalry force of 15,840 men. The infantry

is to consist of 38,520 men, divided into 30 regiments of 12

companies each. The artillery corps will have a total of

18,862 men, of which the coast artillery will have 13, 734,

organized into 126 companies of 109 men each; and the field

artillery, 4,800 men, organized into 30 batteries of 150 men

each. The engineer battalions will consist of 12 companies

amounting to 1,282 men. This plan makes no provision for the

employment of Filipino natives, but this is explained by the

fact that the 12,000 authorized for the native military force

was made a distinctive feature of the Army bill by Congress

and separated from the Regular Army."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).

Petition from the workingmen of Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (May).

Decision of the Supreme Court in the cases involving

questions touching the status of the new territorial

possessions of the nation.

The opinions of the Supreme Court in the cases before it known

as "the insular cases," involving questions touching the

relations of the government of the United States to the

insular possessions lately acquired (see above: A. D.

1900-1901), were announced on the 27th of May, as these sheets

of the present volume were about to go to press.

In the case of Elias S. A. De Lima et al. the opinion of the

majority of the Court, delivered by Justice Brown, was against

the claim of the government to duties on goods imported into

the United States from Porto Rico after the ratification of

the treaty of peace with Spain and before the passage of the

Porto Rican act of April 12, 1900.

See, (in this volume),

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900, APRIL).

It was held in this decisive opinion that Porto Rico, at the

time the duties in question were collected, was not a foreign

country, but a territory of the United States. Said Justice

Brown: "If an Act of Congress be necessary to convert a

foreign country into domestic territory, the question at once

suggests itself, What is the character of the legislation

demanded for this purpose? Will an act appropriating money for

its purchase be sufficient? Apparently not. Will an act

appropriating the duties collected upon imports to and from

such country for the benefit of its government be sufficient?

Apparently not. Will acts making appropriations for its postal

service, for the establishment of lighthouses, for the

maintenance of quarantine stations, for erecting public

buildings, have that effect? Will an act establishing a

complete local government, but with the reservation of a right

to collect duties upon commerce, be adequate for that purpose?

None of these, nor all together, will be sufficient, if the

contention of the government be sound, since acts embracing

all these provisions have been passed in connection with Porto

Rico, and it is insisted that it is still a foreign country

within the meaning of the tariff laws. We are unable to

acquiesce in this assumption that a territory may be at the

same time both foreign and domestic. We are, therefore, of the

opinion that at the time these duties were levied Porto Rico

was not a foreign country within the meaning of the tariff

laws, but a territory of the United States; that the duties

were illegally exacted, and that the plaintiffs are entitled

to recover them back."

But in the case of Samuel B. Downes et al. a different set of

circumstances was dealt with, since the duties in question

were on goods imported from Porto Rico after the passage of

the Act of April 12 (called "the Foraker Act"). On the

question thus presented the majority of the Court sustained

the contention of the government, saying, in an opinion

delivered by Justice Brown:

{683}

"We are of opinion that the island of Porto Rico is a

territory appurtenant and belonging to the United States, but

not a part of the United States within the revenue clause of

the Constitution; that the Foraker act is constitutional so

far as it imposes duties upon imports from such island and

that the plaintiff cannot recover the duties exacted in this

case." The following general conclusions were held by Justice

Brown to be established:

"First—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are

not States, within the judicial clause of the Constitution

giving jurisdiction in cases between citizens of different

States.

"Second—That Territories are not States, within the meaning of

revised statutes, section 709, permitting writs of error from

this court in cases where the validity of a State's statute is

drawn in question.

"Third—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are

States as that word is used in treaties with foreign powers,

with respect to the ownership, disposition and inheritance of

property.

"Fourth—That the Territories are not within the clause of the

Constitution providing for the creation of a Supreme Court and

such inferior courts as Congress may see fit to establish.

"Fifth—That the Constitution does not apply to foreign

countries or trials therein conducted, and that Congress may

lawfully provide for such trials before consular tribunals,

without the intervention of a grand or petit jury.

"Sixth—That where the Constitution has been once formally

extended by Congress to Territories, neither Congress nor the

Territorial Legislature can enact laws inconsistent

therewith."

Five of the nine justices of the Court concurred in the decree

announced by Justice Brown; but three of them, viz., Justices

White, Shims and McKenna, placed their concurrence on

different and quite opposed grounds, in an opinion prepared by

Justice White. In their view of the case before the court,

"the sole and only issue is, had Porto Rico, at the time of

the passage of the Act in question, been incorporated into and

become an integral part of the United States?" and their

conclusion is reported to have been, that "the question when

Porto Rico was to be incorporated was a political question, to

be determined by the American people, speaking through

Congress, and was not for the courts to determine."

The minority of the Court, consisting of Chief Justice Fuller,

Justices Harlan, Brewer and Peckham dissented from the decree

rendered by the majority, and from the varying grounds on

which the two sections of that majority had rested it. As

summarized in press despatches of the day, their opinion,

delivered by the Chief Justice, "absolutely rejected the

contention that the rule of uniformity [that is, the

constitutional provision that 'all duties, imposts and excises

shall be uniform throughout the United States'] was not

applicable to Porto Rico because it had not been incorporated

into and become an integral part of the United States; the

word incorporation had no occult meaning, and whatever its

situation before, the Foraker act made Porto Rico an organized

Territory of the United States." "The concurring opinion of

the majority," said the Chief Justice, "recognized that

Congress, in dealing with the people of new territories or

possessions, is bound to respect the fundamental guarantees of

life, liberty and property, but assumes that Congress is not

bound in those territories or possessions to follow the rules

of taxation prescribed by the Constitution. And yet the power

to tax involves the power to destroy and the levy of duty

touches all our people in all places under the jurisdiction of

the Government. The logical result is that Congress may

prohibit commerce altogether between the States and

Territories, and may prescribe one rule of taxation in one

Territory, and a different rule in another. That theory

assumes that the Constitution created a government empowered

to acquire countries throughout the world, to be governed by

different rules than those obtaining in the original States

and Territories, and substitutes for the present system of

republican government, a system of domination over distant

provinces in the exercise of unrestricted power. In our

judgment, so much of the Porto Rican act as authorized the

imposition of these duties is invalid and plaintiffs were

entitled to recover."

Justice Harlan announced his concurrence with the dissenting

opinion delivered by the Chief Justice. He regarded the

Foraker act as unconstitutional in its revenue provisions, and

believed that Porto Rico, after the ratification of the treaty

with Spain, became a part of the United States. In conclusion,

Justice Harlan said: "The addition of Porto Rico to the

territory of the United States has been recognized by direct

action upon the part of Congress. It has legislated in

recognition of the treaty with Spain. If Porto Rico did not by

such action become a part of the United States it did become

such, at least, when Congress passed the Foraker act. I can

not believe that Congress may impose any duty, impost or

excise with respect to that territory and its people which is

not consistent with the constitutional requirement that all

duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the

United States."

No decision was rendered in the case of the Fourteen Diamond

Rings, which involved questions relative to the status of the

Philippine Islands in their relations to the government of the

United States.

----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

UNITED STATES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

Its formation and dissolution.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1821-1898.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION.

See (in this volume)

TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX, &c.

UNIVERSITIES.

See (in this volume)

EDUCATION.

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA:

Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

UNYORO:

British regulation of the kingdom.

See (in this volume)

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

UR.

See (in volume 1)

BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

See (in volume 4)

SEMITES;

and (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

{684}

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

Revolutionary movement.

Assassination of President Borda.

Blancos and Colorados.

Restoration of tranquil government by the

Vice President, Cuestas.

In November, 1896, a movement for the overthrow of President

Borda was begun, with strong assistance from the neighboring

Brazilian State of Rio Grande do Sul. Months of civil war

followed, with varying fortunes, but the summer of 1897 found

the President parleying with the insurgents, endeavoring to

make terms. His original opponents had been the party called

that of the Blancos, or Whites; the Colorados, or Reds, had

supported him; but he seemed to be making enemies among them.

By an assassin of his own party he was shot, on the 25th of

August, as he came from a service in the cathedral at

Montevideo which commemorated the anniversary of Uruguayan

independence. Senor Juan Luis Cuestas, the President of the

Senate and ex-officio Vice President of the Republic, assumed

the administration of the government, made peace with the

insurgents, and prepared to deal with a faction in the

Chambers which is said to have made good government

impossible. "The Representatives had made themselves hated by

violence, corruption, and attacks on property. Senor Cuestas

accordingly removed all officials devoted to the Chambers,

called out a thousand National Guards, and being thus master

of the situation, on February 10th dissolved the Chambers and

declared himself provisional President. He then appointed a

'Council' of eighty prominent citizens of all parties,

invested them with the legislative power, and directed them to

elect a new President, and to settle the method and time of

the next elections. … According to the 'Times',

correspondent, the citizens of Monte Video of all parties

approved his action, not a stroke was struck for the Chambers,

and public securities rose at once by from eight to fourteen

points. Senor Cuestas, in fact, is trusted and competent."

The Spectator (London),

March 26, 1898.

In due time, the Provisional President had to deal with a

military revolt, which he effectually suppressed. Then, on the

1st of March, 1899, he was constitutionally elected President,

after resigning his dictatorial powers for a fortnight, in

order that the election might be freely held.

UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

Prohibition of polygamous marriages.

Proclamation of admission to the Union.

On the 4th of January, 1896, a proclamation by the President

of the United States, after reciting the provisions of the Act

of Congress approved July 16, 1894, and the action taken by a

convention of the people of Utah, held in accordance with the

said act, in March, 1895, which convention "did, by ordinance

irrevocable without the consent of the United States and the

people of said State, as required by said act, provide that

perfect toleration of religious sentiment shall be secured and

that no inhabitant of said State shall ever be molested in person

or property on account of his or her mode of religious

worship, but that polygamous or plural marriages are forever

prohibited," thereupon declared and proclaimed the creation of

the State of Utah and its admission into the Union to be

accomplished. The constitution of the new State has some

radical features, providing for an eight-hours labor-day, and

giving to women equal rights with men in suffrage and in

eligibility to public office.

V.

VASSOS, Colonel, in Crete.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

"VEGETARIANS," The.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895.

Revolt suppressed.

An attempted rising, in the interest of Dr. Rojas Paul,

against the government of President Crespo, in the autumn of

1895, was quickly suppressed.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (July).

The question of the boundary of British Guiana taken up by the

government of the United States.

Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard.

For a number of years the government of the United States had

been exerting itself to bring about the settlement of a long

standing dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela

concerning the line of boundary between the territory of

Venezuela and that of British Guiana. In 1895 the effort

became more resolute, as appeared in a lengthy despatch

addressed, on the 20th of July, by the American Secretary of

State, Mr. Olney, to the American Ambassador in London, Mr.

Bayard. In this despatch Mr. Olney reviewed the long

controversy which had been in progress, and recalled the

communications on the subject which had passed between the

governments of the United States and Great Britain since 1886.

He then summarised "the important features of the existing

situation" as represented in his recital, by the following

statement:

"1. The title to territory of indefinite but confessedly very

large extent is in dispute between Great Britain on the one

hand, and the South American Republic of Venezuela on the

other.

2. The disparity in the strength of the claimants is such that

Venezuela can hope to establish her claim only through

peaceful methods—through an agreement with her adversary

either upon the subject itself or upon an arbitration.

3. The controversy with varying claims on the part of Great

Britain has existed for more than half-a-century, during which

period many earnest and persistent efforts of Venezuela to

establish a boundary by agreement have proved unsuccessful.

4. The futility of the endeavour to obtain a conventional line

being recognized, Venezuela, for a quarter of a century, has

asked and striven for arbitration.

5. Great Britain, however, has always and continuously

refused, and still refuses, to arbitrate except upon the

condition of a renunciation of a large part of the Venezuelan

claim, and of a concession to herself of a large share of the

territory in controversy.

{685}

6. By the frequent interposition of its good offices at the

instance of Venezuela, by constantly urging and promoting the

restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries,

by pressing for arbitration of the disputed boundary, by offering

to act as Arbitrator, by expressing its grave concern whenever

new alleged instances of British aggression upon Venezuelan

territory have been brought to its notice, the Government of

the United States has made it clear to Great Britain and to

the world that the controversy is one in which both its honour

and its interests are involved, and the continuance of which

it cannot regard with indifference."

Mr. Olney proceeds next to consider the rights, the interests

and the duty of the United States in the matter, and to what

extent, if any, it "may and should intervene in a controversy

between and primarily concerning only Great Britain and

Venezuela," and his conclusions on these points are founded on

the doctrine set forth by President Monroe, of resistance to

European intervention in American affairs. Quoting President

Monroe's celebrated Message on the subject, in 1823, Mr. Olney

remarks:

"The Message just quoted declared that the American continents

were fully occupied, and were not the subjects for future

colonization by European Powers. To this spirit and this

purpose, also, are to be attributed the passages of the same

Message which treat any infringement of the rule against

interference in American affairs on the part of the Powers of

Europe as an act of unfriendliness to the United States. It

was realized that it was futile to lay down such a rule unless

its observance could be enforced. It was manifest that the

United States was the only Power in this hemisphere capable of

enforcing it. It was therefore courageously declared, not

merely that Europe ought not to interfere in American affairs,

but that any European Power doing so would be regarded as

antagonizing the interests and inviting the opposition of the

United States.

"That America is in no part open to colonization, though the

proposition was not universally admitted at the time of its

first enunciation, has long been universally conceded. We are

now concerned, therefore, only with that other practical

application of the Monroe doctrine the disregard of which by

an European Power is to be deemed an act of unfriendliness

towards the United States. The precise scope and limitations

of this rule cannot be too clearly apprehended. It does not

establish any general Protectorate by the United States over

other American States. It does not relieve any American State

from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor

prevent any European Power directly interested from enforcing

such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the

breach of them. It does not contemplate any interference in

the internal affairs of any American State, or in the

relations between it and other American States. It does not

justify any attempt on our part to change the established form

of Government of any American State, or to prevent the people

of such State from altering that form according to their own

will and pleasure. The rule in question has but a single

purpose and object. It is that no European Power or

combination of European Powers shall forcibly deprive an

American State of the right and power of self-government, and

of shaping for itself its own political fortunes and

destinies. That the rule thus defined has been the accepted

public law of this country ever since its promulgation cannot

fairly be denied. …

"It is manifest that, if a rule has been openly and uniformly

declared and acted upon by the Executive Branch of the

Government for more than seventy years without express

repudiation by Congress, it must be conclusively presumed to

have its sanction. Yet it is certainly no more than the exact

truth to say that every Administration since President

Monroe's has had occasion, and sometimes more occasions than

one, to examine and consider the Monroe doctrine, and has in

each instance given it emphatic indorsement. … A doctrine of

American public law thus long and firmly established and

supported could not easily be ignored in a proper case for its

application, even were the considerations upon which it is

founded obscure or questionable. No such objection can be

made, however, to the Monroe doctrine understood and defined

in the manner already stated. It rests, on the contrary, upon

facts and principles that are both intelligible and

incontrovertible. That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening

ocean make any permanent political union between an European

and an American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be

denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the

least of the objections to such a union. Europe, as Washington

observed, has a set of primary interests which are peculiar to

herself. America is not interested in them, and ought not to

be vexed or complicated with them. …

"If, … for the reasons stated, the forcible intrusion of

European Powers into American politics is to be deprecated—if,

as it is to be deprecated, it should be resisted and

prevented—such resistance and prevention must come from the

United States. They would come from it, of course, were it

made the point of attack. But, if they come at all, they must

also come from it when any other American State is attacked,

since only the United States has the strength adequate to the

exigency. Is it true, then, that the safety and welfare of the

United States are so concerned with the maintenance of the

independence of every American State as against any European

Power as to justify and require the interposition of the

United States whenever that independence is endangered? The

question can be candidly answered in but one way. The States

of America, South as well as North, by geographical proximity,

by natural sympathy, by similarity of Governmental

Constitutions, are friends and allies, commercially and

politically, of the United States. To allow the subjugation of

any of them by an European Power is, of course, to completely

reverse that situation, and signifies the loss of all the

advantages incident to their natural relations to us. But that

is not all. The people of the United States have a vital

interest in the cause of popular self-government. … To-day the

United States is practically Sovereign on this continent, and

its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its

interposition. Why? It is not because of the pure friendship

or good-will felt for it. It is not simply by reason of its

high character as a civilised State, nor because wisdom and

justice and equity are the invariable characteristics of the

dealings of the United States. It is because, in addition to

all other grounds, its infinite resources, combined with its

isolated position, render it master of the situation, and

practically invulnerable as against any or all other Powers.

{686}

All the advantages of this superiority are at once imperilled

if the principle be admitted that European Powers may convert

American States into Colonies or provinces of their own. The

principle would be eagerly availed of, and every Power doing

so would immediately acquire a base of military operations

against us. What one Power was permitted to do could not be

denied to another, and it is not inconceivable that the

struggle now going on for the acquisition of Africa might be

transferred to South America. If it were, the weaker countries

would unquestionably be soon absorbed, while the ultimate result

might be the partition of all South America between the

various European Powers. …

"The people of the United States have learned in the school of

experience to what extent the relations of States to each

other depend not upon sentiment nor principle, but upon

selfish interest. They will not soon forget that, in their

hour of distress, all their anxieties and burdens were

aggravated by the possibility of demonstrations against their

national life on the part of Powers with whom they had long

maintained the most harmonious relations. They have yet in

mind that France seized upon the apparent opportunity of our

Civil War to set up a Monarchy in the adjoining State of

Mexico. They realize that, had France and Great Britain held

important South American possessions to work from and to

benefit, the temptation to destroy the predominance of the

Great Republic in this hemisphere by furthering its

dismemberment might have been irresistible. From that grave

peril they have been saved in the past, and may be saved again

in the future, through the operation of the sure but silent

force of the doctrine proclaimed by President Monroe. …

"There is, then, a doctrine of American public law, well

founded in principle and abundantly sanctioned by precedent,

which entitles and requires the United States to treat as an

injury to itself the forcible assumption by an European Power

of political control over an American State. The application

of the doctrine to the boundary dispute between Great Britain

and Venezuela remains to be made, and presents no real

difficulty. Though the dispute relates to a boundary-line,

yet, as it is between States, it necessarily imports political

control to be lost by one party and gained by the other. The

political control at stake, too, is of no mean importance, but

concerns a domain of great extent—the British claim, it will

be remembered, apparently expanding in two years some 33,000

square miles—and, if it also directly involves the command of

the mouth of the Orinoco, is of immense consequence in

connection with the whole river navigation of the interior of

South America. It has been intimated, indeed, that in respect

of these South American possessions, Great Britain is herself

an American State like any other, so that a controversy

between her and Venezuela is to be settled between themselves

as if it were between Venezuela and Brazil, or between

Venezuela and Colombia, and does not call for or justify

United States intervention. If this view be tenable at all,

the logical sequence is plain. Great Britain as a South

American State is to be entirely differentiated from Great

Britain generally; and if the boundary question cannot be

settled otherwise than by force, British Guiana with her own

independent resources, and not those of the British Empire,

should be left to settle the matter with Venezuela—an

arrangement which very possibly Venezuela might not object to.

But the proposition that an European Power with an American

dependency is for the purposes of the Monroe doctrine to be

classed not as an European but as an American State will not

admit of serious discussion. If it were to be adopted, the

Monroe doctrine would be too valueless to be worth asserting.

…

"The declaration of the Monroe Message—that existing Colonies

or dependencies of an European Power would not be interfered

with by the United States—means Colonies or dependencies then

existing with their limits as then existing. So it has been

invariably construed, and so it must continue to be construed,

unless it is to be deprived of all vital force. Great Britain

cannot be deemed a South American State within the purview of

the Monroe doctrine, nor, if she is appropriating Venezuelan

territory, is it material that she does so by advancing the

frontier of an old Colony instead of by the planting of a new

Colony. The difference is matter of form, and not of

substance, and the doctrine if pertinent in the one case must

be in the other also. It is not admitted, however, and

therefore cannot be assumed, that Great Britain is in fact

usurping dominion over Venezuelan territory. While Venezuela

charges such usurpation Great Britain denies it, and the

United States, until the merits are authoritatively

ascertained, can take sides with neither. But while this is

so—while the United States may not, under existing

circumstances at least, take upon itself to say which of the

two parties is right and which wrong—it is certainly within

its right to demand that the truth shall be ascertained. …

"It being clear, therefore, that the United States may

legitimately insist upon the merits of the boundary question

being determined, it is equally clear that there is but one

feasible mode of determining them, viz., peaceful arbitration.

The impracticability of any conventional adjustment has been

often and thoroughly demonstrated. Even more impossible of

consideration is an appeal to arms—a mode of settling national

pretensions unhappily not yet wholly obsolete. If, however, it

were not condemnable as a relic of barbarism and a crime in

itself, so one-sided a contest could not be invited nor even

accepted by Great Britain without distinct disparagement to

her character as a civilized State. Great Britain, however,

assumes no such attitude. On the contrary, she both admits

that there is a controversy, and that arbitration should be

resorted to for its adjustment. But, while up to that point

her attitude leaves nothing to be desired, its practical

effect is completely nullified by her insistence that the

submission shall cover but a part of the controversy—that, as

a condition of arbitrating her right to a part of the disputed

territory, the remainder shall be turned over to her. If it

were possible to point to a boundary which both parties had

ever agreed or assumed to be such either expressly or tacitly,

the demand that territory conceded by such line to British Guiana

should be held not to be in dispute might rest upon a

reasonable basis. But there is no such line. The territory

which Great Britain insists shall be ceded to her as a

condition of arbitrating her claim to other territory has

never been admitted to belong to her.

{687}

It has always and consistently been claimed by Venezuela. Upon

what principle—except her feebleness as a nation—is she to be

denied the right of having the claim heard and passed upon by

an impartial Tribunal? No reason or shadow of reason appears

in all the voluminous literature of the subject. …

"In these circumstances, the duty of the President appears to

him unmistakable and imperative. Great Britain's assertion of

title to the disputed territory, combined with her refusal to

have that title investigated, being a substantial

appropriation of the territory to her own use, not to protest

and give warning that the transaction will be regarded as

injurious to the interests of the people of the United States,

as well as oppressive in itself, would be to ignore an

established policy with which the honour and welfare of this

country are closely identified. While the measures necessary

or proper for the vindication of that policy are to be

determined by another branch of the Government, it is clearly

for the Executive to leave nothing undone which may tend to

render such determination unnecessary. You are instructed,

therefore, to present the foregoing views to Lord Salisbury by

reading to him this communication (leaving with him a copy

should he so desire), and to reinforce them by such pertinent

considerations as will doubtless occur to you. They call for a

definite decision upon the point whether Great Britain will

consent or will decline to submit the Venezuelan boundary

question in its entirety to impartial arbitration. It is the

earnest hope of the President that the conclusion will be on

the side of arbitration, and that Great Britain will add one

more to the conspicuous precedents she has already furnished

in favour of that wise and just mode of adjusting

international disputes. If he is to be disappointed in that

hope, however—a result not to be anticipated, and in his

judgment calculated to greatly embarrass the future relations

between this country and Great Britain—it is his wish to be

made acquainted with the fact at such early date as will

enable him to lay the whole subject before Congress in his

next Annual Message."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command:

United States Number 1, 1896, pages 13-21).

VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1895 (November).

The British Guiana boundary question.

Replies of Lord Salisbury to Secretary Olney.

The reply of Lord Salisbury was not written until the 26th of

November. It was then given in two despatches, bearing the

same date,—one devoted entirely to a discussion of "the Monroe

doctrine" and of the argument founded on it by Mr. Olney; the

other to a rehearsal of the Venezuela controversy from the

standpoint of the British government. In the communication

first mentioned he wrote:

"The contentions set forth by Mr. Olney in this part of his

despatch are represented by him as being an application of the

political maxims which are well known in American discussion

under the name of the Monroe doctrine. As far as I am aware,

this doctrine has never been before advanced on behalf of the

United States in any written communication addressed to the

Government of another nation; but it has been generally

adopted and assumed as true by many eminent writers and

politicians in the United States. It is said to have largely

influenced the Government of that country in the conduct of

its foreign affairs; though Mr. Clayton, who was Secretary of

State under President Taylor, expressly stated that that

Administration had in no way adopted it. But during the period

that has elapsed since the Message of President Monroe was

delivered in 1823, the doctrine has undergone a very notable

development, and the aspect which it now presents in the hands

of Mr. Olney differs widely from its character when it first

issued from the pen of its author. The two propositions which

in effect President Monroe laid down were, first, that America

was no longer to be looked upon as a field for European

colonization; and, secondly, that Europe must not attempt to

extend its political system to America, or to control the

political condition of any of the American communities who had

recently declared their independence. The dangers against

which President Monroe thought it right to guard were not as

imaginary as they would seem at the present day. … The system

of which he speaks, and of which he so resolutely deprecates

the application to the American Continent, was the system then

adopted by certain powerful States upon the Continent of

Europe of combining to prevent by force of arms the adoption

in other countries of political institutions which they

disliked, and to uphold by external pressure those which they

approved. … The dangers which were apprehended by President

Monroe have no relation to the state of things in which we

live at the present day. … It is intelligible that Mr. Olney

should invoke, in defence of the views on which he is now

insisting, an authority which enjoys so high a popularity with

his own fellow-countrymen. But the circumstances with which

President Monroe was dealing, and those to which the present

American Government is addressing itself, have very few

features in common. Great Britain is imposing no 'system' upon

Venezuela, and is not concerning herself in any way with the

nature of the political institutions under which the

Venezuelans may prefer to live. But the British Empire and the

Republic of Venezuela are neighbours, and they have differed

for some time past, and continue to differ, as to the line by

which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with

which the United States have no apparent practical concern. It

is difficult, indeed, to see how it can materially affect any

State or community outside those primarily interested, except

perhaps other parts of Her Majesty's dominions, such as

Trinidad. The disputed frontier of Venezuela has nothing to do

with any of the questions dealt with by President Monroe. It is

not a question of the colonization by a European Power of any

portion of America. It is not a question of the imposition

upon the communities of South America of any system of

government devised in Europe. It is simply the determination

of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to the

Throne of England long before the Republic of Venezuela came

into existence.

{688}

"But even if the interests of Venezuela were so far linked to

those of the United States as to give to the latter a 'locus

standi' in this controversy, their Government apparently have

not formed, and certainly do not express, any opinion upon the

actual merits of the dispute. The Government of the United States

do not say that Great Britain, or that Venezuela, is in the

right in the matters that are in issue. But they lay down that

the doctrine of President Monroe, when he opposed the

imposition of European systems, or the renewal of European

colonization, confers upon them the right of demanding that

when a European Power has a frontier difference with a South

American community, the European Power shall consent to refer

that controversy to arbitration; and Mr. Olney states that

unless Her Majesty's Government accede to this demand, it will

'greatly embarrass the future relations between Great Britain

and the United States.' Whatever may be the authority of the

doctrine laid down by President Monroe, there is nothing in

his language to show that he ever thought of claiming this

novel prerogative for the United States. … I will not now

enter into a discussion of the merits of this method of

terminating international differences. It has proved itself

valuable in many cases; but it is not free from defects, which

often operate as a serious drawback on its value. It is not

always easy to find an Arbitrator who is competent, and who,

at the same time, is wholly free from bias; and the task of

insuring compliance with the Award when it is made is not

exempt from difficulty. …

"In the remarks which I have made, I have argued on the theory

that the Monroe doctrine in itself is sound. I must not,

however, be understood as expressing any acceptance of it on

the part of Her Majesty's Government. It must always be

mentioned with respect, on account of the distinguished

statesman to whom it is due, and the great nation who have

generally adopted it. But international law is founded on the

general consent of nations; and no statesman, however eminent,

and no nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into

the code of international law a novel principle which was

never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted

by the Government of any other country. … Though the language

of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects

which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is

impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any

adequate authority in the code of international law; and the

danger which such admission would involve is sufficiently

exhibited both by the strange development which the doctrine

has received at Mr. Olney's hands, and the arguments by which

it is supported, in the despatch under reply. In defence of it

he says: 'That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening ocean

make any permanent political union between a European and an

American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be

denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the

least of the objections to such a union. Europe has a set of

primary interests which are peculiar to herself; America is

not interested in them, and ought not to be vexed or

complicated with them.' … The necessary meaning of these words

is that the union between Great Britain and Canada; between

Great Britain and Jamaica and Trinidad; between Great Britain

and British Honduras or British Guiana are 'inexpedient and

unnatural.' President Monroe disclaims any such inference from

his doctrine; but in this, as in other respects, Mr. Olney

develops it. He lays down that the inexpedient and unnatural

character of the union between a European and American State

is so obvious that it 'will hardly be denied.' Her Majesty's

Government are prepared emphatically to deny it on behalf of

both the British and American people who are subject to her

Crown."

In his second despatch, Lord Salisbury drew the conclusions of

his government from the facts as seen on the English side, and

announced its decision, in the following terms: "It will be

seen … that the Government of Great Britain have from the

first held the same view as to the extent of territory which

they are entitled to claim as a matter of right. It comprised

the coast-line up to the River Amacura, and the whole basin of

the Essequibo River and its tributaries. A portion of that

claim, however, they have always been willing to waive

altogether; in regard to another portion, they have been and

continue to be perfectly ready to submit the question of their

title to arbitration. As regards the rest, that which lies

within the so-called Schomburgk line, they do not consider

that the rights of Great Britain are open to question. Even

within that line they have, on various occasions, offered to

Venezuela considerable concessions as a matter of friendship

and conciliation, and for the purpose of securing an amicable

settlement of the dispute. If as time has gone on the

concessions thus offered diminished in extent, and have now

been withdrawn, this has been the necessary consequence of the

gradual spread over the country of British settlements, which

Her Majesty's Government cannot in justice to the inhabitants

offer to surrender to foreign rule, and the justice of such

withdrawal is amply borne out by the researches in the

national archives of Holland and Spain, which have furnished

further and more convincing evidence in support of the British

claims.

"Her Majesty's Government are sincerely desirous of being in

friendly relations with Venezuela, and certainly have no

design to seize territory that properly belongs to her, or

forcibly to extend sovereignty over any portion of her

population. They have, on the contrary, repeatedly expressed

their readiness to submit to arbitration the conflicting

claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of

territory which from their auriferous nature are known to be

of almost untold value. But they cannot consent to entertain,

or to submit to the arbitration of another Power or of foreign

jurists, however eminent, claims based on the extravagant

pretensions of Spanish officials in the last century, and

involving the transfer of large numbers of British subjects,

who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule of a British

Colony, to a nation of different race and language, whose

political system is subject to frequent disturbance, and whose

institutions as yet too often afford very inadequate

protection to life and property. No issue of this description

has ever been involved in the questions which Great Britain

and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration,

and Her Majesty's Government are convinced that in similar

circumstances the Government of the United States would be

equally firm in declining to entertain proposals of such a

nature."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

United States Number 1, 1896, pages 23-31.

{689}

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (December).

Message of President Cleveland to the United States Congress

on the Guiana boundary dispute.

As the replies given by Lord Salisbury showed no disposition

on the part of the British government to submit its dispute

with Venezuela to arbitration, President Cleveland took the

subject in hand, and addressed to Congress, on the 17th of

December, 1895, a special Message which startled the world by

the peremptoriness of its tone.

"In my annual message addressed to the Congress on the 3d

instant," he said, "I called attention to the pending boundary

controversy between Great Britain and the Republic of

Venezuela and recited the substance of a representation made

by this Government to Her Britannic Majesty's Government

suggesting reasons why such dispute should be submitted to

arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether it would be

so submitted. The answer of the British Government, which was

then awaited, has since been received, and, together with the

dispatch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. Such

reply is embodied in two communications addressed by the

British prime minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British

ambassador at this capital. It will be seen that one of these

communications is devoted exclusively to observations upon the

Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the present instance a new

and strange extension and development of this doctrine is

insisted on by the United States; that the reasons justifying

an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are

generally inapplicable 'to the state of things in which we

live at the present day,' and especially inapplicable to a

controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain

and Venezuela.

"Without attempting extended argument in reply to these

positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine

upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its

enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation

and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and

the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of

government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our

national life and can not become obsolete while our Republic

endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous

anxiety among the Governments of the Old World and a subject

for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an

observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our

people and their Government. Assuming, therefore, that we may

properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to 'the

state of things in which we live' or any changed conditions

here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may

not be invoked in the present controversy. If a European power

by an extension of its boundaries takes possession of the

territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will

and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why to

that extent such European power does not thereby attempt to

extend its system of government to that portion of this

continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action

which President Monroe declared to be 'dangerous to our peace

and safety,' and it can make no difference whether the

European system is extended by an advance of frontier or

otherwise.

"It is also suggested in the British reply that we should not

seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dispute

because it does not embody any principle of international law

which 'is founded on the general consent of nations,' and that

'no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however

powerful, are competent to insert into the code of

international law a novel principle which was never recognized

before and which has not since been accepted by the government

of any other country.' Practically the principle for which we

contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation to the United

States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the

code of international law, but since in international councils

every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the

enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly

claim, it has its place in the code of international law as

certainly and as securely as if it were specifically

mentioned; and when the United States is a suitor before the

high tribunal that administers international law the question

to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the

justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid.

"The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles

of international law which are based upon the theory that

every nation shall have its rights protected and its just

claims enforced. Of course this government is entirely

confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have

clear rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the

British reply. The prime minister, while not admitting that

the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions,

states: 'In declaring that the United States would resist any

such enterprise if it was contemplated, President Monroe

adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the

English Government of that date.'

"He further declares: 'Though the language of President Monroe

is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen

would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that

they have been inscribed by any adequate authority in the code

of international law.'

"Again he says: 'They [Her Majesty's Government] fully concur

with the view which President Monroe apparently entertained,

that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution

in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisitions on the part of

any European State would be a highly inexpedient change.'

"In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was

clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial

considerations, and involved our safety and welfare, that it

was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the

state of the world's progress, and that it was directly

related to the pending controversy, and without any conviction

as to the final merits of the dispute, 'but anxious to learn

in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great Britain

sought under a claim of boundary to extend her possessions on

this continent without right, or whether she merely sought

possession of territory fairly included within her lines of

ownership, this Government proposed to the Government of Great

Britain a resort to arbitration as the proper means of

settling the question, to the end that a vexatious boundary

dispute between the two contestants might be determined and

our exact standing and relation in respect to the controversy

might be made clear.

{690}

It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted

that this proposition has been declined by the British

Government upon grounds which in the circumstances seem to me

to be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappointing that

such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feelings toward

both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of

justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of

the world, and touching its relations to one comparatively

weak and small, should have produced no better results.

"The course to be pursued by this Government in view of the

present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt.

Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great

Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and

having been now finally apprised of her refusal to do so,

nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its

plain requirements, and deal with it accordingly. Great

Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded

as admissible by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the

boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may

enter into of her own free will can not of course be objected

to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude

of Venezuela will remain unchanged, the dispute has reached

such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United

States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty

for its justification what is the true divisional line between

the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to

that end should of course be conducted carefully and

judicially, and due weight should be given to all available

evidence, records, and facts in support of the claims of both

parties. In order that such an examination should be

prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest

that the Congress make an adequate appropriation for the

expenses of a commission, to be appointed by the Executive,

who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the

matter with the least possible delay. When such report is made

and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United

States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful

aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by

Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental

jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we

have determined of right belongs to Venezuela.

"In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the

responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the

consequences that May follow. I am, nevertheless, firm in my

conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate

the two great English-speaking peoples of the world as being

otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of

civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts

of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite

which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and

injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect and

honor, beneath which are shielded and defended a people's

safety and greatness."

United States, Message and Documents

(Abridgment, 1895-1896).

The recommendations of the President were acted upon with

remarkable unanimity and promptitude in Congress, a bill

authorizing the appointment of the proposed commission, and

appropriating $100,000 for the necessary expenditure, being

passed by the House on the day following the Message (December

17), and by the Senate on the 20th.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).

Feeling in England and the United States

over the boundary dispute.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1896-1899.

Appointment of the United States Commission to investigate

the boundary question.

Reopening of negotiations between the United States

and Great Britain.

The solution of the main difficulty found.

Arbitration and its result.

The Commission authorized by the Congress of the United States

to investigate and report on the true divisional line between

British Guiana and Venezuela was named by the President of the

United States, on the 1st of January, as follows:

David J. Brewer, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court

of the United States;

Richard H. Alvey, Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals in

the District of Columbia;

Andrew D. White, ex-President of Cornell University,

and ex-Minister to Germany and Russia;

Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns Hopkins University;

Frederick H. Coudert, of New York.

The Commission was organized on the 4th by the election of

Justice Brewer to be its President. Mr. S. Mallet Prevost was

subsequently appointed Secretary. One of the first proceedings

of the Commission was to address a letter to the Secretary of

State, suggesting a friendly intimation to the governments of

Great Britain and Venezuela that their assistance to it, in

procuring unpublished archives and the like evidence, would be

highly acceptable, and that "if either should deem it

appropriate to designate an agent or attorney, whose duty it

would be to see that no such proofs were omitted or

overlooked, the Commission would be grateful for such evidence

of good will." This overture was well received in England, and

had an excellent effect. It was responded to by Lord

Salisbury, with an assurance that Her Majesty's government

would readily place at the disposal of the President of the

United States any information at their command, and would

communicate advance copies of documents soon to be published

on the subject of the boundary line. Before the close of

January the Commission had organized its work, with several

experts engaged to assist on special lines. Professor Justin

Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University, had undertaken to

report on the early maps of the Guiana-Venezuela country.

Professor George L. Burr, of Cornell University, was making

ready to examine the Dutch archives in Holland, and Professor

J. Franklin Jameson, of Brown University, was enlisted for

other investigations.

Before these labors had gone far, however, the two

governments, of Great Britain and the United States, were

induced to reopen a discussion of the possibility of an

arbitration of the dispute. On the 27th of February, Mr.

Bayard, the Ambassador of the United States at London,

conveyed to Lord Salisbury a proposal from his government

"that Her Majesty's Ambassador at Washington should be

empowered to discuss the question at that capital with the

Secretary of State," and that "a clear definition of the

'settlements' by individuals in the territory in dispute,

which it is understood Her Majesty's Government desire should

be excluded from the proposed submission to arbitration,

should be propounded."

{691}

Lord Salisbury assented so far as to telegraph, on the same

day, to Sir Julian Pauncefote: "I have agreed with the United

States' Ambassador that, in principle, the matter may be

discussed between the United States Government (acting as the

friend of Venezuela) and your Excellency." But, a few days

later (March 5), the British Premier and Foreign Secretary

gave a broader range to the discussion, by recalling a

correspondence that had taken place in the spring of 1895

between the then American Secretary of State, Mr. Gresham, and

the British Ambassador, in contemplation of a general system

of international arbitration for the adjustment of disputes

between the two governments. Reviving that project, Lord

Salisbury submitted the heads of a general arbitration treaty

between the United States and Great Britain, which became a

subject of discussion for some weeks, without offering much

promise of providing for the settlement of the Venezuela

dispute. In May, the correspondence returned to the latter

subject more definitely, Lord Salisbury writing (May 22):

"From the first our objection has been to subject to the

decision of an Arbiter, who, in the last resort, must, of

necessity, be a foreigner, the rights of British colonists who

have settled in territory which they had every ground for

believing to be British, and whose careers would be broken,

and their fortunes possibly ruined, by a decision that the

territory on which they have settled was subject to the

Venezuelan Republic. At the same time, we are very conscious

that the dispute between ourselves and the Republic of

Venezuela affects a large portion of land which is not under

settlement, and which could be disposed of without any

injustice to any portion of the colonial population. We are

very willing that the territory which is comprised within this

definition should be subjected to the results of an

arbitration, even though some portion of it should be found to

fall within the Schomburgk line." He proposed, accordingly,

the creation of a commission of four persons, for the

determination of the questions of fact involved, on whose

report the two governments of Great Britain and Venezuela

should endeavor to agree on a boundary line; failing which

agreement, a tribunal of arbitration should fix the line, on

the basis of facts reported by the Commission. "Provided

always that in fixing such line the Tribunal shall not have

power to include as the territory of Venezuela any territory

which was bona fide occupied by subjects of Great Britain on

the 1st January, 1887, or as the territory of Great Britain

any territory bona fide occupied by Venezuelans at the same

date."

Objections to this proposal, especially to its final

stipulation, were raised by the government of the United

States, and the negotiation looked unpromising again for a

time; but at length, on the 13th of July, Mr. Olney made a

suggestion which happily solved the one difficulty that had

been, from the beginning, a bar to agreement between the two

governments. "Can it be assumed," he asked, in a letter of

that date, "that Her Majesty's Government would submit to

unrestricted arbitration the whole of the territory in

dispute, provided it be a rule of the arbitration, embodied in

the arbitral agreement, that territory which has been in the

exclusive, notorious, and actual use and occupation of either

party for even two generations, or say for sixty years, shall

be held by the arbitrators to be the territory of such party?

In other words, will Her Majesty's Government assent to

unrestricted arbitration of all the territory in controversy,

with the period for the acquisition of title by prescription

fixed by agreement of the parties in advance at sixty years?"

Lord Salisbury assented to the principle thus suggested, but

proposed a shorter term of occupation than sixty years.

Finally the term of fifty years was accepted on both sides,

and from that point the arrangement of a Treaty of Arbitration

between Great Britain and Venezuela went smoothly on. The good

news that England and America were practically at the end of

their dispute was proclaimed by Lord Salisbury, on the 9th of

November, in a speech at the Lord Mayor's banquet, in London,

when he said: "You are aware that in the discussion had with

the United States on behalf of their friends in Venezuela, our

question has not been whether there should be arbitration, but

whether arbitration should have unrestricted application; and

we have always claimed that those who, apart from historic

right, had the right which attaches to established

settlements, should be excluded from arbitration. Our

difficulty for months has been to define the settled

districts; and the solution has, I think, come from the

suggestion of the government of the United States, that we

should treat our colonial empire as we treat individuals; that

the same lapse of time which protects the latter in civic life

from having their title questioned, should similarly protect

an English colony; but, beyond that, when a lapse could not be

claimed, there should be an examination of title, and all the

equity demanded in regard thereto should be granted. I do not

believe I am using unduly sanguine words when I declare my

belief that this has brought the controversy to an end."

On the 10th of November, the Secretary of the United States

Commission appointed to investigate the disputed boundary

published the following: "The statements of Lord Salisbury, as

reported in the morning papers, make it probable that the

boundary dispute now pending between Great Britain and Venezuela

will be sewed by arbitration at an early day. Under the

circumstances the Commission, while continuing its deliberations

in the preparation and orderly arrangement of many valuable maps,

reports, and documents, which have been procured and used in the

course of its labors, does not propose to formulate any decision

for the present of the matters subject to its examination. It

will continue its sessions from time to time, but with the hope

and expectation that a friendly and just settlement of all

pending differences between the nations interested will make

any final decision on its part unnecessary." This hope was

substantially realized a few days later, when a convention

embodying the agreement of the United States and Great Britain

was signed by Secretary Olney and the British Ambassador, Sir

Julian Pauncefote. The agreement was carried to its next stage on

the 2d of February, 1897, when a treaty between Great Britain and

the United States of Venezuela was signed at Washington, which

provided as follows:

{692}

"Article I.

An Arbitral Tribunal shall be immediately appointed to

determine the boundary-line between the Colony of British

Guiana and the United States of Venezuela.

"Article II.

The Tribunal shall consist of five Jurists: two on the part of

Great Britain, nominated by the Members of the Judicial

Committee of Her Majesty's Privy Council, namely, the Right

Honourable Baron Herschell, Knight Grand Cross of the Most

Honourable Order of the Bath, and the Honourable Sir Richard

Henn Collins, Knight, one of the Justices of Her Britannic

Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature; two on the part of

Venezuela, nominated, one by the President of the United

States of Venezuela, namely, the Honourable Melville Weston

Fuller, Chief Justice of the United States of America, and one

nominated by the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United

States of America, namely, the Honourable David Josiah Brewer,

a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States of

America; and of a fifth Jurist to be selected by the four

persons so nominated, or in the event of their failure to

agree within three months from the date of the exchange of

ratifications of the present Treaty, to be selected by His

Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. The Jurist so selected

shall be President of the Tribunal. In case of the death,

absence, or incapacity to serve of any of the four Arbitrators

above named, or in the event of any such Arbitrator omitting

or declining or ceasing to act as such, another Jurist of

repute shall be forthwith substituted in his place. If such

vacancy shall occur among those nominated on the part of Great

Britain, the substitute shall be appointed by the members for

the time being of the Judicial Committee of Her Majesty's

Privy Council, acting by a majority, and if among those

nominated on the part of Venezuela, he shall be appointed by

the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, acting

by a majority. If such vacancy shall occur in the case of the

fifth Arbitrator, a substitute shall be selected in the manner

herein provided for with regard to the original appointment.

"Article III.

The Tribunal shall investigate and ascertain the extent of the

territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed

by, the United Netherlands or by the Kingdom of Spain

respectively at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain

of the Colony of British Guiana, and shall determine the

boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the

United States of Venezuela.

"Article IV.

In deciding the matters submitted, the Arbitrators shall

ascertain all facts which they deem necessary to a decision of

the controversy, and shall be governed by the following Rules,

which are agreed upon by the High Contracting Parties as Rules

to be taken as applicable to the case, and by such principles

of international law not inconsistent therewith as the

Arbitrators shall determine to be applicable to the

case:—

Rules.

(a.) Adverse holding or prescription during a period of fifty

years shall make a good title. The Arbitrators may deem

exclusive political control of a district, as well as actual

settlement thereof, sufficient to constitute adverse holding

or to make title by prescription.

(b.) The Arbitrators may recognize and give effect to rights

and claims resting on any other ground whatever valid

according to international law, and on any principles of

international law which the Arbitrators may deem to be

applicable to the case, and which are not in contravention of

the foregoing rule.

(c.) In determining the boundary-line, if territory of one

Party be found by the Tribunal to have been at the date of

this Treaty in the occupation of the subjects or citizens of

the other Party, such effect shall be given to such occupation

as reason, justice, the principles of international law, and

the equities of the case shall, in the opinion of the

Tribunal, require. …

Article XIII.

The High Contracting Parties engage to consider the result of

the proceedings of the Tribunal of Arbitration as a full,

perfect, and final settlement of all the questions referred to

the Arbitrators:"

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Treaty Series Number 5, 1897.

Before the Arbitrators named in the treaty had entered on

their duties, a vacancy in the tribunal was created by the

death of Baron Herschell, and the Lord Chief Justice of

England, Lord Russell of Killowen, was appointed in his place.

His Excellency, Frederic de Martens, Privy Councillor and

Permanent Member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs in Russia, was selected to be the fifth Arbitrator. As

thus constituted, the Arbitral Tribunal met in Paris on the

15th of June, 1899. In the hearings before it, Venezuela was

represented by Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United

States, and other counsel; the British government by Sir

Richard Webster, Attorney-General of Great Britain, and

others. The decision of the Tribunal, which is said to have

been rendered with unanimity, was announced on the 3d of

October, 1899, as follows:

"We the undersigned Arbitrators do hereby make and publish our

decision, determination, and Award of, upon, and concerning

the questions submitted to us by the said Treaty of

Arbitration, and do hereby, conformably to the said Treaty of

Arbitration, finally decide, award, and determine that the

boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the

United States of Venezuela is as follows:

Starting from the coast at Point Playa, the line of boundary

shall run in a straight line to the River Barima at its

junction with the River Mururuma, and thence along the

mid-stream of the latter river to its source, and from that

point to the junction of the River Haiowa with the Amakuru,

and thence along the mid-stream of the Amakuru to its source

in the Imataka Ridge, and thence in a south-westerly direction

along the highest ridge of the spur of the Imataka Mountains

to the highest point of the main range of such Imataka

Mountains opposite to the source of the Barima, and thence

along the summit of the main ridge in a south-easterly

direction of the Imataka Mountains to the source of the

Acarabisi, and thence along the mid-stream of the Acarabisi to

the Cuyuni, and thence along the northern bank of the River

Cuyuni westward to its junction with the Wenamu, and thence

following the mid-stream of the Wenamu to its westernmost

source, and thence in a direct line to the summit of Mount

Roraima, and from Mount Roraima to the source of the Cotinga,

and along the mid-stream of that river to its junction with

the Takutu, and thence along the mid-stream of the Takutu to

its source, thence in a straight line to the westernmost point

of the Akarai Mountains, and thence along the ridge of the

Akarai Mountains to the source of the Corentin called the

Cutari River.

{693}

Provided always that the line of delimitation fixed by this

Award shall be subject and without prejudice to any questions

now existing, or which may arise, to be determined between the

Government of her Britannic Majesty and the Republic of

Brazil, or between the latter Republic and the United States

of Venezuela.

"In fixing the above delimitation the Arbitrators consider and

decide that in times of peace the Rivers Amakuru and Barima

shall be open to navigation by the merchant-ships of all

nations, subject to all just regulations and to the payment of

light or other like dues: Provided that the dues charged by

the Republic of Venezuela and the Government of the Colony of

British Guiana in respect of the passage of vessels along the

portions of such rivers respectively owned by them shall be

charged at the same rates upon the vessels of Venezuela and

Great Britain, such rates being no higher than those charged

to any other nation: Provided also that no customs duties

shall be chargeable either by the Republic of Venezuela or by

the Colony of British Guiana in respect of goods carried on

board ships, vessels, or boats passing along the said rivers,

but customs duties shall only be chargeable in respect of

goods landed in the territory of Venezuela or Great Britain

respectively."

Great Britain, Papers by Command:

Venezuela Number 7, 1899, pages 6-7.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1898-1900.

Change in the Presidency.

Death of ex-President Crespo.

Revolution.

Rebellion.

General Joaquin Crespo retired from the presidency and was

succeeded by General Ignacio Andrade on the 1st of March,

1898. A revolutionary movement was soon started, with General

Hernandez at its head, and ex-President Crespo, who led the

forces of the government against it, was killed in a charge,

on the 16th of April. Hernandez was surprised and captured a

few weeks later, and the rebellion then subsided for a time.

In the spring of 1899 Hernandez was set at liberty by Andrade,

who, meantime, had crushed a minor revolt, undertaken by one

General Guerra. August found the harassed President assailed

by a fresh rising, started by General Cipriano Castro, and the

restless revolutionist, Hernandez, was soon in league with it.

This proved to be a revolution in earnest, and, after hard

fighting, President Andrade fled from the capital and the

country in October; Puerto Cabello, the last town to hold out

for him, was bombarded and stormed the following month, and a

new government was established, nominally under the Vice

President, Rodriguez, but with Castro for its actual head.

Before this had been fully accomplished, however, Hernandez

was in arms against Castro, with his accustomed ill-success.

Before the year closed he had fled the country; but early in

1900 he was once more in the field, maintaining a troublesome

war until May, when he was defeated, and again a prisoner in

his opponents' hands.

VICTORIA, Queen:

The Diamond Jubilee celebration of her accession to the throne.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

VICTORIA, Queen:

Her death and funeral.

Tributes to her character.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

VICTORIA.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

VICTORIAN ORDER, The.

A new order of knighthood, to be known as the Victorian Order,

and to be conferred as a mark of high distinction, was

instituted by Queen Victoria on the 21st of April, 1896.

VIENNA: A. D. 1895-1896.

Anti-Semitic agitation.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

VIENNA: A. D. 1897.

Scenes in the Reichsrath.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

VIENNA: A. D. 1900.

Census.

According to a report from the United States Consul at Vienna,

the census taken December 31, 1900, shows a population of

1,635,647, or nearly 63,000 less than that of Chicago, when

the recent census of that city was taken. These figures show

Vienna to rank next after London, Paris and Berlin among the

European capitals, while in this country only New York and

Chicago are larger. In the last ten years Vienna has increased

21.9 per cent, or slightly faster than the average for the

whole United States. Of the two American cities larger than

Vienna New York increased in ten years 37.8 per cent. and

Chicago 54.4 per cent.

VIEQUEZ.

See (in this volume)

PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

VILLIERS, Sir J. H. de:

Advice to President Kruger.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

VIRDEN, Conflict with striking miners at.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

VIRGINIUS AFFAIR, The.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

VISAYAN ISLANDS, American occupation of the.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

VISAYANS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

VOLKSRAAD, South African.

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS, English.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

VOLUNTEERS OF AMERICA, The.

See (in this volume)

SALVATION ARMY.

VOTING, Plural or Cumulative, and Compulsory.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

{694}

WADAI.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA, A. D. 1882-1899.

WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, M.:

The Ministry of.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE), and after.

WALES, The Prince or.

It has been announced that Prince George, Duke of Cornwall and

York, the only living son of King Edward VII., of England, and

heir to the British throne, will be created Prince of Wales,

by royal patent, after his return from Australia.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

WANA:

Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

WAR:

Measures to prevent its occurrence and to mitigate its

barbarities.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

WAR BUDGETS:

Military and naval expenditures of the great Powers.

The following compilation of statistics of the military and

naval expenditure of the leading Powers (Great Britain

excepted) was submitted to the House of Representatives at

Washington by the Honorable George B. McClellan of New York,

in a speech, February 12, 1901, on the bill then pending in

Congress, to make appropriations for the support of the Army

of the United States. The tabulated statements were introduced

with explanations and comments as follows:

"For purposes of comparison, I have taken the armies and

navies of Austria-Hungary, France, the German Empire, Italy,

and Russia. I have not included Great Britain, for its

conditions have been abnormal for nearly two years. I have

based my estimates on the enlisted strength of the armies

referred to, excluding commissioned officers. The figures are

the most recent obtainable without direct communication with

foreign authorities and are for the most part for the last

fiscal year of the several countries, although in some cases

they are for 1898-99. The German naval budget does not include

the extraordinary expenditures for the new navy authorized by

the recent enactment of the Reichstag. This does not begin to

be effective until the next fiscal year. In estimating the

equivalent in dollars of the Italian budget I have allowed 6

per cent for the depreciation of the present paper currency—a

very moderate estimate. The Russian budget will appear

abnormally low, for I have recently seen it stated at

$159,000,000. This is because the ruble has been assumed to be

the gold ruble, worth 52 cents, but the budget is expressed in

paper rubles, and is now, under a recent order of M. Witte,

uniformly reckoned at two-thirds of the gold ruble. I have

therefore called it 34.6 cents."

As to the military expenditure of the United States, "the

House has during the present session appropriated, or is about

to appropriate, for the support of what may be called the

active Army, $152,068,100.84. The appropriations growing out

of past wars amount to a total of $154,694,292. I have charged

to this account every item that could by any possible

construction be assumed to refer to past wars and not to the

maintenance of the present Army. The pension appropriation

bill carried $145,245,230. The cost of administering the

Pension Bureau will amount to $3,352,790. The Record and

Pension Office costs $585,170. I have further included

appropriations for National and State Homes, back pay, etc.,

cemeteries, and $712,580 for extra clerks due to the Spanish

war. Adding the appropriations due to past wars to the

appropriation for the active Army, we find a total of

$306,762,392.84, which represents the total of our Army

budget. Taking the total cost of our active Army, and assuming

the enlisted strength of the Army to be 100,000, we find the

cost per annum of each enlisted man to be $l,520. Taking the

total Army budget, including appropriations arising from past

wars, we find the cost per annum of each enlisted man $3,067.

"Without including appropriations arising from past wars, we

find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be

$1.99. Including appropriations arising from past wars, we

find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be

$4.02. The army budget of Austria-Hungary is $67,564,446, the

cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man for one year being $183.86,

and the cost of the army per capita of population $1.50. The

army budget of France is $128,959,064, the cost of maintaining

1 enlisted man is $218.74, and the cost per capita of

population is $3.34. The army budget of the German Empire is

$156,127,743, the cost per annum of 1 enlisted man is $277.85,

the cost per capita of population is $2.98. The army budget of

Italy is $43,920,132, the cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man

per annum is $202.65, the cost per capita of population is

$1.39. The army budget of Russia is $99,927,997, the cost of

maintaining 1 enlisted man is $119.65, the cost per capita of

population is 77 cents.

"The appropriations for the support of the naval establishment

are by no means so widely distributed as are those for the

Army. The naval bill carries $77,016,635.60. In the

legislative, executive, and judicial bill there are carried

appropriations directly chargeable to the support of the Navy,

including pay of the clerical force in the Auditor's office,

the office of the Secretary, the office of the heads of the

bureaus, maintenance of building, and contingent expenses,

amounting to $399,150. In the sundry civil bill there are

carried, for printing and binding, appropriations amounting to

$127,000. Up to the present time the Secretary of the Treasury

has submitted to the House a statement of deficiencies for the

support of the naval establishment amounting to $2,491,549.64,

making a total of $80,034,335.24 that the House has

appropriated or is about to appropriate during the present

session for the support of the naval establishment. In

addition to this the legislative, executive, and judicial bill

carries an appropriation of $21,800 for the payment of extra

clerks whose employment is necessitated by the Spanish war,

making a total naval budget of $80,056,135.24.

"The naval budget of Austria-Hungary is $7,028,167, a cost per

capita of population of 15 cents. The naval budget of France

is $61,238,478, a cost per capita of population of $1.58. The

naval budget of the German Empire is $32,419,602, a cost per

capita of population of 62 cents. The naval budget of Italy is

$18,455,111, a cost per capita of population of 58 cents. The

naval budget of Russia is $48,132,220, a cost per capita of

population of 37 cents.

{695}

"The combined appropriations for the Army and Navy represent

the total war budget, or, as some European countries prefer to

call it, the 'defense budget.' The total war budget of the

United States, excluding appropriations due to past wars,

amounts to $233,102,435, or a cost per capita of population of

$3.03. Our total war budget, including appropriations due to

past wars, amounts to $386,818,527, a cost per capita of

population of $5.06. The total war budget of Austria-Hungary

is $74,592,613, a cost per capita of population of $1.66. The

total war budget of France is $190,197,542, a cost per capita

of population of $4.92. The total war budget of the German

Empire is $188,547,345, a cost per capita of population of

$3.60. The total war budget of Italy is $62,375,243, a cost

per capita of population of $1.97. The total war budget of

Russia is $148,060,017, a cost per capita of population of

$1.14. The combined total war budgets of France and of the

German Empire amount to $378,744,887, or $8,073,640 less than

that of the United States.

"The criticism has been made that there can be no comparison

between the cost of maintaining our Army and the cost of

maintaining those of Europe, for the reason that the European

private receives 'no pay' and ours receives $156 a year. As a

matter of fact, while service is compulsory on the Continent,

the continental private is paid a small sum, amounting on the

average to about $56 a year. In other words, our private

receives about $100 more than his comrade of Europe. This

criticism does not affect comparisons, as will be seen on the

consideration of a few figures. The war budget of the German

Empire is the largest in Europe. Were the Prussian private to

receive the same pay as our private the Prussian army budget

would be swelled to $212,354,343. Were the Russian private to

receive the same pay as our private the Russian budget would

be swelled to about $190,000,000 per annum. The difference in

pay does not account for the proportionate difference in the

size of the budgets, for were our Army to be increased to the

size of that of the German Empire our budget would be

increased by $702,644,320, making a total of $854,712,420,

without including expenses due to past wars, or, including

such expenses, making an Army budget of $1,009,406,712. Were

our Army to be increased to the size of Russia's, our budget

would be increased by $1,132,120,220, making a total Army

budget, without including appropriations due to past wars, of

81,284,188,320, or, including appropriations due to past wars,

making a total budget of $1,438,882,612.

"I submit these figures to the consideration of the House

without any comment whatsoever. Comment is unnecessary.

"TABLE A.

Analysis of the war budget of the United States as agreed to,

or about to be agreed to, by the House of Representatives,

first session Fifty-sixth Congress.

1. ARMY.

Appropriations for the active Army.

Army bill                                     $117,994,649.10

Military Academy bill                              700,151.88

Fortification bill                               7,227,461.00

Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:

Office of the Secretary of War                       $104,150

Office of the Auditor for the War Department          318,300

Offices of heads of so-called "staff" departments     653,826

Maintenance of three-eighths of Department building    45,990

Rent                                                   13,500

Stationery                                             32,500

Postage                                                 1,000

Contingent expenses                                    58,000

Total                                            1,227,266.00

Sundry civil bill:

Arsenals and armories                                 281,550

Military posts                                      1,008,960

Bringing home dead                                    150,000

Maps, etc.                                              5,100

Printing and binding                                  241,000

Repairs, three-eighths Department building             31,500

Total                                            1,721,110.00

Deficiencies submitted:

December 11, 1900                               12,062,223.36

January  21, 1901                                5,835,239.50

January  26, 1001                                5,300,000.00

Total                                           23,197,462.36

Total, active Army                             152,068,100.84

Appropriations growing out of past wars.

Pensions                                      $145,245,230.00

Salaries, Pension Bureau, etc.                   3,352,700.00

Record and Pension Office                          585,170.00

National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers   3,074,142.00

State Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers        950,000.00

Back pay and bounty (civil war)                    325,000.00

Arrears of pay (Spanish war)                       200,000.00

National cemeteries                                191,880.00

Artificial limbs and appliances                     27,000.00

Headstones and burials                              28,000.00

Apache prisoners                                     2,500.00

Secretary of War, extra clerks (Spanish war)       600,000.00

Auditor for War Department,

extra clerks(Spanish war)                       112,580.00

Total.                                      154,694,292.00

Appropriations for the active Army             152,068,100.84

Total Army budget.                          300,762,392.81

2. NAVY.

Naval bill                                        $77,016,635.60

Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:

Office of the Secretary of the Navy             $47,900.00

Office of the Auditor for the Navy Department    68,080.00

Offices of heads of bureaus, etc.               224,430.00

Maintenance of three-eighths

of Department building                        45,990.00

Contingent expenses                           12,750.00

Total                                             $399,150.00

Sundry civil bill:

Printing and binding                            127,000.00

Deficiencies submitted:

December 11, 1900                                74,481.09

December 17, 1900                                20,000.00

January 21, 1901                              2,267,068.55

January 25, 1901                                130,000.00

Total                                            2,491,549.64

Total, active Navy                              80,034,335.24

Auditor for Navy Department,

extra clerks (Spanish war)                       21,800.00

Total Navy budget                                  80,056,135.24

3. RECAPITULATION.

Active Army                                   $152,068,100.84

Active Navy                                     80,034,335.24

Total                                      $232,102,436.08

Army (past wars)                               154,694,292.00

Navy (past wars)                                    21,800.00

Total War Budget                            154,716,092.00

Total war budget                                  386,818,528.08

{696}

TABLE B. Analysis of war budgets of various armies.

Country           Population  Latest       Total      Cost of       Cost of     Latest      Cost of      Total war

by last     Obtainable   enlisted   maintaining   army per    obtainable  navy per     budget      Cost of army and

census      Army Budget  strength,  one enlisted  capita of   naval       capita of                combined

peace      man for       population  budget      population               per capita of

footing    one year.                                                      population.

Austria-Hungary  44,901,036  $67,564,446   368,002    $183.86         $1.50     $7,028,167    $0.15     $74,502,613   $1.66

France           38,517,975  128,959,064   589,541     218.74          3.34     61,238,478     1.58     190,197,542    4.92

German Empire    52,246,589  156,127,743   562,266     277.85          2.98     32,419,602      .62     188,547,345    3.60

Italy            31,479,217   43,020,132   216,720     202.65          1.39     18,455,111      .58      62,375,243    1.97

Russia          129,211,113   99,927,797   835,143     119.85           .77     48,132,220      .37     148,060,017    1.14

United States,

not including

cost of past

wars             76,295,220  152,068,100   100,000   1,520.00          1.99     80,034,335     1.04     233,102,435    3.03

United States,

including cost

of past wars     76,295,220  306,762,392   100,000   3,067.00          4.02     80,056,135     1.04     380,818,527    5.06

Congressional Record,

February 15, 1901, pages 2707-2709.

The following is an abstract of the British Army estimates for

1901-1902, submitted to Parliament in March, 1901, compared

with those of the previous year. They cover, of course, the

extraordinary expenditure incident to the South African war:

NET ESTIMATES.

1901-1002.    1900-1901.

I. NUMBERS.

Total       Total

Numbers.    Numbers.

Number of men on the Home

and Colonial Establishments

of the Army, exclusive of

those serving 111 India.               450,000   430,000

II.  EFFECTIVE SERVICES.                £          £

Pay, &c., of Army (General

Staff, Regiments, Reserve, and

Departments).                      21,657,500  18,450,000

Medical Establishment: Pay,&c.      1,083,600     908,000

Militia: Pay, Bounty, &c.           2,662,000   2,288,000

Yeomanry Cavalry: Pay and

Allowances.                           375,000     141,000

Volunteer Corps: Pay and

Allowances.                         1,230,000   1,730,000

Transport and Remounts.            15,977,000  19,800,000

Provisions, Forage and other

Supplies.                          18,782,000  18,200,000

Clothing Establishments and

Services.                           4,825,000   5,530,000

Warlike and other Stores:

Supply and Repair.                 13,450,000  13,200,000

Works, Buildings, and Repairs:

Engineer Services.                  3,281,000   4,730,700

Establishments for Military

Education.                            119,200     113,800

Miscellaneous Effective Services      218,200     200,900

War Office: Salaries and

Miscellaneous Charges.                305,000     275,000

Total Effective Services.          83,970,500  85,573,400

III. NON-EFFECTIVE SERVICES.

Non-Effective Charges for

Officers, &c.                       2,271,000   1,861,000

Non-Effective Charges for Men, &c.  1,485,000   l,379,000

Superannuation, Compensation,

and Compassionate Allowances.         188,500     186,000

Total Non-Effective Services.       3,944,500   3,426,000

Total Effective and

Non-Effective Services.            87,915,000  88,999,400

NOTE. The provision for Ordinary and War

Services is as follows:

1901-02.    1900-01.

£           £

For War Services:

South Africa              56,070,000  61,286,700

China                      2,160,000   3,450,000

Total                     58,230,000  64,736,700

For Ordinary Services     29,685,000  24,262,700

Total                     87,915,000  88,999,400

The British navy estimates for 1901-1902 amount to a net total

of £30,875,500, being an increase of £2,083,600 beyond the

amount of £28,791,900 voted for the year 1900-1901. The total

number of Officers, Seamen and Boys, Coastguard, and Royal

Marines, proposed for the year 1901-1902 is 118,635, being an

increase of 3,745.

The following statistics of the numerical strength and ratio

to population of the armies of twenty-two nations, compiled in

the War Department of the United States, were cited in the

debate in the United States Senate on the bill to increase the

strength of the United States Army, January 15, 1901. They

differ in some particulars, but not greatly, from the

corresponding figures given by Mr. McClellan:

"War Department, Adjutant-General's office, Washington, August

28, 1900. According to the latest available sources, which are

considered fairly reliable, the peace and war strength of the

armies of the nations mentioned below is stated to be as

follows:

NATION.                  PEACE STRENGTH.      WAR STRENGTH.

Officers.  Men.

Austria-Hungary, 1899.    26,454   335,239     1,872,178

Belgium, 1899              3,472    48,030       163,000

Brazil, 1897               2,300    25,860

China                              300,000     1,000,000 (a)

France, 1900               29,740  586,735     2,500,000 (b)

(a) Estimated.

(b) Available men liable to military service.

{697}

NATION.                 PEACE STRENGTH.     WAR STRENGTH.

Officers.  Men.

Germany, 1899            23,230   562,266     3,000,000 (c)

Great Britain, 1900      11,904   241,237 (d)   503,484

Italy, 1898              14,084   310,602     1,304,854

Japan, 1898               6,356   115,673       407,963

Mexico, 1898              2,068    30,075       151,500

Persia                             24,500       105,500

Portugal, 1899            1,804    30,000       157,126 (e)

Roumania                  3,280    60,000       171,948

Russia, 1900             36,000   860,000     3,500,000 (f)

Servia, 1897                      160,751       353,366

Spain, 1899                        98,140       183,972

Sweden, 1899              2,513    37,639       327,000

Switzerland, 1899 (g)                           509,707

Turkey, 1898                      700,620      900,000

United States, 1900.      2,587    65,000      100,000

(c) Estimated on present organization to have over 3,000,000

trained men. War strength not given.

(d) Of this number 74,288 are Indian troops.

(e) In addition there are maintained in the colonies 9,478

officers and men.

(f) Approximately.

(g) No standing army.

"War Department, Adjutant General's office, Washington,

December 8, 1900. Peace strength of the armies, population, and

percentage of former to latter of the principal countries of the

world. This table is not strictly accurate at the present

time, because the dates of censuses vary. In preparing this

table the latest published census has been taken for

population, and the countries are arranged in order of their

percentages:

NATION.           Peace Strength.  Population.  Percentage.

France               616,475        38,517,975     1.6

Norway                30,900         2,000,917     1.54

Germany              585,896        52,279,901     1.1

Roumania              63,280         5,800,000     1.1

Italy                324,686        31,856,675     1

Greece                25,338         2,433,806     1

Servia                22,448         2,312,484      .97

Austria-Hungary      361,693        41,351,184     0.87

Sweden                40,152         5,062,918      .79

Belgium               51,502         6,669,732      .77

Russia.              896,000       128,932,113      .69

Great Britain

and Ireland.         259,141        38,104,975      .68

Turkey.              244,000        38,791,000      .63

Portugal              31,804         5,049,729      .62

Spain                 98,140        17,565,632      .56

Netherlands           21,696         5,074,632      .54

Denmark                9,769         2,185,335      .45

Japan                122,029        43,745,353      .30

Mexico                32,143        12,630,863      .25

Brazil                28,160        14,338,915      .19

United States         67,587        76,295,220      .089

Switzerland (h)                      3,119,635

(h) Switzerland has no standing army, but every citizen has to

bear arms. The first Class (élite), composed of men between

the ages of 20 and 32, has from forty to eighty days' training

the first year, and every second year thereafter sixteen days.

About 18,000 men join the elite annually.

In December, 1900, the British Board of Trade issued a return,

for the year 1899 (except as stated otherwise), of the "Naval

expenditure and Mercantile Marine" of leading nations, from

which the following table is taken:

COUNTRIES.              Aggregate     Aggregate     Aggregate

Naval         Revenue       Tonnage of

Expenditure                 Mercantile

on Seagoing                 Marine.

Force.

£             £            Tons.

Great Britain

(United Kingdom)        26,145,599    119,839,905      9,164,342

(1898-99)    (Year ended

31st March, 1900)

Russian Empire          8,306,500      165,905,000       554,141

Germany                 6,672,788       76,309,000     1,639,552

(1899-1900)                      (1898)

Netherlands             1,133,664       10,416,000       302,224

(1899-1900)                      (1898)

France                 13,796,033      142,021,000       957,756

Portugal                 749,226        11,474,000       129,522

(Year ended                       (1898)

30th June, 1900)

Spain                  1,133,664        34,633,000       637,924

(Year ended      (1898-99)       (1897)

30th June, 1900)

Italy.                 4,617,034        70,181,000       815,162

(Year ended       (Year ended       (1898)

30th June, 1900) 30th June, 1899)

Austria-Hungary        1,403,441

Austria.                                66,171,000     164,506

(1898)       (1898)

Hungary.                                42,903,000      66,072

United States

(year ended

30th June)             9,840,912       127,288,000      848,246 (b).

(1900)

Japan                  5,076,294        22,017,000 (a)  648,324

(1899-1900)                       (1898)

NOTE.

(a) Includes the Chinese indemnity.

(b) Registered for foreign trade only.

WAR DEPARTMENT, The United States:

Investigation of its conduct in the war with Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1897.

Completion of the building for the Library of Congress.

See (in this volume)

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.

{698}

WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1900 (December).

Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary.

The 100th anniversary of the removal of the national capital

from Philadelphia to Washington was fittingly celebrated on

the 12th of December, 1900, by an imposing military parade and

by a notable assemblage in the House of Representatives, where

addresses were delivered and the principal exercises took

place. The President and the Vice President elect, members of

all branches of the public service, the Governors and

delegates from all the States and Territories, and various

other dignitaries, were present. The day of celebration was

not precisely that of the anniversary, but one chosen for

convenience to represent it. Under the law in 1800 the two

houses of Congress began their regular winter session about

two weeks earlier than they do now, and November 17 was set as

the date on which the VIth Congress should reassemble at the

new seat of Federal power. As neither house could have taken

part this year in anniversary ceremonies held on November 17,

a day was naturally chosen which should allow the legislative

branch its proper share in the centennial celebration. The

Executive Departments had, in fact, been partially installed

in the new District some time before the members of the VIth

Congress found their way to the unfinished Capitol. President

Adams, leaving Philadelphia on May 27, and travelling by a

circuitous route through Lancaster and Frederick, reached

Georgetown on June 3, 1800. He inspected the single wing of

the original Capitol, then far from finished, visited

Alexandria, at the southern extreme of the District, and after

a ten days stay in Georgetown departed for Massachusetts. The

President and Mrs. Adams returned to occupy the White House

early in November of the same year.

WAZIRIS, British-Indian wars with the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1894, and 1897-1898.

WEI-HAI-WEI, Lease of the harbor of, by Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

WELLMAN, Walter:

Second Arctic Expedition.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

WELSH CHURCH:

Failure of Disestablishment Bill.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1895.

Appointment of a Governor-General of the French possessions.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

Definition of British and German boundaries.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

WEST INDIES, The British: A. D. 1897.

Report of a Royal Commission on the condition and prospects

of the sugar-growing colonies.

A state of increasing distress in most of the British West

India colonies, caused by the depression of the sugar-growing

industry, led to the appointment, in December, 1896, of a

Royal Commission "to make an inquiry into the condition and

prospects of the colonies of Jamaica, British Guiana, Trinidad

and Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and the

Leeward Islands, and to suggest such measures as appeared

calculated to restore and maintain the prosperity of these

colonies and their inhabitants." In the August following the

Commission made its report, with the following summary of

conclusions:

"a. The sugar industry in the West Indies is in danger of

great reduction, which in some colonies may be equivalent or

almost equivalent to extinction.

"b. The depression of the industry is due to the competition

of other sugar-producing countries and in a special degree to

the competition of beet sugar produced under a system of

bounties. It is also affected by high protective tariffs, and

by the competition of cane sugar, the production of which is

specially encouraged by the Governments concerned. The causes

of the depression may be described as permanent, inasmuch as

they are largely due to the policy of foreign countries, and

there is no indication that that policy is likely to be

abandoned in the immediate future.

"c. It is not due in any considerable degree to extravagance

in management, to imperfection in the process of manufacture,

or to inadequate supervision consequent on absentee

ownership, and the removal of these causes, wherever they

exist, would not enable it, generally, to be profitably

carried on under present conditions of competition. …

"d. The depression in the industry is causing sugar estates to

be abandoned, and will cause more estates to be abandoned, and

such abandonment is causing and will cause distress among the

labouring population, including a large number of East Indian

immigrants, and will seriously affect, for a considerable

time, the general prosperity of the sugar-producing Colonies,

and will render it impossible for some, and perhaps the

greater number of them, to provide, without external aid, for

their own government and administration.

"e. If the production of sugar is discontinued or very largely

reduced, there is no industry or industries that could

completely replace it in such islands as Barbados, Antigua,

and St. Kitts, and be profitably carried on and supply

employment for the labouring population. In Jamaica, in

Trinidad, in British Guiana, in St. Lucia, in St. Vincent, and

to some extent in Montserrat and Nevis, the sugar industry may

in time be replaced by other industries, but only after the

lapse of a considerable period and at the cost of much

displacement of labour and consequent suffering. In Dominica

the sugar industry is not at the present day of great

importance. We think it right to add that in all Colonies

where sugar can be completely, or very largely, replaced by

other industries, the Colonies in question will be in a much

sounder position, both politically and economically, when they

have ceased to depend wholly, or to a very great extent, upon

the continued prosperity of a single industry.

"f. The total or partial extinction of the sugar industry

would, in most places, very seriously affect the condition of

the labouring classes for the worse, and would largely reduce

the revenue of the Colonies. In some places the loss of

revenue could be met to a limited extent by economies, but

this could not be done universally nor in a material degree in

most of the Colonies. Some of the Colonies could not provide

the necessary cost of administration, including the relief of

distressed and necessitous persons, or of the support and

repatriation (when necessary) of the East Indian immigrants,

without subventions from the mother country. Jamaica,

Trinidad, and Grenada may be expected to meet from their own

resources the whole of the expenditure that is likely to fall

on them.

{699}

"g. The best immediate remedy for the state of things which we

have shown to exist would be the abandonment of the bounty

system by continental nations. This change would in all

probability enable a large portion of the sugar-cane

cultivation to be carried on successfully, and would certainly

reduce the rate at which it will diminish. Looking, however,

to what appears to be the policy of the United States of

America, to the great cheapening of the cost of production of

beet sugar, and the fact that many countries appear to have

singled out the sugar industry as one which ought to be

artificially stimulated in various ways, it is not clear that,

even if the bounties were abolished, another crisis of a similar

character might not arise in the West Indies at a future day.

"11. A remedy which was strongly supported by witnesses

interested in the West Indian sugar estates was the imposition

of countervailing duties on bounty-fed sugar when imported

into the United Kingdom. …

"i. The special remedies or measures of relief which we

unanimously recommend are—

(1.) The settlement of the labouring population on small

plots of land as peasant proprietors.

(2.) The establishment of minor agricultural industries,

and the improvement of the system of cultivation,

especially in the case of small proprietors.

(3.) The improvement of the means of communication between

the different islands.

(4.) The encouragement of a trade in fruit with New York,

and, possibly, at a future time, with London.

(5.) The grant of a loan from the Imperial Exchequer for

the establishment of Central Factories in Barbados.

The subject of emigration from the distressed tracts also

requires the careful attention of the various Governments,

though we do not find ourselves at the present time in a

position to make recommendations in detail.

"j. We estimate the cost of the special remedies recommended

in (2) (3) and (4) of i, at £27,000 a year for ten years, the

expenditure to be borne by the mother country. We estimate the

amount of the loan to Barbados for the erection of central

factories at £120,000. This measure no doubt involves the risk

of loss. Grants will be required in Dominica and St. Vincent

for roads, and to enable the settlement of the labouring

population on the land to be carried out, and their amount may

be taken at £30,000. A further grant of about £60,000 is

required to clear off the floating debt in some of the smaller

islands. In addition, the smaller islands should receive grants

to enable them to meet their ordinary expenditure of an

obligatory nature. The amount may be placed at £20,000 a year

for five years, and possibly a reduced amount for a further

period of five years. The expenditure which we are able to

estimate may be summarized as follows:—

(1.) A grant of £27,000 a year for ten years.

(2.) A grant of £20,000 a year for five years.

(3.) Immediate grants of £60,000 and £30,000, or £90,000 in

all.

(4.) A loan of £120,000 to Barbados for the establishment

of central factories."

On a proposal for the federation of the West India colonies

the Commission reported unfavorably, for the reason that the

colonies are too widely scattered and differ too greatly in

conditions for an efficient or economical common government.

"Nor does it seem to us," says the report, "that the very

important Island of Jamaica, which is separated by many

hundreds of miles of sea from all the other West Indian

Colonies, could dispense with a separate Governor, even if

there should be a Governor-General; whilst the circumstances

of British Guiana and Trinidad almost equally demand the

constant presence and attention of an Administrator of

Governor's rank. It might be possible, without disadvantage,

to make some reduction in the number of higher officials in

the smaller islands, and we are disposed to think that it

would be conducive to efficiency and economy if the islands of

the Windward Group, that is, Grenada and the Grenadines, St.

Vincent and St. Lucia, were again placed under the Governor of

Barbados, as they were for many years previous to 1885. We are

also disposed to think that the Island of Dominica, which is

not much further than Grenada from Barbados, and which, in its

physical, social and industrial conditions partakes more of

the character of the Windward Islands than of that of the

other Leeward Islands, might be placed under this Government

instead of being considered one of the Leeward Group. It

might, indeed, be found possible to bring the whole of the

Leeward Islands under the same Government as Barbados and the

Windward Islands, and thus effect a further economy."

Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command;

C.-8655, 1897, pages 69-70, and 23).

With the sanction of Parliament, most of the recommendations

of the Commission were promptly carried out. Provision was

made for the construction of roads in the islands; for

subsidising steamer lines between the several islands and

between Jamaica, Canada and London; for developing the

cultivation of fruits and other crops by a botanical

department; for establishing model factories for the better

and cheaper working of sugar cane; and for wiping off certain

debts which were a cause of distress to some of the poorer

islands. In these measures the imperial government undertook

obligations which might, it was said, involve the payment of

£200,000.

WEST INDIES: A. D. 1899-1901.

Reciprocity arrangement with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

WESTERN AUSTRALIA.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:

At Barcelona.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:

Administration in Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:

Appointed Captain-General of Madrid.

See (in this volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

WHEATON, General:

Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

WHITE, Andrew D.:

American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

WILDMAN, Rounseville:

Report of proposals from Philippine insurgents in 1897.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

{700}

WILHELMINA, Queen of the Netherlands:

Enthronement and marriage.

See (in this volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1808, and 1901.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

Some of his autocratic speeches against the Social Democrats.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

His claim to kingship by Divine Right.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D.1894-1899.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

His message to President Kruger relative to the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

His speech to his brother, Prince Henry, at Kiel.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

His speech to soldiers departing to China.

Punishment of its critics.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.

His system of personal government.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA:

Race war.

See (in this volume)

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

WITU. The State of.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

WITWATERSRAND, The.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

WOLCOTT, Senator Edward O.:

Bimetallic mission to Europe.

See (in this volume)

MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

Four States have given to women unlimited political freedom,

these States being Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, and Idaho. The

women of all these States, except Idaho, had the privilege of

voting in the Presidential election of 1896. The women of

Idaho voted in the State election of 1898, but their first

chance to vote for a Presidential ticket was in 1900. To some

extent, in the election of school boards and officers, or on

questions of taxation, woman suffrage exists in a limited way

in Arizona, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky,

Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New

Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon,

South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin.

WOMAN'S CENTURY, The.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY. THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel

of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel

Commanding at Santiago.

Report.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER)

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel.

Military Governor of Cuba.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1809 (DECEMBER).

WORKINGMEN'S INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT, English.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

WORLD POWERS, The four great.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

X.

X RAYS. The discovery of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, REGENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

Y.

YAMAGATA, Marquis: Ministry.

See (in this volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

YANG-TSUN, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

YANG-TSZE REGION, Chinese agreement not to alienate.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

YAQUIS, Revolts of the.

See (in this volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

YAUCO, Engagement at.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

YELLOW FEVER, Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

YERKES OBSERVATORY, The.

The Yerkes Observatory, built and equipped for the University

of Chicago, by Mr. Charles T. Yerkes, of Chicago, at the

village of Williams Bay, near Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, was

opened and dedicated on the 21st of October, 1897. A

remarkable gathering of eminent astronomers gave distinction

to the occasion. The Observatory was pronounced to be the most

perfectly equipped in the world. The lens of its great

telescope—40 inch objective—the last great work of the late

Alvan G. Clark, of Cambridge, Massachusetts was then the

largest ever made. Its cost was $66,000; the cost of the

equatorial mounting was $55,000.

YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR.

See (in this volume)

CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF.

YUKON, The district of.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1895.

{701}

Z.

ZAMBESIA, Northern.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):

A. D. 1894-1895.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1895.

Mainland divisions of the Sultanate included

in British East Africa Protectorate.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1896.

British suppression of an usurper.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1897.

Abolition of the legal status of slavery.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1899.

Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

ZIONIST MOVEMENT, The.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

ZULULAND:

Extension of boundary.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ZULULAND).

ZULULAND:

Annexation to Natal Colony.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

ZOLA, Emile, and the Dreyfus case.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and 1900 (DECEMBER).

ZONA LIBRE.

See (in this volume)

MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

{702}

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

1895-1901.

1895.

January 1, 1895.

Murder of the reigning prince of Chitral,

on the northwestern Indian border.

January 7, 1895.

Independence of Korea proclaimed at Seoul.

January 13, 1895.

Death of Sir John Seeley (Professor John Robert Seeley).

January 17, 1895.

Election of M. Felix Faure President of the French Republic.

January 21, 1895.

Agreement between Great Britain and France defining the

boundaries of the hinterland of Sierra Leone.

January 22-23, 1895.

Resignation of President Saenz Peña of the Argentine

Republic, and election of President Uriburu.

January 24, 1895.

Death of Lord Randolph Churchill.

January 26, 1895.

Death of Arthur Cayley, English mathematician.

Death of Nikolai Karlovich de Giers, Russian statesman.

January 28, 1895.

Death of François Canrobert, Marshal of France.

February 7, 1895.

Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of

the measure asked for by President Cleveland for the relief

of the national treasury.

February 8, 1895.

Contract by the United States Secretary of the Treasury with

New York and London banking houses for supply of gold to

the treasury.

Death of Reginald Stuart Poole, English archæologist.

February 12, 1895.

Death of Charles Etienne Gayarré, historian of Louisiana.

February 16, 1895.

Death of Lady Stanley of Alderley.

February 18, 1895.

Death of Archduke Albrecht of Austria.

February 20, 1895.

Death of Frederick Douglass, the most eminent colored man

of his day.

February 24, 1895.

Renewal of insurrection in Cuba against Spanish rule.

March 1, 1895.

Beginning of the siege of a small force of British-Indian

troops in the fort at Chitral by surrounding tribes.

March 2, 1895.

Death of the Grand Duke Alexis,

brother of the Tzar Alexander III.

Death of Professor John Stuart Blackie.

Death of Ismail Pasha, ex-Khedive of Egypt.

March 5, 1895.

Death of Sir Henry Rawlinson, English archæologist.

March 9, 1895.

Death of Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, German novelist.

March 11, 1895.

Agreement between Great Britain and Russia for fixing the

northern frontier of Afghanistan from Zulfikar on the

Heri-Rud to the Pamirs.

March 17, 1895.

Bloody battle in the streets of Lima, Peru, ending in the

overthrow of the usurping government of Caceres.

March 18, 1895.

Death of Captain Adam Badeau, military

biographer of General Grant.

March 31, 1895.

Death of Sir George Chesney, military writer.

April 20, 1895.

Relief of the beleaguered British garrison at Chitral.

April 30, 1895.

Death of Gustav Freytag, German novelist.

May 1, 1895.

Proclamation by the British South Africa Company giving

the name "Rhodesia" to its territories.

May 4, 1895.

Death of Roundell Pulmer, 1st Earl of Selborne.

May 5, 1895.

Death of Karl Vogt, German biologist.

May 6, 1895.

Re-hearing granted by the Supreme Court of the United States

on cases testing constitutionality of the income tax.

May 10, 1895.

Relinquishment by Japan of the Fêng-tien peninsula in China.

Census of the Argentine Republic.

May 20, 1895.

Final decision of the Supreme Court of the United States

against the constitutionality of the income tax.

May 23, 1895.

Consolidation of the Astor and Lenox libraries with the

"Tilden Trust," to form the New York Public Library.

May 24, 1895.

Death of Hugh McCulloch, American statesman and financier.

May 28, 1895.

Death of Walter Quinton Gresham,

United States Secretary of State.

May 30, 1895.

Death of Frederick Locker-Lampson, English poet.

May 31, 1895.

Death of Emily Faithfull, philanthropist and author.

June 14, 1895.

Census of the German Empire.

June 17, 1895.

Celebration of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal

between the Baltic and North seas.

June 21-22, 1895.

Defeat in the British Parliament and resignation of the

Ministry of Lord Rosebery;

Lord Salisbury called to form a new government.

June 29, 1895.

Death of Professor Thomas Henry Huxley,

English biologist and scientific man of letters.

{703}

July 1, 1895.

Final transfer of the territories of the British East Africa

Company to the British government;

completed organization of the East Africa Protectorate.

July 8, 1895.

Opening of the railway from Delagoa Bay to Pretoria,

in the Transvaal.

July 13, 1895.

Parliamentary elections begun in Great Britain, resulting in a

large majority for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

July 15, 1895.

Assassination of Mr. Stambouloff, late chief Minister in the

Bulgarian government, who died of his wounds on the 19th.

July 20, 1895.

Pressing despatch of Mr. Olney, United States Secretary of

State, to the American Ambassador to Great Britain, on the

question of the Venezuela boundary, asserting the Monroe

Doctrine.

July 21, 1895.

Death of Professor Rudolph von Gneist, German jurist and

historian.

July 24, 1895.

Defeat of Protectionist policy in the Parliamentary election,

New South Wales.

July 31, 1895.

Death of Heinrich von Sybel, historian, and Director of the

Prussian State Archives.

Death of Richard M. Hunt, American architect.

August 1, 1895.

Massacre of English and American missionaries at Hua Sang

in China.

August 2, 1895.

Death of Joseph Thomson, African explorer.

August 12, 1895.

Opening of the first session of the new Parliament in

Great Britain.

August 13, 1895.

Death of Christian Bernhard Tauchnitz, Leipzig publisher.

September 2, 1895.

Government of a young native prince, under British tutelage

and protection established at Chitral.

September 16-18, 1895.

Adoption of a constitution and organization of a republican

government by the Cuban insurgents.

September 18, 1895.

Opening of the Cotton States and International Exposition

at Atlanta.

September 20, 1895.

Executive order by President Cleveland for the improvement

of the consular service of the United States.

September 28, 1895.

Death of Louis Pasteur, the father of bacteriology.

September 30, 1895.

Attack by Turkish police in Constantinople on Armenians who

had gathered to present their grievances to the Sultan.

October 3, 1895.

Death of Professor Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen, Norwegian-American

novelist and poet.

October 7, 1895.

Death of William Wetmore Story, American sculptor and author.

October 8-9, 1895.

Massacre of Armenians at Trebizond by a Turkish mob.

October 17, 1895.

Turkish imperial irade directing reforms in Armenia which

were not carried out.

October 21, 1895.

Death of Henry Reeve, English author and editor.

November 4, 1895.

Revolutionary installation of Aloy Alfaro as executive chief

of the Republic of Ecuador.

Death of Eugene Field, American poet and journalist.

November 8, 1895.

Discovery of the X rays by Professor Rontgen.

November 9, 1895.

Death of Colonel Benjamin Wait, a leader of the Canadian

rebellion of 1837.

November 20, 1895.

Death of Chimelli de Marini, known as Rustem Pasha.

November 25, 1895.

More rigorous anti-slavery law instituted in Egypt.

Death of Jules Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, French statesman

and orientalist.

November 26, 1895.

Reply of Lord Salisbury, for the British government,

to the despatch of Mr. Olney, on the Venezuela question.

Death of Henry Seebohm, English naturalist.

November 27, 1895.

Death of Alexandre Dumas, the younger.

November 29, 1895.

Death of Count Edward Taaffe, Austrian statesman.

December 8, 1895.

Death of George Augustus Sala, English journalist.

December 12, 1895.

Death of Allen G. Thurman,

American political leader and statesman.

December 17, 1895.

Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of the

United States on the boundary dispute between

Great Britain and Venezuela.

Death of Antonio Gallenga (Luigi Mariotti),

Italian revolutionist, journalist, and author.

December 18-20, 1895.

Passage by the two branches of the Congress of the United

States of an act authorizing the President to appoint a

commission to ascertain the true boundary of Venezuela.

December 20, 1895.

Special Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of

the United States on the financial situation of the country.

December 23, 1895.

Death of "Stepniak," Russian revolutionist and author.

Death of John Russell Hind, English astronomer.

December 27-28, 1895.

Passage of temporary tariff bill and bill to maintain the

coin redemption fund, by the United States House of

Representatives.

December 29, 1895.

Raid by Dr. Jameson, Administrator of the British South Africa

Company, into the Transvaal, with an armed force of 500 men.

1896.

January 1, 1896.

Appointment of an United States Commission to investigate the

divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana.

Surrender of Dr. Jameson and his raiders to the Boers.

New constitution for South Carolina brought into effect.

January 3, 1896.

Congratulatory telegram from the German Emperor, William II.,

to President Kruger, of the South African Republic,

on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

January 8, 1896.

Destructive earthquake shock in Persia.

Death of Paul Verlaine, French poet.

January 10, 1896.

Proclamation of President Kruger to the inhabitants of

Johannesburg, promising them a municipal government.

January 11, 1896.

Death of João de Deus, Portuguese poet.

{704}

January 15, 1896.

Declaration of agreement between Great Britain and France

concerning Siam.

January 17, 1896.

Occupation of Kumassi, the capital of Ashanti, by British

forces, and submission of King Prempeh.

January 18, 1896.

Submission by the Queen of Madagascar to a

French protectorate of the island.

January 20, 1896.

Death of Prince Henry of Battenberg.

January 24, 1896.

Death of Lord Leighton, English painter.

January 29, 1896.

Death of the Right Honourable Hugh Culling Eardley Childcrs,

ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, Great Britain.

February 1, 1896.

Substitution, by the United States Senate, of a free silver

coinage bill for the House bill to maintain the coin

redemption fund.

February 6, 1896.

Death of Jean Auguste Barre, French sculptor.

February 8, 1896.

Signing of treaty between United States and Great Britain for

the arbitration of British claims for seizure of sealing vessels.

February 10, 1896.

Arrival of General Weyler at Havana as Governor and

Captain-General of Cuba.

February 11, 1896.

Notification by the French government to the Powers that it

had taken final possession of Madagascar.

February 14, 1896.

Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of

the Senate substitute for its bill to maintain the coin

redemption fund.

February 16, 1896.

Promulgation of Weyler's concentration order in Cuba.

February 25, 1896.

Defeat of the House tariff bill in the United States Senate.

February 26, 1896.

Death of Arsène Houssaye, French author.

February 27, 1896.

Reopening of a discussion of the Venezuela boundary question

between the governments of the united States and Great Britain.

March 1, 1896.

Defeat of the Italians by the Abyssinians at Adowa.

March 5, 1896.

Suggestion by Lord Salisbury of a general treaty of

arbitration between the United States and Great Britain.

March 10-12, 1896.

Passage of the Raines Liquor Law by the two branches of the

New York Legislature.

March 21, 1896.

Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian movement for the recovery of

the Sudan from the Dervishes.

March 22, 1896.

Death of Thomas Hughes, author of "Tom Brown's School Days."

March 24, 1896.

Death of President Hippolyte of the Haytien Republic.

March 28, 1896.

Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Charles, English author.

March 30, 1896.

Resumption of the authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church,

and re-establishment of the Catholic patriarchate of

Alexandria.

March 31, 1896.

Reopening of the military and naval service of the United

States to persons who had held commissions in the Confederate

army or navy during the civil war.

April 6, 1896.

Revival of Olympic games at Athens.

April 8.

Highest latitude reached by Dr. Nansen, within 261 statute

miles of the north pole.

April 11, 1896.

Death of Charilaos Trikoupis, Greek statesman.

April 21, 1896.

Death of Jean Baptiste Léon Say, French statesman.

Death of Baron Hirsch, financier

and millionaire-philanthropist.

April 24, 1896.

Promulgation of amendments to the constitution of the

Republic of Mexico.

April 26, 1896.

Death of Sir Henry Parkes, Australian statesman.

May 1, 1896.

Opening of German industrial exposition at Berlin.

Assassination of the Shah of Persia.

Promulgation of additional amendments to the Mexican

constitution.

May 2, 1896.

Opening of the great national exposition and festival at

Buda-Pesth to celebrate the millennium of the

kingdom of Hungary.

May 3, 1896.

Death of Alfred William Hunt, English artist.

May 4, 1896.

Opening of the National Electrical Exposition in New York.

May 6, 1896.

Promulgation of civil service rules by President Cleveland,

adding 29,000 places to the classified service under the

government of the United States.

May 11, 1896.

The bill to consolidate New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring

cities, in the "Greater New York," made law by the

Governor's signature.

May 19, 1896.

Promulgation of the law of public education in Mexico,

establishing a national system.

Publication in England of the manifesto of a New Radical Party,

led by Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Labouchere.

Death of the Archduke Karl Ludwig of Austria.

May 20, 1896.

Death of Madame Clara Schumann, pianist.

May 24, 1896.

Outbreak of Turks against the Christians in Canea, Crete.

Death of Edward Armitage, English artist.

May 26, 1896.

Coronation of the Russian Tzar, Nicholas II.;

suffocation of nearly 3,000 people at the feasting.

May 27, 1896.

The city of St. Louis struck by a cyclone.

May 27-28, 1896.

Meeting of the national convention of the Prohibition Party,

at Pittsburgh, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

June 2, 1896.

Death of Friedrich Gerhard Rohlfs, African explorer.

June 4, 1896.

Death of Ernesto Rossi, Italian actor and author.

June 7, 1896.

Battle of the British and Egyptian army with the Dervishes

at Ferket.

June 8, 1896.

Death of Jules Simon, French statesmen and philosopher.

June 9, 1896.

Appointment of Commission to draft the "Greater New York"

charter.

June 16-18, 1896.

Meeting, at St. Louis, of the Republican national convention,

and nomination of William McKinley and Garret A. Hobart for

President and Vice President of the United States.

{705}

June 23, 1896.

Parliamentary elections in Canada, and substantial victory

of the Liberal Party.

Death of Sir Joseph Prestwich, English geologist.

June 26, 1896.

Resignation of Cecil J. Rhodes from the board of directors

of the British South Africa Company.

June 28, 1896.

Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a fifth term.

July 1, 1896.

Abolition of inter-state taxes in Mexico.

Death of Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe.

July 4-10, 1896.

Meeting, in New York, of the national convention of the

Socialist Labor Party, to nominate candidates for President

and Vice President of the United States.

July 7-11, 1896.

Meeting, at Chicago, of the Democratic national convention,

and nomination of William J. Bryan and Arthur Sewall for

President and Vice President of the United States.

July 8, 1896.

Retirement of Sir Charles Tupper from and succession of Sir

Wilfrid Laurier to the Prime Ministry of the Canadian government.

July 11, 1896.

Death of Right Honourable Sir Augustus Berkeley Paget,

diplomatist.

July 12, 1896.

Death of Professor Ernst Curtius, German historian.

July 14, 1896.

First international conference in London to plan co-operative

work in the preparation of a catalogue of scientific

literature.

July 16, 1896.

Death of Edmond Huot Goncourt, French novelist.

July 17, 1896.

Report of an investigating committee of the Cape Colony House

of Assembly declaring Mr. Rhodes to be responsible for the

Jameson Raid.

July 20, 1896.

Opening of the trial, in England, of Dr. Jameson and other

leaders of the raid into the Transvaal.

Death of Charles Dickens, eldest son of the novelist.

July 22, 1896.

Meeting of the convention of the National Silver Party,

at St. Louis, to endorse the nominations of Bryan and Sewall,

for President and Vice President of the United States.

July 22-25, 1896.

Meeting of the People's, or Populist Party in national

convention at St. Louis;

nomination of William J. Bryan and Thomas E. Watson for

President and Vice President of the United States.

July 23, 1896.

Death of Mary Dickens, eldest daughter of Charles Dickens.

July 26, 1896.

Tidal wave on the coast of Kiangsu, China, destroying

several thousand people.

July 28, 1896.

Conviction of Dr. Jameson and four of his subordinates.

July 30, 1896.

Resolution of the British House of Commons to investigate

the administration of the British South Africa Company.

August, 1896.

Discovery of the Klondike gold fields.

August 1, 1896.

Death of Right Honourable Sir William R. Grove,

jurist and man of science.

August 19, 1896.

Death of Professor Josiah Dwight Whitney, American geologist.

August 25, 1896.

Revolution in the sultanate of Zanzibar suppressed by British

forces.

Arrangement of Turkey with the Powers for reforms in Crete.

August 26-28, 1896.

Attack of Armenians on the Ottoman Bank at Constantinople;

horrible massacre of Armenians by the Turks.

August 27, 1896.

Appointment of Monsignor Martinelli to succeed Cardinal

Satolli as Papal Delegate to the United States.

August 30, 1896.

Death of Prince Alexis Borisovich Lobanof-Rostofski,

Russian statesman and diplomatist.

August 31, 1896.

Proclamation establishing a British protectorate over the

hinterland of Sierra Leone.

September 2-3, 1896.

Meeting of a convention of the National Democratic Party at

Indianapolis;

nomination of General John M. Palmer and General Simon B.

Buckner for President and Vice President of the United States.

September 15, 1896.

Publication in the Paris "Eclair" of the fact that Captain

Alfred Dreyfus (degraded and imprisoned in 1894 for alleged

betrayal of military secrets to a foreign power) was

convicted on the evidence of a document shown secretly to

the court martial, and unknown to the prisoner and his counsel.

September 23, 1896.

The Dervishes driven from Dongola by the Anglo-Egyptian army.

September 27, 1896.

Abolition of slavery in Madagascar by decree of the

French Resident-General.

September 29, 1896.

Official announcement of bubonic plague at Bombay.

October 3, 1896.

Death of William Morris, English poet.

October 8, 1896.

Death of George Du Maurier, English artist and novelist.

October 11, 1896.

Death of Edward White Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury.

October 20-22, 1896.

Celebration of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of

the founding of The College of New Jersey, which then

formally assumed the name of Princeton University.

October 26, 1896.

Peace made between the government of Italy and King Menelek,

of Abyssinia.

Death of Paul Amand Challemel Lacour, French publicist.

November 3, 1896.

Presidential election in the United States.

November 9, 1896.

Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the settlement of the

Venezuela question between Great Britain and the United States.

November 11, 1896.

Death of Mrs. Mary Frances Scott-Siddons, actress.

November 16, 1896.

First transmission of electric power from Niagara Falls to

Buffalo.

November 21, 1896.

Death of Sir Benjamin Ward Richardson, physician,

scientific investigator, and author.

November 26, 1896.

Death of Coventry Patmore, English poet.

Death of Mathilde Blind, author.

Death of Benjamin Apthorp Gould, American astronomer.

December 1, 1896.

Death of Heinrich Gätke, painter and naturalist.

December 7, 1896.

Death of Antonio Maceo, leader of Cuban insurgents,

killed in a skirmish with the Spaniards.

December 10, 1896.

Death of Alfred Noble, Swedish engineer and founder of a

great fund for annually rewarding benefactors of humanity.

{706}

December 11, 1896.

Political suffrage extended to women in Idaho by an amendment

of the constitution.

December 15, 1896.

Death of Emile François Chatrousse, French sculptor.

1897.

January 3, 1897

Death of Vivien St. Martin, French geographer.

January 3-4, 1897.

Outbreak of conflict between Christians

and Moslems at Canea in Crete.

January 5, 1897.

Death of George Whiting Flagg, American painter.

January 11, 1897.

Signing, at Washington, of a general treaty between the

United States and Great Britain for the arbitration of all

matters of difference.

January 12, 1897.

Meeting, at Indianapolis, of a national convention of

delegates from commercial organizations to take measures

for promoting monetary reform in the United States.

January 15, 1897.

Death of Sir Travers Twiss, English jurist.

January 16, 1897.

Death of Joel Tyler Headley, American man of letters.

January 27, 1897.

Overthrow of the slave-raiding Emir of Nupé by forces of

the Royal Niger Company.

February 2, 1897.

Signing, at Washington, of the treaty of arbitration

between Great Britain and Venezuela.

February 7, 1897.

Union of Crete with Greece proclaimed by insurgent Christians

at Halepa.

February 9, 1897.

The taking of the first general census of the Russian Empire.

Death of Eliza Greatorex, American painter.

February 11, 1897.

Announcement by the government of Greece to the Powers that

it had determined to intervene by force in behalf of the

Christians of Crete.

February 12, 1897.

Death of Homer Dodge Martin, American artist.

February 14, 1897.

Landing of a Greek expedition of 2,000 men in Crete,

under Colonel Vassos.

February 15, 1897.

Landing of a mixed force at Canea, Crete, by the Powers of

the "European Concert," to protect the town;

proclamation by the Greek commander, Colonel Vassos, that he

had occupied the island in the name of the King of the Greeks.

February 16, 1897.

Beginning of the British parliamentary investigation of the

Jameson Raid.

Presentation by the South African Republic of its claim for

indemnity on account of the Jameson Raid.

February 17, 1897.

Attack by the Greeks on the Turkish forces at Canea.

February 18, 1897.

Capture of Benin by British forces.

February 22, 1897.

Death of Jean François Gravelet Blondin, French acrobat.

March 2, 1897.

Veto of Immigration Bill by President Cleveland.

Joint note by the powers of the "Concert" to Greece and

Turkey, declaring that Crete cannot be annexed to Greece, but

that the island will be endowed by the Powers with an

autonomous administration.

March 4, 1897.

Inauguration of William McKinley in the office of President

of the United States.

March 6, 1897.

Death of Reverend Ebenezer Cobham Brewer, English author.

March 11, 1897.

Death of Professor Henry Drummond, Scottish religious writer.

March 15, 1897.

Meeting of Congress in extra session called by the President.

March 21, 1897.

"Pacific blockade" of the coast of Crete established by the

Powers of the European Concert.

March 25, 1897.

Passage of the Elementary Education Act by the British

House of Commons.

March 27, 1897.

Death of William Taylor Adams (Oliver Optic), American writer

of fiction for young readers.

March 30, 1897.

Opening of debate in the British Parliament on the report of

a Royal Commission on the financial relations between

Great Britain and Ireland.

March 31, 1897.

Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States

House of Representatives.

April.

Unprecedented floods along the Mississippi river.

April 3, 1897.

Death of Johannes Brahms, German composer.

April 5, 1897.

Publication in Austria of the language decrees for Bohemia.

April 6, 1897.

Edict of the Sultan of Zanzibar terminating the legal

status of slavery.

April 9, 1897.

Incursion of irregular Greek troops into Turkish territory.

April 10, 1897.

Death of Daniel Wolsey Voorhees, United States Senator.

April 12, 1897.

Appointment of commissioners from the United States to

negotiate in Europe for an international bi-metallic agreement.

Formal delivery to the Governor of Massachusetts of the

manuscript of Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony

(called "the Log of the Mayflower ") as a gift from England.

Death of Edward Drinker Cope, American naturalist.

April 17, 1897.

Turkish declaration of a state of war with Greece; beginning

of hostilities between regular troops, at Milouna Pass.

April 22-24, 1897.

Retreat of the Greek army in panic rout from Tyrnavo.

April 27, 1897.

Resignation of the Greek Ministry of M. Delyannis.

April 30, 1897.

Repulse by the Greeks of a Turkish attack on positions

near Velestino.

Formation of a new Ministry in Greece, under Demetrius Ralli.

May 1, 1897.

Opening of the Centennial Exposition at Nashville, Tennessee.

May 2-7, 1897.

Continued attacks by the Turks on the line held by the Greeks

between Pharsala and Volo; withdrawal of the Greeks to Domoko.

May 14, 1897.

Fire in a charity bazaar at Paris which was horribly

destructive of life.

The "Greater New York" charter becomes law.

May 15, 1897.

Rejection by the United States Senate of the arbitration

treaty negotiated between the United States and Great Britain.

May 16, 1897.

Death of Henri Eugene Philippe Louis, Duc d' Aumale, French

prince of the Bourbon-Orleans family, soldier and author.

Death of James Theodore Bent, English traveler and writer.

{707}

May 8, 1897.

Announcement by the Greek government to the Powers that

Colonel Vassos and his forces would be withdrawn from Crete.

May 11, 1897.

Proffer by the Powers of the European Concert of mediation

between Turkey and Greece.

May 17, 1897.

Defeat of the Greeks by the Turks at Domoko.

May 20, 1897.

Arrangement of an armistice between the Turks and the Greeks.

May 23, 1897.

Withdrawal of the last of the Greek troops from Crete.

June 1, 1897.

Census taken in Egypt.

June 2, 1897.

Opening of the Commercial Museum in Philadelphia.

June 3, 1897.

Opening of negotiations for peace between

Turkey and Greece at Constantinople.

June 10, 1897.

Effect given to a new constitution for the State of Delaware,

establishing an educational qualification of the suffrage.

Rising of tribes on the Afghan frontier of India against the

British.

June 14, 1897.

Convention between France and Great Britain, establishing the

boundaries of their respective claims in the Niger region of

West Africa.

June 16, 1897.

Transmission to Congress of a new treaty for the annexation

of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.

June 20-22, 1897.

Celebration in London of the sixtieth anniversary—the

"Diamond Jubilee"—of the accession of Queen Victoria to the

throne of the United Kingdom.

June 24, 1897.

Conference at London of the Premiers of British colonies with

the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

June 25, 1897.

Death of Mrs. Margaret Oliphant (Wilson) Oliphant, Scottish

novelist and writer in many fields.

July 2, 1897.

Death of Adjutant-General Francis Amasa Walker,

American economist.

July 7, 1897.

Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States

Senate, with many amendments.

July 8, 1897.

Death of Isham Green Harris, United States Senator.

July 10, 1897.

Death of Daniel Greenleaf Thompson, American author.

July 11, 1897.

Adoption of constitutional amendments in Switzerland by

popular vote.

The starting of Andrée from Spitzbergen on his attempted

balloon voyage to the north pole.

July 12-15, 1897.

Conference of American commissioners with Lord Salisbury and

other British ministers, on the subject of an international

bi-metallic agreement.

July 13, 1897.

Report of the British parliamentary committee which

investigated the Jameson Raid.

Death of Alfred Marshall Mayer, American physicist.

July 14, 1897.

Death of Anthony John Mundella, English statesman.

July 15, 1897.

Death of Brigadier-General Philippe Regis de Trobriand,

French officer in the American civil war, and writer.

July 20, 1897.

Death of Sir John Skelton, Scottish historian.

Death of Sir John Charles Bucknill, English alienist.

July 24, 1897.

Final passage of the Dingley tariff bill by both branches

of the United States Congress.

July 26, 1897.

Attack on British garrisons in the Swat Valley

(Afghan frontier of India), excited by "the mad mullah."

July 30, 1897.

Death of Étienne Vacherot, French philosopher.

August 2, 1897.

Death of Adam Asnyk, Polish poet.

August 5, 1897.

Death of James Hammond Trumbull. American philologist.

August 8, 1897.

Assassination of Señor Canovas del Castillo,

Prime Minister of Spain.

August 25, 1897.

Assassination of President Borda, of Uruguay.

August 29-31, 1897.

Meeting of the first congress of the Zionists at Basle.

August 31, 1897.

Speech by the German Emperor at Coblenz, asserting

"kingship by the grace of God," with "responsibility to the

Creator alone."

Death of Mrs. Louisa Lane Drew, actress.

September 10, 1897.

Death of Theodore Lyman, American naturalist.

September 11, 1897.

Death of Reverend Abel Stevens,

American historian of the Methodist church.

September 12, 1897.

Ending of a great strike of coal miners in the United States,

which began in July.

September 16, 1897.

Death of Edward Austin Sheldon, American educator.

September 17, 1897.

Death of Henry Williams Sage, American philanthropist.

September 18, 1897.

Signing of a preliminary treaty of peace

between Turkey and Greece.

September 20, 1897.

Death of Wilhelm Wattenbach, German historian.

September 22, 1897.

Meeting at Washington of a commission on monetary reform,

appointed by the Indianapolis Convention of January 12.

Death of Charles Denis Sauter Bourbaki, French general.

September 28, 1897.

Vote on proposed constitutional amendments in New Jersey.

October 1, 1897.

Introduction of the gold monetary standard in Japan.

October 2, 1897.

Death of Neal Dow, American temperance reformer.

October 4, 1897.

Death of Professor Francis William Newman,

English scholar and philosopher.

October 6, 1897.

The Philippine Islands swept by a typhoon,

destroying over 6,000 lives.

Death of Sir John Gilbert, English artist.

October 18, 1897.

Death of Rear-Admiral John Lorimer Worden, U. S. N.

October 19, 1897.

Death of George Mortimer Pullman, American inventor.

October 21, 1897.

Opening and dedication of the Yerkes Observatory,

at Williams Bay, Wisconsin.

October 22, 1897.

Death of Justin Winsor, American historian and bibliographer.

October 24, 1897.

Death of Francis Turner Palgrave, English poet.

October 25, 1897.

Death of John Sartain, American artist.

Death of John Stoughton, English church historian.

October 27, 1897.

Death of Mary, Duchess of Teck.

Death of Alexander Milton Ross, Canadian naturalist.

{708}

October 28, 1897.

Stormy session of the Austrian Reichsrath; twelve-hours'

speech of Dr. Lecher.

Death of Hercules George Robinson, Baron Rosmead,

British colonial administrator.

October 29, 1897.

Death of Henry George, American economist.

November 2, 1897.

Election of the first Mayor of "Greater New York."

Death of Sir Rutherford Alcock, British diplomatist.

November 4, 1897.

Seizure by Germany of the port of Kiao-chau on the

northeastern coast of China.

November 6, 1897.

Signing of treaty between Russia, Japan and the United States,

providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing.

November 10, 1897.

Adoption of plans for a building for the

New York Public Library.

November 14, 1897.

Death of Thomas Williams Evans, American dentist in Paris,

founder of the Red Cross Society in the Franco-Prussian war.

November 15, 1897.

Commandant Esterhazy denounced to the French Minister of War,

by M. Matthieu Dreyfus, as the author of the "bordereau" on

which Captain Alfred Dreyfus was secretly convicted.

November 16, 1897.

The Dreyfus case brought into the French Chamber of Deputies

by a question to the Minister of War.

November 19, 1897.

Great fire in London, beginning in Aldersgate and spreading

over six acres, destroying property estimated at £2,000,000

in value.

Death of Henry Calderwood, Scottish philosopher.

November 21, 1897.

Death of Sir Charles Edward Pollock, English jurist.

November 23, 1897.

Death of A. Bardoux, French statesman.

November 25, 1897.

Promulgation by royal decree at Madrid of a constitution

establishing self-government in Cuba and Porto Rico.

November 29, 1897.

Death of James Legge, Scotch oriental scholar.

December, 1897.

Annexation of Zululand to Natal Colony.

December 5, 1897.

Death of Mrs. Alice Wellington Rollins, American author.

December 14.

Signing of the treaty of Biac-na-bato, between the Spaniards

and the insurgent Filipinos.

December 29, 1897.

Approval of Act of Congress forbidding the killing of seals

by citizens of the United States, in the Pacific Ocean north

of 35° North latitude.

Death of William James Linton, American artist and author.

December 31, 1897.

Imperial proclamation, closing the sittings of the Austrian

Reichsrath, and continuing the Austro-Hungarian "Ausgleich"

provisionally for six months.

1898.

January 2, 1898.

Death of Sir Edward Augustus Bond, formerly principal

librarian of the British museum.

January 12, 1898.

Acquittal of Commandant Esterhazy, after a farcical pretense

of trial by a military tribunal, on the charge of being the

author of the "bordereau" ascribed to Dreyfus.

January 13, 1898.

Publication in Paris of a letter by M. Zola, denouncing the

conduct of the courts martial in the cases of Dreyfus and

Esterhazy.

Death of Mrs. Mary Victoria Cowden Clarke.

January 16, 1898.

Death of Charles Pelham Villiers, English statesman.

January 18, 1898.

Death of Henry George Liddell, English historian and

classical scholar.

January 20, 1898.

Second meeting of monetary convention at Indianapolis, to

consider the report of its commission.

January 24, 1898.

Declaration by Count von Bülow, in the German Reichstag, that

no relations or connections of any kind had ever existed

between Captain Dreyfus and any German agents.

January 25, 1898.

Friendly visit of the United States battle ship "Maine" to

Havana, Cuba.

January 28, 1898.

End of a great strike and lockout in the British engineering

trades, which began in the previous July.

January 31, 1898.

Disastrous blizzard in New England.

February 4, 1898.

Re-election (by voting which began January 3) of

President Kruger for a fourth term of five years,

in the South African Republic.

February 7-15, 1898.

Prosecution of M. Zola for defamation of certain military

officers; his scandalous trial and conviction.

February 14, 1898.

Destruction of the United States battle ship "Maine,"

by an explosion, in the harbor of Havana, Cuba.

February 16, 1898.

Removal of Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court of the

South African Republic, by President Kruger.

February 18.

Death of Frances Elizabeth Willard, American social reformer.

February 19, 1898.

Death of Dr. Edward Constant Seguin, neurologist, New York.

February 26, 1898.

Death of Frederick Tennyson, English poet.

Death of Michael Gregorovich Tchernaieff, Russian soldier

and popular hero of the Panslavists.

February 27, 1898.

Death of Major-General William Booth Taliaferro,

Confederate army.

March 1, 1898.

Retirement of General Crespo from the Presidency of Venezuela;

succession of General Andrade to the office.

March 6, 1898.

Death of Felice Cavalotti, Italian statesman and dramatist.

March 11, 1898.

Death of Major-General William Starke Rosecrans.

March 15, 1898.

Death of Sir Henry Bessemer, English inventor.

March 16, 1898.

Death of Aubrey Beardsley, English artist.

March 17, 1898.

Speech of Senator Proctor, of Vermont, in the United States

Senate, describing the condition of the reconcentrados in Cuba,

as he saw them during a recent visit to the island.

Death of Blanche K. Bruce, register of the United States

Treasury, born a slave.

March 21, 1898.

Report of the United States naval court of inquiry on the

destruction of the battle ship "Maine."

Death of Brigadier-General George Washington Rains,

Confederate army.

{709}

March 22, 1898.

Report of Spanish naval board of inquiry on the destruction

of the United States battle ship "Maine."

March 23, 1898.

Primary election law in New York signed by the Governor.

March 25, 1898.

Death of James Payn, English novelist.

March 27, 1898.

Proposal by the government of the United States to that of

Spain of an armistice and negotiation of peace with the

insurgents in Cuba.

Cession by China to Russia of Port Arthur and Talienwan.

March 28, 1898.

Message of the President of the United States to Congress on

the destruction of the battle ship "Maine."

Death of Anton Seidl, composer and musical conductor.

March 31, 1898.

Reply of the Spanish government to the proposals of the

United States, for an armistice and negotiation with the

Cuban insurgents.

Death of Edward Noyes Westcott, American novelist.

April 2, 1898.

Quashing of the sentence pronounced on M. Zola, upon his

appeal to the Court of Cassation.

Lease by China to Great Britain of the port of Wei-hai Wei

with adjacent territory.

April 7, 1898.

Death of Margaret Mather, American actress.

April 8, 1898.

Great victory of the Anglo-Egyptian army, under the Sirdar,

General Kitchener, over the Dervishes, on the Atbara.

April 10, 1898.

Passage of bill through the German Reichstag to greatly

increase the German navy.

April 11, 1898.

Special Message of the President of the United States to

Congress on the relations of the country to Spain, consequent

on affairs in Cuba.

Lease by China to France of Kwang-chow Wan

on the southern coast.

April 13, 1898.

Adoption by the United States House of Representatives of a

joint resolution authorizing and directing the President to

"intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba."

April 16, 1898.

Adoption by the United States Senate of a joint resolution

not only directing intervention to stop the war in Cuba,

but recognizing the insurgent government of "the Republic of

Cuba."

Death of ex-President Crespo, of Venezuela, killed in battle.

April 17, 1898.

Death of Jules Marcou, French geologist.

April 18, 1898.

Arrangement of the disagreement between the two branches of

the United States Congress respecting the recognition of

"the Republic of Cuba," and passage of a joint resolution

to intervene for the stopping of the war in the island.

April 19, 1898.

Death of George Parsons Lathrop, American author.

Death of Gustave Moreau, French painter.

April 20, 1898.

Passports asked for and received by the

Spanish Minister at Washington.

April 21, 1898.

Appointment of Rear-Admiral Sampson to the command of the

United States naval force on the Atlantic station.

April 22, 1898.

Proclamation by the President of the United States declaring

a blockade of certain Cuban ports.

April 23, 1898.

Proclamation by the President of the United States calling

for 125,000 volunteers.

April 24, 1898.

Commodore Dewey, commanding the Asiatic squadron of the

United States, ordered to proceed from Hong Kong to the

Philippine Islands, to destroy or capture the Spanish fleet

in those waters.

Interview, at Singapore, between the leader of the Philippine

insurgents, Aguinaldo, and the United States Consul-General,

Mr. Spencer Pratt;

communication from Mr. Pratt to Commodore Dewey, at Hong Kong;

request from Commodore Dewey that Aguinaldo come to Hong Kong.

April 25, 1898.

Formal declaration of war with Spain by the Congress of the

United States, with authority given to the President to call

out the land and naval forces of the nation.

Removal of the American squadron under Commodore Dewey from

Hong Kong to Mirs Bay, China.

Signing of protocol between Russia and Japan relative to Korea.

April 27, 1898.

Sailing of the American squadron from Mirs Bay to Manila.

April 29, 1898.

Proclamation of neutrality by the Portuguese government,

which required the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera to

depart from the Cape Verde islands.

May 1, 1898.

Destruction of the Spanish squadron in Manila Bay by the

American squadron under Commodore Dewey.

May 2, 1898.

Arrival of Aguinaldo at Hong Kong.

May 3, 1898.

Occupation of Cavite arsenal by American naval forces.

May 8, 1898.

General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies in France;

first balloting.

May 9, 1898.

Serious fighting in Milan, ending bread riots in that city

and elsewhere in northern Italy.

May 12, 1898.

Attack on the Spanish forts at San Juan, Porto Rico, by

Admiral Sampson, then searching for Cervera's fleet.

May 13, 1898.

Death of Reverend William Stevens Perry,

American church historian.

May 16, 1898.

Major-General Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., assigned to the

command of the Department of the Pacific.

Conveyance of Aguinaldo from Hong Kong to Cavite by the

United States ship "McCulloch."

May 19, 1898.

Death of Mr. Gladstone.

Death of Maria Louise Pool, American novelist.

May 22, 1898.

Second balloting in French elections, where the first had

resulted in no choice.

Death of Spencer Walpole, English historian.

Death of Edward Bellamy, American novelist and social theorist.

May 25, 1898.

Proclamation by the President of the United States calling

for 75,000 additional volunteers.

Departure from San Francisco of the first military expedition

from the United States to the Philippine Islands, under

General T. M. Anderson.

May 28, 1898.

Public funeral of Mr. Gladstone;

burial in Westminster Abbey.

Death of Mrs. Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren, American author.

{710}

May 29, 1898.

Blockade of the Spanish squadron under Rear-Admiral Cervera,

in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, by the American flying

squadron under Commodore Schley.

May 30, 1898.

Agreement between Great Britain, Canada and the United States,

creating a Joint High Commission for the adjustment of all

existing subjects of controversy between the United States

and Canada.

June 1, 1898.

Arrival of Admiral Sampson and his fleet off the entrance to

the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, to perfect the blockade of

the Spanish squadron.

Opening of the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha, Nebraska.

Enactment of law to provide for the arbitration of disputes

between employés and companies engaged in interstate commerce

in the United States.

June 2, 1898.

Death of George Eric Mackay, English poet.

June 3, 1898.

Sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel of the

harbor-entrance at Santiago de Cuba, by Assistant Naval

Constructor Hobson. U. S. N.

June 6, 1898.

Bombardment of Spanish forts at Santiago de Cuba by the

American blockading fleet.

June 7-10, 1898.

Possession of the lower bay at Guantanamo, near Santiago de

Cuba, taken by vessels of the American navy, and a marine

battalion landed.

June 11, 1898.

Reform edict issued by the young Emperor of China.

June 14, 1898.

Sailing, from Tampa, Florida, of the military expedition

under General Shafter for the capture of Santiago de Cuba.

June 15, 1898.

Sailing, from San Francisco, of the second American military

expedition to the Philippines.

Adoption by the House of Representatives of a joint resolution

to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the

United States.

June 16, 1898.

Second bombardment of forts at Santiago de Cuba by the

American blockading fleet.

June 16-24, 1898.

Elections to the Reichstag of the German Empire.

June 17, 1898.

Resignation of the Ministry of Signor Rudini in Italy.

Death of Sir Edward Burne-Jones, English painter.

June 20, 1898.

Arrival, off Guantanamo, of the expedition under

General Shafter.

June 21, 1898.

Capture and occupation of the island of Guam by the U. S. S.

"Charleston."

June 22-24, 1898.

Landing of General Shafter's army at Daiquiri and Siboney.

June 24, 1898.

First engagement between American and Spanish troops in Cuba,

at La Guasima.

June 28, 1898.

Proclamation by Aguinaldo, assuming the administration of a

provisional government of the Philippine Islands.

Approval by the President of the United States of the "Curtis

Act," relating to the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians.

Formation of a new Italian Ministry by General Pelloux.

July, 1898.

Discussion and passage by the British Parliament of a

Local Government Act for Ireland.

July 1, 1898.

Assault by the American forces, at San Juan Hill and El Caney,

on the Spanish lines defending Santiago.

July 2-3, 1898.

Continued fighting on the lines around Santiago de Cuba.

July 3, 1898.

Demand of General Shafter for the surrender of Santiago, under

the threat of bombardment; truce arranged by foreign consuls and

negotiations for surrender opened.

Destruction of the Spanish fleet of Admiral Cervera on its

attempting to escape from the blockaded port of Santiago de

Cuba.

July 4, 1898.

Opening of communications between General Anderson, commanding

the first expedition of the United States forces landed near

Manila, and General Aguinaldo, "commanding the Philippine

forces."

July 6, 1898.

Destruction of the Spanish cruiser" Alphonso XII.," when

attempting to escape from the harbor of Havana.

Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the joint resolution to

provide for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.

Exchange of Lieutenant Hobson and his fellow captives for

prisoners taken from the Spanish forces.

July 7, 1898.

Declaration of M. Cavaignac, Minister of War, in the Chamber

of Deputies, of his absolute certainty of the guilt of Captain

Dreyfus.

Death of Francisco Javier Cisneros, Cuban patriot.

Death of M. Buffet, French statesman.

July 10, 1898.

Termination of truce at Santiago;

resumption of hostilities;

bombardment of the city by the navy.

July 11, 1898.

Death of Rear-Admiral Daniel Ammen, U. S. N.

July 12, 1898.

Outbreak of yellow fever in the military hospital at Siboney.

Arrival of General Miles at Santiago with reinforcements for

General Shafter.

July 13, 1898.

Interview of General Miles and General Shafter with General

Toral, the Spanish commander at Santiago.

July 14, 1898.

Agreement by General Toral to surrender the city of Santiago

and the entire district of eastern Cuba with 24,000 Spanish

troops.

Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Lynn Linton, English author.

July 16, 1898.

Signing of the terms of the Spanish surrender at Santiago.

July 17, 1898.

Death of Parker Pillsbury, American abolitionist.

Death of Karl Gehrt, German artist.

July 18, 1898.

Opening of second trial of M. Zola, at Versailles.

July 25, 1898.

Landing, at Guanica, of the expedition of United States

troops, under General Miles, for the conquest of Porto Rico.

July 26, 1898.

Overtures for peace addressed by the Spanish government to

that of the United States through the French Minister at

Washington.

July 27, 1898.

Occupation of Ponce, in Porto Rico, by the American forces

under General Miles.

July 28, 1898.

Death of Dr. William Pepper, of Philadelphia, physician, and

extraordinary leader in public enterprise.

{711}

July 30, 1898.

Terms of peace proposed to Spain by the United States.

Death of Reverend John Caird, Scottish divine and educator.

July 31, 1898.

Death of Prince Otto von Bismarck, at the age of 83.

August 3, 1898.

Urgent message from General Shafter to the United States War

Department, asking for the instant withdrawal of his forces

from Santiago, on account of the deadly ravages of yellow

fever, typhoid and dysentery.

August 4, 1898.

Orders given for the removal of the American army from

Santiago de Cuba to Montauk Point, Long Island.

August 7, 1898.

Acceptance by Spain of the terms of peace offered by the

United States.

Demand of Admiral Dewey and General Merritt for the

surrender of Manila.

Death of James Hall, American geologist.

August 8, 1898.

Death of Adolph Heinrich Joseph Sutro,

American mining engineer.

Death of Georg Moritz Ebers, German novelist and Egyptologist.

August 12, 1898.

Ceremony, at Honolulu, of the transfer of sovereignty over

the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.

Order by General Merritt forbidding the Filipino forces under

Aguinaldo to enter Manila when the city should be taken.

Signing of the protocol of terms for the negotiation of peace

between the United States and Spain;

proclamation by the President of the United States

suspending hostilities.

August 13, 1898.

Attack by American forces on the Spanish lines at Manila

and capture of the city.

August 21, 1898.

Friendly letter of Spanish soldiers at Santiago, Cuba,

before departing for Spain, to their late enemies, the

American soldiers.

August 22, 1898.

Death of Laupepa Malietoa, King of Samoa.

August 24, 1898.

Proposal by the Tzar of Russia of a conference of governments

to discuss the means of stopping the progressive increase of

military and naval armaments and promote the peace of the world.

August 25, 1898.

Transfer of command at Santiago from General Shafter

to General Lawton.

August 28, 1898.

General Merritt ordered to Paris for consultation with the

American Peace Commissioners;

command at Manila transferred to General Otis.

August 31, 1898.

Termination of the minority of Queen Wilhelmina, of the

Kingdom of the Netherlands, and of the regency of her mother,

Queen Emma.

Suicide of Colonel Henry, of the Intelligence Department of

the French Army, after confessing that he had forged one of

the documents on which M. Cavaignac based his certainty of

the guilt of Captain Dreyfus.

September 2, 1898.

Battle of Omdurman;

defeat of the Dervishes and occupation of the Khalifa's capital.

September 3, 1898.

Death of Wilford Woodruff, president of the Mormon Church.

September 4, 1898.

Resignation of M. Cavaignac from the French cabinet, because

of his opposition to a revision of the Dreyfus case.

September 6, 1898.

Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina, at Amsterdam.

Turkish outbreak at Candia, Crete, against authority

exercised by the British admiral in the name of the

concerted Powers.

September 10, 1898.

Assassination of Elizabeth, Empress of Austria

and Queen of Hungary.

September 12, 1898.

Death of Thomas McIntyre Cooley, American jurist.

September 14, 1898.

Death of Samuel Eliot, American historian.

September 19, 1898.

Death of Sir George Grey, British administrator.

September 21, 1898.

Overthrow of the Chinese reformers at Peking;

submission of the Emperor to the Empress-Dowager.

Death of Theodor Fontane, German poet.

September 23, 1898.

Death of Richard Malcolm Johnston, American author.

September 26, 1898.

Decision of the French cabinet to submit the question of a

revision of the trial of Captain Dreyfus to the Court of

Cassation.

September 28, 1898.

Execution of six of the Chinese reformers at Peking.

Death of Thomas Francis Bayard, American statesman

and diplomatist.

September 29, 1898.

Government of a Philippine Republic organized at Malolos;

a national congress convened, and Aguinaldo declared President.

Popular vote in Canada on the question of Prohibition.

Death of Queen Louise of Denmark.

September 30, 1898.

Mob attack on foreigners near Peking.

October, 1898.

Discovery of the Cape Nome mining region in Alaska.

Outbreak of Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in

Northern Minnesota.

October 1, 1898.

Call by foreign representatives at Peking for guards of

marines to protect their legations.

Meeting of Spanish and American commissioners at Paris to

negotiate a Treaty of Peace.

October 5, 1898.

Demand of the Powers for the withdrawal of Turkish garrisons

from Crete.

October 6, 1898.

Decree by the Empress-Dowager of China commanding protection

to Christian missionaries and converts.

October 7, 1898.

Death of Blanche Willis Howard, Baroness von Teuffel,

American novelist.

Death of Abraham Oakey Hall, American lawyer and politician.

October 12.

Inauguration of General Julio Roca President of the

Argentine Republic.

Serious conflict at Virden, Illinois, growing out of a

strike of coal miners;

14 persons killed and 25 wounded.

Death of Reverend Calvin Fairbank, anti-slavery worker and

helper of the freedmen.

October 19, 1898.

Death of Harold Frederic, American journalist and novelist.

October 25, 1898.

Decision of the Court of Cassation requiring a supplementary

investigation of the case of Captain Dreyfus.

Death of Pierre Puvis de Chavannes, French painter.

October 29, 1898.

Death of Colonel George Edwin Waring,

American sanitary engineer.

October 31, 1898.

Death of Helena Faucit, Lady Martin, English actress.

{712}

November 1, 1898.

Establishment of the Constitution of the United States of

Central America.

November 2, 1898.

Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the amicable settlement,

between France and Great Britain, of "the Fashoda incident."

November 5, 1898.

Death of David Ames Wells, American economist and publicist.

November 12, 1898.

Death of Clara Fisher (Mrs. Clara Fisher Maeder), actress.

November 15, 1898.

Inauguration of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, President of

United States of Brazil.

Order by the Court of Cassation that Dreyfus be notified by

telegraph of the pending revision of his trial.

November 19, 1898.

Death of Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell.

November 20, 1898.

Death of Sir George S. Baden-Powell, economist.

November 25, 1898.

Dissolution of the United States of Central America by

the secession of Salvador.

November 26, 1898.

Appointment of Prince George, of Greece, to be High

Commissioner of the Powers in Crete.

November 27, 1898.

Death of Charles Walter Couldock, actor.

November 28, 1898.

Death of Mrs. Mary Eliza (Joy) Haweis,

English author and artist.

December 5, 1898.

Final raising of the "pacific blockade" of Crete by the Powers.

December 6, 1898.

General Guy V. Henry appointed Military Governor of Porto Rico.

December 10, 1898.

Signing, at Paris, of the Treaty of Peace between the

United States and Spain.

Death of William Black, English novelist.

December 11, 1898.

Death of General Calixto Garcia, Cuban military leader.

December 13, 1898.

Appointment of General Brooke as commander and military

governor of Cuba, by direction of the President of the

United States.

Reception by the Empress-Dowager to the wives of foreign

representatives at Peking.

December 17, 1898.

Death of Baron Ferdinand James de Rothschild.

December 21, 1898.

Arrival of Prince George of Greece in Crete, to undertake

the administration of government as High Commissioner for

the Powers.

Instructions of the President of the United States to

General Otis, relative to the military government of the

Philippine Islands.

December 22, 1898.

Death of Sebastian Bach Mills, composer and pianist.

December 23, 1898.

Decision by the French government to comply with the demand

of the Court of Cassation for the secret papers

(the "dossier") in the Dreyfus case.

December 25, 1898.

Penny postage to all places in the British Empire except the

Australasian colonies and Cape Colony brought into operation.

December 28, 1898.

Death of Justin Smith Morrill, United States Senator.

December 30, 1898.

Death of Don Matias Romero,

Mexican ambassador to the United States.

1899.

January 1, 1899.

Formal relinquishment of the sovereignty of Spain over the

island of Cuba, by ceremonies performed at Havana.

January 4, 1899.

The Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain sent

to the United States Senate by the President.

Proclamation of General Otis to the people of the Philippine

Islands, amending the instructions of the President.

January 5, 1899.

Proclamation of Aguinaldo to the people of the Philippine

Islands, counter to that of General Otis.

January 8, 1899.

Sensational resignation of the President of the civil section

of the French Court of Cassation.

January 11, 1899.

Second communication of the Tzar of Russia to other

governments on the subject of an International Conference

for the promotion of peace.

January 13, 1899.

Death of Representative Nelson Dingley, of Maine.

January 17, 1899.

Death of John Russell Young, librarian of Congress.

January 19, 1899.

Signing of an agreement between the government of Great

Britain and that of the Khedive of Egypt, establishing a

condominium or joint administration of government over the

Sudan.

January 20, 1899.

Appointment of the First Philippine Commission by the

President of the United States.

January 22, 1899.

Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain

opinions called Americanism.

January 29, 1899.

Death of Dr. R. Fruin, Dutch historian.

February 4, 1899.

First outbreak of hostilities between the American and

Filipino forces at Manila.

February 6, 1899.

Ratification by the United States Senate of the Treaty of

Peace with Spain.

Death of General Count Georg Leo von Caprivi, formerly

chancellor of the German empire.

Death of Irving Browne, American legal writer.

February 10, 1899.

Coup d'état of Señor Cuestas, declaring himself Provisional

President of Uruguay.

February 11, 1899.

Occupation of the City of Iloilo, in the Philippine Islands,

by the American forces.

February 12, 1899.

Sale of the Caroline and the Marianne or Ladrone Islands

(excepting Guam) by Spain to Germany.

February 15, 1899.

Promulgation of a Russian imperial ukase which seriously

impairs the constitutional independence of Finland.

Death of Henry Jones ("Cavendish").

February 16, 1899.

Sudden death of François Felix Faure,

President of the French Republic.

February 18, 1899.

Election of Emile Loubet to the

presidency of the French Republic.

February 20, 1899.

Adjournment of the Joint High Commission appointed to settle

questions in dispute between the United States and Canada.

February 23, 1899.

Funeral of the late President Faure, at Paris;

attempted revolutionary rising by the

"League of Patriots," and others.

February 24, 1899.

Death of Émile Welti, formerly President

of the Swiss Confederation.

February 25, 1899.

Death of Paul Julius de Reuter, Baron, founder of a telegraph

company and news agency.

{713}

February 28, 1899.

Defeat and resignation of the Spanish Ministry of Señor

Sagasta, on the question of the signing of the treaty of

Peace with the United States;

formation of the Ministry of Señor Silvela.

Death of Mrs. Emma Waller, English actress.

March, 1899.

Withdrawal of foreign legation guards from Peking.

March 1, 1899.

Formation of the Visayan Military District in the Philippines

under General Marcus P. Miller.

Death of Lord Herschell, English jurist.

March 3, 1899.

Creation of commission to examine and report on all possible

routes for an inter-oceanic canal, under the control and

ownership of the United States.

March 6, 1899.

Death of Princess Kaiulani, of Hawaii.

March 10, 1899.

Death of Sir Douglas Galton, British sanitary scientist.

March 11, 1899.

The signing of the treaty of peace with the United States

by the Queen of Spain, on her own responsibility.

March 13, 1899.

Death of Mr Julius Vogel,

British colonial statesman and author.

March 14, 1899.

Death of Emile Erckmann, French novelist.

March 18, 1899.

Modification of the plan of the Bureau of the American

Republics, at a conference of the representatives of

the American nations.

March 21, 1899.

Completed settlement of boundaries between English and

French claims in West Africa and the Western Sudan.

April 2, 1899.

Death of Baroness Hirsch.

April 11, 1899.

Death of Sir Monier Monier-Williams,

English philologist and Oriental scholar.

April 15, 1899.

Death of Ely Thayer, active organizer of "the Kansas crusade."

April 28, 1899.

Agreement between Great Britain and Russia concerning their

railway interests in China.

May 1, 1899.

Death of Professor Karl Christian Ludwig Büchner,

German physiologist and philosopher.

May 8, 1899.

General George W. Davis appointed Military

Governor of Porto Rico.

May 11, 1899.

Papal proclamation of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900."

May 13, 1899.

Advice from the Netherlands government to President Kruger,

of the South African Republic, that he pursue a conciliatory

course towards Great Britain.

May 15, 1899.

Death of Francisque Sarcey, French essayist.

May 18, 1899.

Meeting and organization of the International Peace Conference

at The Hague.

Order by the Tzar of Russia looking to the abolition of

transportation to Siberia.

May 19, 1899.

Spanish garrison at Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago,

replaced by American troops.

May 25, 1899.

Death of Emilio Castelar, Spanish orator and statesman.

Death of Rosa Bonheur, French artist.

May 27, 1899.

Death of Dr. Alphonse Charpentier, French physician.

May 29, 1899.

Order by President McKinley seriously modifying the

civil service rules.

May 31, 1899.

Conference at Bloemfontein between President Kruger of the

South African Republic and the British High Commissioner,

Sir Alfred Milner.

June, 1899.

International Convention respecting the liquor traffic in

Africa concluded at Brussels.

June 2, 1899.

Confession of Commandant Esterhazy, a refugee in England,

that he wrote the "bordereau" ascribed to Captain Dreyfus.

June 3, 1899.

Decision of the Court of Cassation, quashing and annulling,

in certain particulars, the judgment of condemnation

pronounced against Captain Dreyfus in 1894 and ordering a new

trial by court martial, to be held at Rennes.

Death of Johann Strauss, Austrian composer.

June 4, 1899.

Ruffianly demonstration of young French royalists against

President Loubet, at the Auteuil races; the President struck.

June 7, 1899.

Death of Augustin Daly, American theatrical manager.

June 10, 1899.

Death of John J. Lalor, American writer on

political and economic subjects.

June 12, 1899.

Resignation of the Ministry of M. Dupuy, in France;

formation of a "Government of Republican defense,"

under M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

June 15, 1899.

Meeting at Paris of the tribunal for the arbitration of the

Venezuela boundary.

Death of Representative Richard Parks Bland, of Missouri.

June 24, 1899.

Death of the Dowager Queen Kapiolani,

widow of King Kalakaua of Hawaii.

June 28-30, 1899.

Political rioting and threatened revolution at Brussels.

June 30, 1899.

Death of Mrs. E. D. E. N. Southworth, American novelist.

July 1, 1899.

Death of Charles Victor Cherbuliez, French novelist and critic.

July 6, 1899.

Death of Robert Bonner, American publisher.

July 7, 1899.

Death of George W. Julian, American anti-slavery leader.

July 10, 1899.

Death of the Grand Duke George, brother of the Tzar of Russia.

July 17, 1899.

Release of Japan from her old treaties with the Western Powers;

abolition of foreign consular courts.

July 18, 1899.

Death of Horatio Alger, American writer of stories for boys.

July 21, 1899.

Death of Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll,

American apostle of atheism.

July 22, 1899.

Organization of a half military, half autonomous government

in the Philippine island of Negros.

July 25, 1899.

Election to fill municipal offices in Porto Rico, under

orders from the Military Governor.

July 26, 1899.

Amendment of its franchise law by the South African Republic.

Assassination of General Heureaux, President of the

Dominican Republic.

July 29, 1899.

Adoption and signing of the "Final Act" of the Peace

Conference at The Hague, submitting three proposed

Conventions, three Declarations, and several other

recommendations, to the governments represented in it.

July 31, 1899.

Death of Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton, American ethnologist.

{714}

August 1, 1899.

Proposal of the British government to that of the South

African Republic, that a joint inquiry be made as to the

effect, in practical working, of the new franchise law.

August 4, 1899.

Renewed counsel of moderation to President Kruger, from the

Netherlands government.

August 7, 1899.

Destructive cyclone in Porto Rico.

Opening of the new trial of Captain Dreyfus by court martial

at Rennes.

A terrific hurricane in the West Indies;

loss of life estimated at 5,000.

August 9, 1899.

Passage of Act creating a national Board of Education for

England and Wales.

August 11, 1899.

Death of Dr. Charles Janeway Stillé,

American author and educator.

August 12, 1899.

Arrest of Déronlède and other pestilential Frenchmen for

revolutionary conspiracy.

August 13, 1899.

Russian imperial order declaring Talienwan a free port.

August 14, 1899.

Attempt, at Rennes, to assassinate M. Labori, one of the

counsel for Captain Dreyfus.

August 16, 1899.

Death of Professor Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen,

German chemist.

August 19, 1899.

Counter proposals from the government of the South African

Republic to that of Great Britain.

August 20, 1899.

Rioting in Paris; barricading of M. Guérin and other members

of the "Anti-Semitic League" in their headquarters,

to defy arrest.

September 4, 1899.

Death of Jean Ristics, Servian statesman.

September 6, 1899.

Proposal by the government of the United States of an

"open-door" commercial policy in China.

September 8, 1899.

Authorized publication at Berlin of a repeated declaration

that the German government had never maintained, either

directly or indirectly, any relations with Captain Dreyfus.

September 9, 1899.

Verdict of "guilty" pronounced against Dreyfus by five of

the seven members of the Rennes court martial.

September 11, 1899.

Death of Cornelius Vanderbilt, millionaire.

September 12, 1899.

Impassioned protest by M. Zola against the Rennes verdict.

September 18, 1899.

Beginning of the trial, at Paris, of Déroulède and his

fellow conspirators against the Republic.

September 19, 1899.

Pardon of Captain Dreyfus by President Loubet.

September 22, 1899.

Ending of the discussion of the Uitlander franchise question

between the British and Boer governments.

Death of Major George Edward Pond, military author.

September 25, 1899.

Death of Consul Willshire Butterfield,

American historical writer.

September 27, 1899.

The Orange Free State makes common cause with the Transvaal

against the British.

Death of General Henry Heth, Confederate officer and historian.

October, 1899.

International Commercial Congress and National Export

Exposition at Philadelphia.

October 3, 1899.

Announcement of the decision of the tribunal of arbitration

upon the question of the boundary between Venezuela and

British Guiana.

Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak, Egypt.

October 9, 1899.

Ultimatum of the South African Republic to Great Britain.

October 10, 1899.

Reply of the British government to the Boer ultimatum.

Contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua declared

forfeited by the Nicaraguan government.

October 12, 1899.

First act in the British-Boer war, in South Africa;

Boer invasion of Natal and of Cape Colony.

October 13, 1899.

Death of Vice-Admiral Philip Howard Colomb, of the British navy.

October 14, 1899.

Death of Charlotte Heine, sister of Heinrich.

October 15, 1899.

Death of Lawrence Gronlund, socialist author.

October 16, 1899.

Census of Cuba and Porto Rico, taken under the direction

of the War Department of the United States.

Death of Professor Edward Orton, American geologist.

October 20, 1899.

Battle at Talana Hill, Natal, between British and Boer forces;

mortal wounding of General Sir W. Penn Symons.

Agreement between Great Britain and the United States upon a

"modus vivendi" pending the settlement of the Alaska boundary.

October 21, 1899.

Battle at Elandslaagte, in Natal.

October 25, 1899.

Death of Grant Allen, author and naturalist.

October 27, 1899.

Death of Brigadier General Guy V. Henry, late military

governor of Porto Rico.

Death of Florence Marryat (Mrs. Francis Lean), English novelist.

October 28, 1899.

Death of John Codman Ropes, American military historian.

Death of Ottmar Mergenthaler, inventor of the linotype

printing process.

October 29, 1899.

Beginning of the siege of Ladysmith, in Natal.

November 2, 1899.

Earthquake and tidal wave in the island of Ceram, one of

the Moluccas, overwhelming many towns.

November 3, 1899.

Death of Colonel Henry Inman,

American writer on frontier history.

November 14, 1899.

Signing of treaties between Great Britain, Germany, and

the United States, relative to the Samoan Islands.

Inauguration of Juan Isidro Jiminez, President of the

Dominican Republic.

November 16, 1899.

Death of Moritz Busch, biographer of Bismarck.

November 19, 1899.

Death of Sir John William Dawson, Canadian geologist.

November 21, 1899.

Death of Garret A. Hobart,

Vice President of the United States.

November 23, 1899.

Battle of Belmont, in the South African war.

November 24, 1899.

Death of Reverend Samuel May, American abolitionist.

November 25, 1899.

Battle at Enslin, or Graspan, in the South African war.

November 28, 1899.

Battle at Modder River, in the South African war.

November 30, 1899.

Report of Isthmian Canal Commission in favor of

the Nicaragua route.

December 6, 1899.

Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the military

command and governorship of Cuba.

{715}

December 10, 1899.

Repulse of the British by the Boers at Stormberg.

December 11, 1899.

Battle at Majesfontein, in the South African war.

December 12, 1899.

Inauguration of William S. Taylor, Republican, Governor of

Kentucky, his election being disputed by Democratic opponents.

December 15, 1899.

First repulse of General Buller in attempting to pass the

Tugela River, South Africa.

December 18, 1899.

Death of Major-General Henry W. Lawton, U. S. V.

Death of Bernard Quaritch, London book dealer.

December 20, 1899.

Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

December 22, 1899.

Death of Dwight Lyman Moody, evangelist.

December 23, 1899.

Death of Dorman B. Eaton,

leader in American civil-service reform.

December 25, 1899.

Beginning of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900," proclaimed

by Pope Leo XIII.

Death of Elliott Coues, American naturalist.

December 30, 1899.

Death of Sir James Paget, British surgeon.

December 31, 1899.

Murder of Mr. Brooks, an English missionary,

by Chinese "Boxers" in northern Shantung.

1900.

January 1, 1900.

Abolition of Roman Law and introduction of the Civil Code

throughout Germany.

Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a sixth term.

January 5, 1900.

Death of William A. Hammond, American physician.

January 10, 1900.

Landing of Field-Marshal Lord Roberts at the Cape, to take

the British command in South Africa.

January 12, 1900.

Death of Reverend Dr. James Martineau, English divine.

January 15, 1900.

Letting of contract for building the Rapid Transit Tunnel in

New York.

Death of George W. Steevens, English war correspondent.

January 17, 1900.

Beginning of the second movement of General Buller across

the Tugela River.

January 20, 1900.

Death of John Ruskin.

January 21, 1900.

Death of Richard Doddridge Blackmore, English novelist.

Death of the Duke of Teck.

January 23, 1900.

Futile storming of the Boer fortifications on Spion Kop

by the British troops under General Buller.

January 24, 1900.

Decree by the Chinese emperor relating to the succession

to the throne.

January 27, 1900.

"Identic note" by foreign Ministers at Peking to the

Tsung-li Yamen demanding action against the "Boxers"

in Shantung and Chihli.

January 28, 1900.

Elections to the French Senate;

substantial success of the moderate Republicans.

January 29, 1900.

Withdrawal of General Buller from beyond the Tugela.

January 30, 1900.

Assassination of Senator William Goebel,

Democratic claimant of the governorship of Kentucky.

January 31, 1900.

Report of First Philippine Commission.

February 5, 1900.

Third advance of General Buller across the Tugela River.

Signing at Washington of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between

the United States and Great Britain, to facilitate the

construction of an inter-oceanic canal.

Death of William Henry Gilder, arctic explorer.

February 9, 1900.

Third retirement of General Buller from the north bank

of the Tugela.

February 11, 1900.

Beginning of the advance movement of Lord Roberts from the

Modder River.

February 15, 1900.

The Boer siege of Kimberley raised by General French.

February 20, 1900.

Death of William H. Beard, American animal painter.

February 21, 1900.

Agreement of Republican and Democratic leaders in Kentucky

for a settlement of the gubernatorial question in the courts.

Death of Henry Duff Traill, English man of letters.

Death of Dr. Charles Piazzi Smyth, British astronomer.

Death of Mr. Leslie E. Keeley, originator of the "gold cure"

for the liquor habit.

February 24, 1900.

Death of Richard Hovey, American poet.

February 25, 1900.

Opening of the new ship canal from the sea to Bruges.

February 27, 1900.

Surrender of General Cronje and his army to the British,

after nine days of battle, near Paardeberg.

February 27-28, 1900.

Final passage of the Tugela by General Buller, and relief

of Ladysmith.

March 1, 1900.

Preliminary report of the United States Industrial Commission,

on "trusts and industrial combinations."

March 5, 1900.

Overtures of peace to Lord Salisbury by Presidents Kruger

and Steyn, of the South African republics.

March 9, 1900.

Death of Edward John Phelps, American diplomatist.

March 10, 1900.

Battle of Driefontein, in the Orange Free State.

Death of Johann Feder E. Hartmann, Danish composer.

March 11, 1900.

Reply of Lord Salisbury to the Boer Presidents, declining

to assent to the independence of either of the two republics.

March 12, 1900.

Occupation of Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange Free State,

by the British forces.

March 13, 1900.

Death of Père Henri Didon, French Dominican

author and preacher.

March 14, 1900.

Approval of the Financial Bill, for reforming the monetary

system of the United States.

March 18, 1900.

Death of General Sir William Stephen Alexander Lockhart,

British military commander.

March 23, 1900.

Death of Sherman S. Rogers, American lawyer,

prominent in civil service reform.

March 25, 1900.

Rising of Ashantis and attack on the British in Kumassi.

March 26, 1900.

Death of Rabbi M. Wise, American Jewish divine.

March 27, 1900.

Death of General Pietrus Jacobus Joubert, Commandant-General

and Vice-President of the South African Republic.

March 29, 1900.

Order promulgated by the Military Governor of the Philippine

Islands providing for the election and institution of

municipal governments.

Death of Archibald Forbes, British war correspondent.

{716}

April, 1900.

Visit of Queen Victoria to Ireland.

April 1, 1900.

Death of Professor St. George Milvart,

English naturalist and scientific writer.

April 4, 1900.

Death of Ghazi Osman Nubar Pasha, Turkish general.

April 6, 1900.

Decision of the Kentucky Court of Appeals adverse to the

right of William S. Taylor to the Governor's office.

April 7, 1900.

The Philippine Islands constituted, by order of the United

States Secretary of War, a military division, consisting

of four departments.

Appointment of the Second Philippine Commission by the

President of the United States.

Death of Frederick E. Church, American landscape painter.

April 10, 1900.

Death of Frank H. Cushing, American ethnologist.

April 12, 1900.

Act of Congress of the United States to provide revenues

and a civil government for Porto Rico.

April 14, 1900.

Opening of the Paris Exposition, with unfinished preparations.

April 17, 1900.

Cession to the United States by Samoan chiefs of the islands

in that group lying east of the 171st degree of west longitude.

April 19, 1900.

Death of Robert Alan Mowbray Stevenson, British artist.

April 21, 1900.

Meeting of the third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant

Foreign Missions, at New York.

Death of Alphonse M. Edwards, French naturalist.

April 23, 1900.

Death of George Douglas Campbell,

Duke of Argyll, Scottish author.

April 26, 1900.

Great fire in the city of Ottawa, Canada,

and the town of Hull, on the opposite shore of the river.

April 30, 1900.

Approval of an Act of the Congress of the United States

"to provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii."

May 1, 1900.

Meeting, at Rock Island, Illinois, of the national convention

of the United Christian Party, to nominate candidates for

President and Vice President of the United States.

Inauguration of civil government in Porto Rico;

induction into office of Governor Charles H. Allen.

Death of Mihaly (Michael) Munkacsy, Hungarian painter.

May 10, 1900.

Meeting of the national conventions of the two wings of the

People's Party, at Cincinnati and at Sioux Falls, to nominate

candidates for President and Vice President of the United

States.

May 16, 1900.

Dissolution of the Italian Parliament by the King.

May 18, 1900.

Relief of Mafeking, after a siege of seven months by the Boers.

May 21, 1900.

Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that it

had no jurisdiction in the matter of the disputed governorship

of Kentucky.

May 23, 1900.

Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill in the German Reichstag.

Death of Jonas Gilman Clark, founder of Clark University.

May 24, 1900.

Proclamation by Lord Roberts of the annexation of the Orange

Free State to the dominions of the British Queen.

May 28, 1900.

Partial destruction of railway near Peking by "Boxers."

Death of Sir George Grove, English musician.

May 30, 1900.

Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders to protest against the

annexation of the Boer republics.

May 31, 1900.

Occupation of Johannesburg by the British forces.

Arrival at Peking of British, American, French, Italian,

Russian and Japanese guards for the legations.

June 1-3, 1900.

Fruitless peace parley between British and

Boer military commanders.

June 2, 1900.

Meeting of the national convention of the Socialist Labor

Party, at New York, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

Death of Clarence Cook, American art critic and writer.

June 3, 1900.

Election of a new Italian Parliament;

resignation of the Pelloux Ministry;

formation of a new cabinet under Saracco.

June 5, 1900.

Occupation of Pretoria, the capital of the South African

Republic by the British forces.

Death of Reverend Richard Salter Storrs, American divine.

Death of Stephen Crane, author and journalist.

Death of Miss Mary H. Kingsley, African explorer.

June 6, 1900.

Approval by the President of the United States of an act

providing for the civil government of Alaska.

June 10, 1900.

International force of marines from foreign fleets at Taku

started for Peking under Vice-Admiral Sir Edward H. Seymour.

June 11, 1900.

Murder at Peking of Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the

Japanese Legation.

Counter proclamation of President Steyn, declaring the

annexation of the Orange Free State to be null and void.

June 12, 1900.

Death of Lucretia Peabody Rale, American author.

June 12-15, 1900.

Second fruitless discussion of terms of peace between the

British and Boer military leaders.

June 13, 1900.

Massacre of native Christians and burning of foreign buildings

by "Boxers" in Peking.

June 16, 1900.

Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.

Election of municipal officers throughout the island of Cuba,

under an election law promulgated by the military governor in

the previous April.

Death of the Prince de Joinville,

son of King Louis Philippe of France.

June 17, 1900.

Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.

June 19, 1900.

Meeting, at Philadelphia, of the national convention of the

Republican Party, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

{717}

June 20, 1900.

Beginning of the siege of the foreign legations and the

Pei-tang Cathedral at Peking.

Murder at Peking of the German Minister, Baron von Ketteler.

Death of Henry Brougham Loch, Baron,

British colonial administrator.

June 21, 1900.

Imperial Chinese decree proclaiming war upon foreigners and

praising the "Boxers" as patriotic soldiers.

Proclamation of amnesty by the Military Governor of the

Philippine Islands.

Death of Count Muravieff, Russian statesman.

June 22, 1900.

Burning, by the Chinese, of the Hanlin Imperial Academy,

at Peking.

June 25, 1900.

Death of ex-Judge Mellen Chamberlain,

American historical writer.

June 26, 1900.

Retreat of Admiral Seymour's expedition to Tientsin, driven

back by the Chinese.

Appointment of General Chaffee to command American forces

sent to China.

June 27, 1900.

Meeting at Chicago, of the national convention of the

Prohibition Party, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

June 30, 1900.

Great fire at Hoboken, New Jersey, destroying the pier system,

with three large steamers, of the North German Lloyd steamship

line, and with a loss of life estimated at three hundred

persons.

July 4, 1900.

Meeting at Kansas City, of the national convention of the

Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

July 5, 1900.

Death of Dr. Henry Barnard, American educator.

July 6, 1900.

Meeting of the national convention of Silver Republicans,

at Kansas City, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

July 7, 1900.

Passage by the British Parliament of the Act to constitute

the Commonwealth of Australia.

July 13, 1900.

Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.

July 14, 1900.

Opening of Chinese attacks on the Russians in Manchuria.

July 15, 1900.

Appeal to Congress by inhabitants of Manila.

Relief of the besieged British in Kumassi.

July 20, 1900.

First news from the beleaguered foreigners in Peking received

at Washington, in a cipher despatch from the American Minister,

Mr. Conger, sent through the Chinese Minister, Mr. Wu Ting Fang.

July 23, 1900.

Death of Baron von Manteuffel, German statesman.

July 27, 1900.

Speech of the German Emperor to troops departing for China,

enjoining them to give no quarter and make no prisoners, but

imitate the example of Attila and the Huns.

July 29, 1900.

Assassination of King Humbert, of Italy.

July 31, 1900.

Death of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Duke of Edinburgh,

second son of Queen Victoria.

Death of John Clark Ridpath, American historian.

August 4, 1900.

Movement of allied forces from Tientsin, nearly 19,000 strong,

for the rescue of foreigners in Peking.

Death of Major-General Jacob D. Cox,

American military historian.

August 6, 1900.

Capture of Yang-tsun by the allied forces.

Death of Wilhelm Liebknecht, German Socialist leader.

August 8, 1900.

Speech of William J. Bryan, at Indianapolis, accepting his

nomination for President of the United States.

Death of Cyrus Hamlin, founder of Robert College, Constantinople.

August 10, 1900.

Death of Baron Russell of Killowen,

Lord Chief Justice of England.

August 13, 1900.

International congress of Zionists at London.

Death of Collis P. Huntington, American railway magnate.

August 14, 1900.

Rescue of the besieged Legations at Peking;

entrance of the allied forces into the city.

August 15, 1900.

Forcing of the gates of the "Forbidden City," at Peking,

and expulsion of Chinese troops, by the American forces,

under General Chaffee.

August 16, 1900.

Meeting, at Indianapolis, of the American League of

Anti-Imperialists, to take action with reference to the

pending presidential election in the United States.

August 21, 1900.

Annexation of Austral Islands to France.

August 22, 1900.

Death of Carl Rohl Smith, American sculptor.

August 25, 1900.

Death of Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche,

German philosopher (so-called).

August 28, 1900.

March of the allied army through the "Forbidden City,"

at Peking.

August 29, 1900.

Expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of

an early withdrawal of troops from Peking.

Death of Professor Henry Sidgwick, English economist.

September 1, 1900.

Transfer of all legislative authority from the Military

Governor of the Philippine Islands to the Second Philippine

Commission.

September 2, 1900.

Proclamation by Lord Roberts directing the burning of farms

in punishment of guerrilla warfare.

September 5, 1900.

Meeting of Anti-Imperialists, at New York, to nominate

candidates for President and Vice President of the

United States.

Decrees establishing compulsory military service in Chile.

September 8, 1900.

Letter of President McKinley, accepting his renomination for

a second term as President of the United States.

September 9, 1900.

The city of Galveston, Texas, overwhelmed by

hurricane and flood.

September 10, 1900.

Leave of absence given to President Kruger for

departure to Europe.

September 12, 1900.

Appropriation of $2,000,000 by the Philippine Commission

for improvement of highways and bridges.

September 15, 1900.

General election in Cuba of delegates to a convention for

framing a constitution.

September 17, 1900.

Dissolution of the British Parliament by royal proclamation,

and order given for new elections in October.

Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth by Queen Victoria.

Beginning of a strike of 112,000 anthracite coal miners in

Pennsylvania.

September 19, 1900.

Adoption by the Philippine Commission of an Act for the

establishment and maintenance of an honest and efficient

civil service in the islands.

{718}

September 22, 1900.

Gigantic banquet in Paris to 23,000 representatives of the

municipalities of France, in celebration of the centenary of

the proclamation of the first French republic.

September 29, 1900.

Meeting, at Chicago, of the national convention of the Social

Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and

Vice President of the United States.

October 4, 1900.

Points submitted by the government of France as the suggested

basis for negotiations with the government of China, accepted

subsequently by all the Powers.

October 10, 1900.

Annexation of the Cook Islands to New Zealand.

October 16, 1900.

Agreement between Great Britain and Germany upon principles

to be observed "in regard to their mutual policy in China."

October 17, 1900.

Ending of the strike of anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania.

October 18, 1900.

Resignation of Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Chancellor

of the German Empire, and appointment of Count von Bülow

to succeed him.

October 20, 1900.

Death of Charles Dudley Warner, American author.

October 21, 1900.

Fall of the Cabinet of Senor Silvela, in Spain;

formation of that of General Azcarraga.

October 22, 1900.

Death of John Sherman, American statesman.

October 24, 1900.

Conclusion of Parliamentary elections in Great Britain;

return of an increased majority for the Conservative and

Liberal Unionist government of Lord Salisbury.

October 25, 1900.

Annexation of the South African Republic to the dominions of

the Queen proclaimed by Lord Roberts.

October 28, 1900.

Speech of the French premier, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,

at Toulouse, foreshadowing a measure against the religious

orders in France—the Bill on Associations.

Census of Mexico.

Death of Professor Friedrich Max Müller,

Orientalist and philologist.

October 29, 1900.

Death of Prince Christian Victor, grandson of Queen Victoria.

October 31, 1900.

Union of the Free and the United Presbyterian churches

in Scotland.

November 4, 1900.

Rejection by popular vote in Switzerland of proposals for

proportional representation.

November 5, 1900.

Meeting of Cuban constitutional convention at Havana.

November 6, 1900.

Presidential election in the United States.

First election in Porto Rico under the Act establishing civil

government in the island.

November 7, 1900.

Parliamentary elections in Canada, sustaining the Liberal

ministry in power.

November 11, 1900.

Signing of Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian

province of Fêng-tien.

November 12, 1900.

Closing of the Paris Exposition.

November 18, 1900.

Proclamation of Lord Roberts defining the intention of his

order concerning farm-burning.

Death of Martin Irons, American labor leader.

November 22, 1900.

Death of Sir Arthur Sullivan, British composer.

November 29, 1900.

The British command in South Africa delivered to Lord

Kitchener by Lord Roberts, lately appointed Commander-in-Chief

of the British Army.

Death of Professor Burke A. Hinsdale,

American historian and educator.

November 30, 1900.

Report of Second Philippine Commission.

Death of Oscar Wilde.

December 3, 1900.

Meeting and organization of the first Legislative Assembly

in Porto Rico.

Death of Ludwig Jacobowski, German poet and novelist.

December 5, 1900.

Death of Mrs. Abby Sage Richardson, dramatist, author, actress.

December 6, 1900.

Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders at Worcester, to appeal

for peace and the independence of the defeated republics.

Meeting of the newly elected Parliament in Great Britain.

December 12, 1900.

Celebration of the centennial anniversary of the removal of

the capital of the United States from Philadelphia to Washington.

Fourth international conference in London on the cataloguing

of scientific literature, and final arrangement for beginning

the work.

December 13, 1900.

Death of Michael G. Mulhall, British statistician.

December 15, 1900.

Landing at Sydney of Lord Hopetoun, the first Governor-General

of the new Commonwealth of Australia.

December 17, 1900.

Opening of the first argument before the Supreme Court of the

United States in cases involving questions concerning the

status of new colonial possessions.

December 19, 1900.

Assumption of the title of Royal Highness by the

Prince of Montenegro.

December 20, 1900.

A joint note from the plenipotentiaries of the Powers at

Peking, setting forth the conditions of settlement with China,

formulated, after long discussion, and signed and delivered

to the Chinese plenipotentiaries.

Ratification (with amendments) of the Hay-Pauncefote

Treaty by the United States Senate.

December 12, 1900.

Death of Roger Wolcott, ex-governor of Massachusetts.

Death of Representative Richard A. Wise, of Virginia.

December 27, 1900.

Death of Sir William George Armstrong, first Baron Armstrong,

English inventor and gun manufacturer.

December 28, 1900.

Death of Professor Moses Coit Tyler, historian of American

literature.

Death of Major Serpa Pinto, Portuguese explorer of Africa.

December 30, 1900.

Death of Hiram Hitchcock, American archæologist.

December 31, 1900.

Fall of two stones at Stonehenge.

1901.

January 1, 1901.

The beginning of the Twentieth Century.

Organization of the Permanent Court of International

Arbitration at The Hague.

Inauguration of the Federal Government of the Commonwealth

of Australia.

January 2, 1901.

Death of Ignatius Donnelly, Shakespeare-Bacon theorist.

{719}

January 4, 1901.

Transfer of Sir Alfred Milner from the governorship of Cape

Colony to that of the Transvaal, continuing to be British

High Commissioner for South Africa at large.

January 8, 1901.

Opening of the second argument before the Supreme Court of

the United States in cases involving questions concerning

the status of new possessions.

January 12, 1901.

Submission of the Chinese government to the requirements of

the Powers.

January 14, 1901.

Defiant proclamation issued by President Steyn and

General De Wet.

Death of Right Reverend Mandell Creighton, English historian.

Death of Charles Hermite, French mathematician.

January 16, 1901.

Approval of the Act apportioning Representatives in the

Congress of the United States, under the census of 1900.

January 17, 1901.

Proclamation of martial law throughout most of Cape Colony.

January 18, 1901.

Celebration of the bicentenary of the coronation of the

first King of Prussia.

Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social

and Christian Democracy.

Death of Arnold Boecklin, German painter.

January 19, 1901.

Death of the Duc de Broglie, French statesman.

January 21, 1901.

Death of Professor Elisha Gray, one of the inventors of the

telephone.

Death of Colonel Frank Frederick Hilder,

geographer and ethnologist.

January 22, 1901.

Death of Queen Victoria.

January 24, 1901.

Formal proclamation of the accession of King Edward VII. to

the throne of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

January 25, 1901.

Death of Baron Wilhelm von Rothschild, financier.

January 27, 1901.

Death of Giuseppe Verdi, Italian composer.

January 28, 1901.

Death of Count Joseph V. Gurko, Russian general.

January 29, 1901.

Death of Reverend Hugh Reginald Haweis,

English clergyman and author.

Death of Vicomte Henri de Bornier, French poet and dramatist.

February 1, 1901.

Death of Dr. Fitzedward Hall, entomologist.

February 1-4, 1901.

Ceremonies of the funeral of Queen Victoria.

February 2, 1901.

Act to increase the regular army of the United States to

100,000 men approved by the President.

February 5, 1901.

Chinese Imperial decree, commanding new undertakings of reform.

February 6, 1901.

Fall of the Saracco Ministry in Italy;

formation of a new government under Signor Zanardelli.

February 7, 1901.

Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina, of the Kingdom of the

Netherlands, to Duke Henry of Mecklenburg.

February 11, 1901.

Death of ex-King Milan of Servia.

February 12, 1901.

Order by the United States Treasury Department levying a

countervailing duty on Russian sugar, as being "bounty-fed."

Death of Don Ramon de Campoamor, Spanish poet, philosopher

and statesman.

February 14, 1901.

Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias, sister of the young

King of Spain, to Prince Charles, of the Neapolitan Bourbon

family.

Opening of the British Parliament in state by King Edward VII.

February 15, 1901.

Death of Maurice Thompson, American author.

February 16, 1901.

Retaliatory order by the Russian Minister of Finance,

levying additional duties on American manufactures of

iron and steel.

February 19, 1901.

Death of Paul Armand Silvestre, French poet and critic.

February 26, 1901.

Execution of two high Chinese officials, at Peking, in

compliance with the demands of the Powers.

Adoption by the United States Senate of the so-called

"Spooner amendment" to the Army Appropriation Bill,

authorizing the President to establish civil government

in the Philippines.

February 27, 1901.

Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the Platt Amendment to the

Army Appropriation Bill, defining the conditions under which

the President may "leave the government and control of the

island of Cuba to its people."

Assassination of the Russian Minister of Public Instruction.

February 28, 1901.

Unsuccessful peace parley opened between Lord Kitchener and

Commandant Botha.

Death of William Maxwell Evarts, American lawyer and statesman.

March 1, 1901.

Concurrence of the United States House of Representatives in

the "Spooner Amendment" and the Platt Amendment of the Senate

to the Army Appropriation Bill.

March 1-14, 1901.

Census of the Indian Empire, completed in 14 days.

March 2, 1901.

Official announcement of the terms of the formation of the

United States Steel Corporation.

March 4, 1901.

Inauguration of William McKinley for a second term as

President of the United States.

March 6, 1901.

Death of Canon William Bright, Oxford theologian.

March 11, 1901.

Rejection by the British government of the Hay-Pauncefote

Treaty, as amended by the United States Senate.

March 12, 1901.

Offer, by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, of $5,200,000, for the

establishing of branches of the New York Public Library.

March 13, 1901.

Death of Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United States.

March 15, 1901,

Order for withdrawal of American troops from China,

excepting a Legation guard.

March 17, 1901.

Death of Reverend Elijah Kellogg,

American writer of books for boys.

March 20, 1901.

Passage of a new election law by the Legislature of Maryland,

to exclude the illiterate from the suffrage.

March 21, 1901.

Death of Reverend Dr. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, American divine.

March 22, 1901.

Attempted assassination of M. Pobiedonostzeff,

Procurator of the Holy Synod, in Russia.

March 23, 1901.

Capture of the Philippine leader, Aguinaldo, by stratagem.

March 24, 1901.

Death of Charlotte Mary Yonge,

English novelist and historical writer.

{720}

March 28, 1901.

Debate in the British Parliament on the peace negotiations

between Lord Kitchener and Commandant Botha.

March 29, 1901.

Passage of the Bill on Associations by the French

Chamber of Deputies.

Death of James Stephens, Irish Fenian leader.

April 1, 1901.

Re-election of Mr. Samuel M. Jones for a third term as Mayor

of Toledo, Ohio, independently of political parties.

Death of Sir John Stainer, British organist and composer.

April 2, 1901.

An oath of allegiance to the government of the United States

taken by Aguinaldo.

April 10, 1901.

Death of Dr. William Jay Youmans, American scientist.

April 18, 1901.

Speech of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer,

in the British House of Commons, introducing the Budget of

the year.

April 19, 1901.

Address to his countrymen issued by Aguinaldo, counselling

submission to the sovereignty of the United States.

Promulgation of a new constitution for the kingdom of Servia.

April 22, 1901.

Death of Right Reverend William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford,

English constitutional historian.

May 27, 1901.

Opinions delivered by the Supreme Court of the United States

in the so-called "insular cases."

--------Volume 6: End-------------

----------Word List: Start--------

a

Aana

Aaron

abacists

Abadiyeh

abandon

abandoned

abandoning

Abandonment

Abarzuza

abate

abatement

abating

Abbey

Abbott

Abby

Abbé

abdicated

abdomen

abdominal

Abdul

Abdullah

Abdullahi

Abel

Abercorn

Abercrombie

Aberdare

abet

abetting

abettors

abeyance

Abgeordneten

abhorred

abhorrent

abide

abiding

abilities

ability

abject

able

ablest

ably

abnegation

abnormal

abnormally

aboard

abode

abolish

Abolished

abolishes

abolishing

abolition

abolitionist

abominable

abominate

abominations

aboriginal

ABORIGINES

abortive

abounded

about

above

Abraham

abrasive

abreast

abridge

abridged

Abridgement

abridging

Abridgment

abridgments

abroad

abrogate

abrogated

abrogation

abrupt

abruptly

Abruzzi

absence

absent

absentee

absenteeism

absentees

absenting

absolue

absolute

absolutely

absolutism

absolved

absorb

absorbed

absorbing

absorption

abstain

abstained

abstaining

abstention

abstentions

abstinence

abstract

abstracting

absurd

absurdity

absurdly

Abu

Abud

abul

abundance

Abundant

abundantly

abuse

abused

abuses

abusing

abusive

abuts

Abydos

Abyssinia

Abyssinian

Abyssinians

academic

academical

Academy

Acarabisi

accede

acceded

acceding

accelerated

acceleration

accept

acceptable

acceptance

acceptation

accepted

accepting

accepts

access

accessible

accession

accessions

accessories

accessory

accident

accidental

Accidentally

accidents

acclamation

acclamations

acclimatised

acclimatization

acclimatized

accommodate

accommodating

accommodation

accommodations

Accompanied

accompanies

accompaniment

accompany

accompanying

accompli

accomplice

accomplices

accomplish

accomplished

accomplishing

accomplishment

accomplishments

accord

accordance

accordant

accorded

according

Accordingly

accords

account

accountability

accountable

accountant

accounted

accounting

accounts

accredited

accrue

accrued

accruing

accumulate

accumulated

accumulating

accumulation

accuracy

accurate

accurately

accusation

accusations

accuse

accused

accuses

accusing

accustomed

accustoming

ace

Acerraderos

Acetylene

achieve

achieved

achievement

ACHIEVEMENTS

achieving

Achæan

Achæmenian

acids

acknowledge

acknowledged

acknowledges

acknowledging

Acknowledgment

acknowledgments

acquaint

acquaintance

acquainted

acquainting

acquiesce

acquiesced

acquiescence

acquire

acquired

acquires

acquiring

acquisition

acquisitions

acquit

Acquittal

acquitted

acquitter

acquitting

acre

acreage

acres

acrobat

Acropole

acropoli

acropolis

across

ACT

acted

acting

ACTION

actions

active

actively

activities

activity

actor

actors

actress

acts

actual

actually

actuated

acute

acuteness

ad

Adalbert

Adam

Adams

Adana

Adanan

adapt

adaptation

adaptations

adapted

adapting

Adare

add

added

adding

addition

Additional

additions

Addosio

address

addressed

addresses

addressing

adds

adduced

Adee

Adelaide

Aden

adequacy

adequate

adequately

adhere

adhered

adherence

adherents

adheres

adhering

adhesion

adhesions

adhesive

adjacent

Adjoining

adjourn

adjourned

adjournment

adjudged

adjudicate

adjudicated

adjudication

Adjuntas

adjust

adjustability

adjusted

adjusting

Adjustment

adjustments

Adjutant

Adlai

Adler

administer

administered

administering

administers

administration

administrations

administrative

administrator

administrators

admirable

admirably

admiral

admirals

Admiralty

admiration

admire

admired

admirer

admirers

admires

admiring

admiringly

admissible

Admission

admissions

admit

admits

admittance

admitted

admittedly

admitting

admixture

admonish

admonished

admonishing

admonition

admonitions

Adna

Adolph

adopt

adopted

adopting

adoption

adopts

adoration

adorned

adorning

Adowa

Adowah

adresse

Adrian

Adrien

adrift

adult

adulteration

Adultery

adults

advance

advanced

advancement

advances

advancing

advantage

advantageous

advantageously

advantages

advent

adventure

Adventurers

adventurous

adversaries

adversary

adverse

adversely

adverted

advertised

advertisement

advice

advices

advisability

advisable

advise

advised

advisedly

adviser

advisers

advises

advising

advisor

advisory

advocate

advocated

advocates

advocating

Aegean

afar

Aff

affability

affable

affair

Affaire

Affaires

affairs

affect

affectation

affected

affecting

affection

affectionate

affects

Affej

affidavits

affiliated

affiliation

affiliations

affinities

affirm

affirmation

affirmations

affirmative

affirmatively

affirmed

affirming

affix

affixed

afflict

afflicted

afflicting

afflictions

afflicts

affluent

affluents

afford

afforded

affording

affords

affront

affronted

Afghan

AFGHANISTAN

Afghans

Afion

aflame

afloat

afoot

aforementioned

aforesaid

afraid

afresh

AFRICA

African

Africander

Africanders

Africans

Afridi

Afridis

Afrikander

Afrikanders

Afrique

aft

AFTER

afternoon

afterthoughts

afterward

afterwards

afterwords

Afzul

again

AGAINST

Agamemnon

Agana

agape

agate

Agaña

AGE

aged

agencies

agency

Agent

agents

ages

agglomeration

aggrandised

aggrandisement

aggrandizement

aggravated

aggravating

Aggregate

aggregated

aggregating

aggregation

aggression

aggressive

aggressiveness

aggressor

aghast

Aghia

agitated

agitates

agitating

agitation

agitations

agitator

agitators

ago

Agoncilla

agonies

agonize

agony

Agram

Agramonte

agrarian

agrarianism

Agrarians

agree

agreeable

agreeably

agreed

agreeing

Agreement

Agreements

agrees

AGRICULTURAL

Agriculturalists

agriculture

agriculturist

agriculturists

aground

agt

Aguada

Aguadores

Aguas

AGUINALDO

Agutaya

Ahab

Ahaz

ahead

ai

Aid

aide

aided

Aidin

aiding

aids

ailing

ailments

aim

aimed

aiming

aimless

aimlessly

aims

Ain

Aintab

air

Aird

Airdrie

Aires

airs

aisle

Aiyun

Akarai

Akasheh

Akhissar

akin

AKKAD

Akkael

Aksakal

al

Alabama

alabaster

Alabat

alacrity

Alan

alarm

alarmed

alarming

alarmingly

alarms

alas

Alaska

Alaskan

Alawi

Albania

Albanian

Albanians

Albay

Albemarle

Albert

Albrecht

Albuquerque

alcabalas

alcalde

alcaldes

Alcock

alcohol

alcoholic

Alderley

aldermen

Aldersgate

Aldingen

Aldrich

ale

Alene

Aleph

Aleppo

alert

Alexander

Alexandra

Alexandre

Alexandretta

ALEXANDRIA

Alexandrian

Alexandrie

Alexandrovich

Alexandrovsky

Alexeieff

Alexis

Alfaro

Alfonso

Alford

Alfred

Alger

Algeria

Algerian

Algerians

Algerine

Algiers

algæ

Alhambra

Ali

Aliaga

Alicante

Alice

alien

alienate

alienated

alienation

alienist

Aliens

alight

alighting

alike

alive

Aliwal

alkaline

All

Allahabad

Allan

allay

allayed

allegation

allegations

allege

Alleged

Allegheny

allegiance

alleging

Allen

alleviate

alleviation

alleys

Allgemeine

ALLIANCE

alliances

allied

allies

allotment

allotments

allotted

allow

allowable

allowance

allowances

allowed

allowing

allows

allude

alluded

alludes

alluding

allured

allusion

allusions

alluvial

ally

Almanac

Almighty

Almirante

Almodovar

almond

Almost

Almyro

Alois

ALOISI

alone

Along

Alongside

Alonzo

aloof

aloud

Aloy

Alphabet

alphabetic

alphabetical

Alphonse

Alphonso

Alpine

Alps

Already

Alsace

Alsatian

also

altar

altars

alter

alterable

alteration

alterations

altered

altering

alternate

alternately

alternating

alternative

alternatives

alters

Altgeld

although

altitude

altitudes

altogether

aluminium

aluminum

Alva

Alvan

Alvey

always

am

Amacura

Amadeus

Amakuru

amalgamate

Amalgamated

amalgamating

amalgamation

amalgamations

Aman

Amand

Amapala

Amarna

Amasa

Amasia

AMATONGALAND

amazement

amazing

Amazon

Amazonian

Ambassador

ambassadorial

ambassadors

ambiguity

ambiguous

Ambil

ambit

ambition

ambitions

ambitious

Amboyna

Ambrogiana

Ambrose

Ambulance

ambulances

ambuscade

ambuscaded

ambush

Amdrup

Ameer

Ameers

Amelineau

ameliorate

amelioration

AMEN

amenable

amend

amendatory

amended

amending

AMENDMENT

amendments

amenity

Amenophis

Ament

America

AMERICAN

Americana

AMERICANISM

Americans

AMERICAS

Amery

Ames

Amharic

amiable

amicable

amicably

Amid

amidships

amidst

Amigos

Amir

amiss

amity

Ammen

ammunition

ammunitions

amnesty

among

amongst

amount

amounted

amounting

amounts

Amoy

amphitheater

Amphitrite

ample

amplification

amplified

amply

amputating

Amsterdam

Amur

amusement

amusing

amœbæ

an

Ana

anaconda

analogies

analogous

analogy

analyses

analysis

analyze

analyzed

anarchical

anarchism

anarchist

anarchistic

Anarchists

anarchy

Anatolian

anatomy

ancestor

ancestors

ancestral

anchor

anchorage

anchored

anchoring

anchors

Ancient

ancients

ancillary

Ancon

AND

Andean

Anderson

Ando

Andrade

Andres

ANDREW

Andrews

ANDRÉE

Andrée

aneurysms

anew

ang

angareb

Angel

Angeles

Angelo

anger

angered

Angiolillo

angle

angles

Anglican

Anglicans

Anglo

Angmagsalik

Angola

Angoni

Angoniland

Angora

angry

anguish

Anhui

animal

animals

animate

animated

animosities

animosity

animus

Anio

Ankaratoa

Ankauf

Anna

Annals

Annam

Annapolis

Anne

annex

annexation

annexationists

annexations

Annexed

annexing

annihilate

annihilated

annihilation

Anniversary

anno

announce

announced

Announcement

announcements

announces

announcing

annoyance

annoyed

annoying

Annschütz

annual

annually

annuities

annul

annull

annulled

annulling

annulment

annuls

annum

anointed

anomalous

Anopheles

another

answer

answerable

answered

Answering

answers

antagonism

antagonist

antagonistic

antagonists

antagonize

antagonized

antagonizing

Antananarivo

ANTARCTIC

ante

antecedents

Antemnae

ANTEMNÆ

Antemnæ

Anthem

Anthoine

Anthony

Anthoüard

Anthracite

anthrax

Anthropological

Anthropology

Anti

anticipate

anticipated

anticipates

Anticipating

anticipation

anticipations

ANTIGUA

Antilles

antipathy

antipodes

antiquarian

antiquaries

antiquary

antiquated

antique

Antiquities

Antiquity

Antisemitic

antisepsis

Antiseptic

antithesis

antitoxin

Antitoxine

Anton

Antonio

ants

Antwerp

Anvers

Anvil

anxieties

anxiety

anxious

anxiously

any

anybody

Anyone

anything

anywhere

anywise

Anzeiger

Anæsthetics

ao

Aoki

aorta

apace

Apache

Aparicio

apart

apartments

apathy

apex

aphasia

aphasic

Aphthonios

Apia

apiece

Apokorona

apologetic

apologia

apologies

apologising

apology

Apostle

Apostles

Apostolic

apostolical

Apostolici

Apostolicæ

appalling

apparatus

Apparent

apparently

appeal

appealed

appealing

Appeals

appear

appearance

appearances

appeared

appearing

appears

appease

appeased

appeasing

appellant

appellants

appellate

appellation

appellations

appendage

appended

appendicitis

Appendix

appertain

appertaining

appetite

applaud

applauded

Applauding

applause

apples

Appleton

appliances

applicable

applicant

applicants

application

applications

applied

applies

apply

Applying

appoint

appointed

appointee

appointees

Appointing

appointive

appointment

Appointments

appoints

Apponyi

apportion

apportioned

apportioning

Apportionment

apportionments

appraised

appraisement

Appraisers

appreciable

appreciate

appreciated

appreciates

appreciating

appreciation

apprehend

apprehended

apprehending

apprehension

apprehensions

apprehensive

Apprentices

apprenticeship

apprise

apprised

approach

approached

approaches

approaching

approbation

appropriate

appropriated

appropriately

appropriateness

appropriates

appropriating

Appropriation

appropriations

Approval

approve

approved

approves

approving

approximate

approximated

approximately

approximates

approximating

approximation

appurtenance

appurtenances

appurtenant

Apra

April

apt

Apthorp

aptitude

aptly

aqueduct

AQUILA

aquiline

Arab

Arabe

Arabia

Arabian

Arabic

arable

Arabs

Araneto

Arayat

Arbiter

Arbitral

arbitrament

arbitrarily

arbitrariness

arbitrary

arbitrate

arbitrated

arbitrating

ARBITRATION

Arbitrator

arbitrators

arbitrium

ARC

arcading

arch

archaeological

archaeology

Archangel

Archbishop

Archbishops

archduchies

Archduke

archeological

archeology

Archibald

ARCHIPELAGO

archipelagoes

Architect

architects

architectural

architecture

architraves

archive

archives

Archivist

ARCHÆOLOGICAL

archæological

archæologist

Archæology

Archœology

Arctic

Arcy

Ardagh

ardent

ardently

ardor

arduous

are

area

areas

Arecibo

Arellano

arena

Areopagus

Argentina

Argentine

Argentines

argon

argue

argued

arguing

Argument

argumentatively

arguments

Argun

Argyle

Argyll

Arian

Arica

arid

Arikis

Ariokh

arise

arisen

arises

arising

aristocracy

aristocratic

arithmetic

arithmetical

Arithmetically

Arizona

Ark

ARKANSAS

Arku

arm

armament

armaments

Armand

armchairs

armed

Armenia

Armenian

Armenians

armes

Armies

arming

armistice

Armistices

Armitage

Armitt

Armored

armories

armory

Armour

Armoury

arms

Armstrong

ARMY

armée

Arnawai

Arnold

arose

Around

arouse

aroused

arousing

Arpad

arraign

arraigned

arraigning

arraignments

arrange

arranged

Arrangement

arrangements

arranges

arranging

array

arrayed

arrears

Arrest

arrested

arresting

arrests

Arretez

arrival

arrivals

arrive

Arrived

arrives

arriving

arrivé

arrogance

arrogant

arrogate

arrogated

arrows

Arrêté

arsenal

arsenals

Arsenio

arson

Arsène

ART

Artacho

arterial

arteries

artery

ARTHUR

Article

articles

artifice

artificer

Artificial

artificiality

artificially

ARTILLERY

artillerymen

artisans

artist

artistic

artistically

artists

artizans

arts

As

ASA

ascend

ascendancy

ascendant

ascended

ascendency

ascending

ascends

Ascension

ascent

ascertain

ascertained

ascertaining

ascertainment

Asch

ascribe

ascribed

ascribes

ascribing

Asehkenazim

aseptic

Aserraderos

Ash

ashamed

Ashanti

Ashantis

Ashbel

ashes

Ashmolean

ashore

ASIA

Asian

Asiatic

Asiatics

aside

Asingan

ask

Askalon

Asked

asking

asks

Asmar

Asnyk

Asoka

aspect

aspects

aspersed

asphalt

asphyxiating

aspirant

aspirants

aspiration

aspirations

aspire

aspired

aspiring

assail

assailant

assailants

assailed

assailing

Assam

assassin

assassinate

assassinated

assassination

ASSASSINATIONS

assassins

Assault

assaulted

assaults

assemblage

assemble

assembled

assembles

assemblies

assembling

assembly

assemblymen

assent

assented

assents

Asser

assert

asserted

asserting

assertion

assertions

asserts

assess

assessed

assessing

assessment

assessments

asset

assets

assign

assigned

assigning

assignment

assigns

assimilate

assimilated

assimilation

Assiout

Assisi

assist

assistance

Assistant

assistants

assisted

assisting

assists

Assiut

Assizes

Associate

Associated

associates

associating

Association

ASSOCIATIONS

Assouan

Assuan

assume

assumed

assumes

assuming

Assumption

Assumptionist

assumptions

assurance

Assurances

assure

Assured

assuredly

assures

assuring

Assyria

Assyrian

Assyriologist

Assyriologists

Assyriology

astonished

astonishes

astonishing

astonishment

Astor

astounded

astounding

astronomer

astronomers

Astronomical

Astronomy

Asturias

astute

asunder

Asylum

Asylums

At

Atacama

Atago

ATBARA

ate

Ateneo

Athabasca

atheism

atheistic

Athenian

ATHENS

athirst

athletes

athletic

athletics

Atkins

Atkinson

Atlanta

Atlantic

atlas

atlases

Atlin

atmosphere

atmospheres

atmospheric

Atoka

atoms

atonement

atrocious

atrocities

attach

attache

attached

attaches

attaching

attachment

attaché

attack

attacked

attacking

attacks

attain

attainable

attainder

attained

attaining

attainment

attainments

attains

attainted

Attel

Attempt

attempted

attempting

attempts

attend

attendance

attendant

attendants

Attended

attending

attendsavant

attention

attentions

attentive

attentively

attenuated

attest

attestation

attesting

attests

Attila

attired

Attitude

attitudes

Attorney

attorneys

attract

attracted

attracting

attraction

attractive

attributable

attribute

attributed

attributes

attributing

attuning

Atua

Atuans

Au

Aubrey

Auckland

auction

audacious

audacity

Audencia

audible

audience

audiences

audiencia

audit

audited

auditor

audrocratic

AUDUBON

Aug

augmented

augmenting

augury

AuGUST

Augusta

Auguste

Augustin

Augustine

Augustinian

Augustinians

Augustus

Aumale

auriferous

Aurora

Ausgleich

auspices

Austin

Austral

Australasia

Australasian

AUSTRALIA

Australian

Australians

Austria

Austrian

Austrians

Austro

Auteuil

authentic

authentically

authenticated

authenticity

author

authorise

authorised

authoritative

authoritatively

authorities

Authority

Authorization

authorize

authorized

authorizes

authorizing

authors

authorship

autocrat

autocratic

autographs

automatic

automatically

autonomist

Autonomistic

autonomists

autonomous

autonomy

autorité

autre

autumn

aux

auxiliaries

auxiliary

avail

Available

availed

availing

avais

avalanche

avalanches

Avaradrano

avec

avenge

avenged

avenging

Avenue

avenues

average

averaged

averages

averaging

averment

Averoff

averse

aversion

aversions

avert

averted

averting

avez

avidity

avocations

avoid

avoidable

avoidance

avoided

avoiding

avoids

avoir

Avondale

avons

avowed

avowedly

await

awaited

awaiting

awaits

awake

awaken

awakened

awakening

awaking

Award

awarded

awards

aware

away

awful

awkward

awkwardly

awoke

Axe

axes

axiom

ayes

Aygun

Ayon

Ayr

AYRES

ayuntamiento

Ayuntamientos

Ayutla

Azcarraga

Azim

Aztec

Aztecs

b

babblings

Babel

babes

Babi

Babnyanes

Babuyan

Babylon

BABYLONIA

Babylonian

Babylonians

Baca

Bacatete

Bach

Bachi

bacilli

bacillus

Back

backbone

backed

background

backing

backs

backsheesh

backward

backwards

Bacolod

Bacon

Bacoor

Bacteria

BACTERIAL

bacteriologist

bacteriologists

bacteriology

bacterium

bad

Bade

Badeau

Baden

BADENI

badges

badly

baffle

baffled

bag

Bagata

BAGDAD

baggage

Baggara

Baggaras

bagging

baggy

Baghdad

Baghirmi

bags

Bahadur

Bahia

Bahr

Bai

Baikal

bail

Bailiff

Bairam

Bait

BAJAUR

baked

Baker

bakers

Bakor

Baksheesh

Balabae

Balance

balanced

balances

balconies

bald

Baldissera

baldness

Baldwin

Balearic

baled

Baler

bales

Balfour

Balinian

Balinians

Balkan

Balkans

balked

ball

ballads

Ballington

balloon

balloons

ballot

balloting

ballots

Balmaceda

Balmoral

BALTIC

Baltimore

Baluchistan

Balupiri

Balæna

Bamban

bamboo

Bancroft

band

bandage

bandages

Bandajuma

banded

bandit

bandits

banditti

bando

Bandora

Bands

baneful

Banffy

Bang

Bangkok

banish

banished

banishment

BANK

banker

bankers

Banking

banknotes

bankrupt

bankruptcy

bankrupts

Banks

banner

Bannerman

bannermen

banners

Bannu

banquet

banquets

Bantayan

Banton

baptised

baptismal

baptisms

Baptist

Baptiste

Baptists

baptized

Bar

Baranera

barangay

Baratieri

Barbadoes

BARBADOS

barbarian

barbarians

barbaric

barbarism

barbarities

Barbarity

barbarous

barbed

Barberton

Barbour

Barcelona

bard

Bardoux

bare

bared

barefaced

barely

Barents

barest

Barfleur

bargain

bargained

bargaining

bargains

barge

barges

Barima

barium

barkeepers

Barker

Barkly

barley

Barlow

Barnard

barnyard

Baroda

Barometer

baron

Baroness

Barotsiland

barracks

barrage

Barrages

Barranca

Barrawa

Barre

barred

barrel

barrelled

barren

barrenness

Barrett

barricade

barricaded

barricades

barricading

barrier

barring

barrio

Barrios

Barrow

Barry

bars

barter

Barth

Bartholomew

Barthélemy

Bartlett

Bartolome

BARTON

bas

base

based

Basel

baseless

basely

basement

bases

BASHEE

Bashgal

Bashi

Basilan

Basilica

basilicas

basin

basing

basins

basis

basket

baskets

Basle

Basques

Basra

Bassorah

bastards

bastinado

bastion

Basutoland

Bataan

Batag

Batan

Batangas

batch

batches

bated

Bates

Batetela

Batetelas

Bath

bathed

baths

bato

battalion

battalions

Battenberg

battered

batteries

battering

Battery

Battle

battlefield

battlefields

battles

battleship

battleships

Bauendahl

Bautista

Bavaria

Bavarian

Bax

BAY

Bayard

bayonet

bayoneted

bayonets

bays

Bazaar

bazaars

Bazouks

bc

Be

Beach

beached

beaching

beacons

Beaconsfield

beam

beams

bean

Bear

beard

bearded

beardless

beards

Beardsley

bearer

bearers

Bearing

bearings

bears

Beast

beastliness

beasts

beaten

Beatification

beating

beats

Beaulieu

Beaurepaire

beauties

beautiful

beautifully

beauty

Beaver

became

Because

Bechuana

BECHUANALAND

Beckham

becloud

become

Becomes

becometh

becoming

Bed

bedding

bedeviled

Bedouin

bedrock

bedrooms

Beds

BEECHER

BEEF

been

beer

Beerenbrouck

Beernaert

BEERS

bees

beet

Beethoven

beets

befallen

befalling

befell

befit

befitting

before

beforehand

befriend

beg

began

beget

beggar

beggars

begged

begin

beginning

beginnings

begins

begotten

begrudge

begs

beguiled

begun

behalf

behaved

behaving

behavior

behaviour

beheaded

beheading

beheld

behest

Behind

behindhand

Behnesa

behold

behooves

BEHRING

Being

beings

Beira

Beirut

Beit

Bel

Bela

belabor

beleaguered

Belfast

BELGIAN

Belgians

Belgica

Belgium

Belgrade

belief

beliefs

believable

believe

believed

believer

believes

believing

belittle

Bell

Bellaire

Bellamy

Bellevue

belligerence

belligerency

belligerent

Belligerents

Bellinghausen

bells

bellum

Belly

BELMONT

belong

belonged

belonging

belongings

belongs

beloved

below

belt

Bench

benches

bend

Bendigo

bending

beneath

Benedictines

benediction

benefactions

benefactor

benefactors

beneficent

beneficial

benefit

benefiting

benefits

benevolence

benevolent

Bengal

Benguela

Benguet

Bengula

benignity

benignly

BENIN

BENJAMIN

Bennet

Bennett

Benson

Bent

Bentley

Bentwich

Benué

bequeath

bequeathed

bequests

Berar

Berber

Berda

Berdrow

Beresford

BERGENDAL

BERING

Berkeley

BERLIN

Bermuda

Bermudez

Bernadottes

Bernadou

Bernard

Bernhard

Bernier

Berovitch

Berry

Berthelot

berths

beryls

Besançon

beseech

beseeching

beset

Beside

Besides

besieged

besiegers

bespattered

Bessemer

best

bestirred

bestow

bestowal

bestowed

bestrode

Beth

Bethlehem

Bethulie

betide

betrayal

betrayed

betraying

Betsimisaraka

better

betterment

between

Beust

Beuthen

beverage

beverages

bewildering

bewilderment

Bey

beyond

Bhiwandi

Bi

BIAC

bias

Bible

biblical

bibliographer

Bicentenary

Bichat

Bicol

BICOLS

bicycle

bid

BIDA

bidders

bidding

Bids

Bidwell

Bielusha

Bienfaisance

biennial

biennially

Bienvenido

bier

big

bigamist

bigger

biggest

bigoted

bigotedly

bilateral

Biliotti

Biliran

Bill

billets

billiard

Billings

billion

billions

Billot

Billow

Bills

Biloa

bimetallic

bimetallism

bin

bind

binding

binds

Bingham

Bingner

Binondo

biographer

BIOGRAPHERS

biography

biological

biologist

biology

Bird

birds

Birjud

Birmingham

Birs

Birth

birthday

birthplace

birthrate

birthright

births

Biscoe

Biscuit

Bishara

Bishop

Bishops

Bishopsgate

Bismarck

Bisukei

bit

bite

biter

bites

Bitlis

bits

bitten

bitter

bitterest

bitterly

bitterness

bivouac

bivouacked

Biñang

black

blackboards

Blackburn

blackened

blacker

Blackie

blacklist

blackmail

Blackmore

blacks

blacksmithing

blacksmiths

Blackwood

blade

Blagovestchensk

Blaine

Blake

blame

blamed

Blanche

Blanco

BLANCOS

Bland

blandly

blanket

blankets

blanks

blasphemer

blasphemy

blast

blasted

blasts

blaze

blazed

blazing

bleeding

blended

blending

bless

Blessed

blesses

blessing

blessings

bleu

blew

blighted

blighting

blind

blindly

blindness

Bliss

blistered

blizzard

block

Blockade

blockaded

blockading

blocked

Blockhouse

blockhouses

blocks

Bloemfontein

Blondin

blood

blooded

bloodless

bloods

bloodshed

bloodthirsty

Bloody

blotted

blouse

blouses

blow

blowing

blown

blows

Blue

Bluebook

BLUEFIELDS

Bluemantle

Blumentritt

blunder

blunders

blush

board

boarded

boarding

boards

boast

boasted

boastfully

boasting

boasts

boat

boats

Bobrikoff

Boca

Boden

bodes

bodied

bodies

bodily

Bodley

Body

bodyguard

Boecklin

Boer

BOERS

Boeschoten

Bogdanovich

Bogoliepoff

Bohemia

Bohemian

Bohemians

Bohol

boiled

boiler

boilers

boiling

Boisdeffre

boisterous

Bokhara

bold

bolder

bolding

boldly

boldness

Bolinao

Bolivar

Bolivia

Bolivian

bolo

bolos

bolt

bolts

Boma

bomb

Bombala

bombard

bombarded

bombarding

bombardment

Bombardments

Bombay

bombs

bona

Bonaparte

Bonapartist

bond

bondage

bonded

bondholders

Bondieu

bonding

Bondmen

bonds

Bondsmen

Bondstate

bone

bones

Bongao

Bonheur

Boniface

Bonilla

Bonner

Bonsai

Bonsal

bonum

bonus

bonuses

bony

Book

books

booksellers

boom

booming

boon

boot

Booth

booths

boots

booty

Borchardt

Borchgrevinck

BORDA

Bordeaux

border

bordereau

bordering

borders

bore

Borel

borings

Boris

Borisovich

Borissoff

born

borne

Borneo

Bornier

Borough

Boroughs

Borrerro

borrow

borrowed

borrowing

Borsippa

Bosch

Bosnia

Bosnian

bosom

bosoms

Bosphorus

Boss

bosses

Boston

botanical

Botany

Both

Botha

Botti

bottle

bottles

bottom

Bougainville

bought

Boukhara

Boulancy

Boulanger

Boulangism

Boulangist

Boulger

Boulogne

bound

Boundaries

BOUNDARY

bounded

bounding

boundless

bounds

bounties

bountifully

bounty

Bourassa

Bourbaki

Bourbon

Bourbons

Bourchier

Bourgeois

Bouri

Bourke

Bourne

Bourse

bout

Boutros

bow

bowed

Bowell

bowels

BOWER

bowl

Bowling

bowls

bows

box

Boxer

Boxers

boxes

boxing

boy

boycotted

Boyesen

boyish

Boyle

Boylston

boys

bracing

bracketed

brackets

Braddock

Braddon

BRADFORD

Bradley

bragging

Brahmins

Brahms

brain

brained

brainless

brains

Branch

branches

Brand

branded

Brandes

branding

brands

Brandwater

brandy

Branly

brass

Braunersreuther

brave

bravely

braver

bravery

braves

bravest

brawls

Bray

Braye

BRAZIL

Brazilian

Brazos

Brazzaville

breach

breaches

breaching

bread

breadth

break

breakdown

breaker

breakers

breaking

breakout

breaks

breastplate

breasts

breastwork

breath

breathe

breathed

bred

Breech

breed

breeder

breeding

breeds

breezes

Bremen

Bremerhaven

Bresci

Brethren

Brett

brewer

breweries

brewers

brewing

bribe

bribed

bribery

brick

bricks

brickwork

bride

bridegroom

BRIDGE

bridged

bridges

bridlepaths

Brief

briefer

briefest

briefly

Briefs

Brieger

Brien

brigade

brigaded

brigades

Brigadier

brigandage

brigands

Bright

brighter

brightest

brightness

brilliance

brilliancy

brilliant

brilliantly

brilliants

brimful

brine

bring

Bringing

brings

brink

Brinkerhoff

Brinton

brisk

Brisson

bristled

Britain

Britannia

Britannic

Britannica

British

Brito

Briton

Britons

broached

broad

broadcast

broaden

broadened

broader

broadest

broadly

Broadway

Brodie

Brodrick

Broglie

broke

broken

broker

brokerage

Bronx

bronze

bronzes

brood

brooded

brook

BROOKE

BROOKLYN

Brooks

Brophy

Brothels

brother

brotherhood

brotherly

brothers

Brougham

Brought

brow

brown

Browne

brows

Bruce

BRUGES

Brumbaugh

Brumby

Brunsbüttel

BRUNSWICK

brunt

Brusati

brush

brushed

brushes

brusque

Brussels

brutal

brutalities

brutality

brutally

brute

BRYAN

Bryant

Bryce

brûle

Brünn

Buad

bubble

bubbles

bubo

buboes

bubonic

Bucas

Buchanan

Buck

buckets

Buckingham

Buckner

Bucknill

buckwheat

bud

Buda

Budapest

Buddha

Buddhism

Buddhist

Buddhists

budget

BUDGETS

Buell

Buencomeno

Bueno

Buenos

Buergerliche

buff

BUFFALO

buffaloes

Buffet

buffeting

Bugahiaobeire

bugle

bugler

bugles

Bugoma

build

builded

builder

builders

Building

buildings

builds

Built

Buka

Bukharest

Bulacan

Bulawayo

bulb

Bulgaria

Bulgarian

Bulgarians

bulged

bulges

bulk

Bull

BULLER

bullet

Bulletin

bulletins

Bullets

bullion

bullock

bulls

bullying

Buluwayo

bulwark

bulwarks

Bulwer

bump

Buna

BUND

bundle

Buner

bunker

bunkers

Bunsen

buoy

buoyed

buoying

buoys

burden

burdened

burdening

burdens

Burdett

Bureau

bureaucracy

bureaucratic

bureaus

Bureh

Buren

BURGER

burgher

burghers

Burghersdorp

Burglary

burgomaster

burgomastership

burial

burials

Burias

buried

Burke

Burleigh

Burlington

burly

Burma

BURMAH

Burmese

burn

Burne

burned

Burnham

burning

burnings

burns

burnt

Burr

Burriel

burst

bursting

Burt

burthensome

bury

Busch

bush

Bushby

bushes

Bushire

busied

busiest

busily

Busindi

business

busts

Busuanga

busy

busybodies

But

butchers

butchery

Butler

butter

Butterfield

buttons

Buxton

buy

buyers

buying

buys

by

Byrn

Byron

BÊL

Bêl

Büchner

Bülow

c

ca

Cabanatuan

Cabell

Cabello

cabeza

Cabiao

cabin

cabinet

Cabinets

cabins

cable

cabled

cablegram

cablegrams

cables

Cabrera

Caceres

Cacraray

cactus

Cadet

cadets

Cadiz

Cadogan

cafe

Caffery

Cagayan

CAGAYANS

cage

Cagni

Caicos

Caird

Cairo

Caisse

Calabar

Calaguas

Calais

Calamian

Calamianes

calamities

calamitous

calamity

Calayan

calcification

calcium

calculate

calculated

calculation

calculations

calculi

Calculus

Calcutta

Calderwood

Caleb

Caledonia

calendar

calibre

calibres

Calientes

California

Californias

Calixto

call

Calle

called

Calleja

callers

calling

callous

callousness

calls

calm

calmed

calmer

Calmette

calmly

calmness

Calneh

calumnies

calumny

Calvin

Calvo

calzadas

Calzecchi

Camargo

camarilla

Camarines

CAMBON

Cambria

Cambridge

Camden

came

camel

camels

Camera

CAMEROONS

Camiguin

Camotes

camp

campaign

campaigning

campaigns

Campbell

Campeche

camped

camping

Campoamor

Campos

camps

Can

Canaan

Canacao

Canada

Canadian

Canadians

canaille

canal

canalization

canals

Canary

cancel

canceling

cancellation

cancelled

cancelling

Cancer

cancerous

Candia

candid

candidacy

candidate

candidates

candidly

candle

candor

cane

CANEA

canes

Caney

canned

cannibalism

cannibals

cannon

cannot

canoes

Canon

canonized

canons

Canossa

Canovas

Canrobert

cans

CANTEEN

Canterbury

cantering

Canton

cantonal

Cantonese

cantonments

cantons

canvas

Canvass

canvassed

Cap

capabilities

capability

capable

capably

capacities

capacity

Capas

CAPE

capita

Capital

Capitalism

capitalist

capitalistic

capitalists

capitalization

capitalized

capitals

Capitol

capitulation

Capitulations

Capiz

Capodistria

Cappadocia

capped

caprice

capriciously

Caprivi

Capron

capstone

capstones

Capt

Captain

Captains

captives

captivity

captor

captors

capture

captured

Captures

capturing

Capuchins

car

caravan

carbide

carbines

carbon

carbonates

carbons

carborundum

card

cardboard

Cardenas

Cardinal

cardinals

cards

care

cared

career

careers

careful

carefully

careless

carelessly

carelessness

cares

careth

Carew

cargo

Caribbean

caricatures

caring

Carinthia

Carl

Carlisle

Carlist

Carlos

Carmel

Carmich

carnage

CARNEGIE

carnival

Carnot

Caro

Carolina

Carolinas

Caroline

Carolines

Carolinian

carotid

carpenter

carpet

carpetbag

carpets

carriage

carriages

Carrie

Carried

carrier

carriers

carries

Carrington

CARROLL

Carron

carry

carrying

Carrère

cars

cart

carte

Carter

Carthage

cartridges

carts

Cartwright

carved

carving

carvings

cascos

case

Casella

Caserta

cases

Casey

cash

cashiered

cashiering

cashiers

Casimir

Casino

casks

Caspe

Caspian

CASSATION

Cassatt

Cassel

cast

caste

Castelar

Castelin

castes

Castillia

Castillo

Casting

castings

Castle

Castro

casts

casual

casualties

casualty

cataclysm

Catacombs

catalog

cataloged

CATALOGUE

cataloguing

CATALONIA

Catalonians

catamaran

Catanduanes

Catandunanes

cataract

cataracts

catastrophe

CATASTROPHES

catch

catching

categorical

category

cathedra

Cathedral

cathedrals

cathode

Catholic

Catholica

CATHOLICS

Catholicus

Catholiques

Catt

Cattle

Caucasian

Caucasus

caucus

caught

Cause

caused

causes

causeway

causing

caustic

caution

cautionary

cautious

cautiously

Cavaignac

cavalcade

Cavalieri

Cavalotti

CAVALRY

cavalryman

cavalrymen

Cave

Cavendish

cavernous

cavil

Cavite

cavity

Cavité

Cay

Cayetano

Cayley

Cañas

Cd

ce

cease

ceased

ceaseless

ceases

ceasing

Cebreco

Cebu

Cecil

cede

ceded

cedes

ceding

cedula

ceiled

ceilings

celebrate

celebrated

celebrates

Celebrating

Celebration

celestial

Cell

cellar

cellars

celle

Celli

cells

cellulose

cement

cemented

cemeteries

Cemetery

Censo

Censor

censors

censorship

censure

censured

censuring

census

censuses

cent

centavos

centenary

centennial

Center

centered

centering

centers

centigrade

CENTRAL

centralised

centralization

centralized

Centre

centred

centres

Centrum

cents

centum

centurial

centuries

century

cependant

Ceram

cereals

cerebral

cerebro

ceremonial

ceremonies

Ceremonious

ceremoniously

Ceremony

Cerero

Certain

certainly

certainty

certificate

certificates

certified

certifies

certify

certifying

certitude

Cervantes

CERVERA

Cespedes

cess

cessation

cession

cessions

Cet

cette

Cettigne

Ceylon

cf

Ch

Chad

Chadwick

CHAFFEE

CHAI

chain

chains

chaio

Chair

Chairman

chairmanship

chairmen

chairs

CHAKDARRA

Chakosi

CHALDEA

Chaldees

Chaldæa

Challemel

challenge

challenged

Challenger

challenges

challenging

Chaltin

chamber

Chamberlain

CHAMBERS

Chamot

Champ

champion

championed

champions

Champs

Chan

Chanak

chance

chanced

Chancellor

Chancellorship

Chancery

chances

Chang

change

changed

changer

changers

changes

changing

channel

channels

CHANNING

Chantabûn

chao

chaos

chapel

chapels

chaplain

chaplains

Chaplin

Chapman

chapter

chapters

Chapultepec

character

characterised

characteristic

Characteristically

Characteristics

characterize

characterized

characterizes

characters

charge

chargeable

charged

charges

charging

chargé

Charilaos

chariot

chariots

charitable

charities

Charity

Charlemagne

Charles

Charleston

Charlestown

Charlotte

charm

charming

charms

Charpentier

charred

chart

charted

charter

Chartered

chartering

charters

charts

chase

chased

chasse

chastisement

chastisements

chastising

chastity

chastizes

Chatrousse

Chattanooga

chatter

chattered

chattering

chau

Chaudie

Chaudiere

Chauvinism

Chavannes

Chaylard

che

cheap

cheapen

cheapened

cheapening

cheaper

cheapest

cheapness

Cheapside

Chebar

check

checked

checking

checkmated

checks

cheek

cheered

cheerful

cheerfully

cheering

cheerless

cheers

Chefoo

Chekiang

Cheliabinsk

Chemawa

chemical

chemicals

chemist

CHEMISTRY

Chemnitz

Chen

Cheng

Cheops

Cherbuliez

Cherche

Cherif

Cherihon

cherish

cherished

cherishing

Chermside

Cherokee

CHEROKEES

Cheshire

Chesney

chest

Chester

chests

Cheth

Chevalier

Cheyenne

Chi

chia

Chiang

Chiangsi

chiao

Chiaochou

Chicago

Chichester

Chickamauga

Chickasaw

CHICKASAWS

chicken

chief

chiefly

chiefs

chieftain

chieftains

Chieftainship

Chien

chih

Chihli

Chihuahua

Chikusi

Chilcat

Chilcoot

child

Childcrs

Childers

childhood

childish

childless

children

Chile

Chilean

Chileans

CHILI

Chilian

Chilkat

chill

chills

chilly

Chilocco

chimed

Chimelli

chimera

Chin

China

Chinaman

Chinamen

chinaware

Chinchou

Chine

Chinee

CHINESE

CHING

Chingkiang

Chinkiang

Chippewas

Chita

Chitral

Chitralis

chloroformed

Cho

Choate

Choctaw

CHOCTAWS

choice

choked

cholera

Cholmondeley

choose

chooses

choosing

chose

chosen

Choshu

chou

Chovevi

Chow

Chozen

Chris

Christ

Christendom

CHRISTIAN

Christiani

Christiania

Christianity

Christianized

CHRISTIANS

CHRISTINA

Christlich

Christmas

Christopher

chromosphere

chronic

Chronicle

chronicled

chronicler

chroniclers

chronological

chronologically

chronology

Chu

Chua

Chuang

Chugoku

chun

CHUNG

Chungking

church

churches

Churchill

churchwardens

churchyard

chwang

Chéng

Chêkiang

Chêng

Chêngtu

Chün

cider

Cienfuegos

cigarette

cigarettes

Cincinnati

Cindad

cipher

Cipriano

circa

Circle

circles

circuit

circuitous

circuits

circular

circulars

circulate

circulated

circulating

circulation

Circum

circumference

circumnavigated

circumspect

circumspection

circumstance

circumstances

circumstantial

Cisleithania

Cisleithanian

Cisneros

cistern

citadel

cited

cites

Cities

Citizen

citizens

citizenship

city

civic

civil

civilian

civilians

Civilis

civilisation

civilised

civilising

Civilization

civilizations

civilize

CIVILIZED

civilly

clad

claim

claimant

claimants

Claimed

claiming

claims

clair

Clam

clamor

clamored

clamoring

clamorous

clamoured

clan

Clancy

clandestinely

clans

clansmen

clap

Clara

Clarence

clarion

Clark

Clarke

Clary

clash

clashed

clashing

clasp

Class

classed

classes

classical

classically

classics

classification

classified

classify

Classifying

Claude

Clause

clauses

clawed

CLAY

claypits

Clayton

clean

cleaned

cleaners

cleaning

cleanliness

cleanse

cleansing

clear

clearance

cleared

clearer

clearest

clearing

Clearly

clearness

cleavage

cleave

clemency

Clemens

clement

Clements

clergy

clergyman

clergymen

Clerical

Clericalism

clericals

clerk

clerks

Clery

cleveite

CLEVELAND

clever

client

climate

climatic

Climatically

climax

climb

climbed

clime

Clinch

cling

clinging

clique

cliques

clock

clog

clos

close

Closed

closely

closer

closes

closest

closet

closing

clot

cloth

clothe

clothed

clothes

Clothing

clouded

clouds

cloven

Club

Clubs

clue

clumsy

clung

clustered

clusters

Cnossos

Co

coach

coadjutor

Coahnila

COAL

coalfield

coalfields

coaling

coalition

coals

COAMO

coarse

Coast

Coastguard

coasting

Coasts

coastwise

coat

coated

coats

Cobham

Coblenz

Cobra

Coburg

coccidium

Cockburn

cocked

cockpit

Cockran

cocoa

cocoanuts

cod

Code

codes

codfish

codification

Codlin

Codman

coeducational

coerce

coerced

coercion

coercive

coeval

coffee

coffer

coffers

coffin

coffins

cognisance

cognisant

cognizable

cognizance

coherence

coherent

coherer

cohesion

coil

coils

Coin

coinage

coincided

coincident

Coincidentally

coinciding

coined

coins

Coit

Coke

cold

coldly

Coleman

COLENSO

Coler

Colesberg

Colima

collapse

collapsed

collar

collars

collate

collateral

colleague

colleagues

collect

collected

collecting

collection

Collections

collective

collectively

collectivist

collector

collectors

collects

COLLEGE

COLLEGES

collegiate

collier

colliers

Collins

Collis

collision

collisions

Colloquially

Cologan

Colomb

Colombari

COLOMBIA

Colombian

Colombo

Colon

Colonel

colonelcy

colonels

colonial

colonials

Colonies

colonisation

colonists

colonization

colonize

colonizing

colonnade

Colony

color

COLORADO

Colorados

colored

colors

colossal

colossi

Colossus

colour

coloured

colourless

colours

cols

Colt

Columbia

Columbian

COLUMBUS

column

columns

Colón

Com

Comanches

combat

combatant

combatants

combated

combating

combative

combats

combed

combination

combinations

Combine

combined

combines

combing

combining

combustible

combustion

Come

comer

comers

comes

comfort

comfortable

comfortably

comforting

comforts

coming

comity

Command

commandant

Commandants

commanded

commandeer

commandeered

Commandeering

Commander

commanders

Commanding

COMMANDO

commandos

commands

comme

commemorate

commemorated

commemorates

commence

commenced

commencement

commences

Commencing

commend

commendable

commendation

commended

commending

commensurate

comment

commented

Commenting

comments

COMMERCE

Commercial

Commerciale

commercialism

Commercially

Commerford

commettant

comminuted

commissariat

commissaries

Commissary

Commission

COMMISSIONED

commissioner

commissioners

Commissions

commit

committal

committed

committee

committees

committing

commodities

commodity

Commodore

Common

Commoners

commonly

Commons

commonwealth

commonwealths

commotion

communal

communes

communicate

communicated

communicates

communicating

communication

Communications

communicative

communion

communions

communique

communities

community

commutation

commuted

comp

compact

compacted

compactly

Compagnie

companies

companion

companions

company

comparable

comparative

comparatively

Compare

Compared

compares

comparing

Comparison

comparisons

compartments

compass

compassed

Compassionate

compatible

compatriots

compel

Compelled

compelling

compels

compendium

compensate

compensates

compensating

COMPENSATION

compensations

Compensatory

compete

competed

competence

competency

competent

competing

Competition

competitive

competitively

competitor

competitors

compilation

compile

compiled

compilers

complacency

complacent

complain

complainant

complained

complaining

complaint

Complaints

complement

COMPLETE

completed

completely

completeness

completes

completing

completion

complex

complexities

complexity

compliance

complicate

complicated

complication

complications

complicity

complied

complies

complimenting

Compliments

comply

complying

component

comport

comports

compos

compose

composed

composer

composing

composite

composition

compound

compounded

compounds

comprehend

comprehended

comprehending

comprehension

comprehensive

compressed

compression

compressor

comprise

comprised

comprises

comprising

Compromis

compromise

compromised

compromises

compromising

Comptroller

compulsion

COMPULSORY

compunction

computation

computed

comrade

comrades

Comte

Comus

Concas

conceal

concealed

concealing

concealment

conceals

concede

conceded

concedes

conceding

conceit

conceivable

conceivably

conceive

conceived

Conceiving

concentrate

concentrated

concentrating

concentration

concentrations

concentric

Concepcion

conception

Conceptions

concern

concerned

Concerning

concerns

Concert

concerted

concerts

Concession

concessionaire

concessionary

concessions

conciliate

conciliated

conciliating

Conciliation

conciliators

conciliatory

concisely

conclude

concluded

concludes

concluding

Conclusion

conclusions

conclusive

conclusively

concocted

concomitant

Concord

Concordat

concourse

concrete

concubine

concupiscence

concur

concurred

concurrence

concurrent

concurrently

concurring

concurs

condamnant

condemn

condemnable

condemnation

condemnatory

condemned

condemning

condemns

condensation

condenser

condensers

condescension

condign

condition

conditional

conditionally

conditioned

conditions

CONDOMINIUM

conduce

conduces

conducive

conduct

conducted

conducting

conductive

conductivity

conductor

conductors

conducts

conduits

Condé

confederacies

CONFEDERATE

Confederated

Confederation

confer

Conference

conferences

conferred

conferring

confers

confess

confessed

confessedly

confesses

confessing

Confession

confessions

confessor

confessors

confide

confided

Confidence

Confident

confidential

confidentially

confidently

Confiding

configuration

confine

confined

confinement

confines

confining

confirm

Confirmation

confirmatory

confirmed

confirming

confirms

confiscated

conflagration

conflict

Conflicting

conflicts

confluence

conform

conformable

conformably

conformation

conformed

conformer

conforming

conformity

conformément

confounded

confounding

confront

confronted

confronts

Confucianism

Confucius

confuse

confused

confusing

confusion

Conger

Congested

congestion

conglomeration

Congo

Congolese

Congos

congratulate

congratulated

congratulating

congratulation

congratulations

Congratulatory

congregated

congregation

Congregational

congregations

congress

congresses

Congressional

Congressmen

Coninck

conjectural

conjecture

conjointly

conjunction

conjured

Connaught

Conneaut

connect

connected

CONNECTICUT

connecting

connection

connections

connects

Connellsville

Conner

connexion

connexions

connivance

connive

connived

Connolly

Connor

conquer

conquered

conquering

conqueror

conquerors

Conquest

conquests

conquistadores

conscience

consciences

conscientious

conscientiously

conscious

consciously

consciousness

conscription

consecrate

consecrated

consecrating

consecration

consecutive

conseil

Conselheiro

consensual

consensus

consent

consented

consenting

consents

consequence

consequences

consequent

Consequently

conservation

conservatism

Conservative

Conservatives

Conservators

conservatory

conserve

conserved

consider

Considerable

considerably

considerate

consideration

Considerations

Considered

considering

considers

consist

consisted

consistent

consistently

consisting

Consistorial

consists

consolation

consoled

consolidate

consolidated

consolidating

Consolidation

consolidations

consoling

Consols

consonant

consort

conspicuous

conspicuously

conspiracies

conspiracy

conspirator

conspirators

conspire

conspiring

Constable

constables

Constabulary

Constance

Constant

Constantin

Constantine

Constantinople

constantly

consternation

constituencies

constituency

constituent

constituents

constitute

constituted

constitutes

constituting

Constitution

constitutional

constitutionalism

Constitutionalist

Constitutionalists

constitutionality

Constitutionally

Constitutions

Constitutis

constrain

constrained

constraint

construct

constructed

constructing

construction

constructions

constructive

Constructor

construed

construing

consul

consular

consulate

consulates

consuls

Consult

consultation

consultative

consulted

consulting

consumable

consume

consumed

consumer

consumers

consuming

consummate

consummated

consummation

consumo

consumption

conséquence

contact

contagion

contagious

contain

contained

containing

contains

contaminates

contaminating

contemplate

Contemplated

contemplates

contemplating

contemplation

contemporaneous

contemporaneously

contemporaries

contemporary

contempt

contemptible

contempts

contemptuous

contend

contended

Contending

contends

content

contented

contentedly

contenting

contention

Contentions

contentment

contents

contenue

conterminous

contest

contestants

contested

contests

contestée

contiguous

continent

continental

continents

contingencies

contingency

contingent

contingents

continual

continually

continuance

continuation

continuations

continue

Continued

continuer

continues

continuing

continuity

continuous

continuously

contra

Contract

contracted

Contracting

contraction

contractions

contractive

contractor

contractors

contracts

contradicted

contradiction

contradictions

contradictoriness

contradictory

contrariwise

contrary

contrast

contrasted

contrasting

contravene

contravention

contribute

contributed

contributes

contributing

contribution

contributions

contributor

contributors

contributory

contrivance

contrive

contrived

contriving

control

controllable

controlled

Controller

controlling

controls

Controversies

Controversy

controvert

controverted

contrôleurs

contumelious

convalescence

Convalescent

convalescents

convene

convened

convenience

conveniences

convenient

conveniently

convening

convent

CONVENTION

conventional

conventions

convents

converge

conversant

conversation

conversations

converse

conversion

convert

converted

converting

converts

convey

Conveyance

conveyances

conveyed

conveying

convict

convicted

conviction

convictions

Convicts

convince

Convinced

convinces

convincing

convocation

convoke

convoy

convoyed

convoys

convulsed

convulsion

convulsive

Conway

Conyngham

cook

cooked

cooking

cooks

cool

cooled

Cooley

Coolgardie

Coolies

Cooling

coolness

Coomassie

cooped

COOPER

cooperate

cooperated

cooperating

cooperation

Cooperative

coordinate

Coorg

cope

Copenhagen

Copernicus

copied

copies

coping

copious

Copper

Coppinger

copra

Coptic

Copy

copying

copyists

Copyright

copyrighted

copyrights

cord

Cordero

Cordes

cordial

cordially

cordon

core

Corea

Corentin

Corinto

corn

Cornelius

Cornell

corner

corners

cornerstone

cornet

cornetcies

cornets

CORNWALL

Corocoro

corona

Coronado

coronation

Corporal

corporals

corporate

Corporation

corporations

Corps

corpse

corpses

Corpus

corpuscle

corpuscles

corral

correct

corrected

correcting

correction

Correctional

correctly

correctness

Correo

correspond

corresponded

correspondence

Correspondent

correspondents

corresponding

correspondingly

corresponds

corridors

corroborate

corroboration

corroding

corrupt

corrupting

corruption

corruptions

corruptly

Corsair

Corsicans

cortege

Cortes

Cortez

cortical

corvee

Corvey

Corvinus

Corvée

Corwin

cosmopolitan

Cossacks

cost

Costa

costing

costliest

costly

costs

costume

costumes

coterminous

Cotinga

cotta

cottage

cottagers

cotton

cottons

Coubertin

couch

couched

Coudert

Coues

Could

couldn

Couldock

Council

Councillor

councillors

Councilman

Councilmen

councilor

councilors

councils

Counsel

counseled

counselled

counselling

Counsellor

counsellors

counselor

counsels

Count

counted

countenance

Counter

counteract

counteracted

counteracting

counterbalanced

countermanding

countermarching

counterpart

counterpoise

countersigned

countervailing

counties

counting

countless

Countries

COUNTRY

countrymen

Counts

County

Coup

coupable

couple

coupled

Cour

courage

courageously

Courant

Courcol

courier

couriers

course

courses

COURT

courteous

courteously

courtesies

courtesy

Courts

courtyard

courtyards

cousin

Cousteau

Coutts

couvert

Covadonga

covenant

covenants

Coventry

cover

covered

covering

covers

covert

covertly

covet

coveted

covetous

cow

Coward

cowardice

cowardly

cowboys

Cowden

cowe

cowed

Cowes

cows

Cox

coöperation

crack

cracks

cradle

craft

crafty

Cragin

cramped

cranage

Cranborne

Crane

Crash

crashed

crashing

craved

crawl

crawled

creameries

create

created

creates

Creating

creation

Creator

creature

creatures

credence

credentials

credible

credibly

Credit

creditable

credited

creditor

creditors

credulity

creed

creeds

Creek

Creeks

creeps

Creighton

Creole

Creoles

crept

Crescent

Crespo

crest

crests

Cretan

Cretans

Crete

Creusot

crevices

crew

crews

Cridler

cried

cries

crime

Crimean

crimeless

crimes

criminal

criminally

criminals

cripple

crippled

cripples

crippling

crises

crisis

CRISPI

Cristobal

Critic

critical

critically

criticise

criticised

criticises

criticising

criticism

criticisms

criticized

critics

Croatia

Croatian

Croatians

crocketed

Croix

Croker

Crokerism

Crombet

Cromer

Cromwell

CRONJE

Crookes

crop

crops

crore

crores

Crosby

CROSS

crossed

crosses

crossing

crossings

Crossley

Crossmon

crowd

crowded

crowding

crowds

Crowell

Crown

crowned

crowning

Crowns

Crozier

crucial

crude

crudeness

crudest

cruel

cruelly

cruelties

cruelty

Cruikshank

Cruise

cruiser

cruisers

crumbles

crumbling

crusade

crusaders

crush

crushed

crushing

Cruz

cry

crying

crystal

crystallise

crystallized

crystallizes

Crystallography

Cuba

Cuban

Cubans

cubic

cubical

cuerda

Cuestas

CUGNONI

Cugo

cul

Culebra

Culex

culinary

cullender

Culling

Cullom

culminated

culminating

culmination

culpability

culpabilité

culpable

culprits

cult

cultivable

cultivate

cultivated

cultivating

cultivation

cultivator

cultivators

cults

culture

cultured

cultures

cumbrous

cumulative

cuneiform

cunning

cunningly

cup

cupidity

curable

curate

curates

Curaçoa

curbing

curdling

cure

cured

cures

Curia

curing

curio

curiosities

curiosity

curious

curiously

curling

currency

Current

currently

currents

Curreo

curriculum

Currie

curse

cursed

cursive

curtail

curtailed

curtailing

curtailment

curtails

curtain

curtains

Curtis

Curtius

curvature

curves

curving

CURZON

Curæ

Cushing

Cushman

Custance

custody

custom

customary

customers

Customs

cut

cutaneous

Cutari

cutlery

cutout

cuts

cutters

cutthroats

cutting

Cuyos

Cuyuni

cwt

cwts

cyanide

Cyclades

cycle

cyclone

cyclonic

Cydonia

cylinder

cylinders

cynosure

Cypriote

Cyprus

Cyrus

cysts

Czar

Czech

Czechs

Cæsar

côte

Cœur

d

dabbles

Daedalus

Daggett

Dagh

Dagupan

Dahlgren

DAHOMEY

daily

Daiquiri

dairies

dairy

Daka

DAKOTA

dale

Dall

Dallas

Dallul

Dalmatia

Dalni

Dalny

Dalton

Dalupiri

Daly

dam

damage

damaged

damages

Damaraland

Damascus

Damasus

Damietta

damning

damp

dampness

dams

dancing

dandy

Dane

Danes

danger

dangerous

dangerously

dangers

dangled

Daniel

Daniell

Danilo

Danish

dans

dantai

Danube

DANUBIAN

Daram

Darazzo

Darcy

dare

dared

dares

Darfour

Darfur

DARGAI

daring

dark

darkened

darker

DARKEST

darkness

Darwaz

Darwin

Das

dash

dashes

dashing

data

date

Dated

dates

dating

dato

Datory

datos

daughter

daughters

daunted

dauntlessly

Davenport

David

Davidson

Davies

DAVIS

Davitt

Davy

Dawes

dawn

dawned

Dawson

Day

daybreak

daylight

days

daytime

dazed

dazzled

dazzling

daïs

Dc

De

dead

deadening

Deadlock

deadly

deaf

deafening

Deakin

deal

dealer

dealing

Dealings

deals

dealt

dean

Deane

dear

dearly

dearth

death

Deaths

debar

debarred

debase

debased

debasement

debate

debated

debates

debauchery

debauches

debit

Deboe

debouching

debris

Debs

debt

debtor

debtors

debts

Dec

decade

decadence

decadent

decades

decapitated

decapitation

decay

decayed

decaying

Deccan

Decease

deceased

deceit

deceive

deceived

December

decenniums

decent

decentralization

deception

deceptions

deceptive

decide

decided

decidedly

decides

deciding

decimal

decimate

decimated

decipher

deciphered

decipherer

decipherment

decision

decisions

decisive

deck

decks

Declaration

Declarations

declare

declared

declares

declaring

Decle

declination

declinations

decline

declined

declining

declivities

decomposes

decomposition

decompositions

decoration

decorations

Decrease

decreased

decreases

decreasing

Decree

decreed

decreeing

decrees

decrepit

dedans

dedicate

dedicated

Dedication

deduced

deduces

Deduct

deducted

deducting

deduction

deductions

deed

Deeds

deem

deemed

Deeming

deems

deep

deepen

deepened

deeper

deepest

deeply

defaced

defamation

defamatory

defamed

default

defaulted

defaults

defeat

defeated

defeating

defeats

defect

defection

defective

defects

Defence

defenceless

defences

defend

defendant

defendants

defended

Defender

defenders

defending

defends

defense

defenseless

defenses

defensible

defensive

defer

deference

deferred

deferring

defiance

defiant

Deficiencies

deficiency

deficient

deficit

defied

defies

defile

defiling

define

defined

defines

Defining

Definite

definitely

definiteness

definition

definitions

definitive

deflected

deformed

Deformities

defrauded

defray

defrayed

defraying

defrays

deftness

defunct

defy

defying

degeneracy

degenerate

degenerated

degenerating

degeneration

degenerations

degradation

degrade

degraded

degrading

Degree

degrees

Dehn

deigned

deities

deity

DEL

Delagoa

Delarey

DELAWARE

delay

delayed

delaying

delays

Delcassé

delegate

delegated

delegates

delegation

delegations

deleterious

deliberate

deliberated

deliberately

deliberating

deliberation

deliberations

deliberative

delicacy

delicate

delicately

delight

delighted

delights

delimit

delimitated

delimitation

delimited

delinquents

deliver

deliverable

deliverance

deliverances

delivered

delivering

delivers

delivery

DELL

delta

deluded

deluding

deluges

delusively

Delyannis

demagogic

demagogues

demand

demande

demanded

demanding

demands

Demange

demarcation

demarcations

Demetrius

demise

democracy

Democrat

democratic

democrats

democritisation

demolished

demolishing

demolition

demonetization

demonetizing

demoniacal

demonstrate

demonstrated

demonstrates

demonstrating

Demonstration

demonstrations

demoralising

demoralization

demoralize

demoralized

demoralizing

demur

demurred

demurrer

demurs

den

denationalisation

denationalizing

Denby

denial

denials

denied

denies

Denis

Denison

DENMARK

Dennis

denominate

denomination

denominational

denominations

denote

denotes

denounce

denounced

denounces

denouncing

dens

dense

densely

densest

density

dentist

denude

denuded

denunciation

Denunciations

denunciatory

deny

denying

depart

departed

departing

department

departmental

departments

Departure

departures

depend

dependants

depended

dependence

dependencies

dependency

dependent

dependents

depending

depends

depicted

deplete

depleting

depletion

depletions

deplorable

deplorably

deplore

deplored

deploy

deployed

deploying

deployment

depopulated

depopulation

deport

deportation

deported

deportment

deposed

deposit

deposited

depositing

deposition

depositor

depositors

depository

deposits

depot

depots

deprecate

deprecated

deprecates

depreciated

depreciates

depreciating

depreciation

depreciations

depredations

depressed

depresses

depressing

depression

deprive

deprived

deprives

depriving

depth

depths

Deputation

deputed

Deputies

Deputy

Dera

Derby

Derbynskaya

Derdepoort

derelict

dereliction

derision

derivation

derivatives

derive

derived

derives

deriving

derogating

derogation

Derrick

dervish

Dervishes

des

Descamps

Descartes

descend

descendant

descendants

descended

descent

describe

described

describes

describing

Description

descriptions

descriptive

desecrated

desecration

desert

deserted

deserting

desertion

deserts

deserve

deservedly

deserves

deserving

desiccation

desideratum

design

designate

designated

designates

designation

designed

designers

designing

designs

desirability

desirable

desire

desired

desires

Desiring

desirous

desist

desisted

desk

desks

desolate

desolated

desolation

despair

despairing

Despatch

despatched

Despatches

despatching

desperadoes

desperados

Desperate

desperately

desperation

despicable

despise

despised

despite

despoil

despondency

despotic

despotism

Despots

Destelan

destination

destined

destinies

destiny

destitute

destitution

Destournelles

destroy

destroyed

destroyer

destroyers

destroying

destroys

Destruction

destructions

Destructive

desuetude

desultory

detach

detached

Detachment

detachments

Detail

detailed

details

detain

detained

detected

detecting

Detection

detectives

detention

deteriorate

deteriorated

Determination

determinations

Determine

determined

determinedly

determines

determining

deterred

deterrent

detest

detestable

detested

dethronement

detour

detract

detrained

detriment

detrimental

Detroit

Dette

Deum

deus

Deutsch

Deutsche

devastated

devastating

devastation

develop

developed

developing

Development

developments

develops

deviating

deviations

device

Devices

devient

devil

devilish

devils

devise

devised

Devoe

devoid

devolution

devolve

devolved

devolves

devolving

Devonshire

devote

devoted

devotedly

devoting

devotion

devour

devouring

devout

devoutly

Dewar

Dewetsdorp

DEWEY

dews

Dexter

Deák

Dhanis

di

Diable

diabolical

diagnosis

diagram

dial

dialect

diameter

diametrically

Diamond

diamonds

Diana

diaphragm

Diarbekir

Diario

diary

DIAZ

Dibbs

Dicey

Dick

Dickens

Dickson

dicta

Dictaean

dictate

dictated

dictates

dictating

dictation

dictator

dictatorial

Dictatorship

dictionaries

dictum

Did

didactic

didn

Didon

die

Died

Diego

diem

dies

Diet

Diets

Dieulafoy

differ

differed

Difference

differences

different

differential

differentiate

differentiated

differently

differing

differs

difficult

difficulties

difficulty

diffuse

diffused

diffuses

diffusion

dig

digested

Digger

diggers

diggings

Digna

dignified

dignify

dignitaries

dignitary

dignities

dignity

dikes

dilapidated

dilate

dilatory

dilemma

diligence

diligent

diligently

Dilke

Dillingham

Dillon

Dillonites

dimensions

diminish

diminished

diminishes

diminishing

diminution

diminutive

dimmed

Din

Dinagat

Dinair

dine

Dingley

Dinizulu

dinned

dinner

dinners

dint

diocese

dioceses

Diodorus

diorite

Diphtheria

diplomacy

diplomas

diplomat

diplomatic

diplomatically

Diplomatique

diplomatist

diplomats

dipped

diputacion

DIR

dirai

dire

Direct

directed

directing

direction

directions

directly

directness

director

directors

directorship

directorships

directs

dirge

Dirk

dirt

disabilities

disability

disable

Disabled

disabling

disabused

disadvantage

disadvantageous

disadvantages

disaffected

disaffection

disagreeable

disagreed

Disagreeing

disagreement

disagreements

disallow

disallowance

disallowed

disappear

disappearance

disappeared

disappearing

disappears

disappoint

disappointed

disappointing

disappointingly

disappointment

disappointments

disapproval

disapproved

disarm

disarmament

disarmed

disarming

disaster

disasters

disastrous

disastrously

disavow

disavowal

disavowals

disavowed

disavowing

disband

Disbanded

disbandment

disbelief

disbursed

disbursement

disbursements

discernable

discerned

discerning

discharge

Discharged

discharges

discharging

disciples

disciplinary

Discipline

disciplined

disclaim

disclaimed

disclaiming

disclaims

disclose

disclosed

disclosure

disclosures

discolored

discomfiture

discomfort

discomforts

disconcerting

discontent

discontented

discontents

discontinuance

discontinue

discontinued

Discontinuing

discontinuities

discord

discordant

discount

discountenanced

discourage

discouraged

discouragement

discouraging

discouragingly

discourse

discover

discovered

discoverer

discoverers

discoveries

discovering

discovery

discredit

discredited

discrepancies

discrepancy

discrepant

discretion

discriminate

discriminated

discriminating

discrimination

discriminations

discuss

discussed

discussing

discussion

discussions

disdain

disdainfully

disease

diseased

diseases

disembark

disembarkation

disembarked

disembarking

disembowelling

disenfranchisement

disentitled

Disestablishment

disfavour

disfranchise

disfranchised

Disfranchisement

disfranchises

disfranchising

disgrace

disgraced

disgraceful

disgracefully

disguise

disguised

disgust

disgusted

disheartened

dishes

dishonest

dishonesty

dishonor

dishonorable

dishonors

dishonour

dishonouring

disillusion

disinclination

disinclined

disinfectants

disinfecting

Disinfection

disingenuously

disintegration

disinterestedness

disinterred

Disko

dislike

disliked

dislocation

dislocations

dislodge

dislodging

disloyal

disloyalty

dismantle

dismantling

dismayed

dismemberment

dismiss

dismissal

dismissed

dismissing

dismounted

disobedience

disobey

disobeyed

disorder

disordered

Disorderly

disorders

disorganised

disparage

disparagement

disparity

dispassionately

dispatch

dispatched

dispatches

dispatching

dispelled

dispence

Dispensary

dispensation

dispensatory

dispense

dispenser

dispensers

dispensing

dispersal

disperse

dispersed

dispersing

dispersion

dispirited

displaced

displacement

display

displayed

displaying

displays

displease

displeased

displeasing

displeasure

disposal

dispose

disposed

disposing

disposition

dispositions

dispossess

disproportionately

disputable

disputants

dispute

disputed

Disputes

disqualified

disquieted

disquieting

disquietude

Disraeli

disregard

disregarded

Disregarding

disregards

disreputable

disrepute

disruption

dissatisfaction

dissatisfied

dissecting

disseized

disseminate

disseminated

dissension

dissensions

dissent

dissented

dissenting

dissimulate

dissipating

dissipation

dissociated

dissolution

dissolutions

dissolve

dissolved

dissolving

dissuade

distance

distances

distant

distasteful

distilled

distillers

Distilling

distinct

distinction

distinctions

distinctive

distinctively

distinctly

distinguish

distinguished

distinguishes

distinguishing

distorted

distorting

distracted

distrained

distraining

distress

distressed

distresses

distressing

distribute

distributed

distributes

distributing

distribution

District

districting

districts

Distrust

distrusted

distrustful

distrusting

disturb

disturbance

DISTURBANCES

disturbed

disturbers

disturbing

disuse

disused

dit

ditch

ditches

dites

diurnal

diverged

divergence

divergencies

divergent

divers

diverse

diversified

diversion

Diversity

divert

diverted

diverting

divest

divested

divide

divided

dividend

dividends

divides

dividing

DIVINE

divinely

Divinity

divisible

division

divisional

divisions

Divorce

divorced

divorcement

divulged

Dixie

Djelaleddin

do

Doc

docile

dock

dockage

docking

docks

dockyards

Doctor

doctors

doctrinaire

Doctrine

doctrines

document

documentary

documentation

Documents

Dodd

Doddridge

Dodge

dodges

doe

Doerpfeld

doers

Does

dog

dogged

doggedly

dogmas

dogs

doing

doings

Dole

Doles

dollar

dollars

Dolores

Domain

dome

domestic

domicile

domiciled

domiciles

Dominance

dominant

dominate

dominated

dominates

dominating

dominatio

domination

domineering

Domingo

Domini

Dominic

Dominica

Dominican

Dominicans

Dominion

dominions

Domoko

Don

Dona

Donald

donate

donation

donations

Done

Donelson

Dongola

donkeys

Donnelly

donner

donnée

donor

dont

Dooley

doom

doomed

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DOOR

Doorkeeper

Doornkop

doors

doorway

doorways

Dorian

Dorman

dormant

Dortmund

Dorward

Dos

dose

doses

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doth

dots

double

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Doubleday

doubles

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doubly

doubt

doubted

doubtful

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doubtless

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Douglas

Douglass

dour

Dow

DOWAGER

down

Downes

downfall

Downing

downpours

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doyen

Doyle

dozen

dozens

Dr

draft

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drafting

drafts

draftsmen

drag

Draga

dragged

dragoman

Dragon

Drah

drain

Drainage

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drama

dramas

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Draper

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Drawing

DRAWINGS

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draws

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Dreher

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DREYFUS

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Driefontein

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Drifts

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drink

Drinker

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Driver

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drop

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drove

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DROWNED

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Drs

drug

Drum

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drunkards

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drunkenness

dry

Drygalski

drying

Du

Duaba

dual

Duaro

Dublin

Dubuque

Duc

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Duchesne

Duchess

Duchy

duct

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Dudgeon

Dudley

due

duel

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dues

Duff

Dufferin

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Dui

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duly

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Dumas

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Duncan

Dundee

Dunfermline

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duped

duplicate

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duplicates

Dupuy

durability

Durand

duration

Durban

duress

during

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dusk

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Dutch

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Dutchmen

dutiable

Duties

dutiful

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dwell

dwellers

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dwellings

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Dwight

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Dyea

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dynamical

dynamics

Dynamite

dynamo

dynamos

dynastic

dynasties

Dynasty

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dyspeptic

DÉROULÈDE

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débris

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Déronlède

Déroulède

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détaillée

E

EACH

Eagan

eager

Eagerly

eagerness

Eagle

ear

Eardley

Earl

earldom

Earlier

earliest

early

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earned

earners

earnest

earnestly

earnestness

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earnings

ears

Earth

earthen

earthly

Earthquake

earthquakes

earthwork

earthworks

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easier

easily

east

Eastchester

Easter

easterly

Eastern

eastward

eastwardly

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easy

eat

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Eaton

Ebenezer

Eberhard

Ebers

ecclesiastic

Ecclesiastical

ecclesiasticism

ecclesiastics

echoes

Ecija

Eclair

eclipse

economic

economical

economically

economics

economies

Economist

economists

economized

economizing

economy

ECUADOR

Ecuadorian

ECUMENICAL

ed

Eddy

edge

edges

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Edhem

Edict

Edicts

edification

edifice

edifices

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Edinburgh

edited

editing

EDITION

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editorial

editors

Edmond

Edmund

Edmunds

Edouard

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Eduardo

educate

educated

educating

EDUCATION

educational

educator

educators

Edward

EDWARDS

Edwin

Eerste

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effect

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EFFECTIVE

effectively

effectiveness

effectives

effects

effectual

effectually

Effendina

effete

efficacious

efficacy

efficiency

efficient

efficiently

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effort

Efforts

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Eger

egg

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egoism

egotistical

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Egypt

Egyptian

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Egyptians

Egyptologist

Eider

eight

eighteen

eighteenth

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Eighthly

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eighties

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Either

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Ekaterinburg

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Ekk

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EL

elaborate

elaborated

elaborateness

elaboration

Elam

Elamite

Elamites

Elamitic

Elands

ELANDSLAAGTE

elapse

elapsed

Elassona

elastic

elasticity

Elba

Elbe

elbow

elbows

elder

elders

eldest

elect

Elected

electing

ELECTION

electioneering

Elections

elective

elector

electoral

electorate

electorates

electors

Electric

electrical

electrician

Electricity

electrified

Electro

electrodes

electrolyzed

electrolyzing

eleemosynary

elegance

elegant

element

elemental

Elementary

elements

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elevate

elevated

elevating

elevation

elevator

elevators

eleven

Eleventh

Elgin

ELI

Elias

elicited

eligibility

eligible

Elihu

Elijah

eliminable

eliminated

elimination

Eliot

Elisha

elite

Eliza

ELIZABETH

elle

ELLERY

Ellesmere

Ellinwood

Elliot

Elliott

Ellis

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eloquence

eloquent

eloquently

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Elwell

Ely

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emanates

emanating

emanations

emancipate

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Emancipation

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embalmed

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embankment

embankments

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embark

Embarkation

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embarks

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embarrassments

embassies

Embassy

embedded

embellishment

embezzlement

embezzlers

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emblem

emblems

embodied

embodies

embodiment

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Embraced

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Embryology

embryonic

emendation

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emerged

emergencies

emergency

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Emerson

Emery

emigrant

emigrants

emigrate

emigrated

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emigration

Emile

Emilio

Emily

eminence

eminent

eminently

Emir

emissaries

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Emma

Emmanuel

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emoluments

Emory

emotion

emotions

empanelling

Emperor

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Empire

empires

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Employ

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Employer

Employers

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employments

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Emporia

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Empress

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Ems

En

enable

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Enactment

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encamp

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enclaves

enclosed

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enclosures

encompassed

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encounters

encourage

Encouraged

encouragement

encourages

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encroachment

encroachments

encumbered

encyclical

encyclicals

encyclopædias

end

endanger

endangered

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endeared

ENDEAVOR

endeavored

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endeavors

endeavour

endeavoured

endeavouring

endeavours

ended

Enderby

Endicott

ending

endings

endless

endorse

endorsed

endorsement

endow

endowed

endowment

endowments

ends

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endure

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endures

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enemies

enemy

energetic

energetically

energies

energy

enfeebled

enfilade

enfin

enfolds

enforce

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Enforcement

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enfranchise

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Enfranchisement

Eng

engage

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ENGAGEMENT

Engagements

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Engel

engendered

engenders

engine

engineer

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Engineering

engineers

engines

ENGLAND

ENGLISH

Englishman

Englishmen

engraved

engravings

engross

engulfed

enhance

enhanced

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Enigmas

enjoin

enjoined

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enjoins

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enjoyed

Enjoying

enjoyment

enjoyments

enjoys

Enl

enlarge

ENLARGED

enlargement

enlarges

enlarging

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enlightenment

enlightens

enlist

enlisted

enlisting

enlistment

enmity

Enno

enormity

enormous

enormously

Enough

enquiry

enraged

enrich

enriched

enriching

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Enrique

enrol

enrolled

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Enrollment

Ensign

ensigns

enslavement

ENSLIN

ensue

ensued

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entailed

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enter

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enteric

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enterprise

enterprises

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entertainments

entertains

enthralling

enthrone

enthroned

Enthronement

enthusiasm

enthusiast

enthusiastic

enthusiastically

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entirely

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entitle

entitled

entitles

entitling

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entourage

entrance

entreat

entreaties

Entrecasteaux

entrenched

entrenchments

entries

entrust

entrusted

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enumerate

enumerated

enumerating

enumeration

enumerations

enunciated

enunciation

envelope

enveloped

enveloppe

envious

environed

environment

environs

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envoys

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ephemeral

Ephraim

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epidemics

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Epirus

episcopal

Episcopalian

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episodes

epithets

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epizootic

epoch

epochs

EPWORTH

equal

equalising

equality

equalization

equalize

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equalled

equalling

equally

equals

equanimity

equator

Equatoria

Equatorial

Equatoriale

equidistant

equilateral

equilibrium

equip

equipage

equipment

equipments

equipped

equipping

equitable

equitably

equities

equity

equivalent

equivalents

equivocal

equivocation

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Erckmann

Erebus

Erech

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Eric

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Ericsson

Eridu

Erie

Ernest

Ernesto

Ernst

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Errazuriz

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erroneously

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eruption

erysipelas

Erythrea

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Erzeroum

Erzerum

Esaglia

escape

Escaped

escapes

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Escario

escarpment

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escort

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escorts

Eski

Eskimo

Eskimos

Espagñol

España

especial

especially

espied

espionage

Esplanade

esprit

Esq

essay

essayist

Essays

essence

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essentially

Essequibo

est

establish

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establishes

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Establishment

ESTABLISHMENTS

estad

estate

estates

esteem

Esterhazy

Estevoz

estimable

Estimate

estimated

Estimates

estimating

estimation

Estrada

estrangement

estuaries

ET

etat

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Eteocretan

eternal

ether

etheric

ethical

ethnologist

Ethuike

ethylene

Etienne

etiology

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Etruria

Etruscan

ETRUSCANS

Etta

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Eucken

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Eugene

Eugenio

Euglena

eulogizing

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eunuch

eunuchs

Euphrates

Europe

European

Europeans

Eva

evacuate

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evade

Evan

evangelist

Evans

evaporate

Evaporation

Evarts

evasion

evasions

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eve

Evelyn

Even

Evening

evenly

event

eventful

Events

eventual

eventualities

eventuality

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Ever

Everard

Everett

everlasting

everlastingly

Evershed

every

everybody

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everything

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evidence

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evidences

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Evidently

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evoked

evolution

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Ewart

Ewers

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exact

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exalt

exaltation

exalted

Examination

examinations

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Examiner

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examples

exasperate

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excavate

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excavations

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exceed

exceeded

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excel

excelled

excellence

Excellencies

excellency

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Excepting

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exceptional

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excerpt

excerpts

excess

excesses

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excessively

exchange

exchanged

exchanges

Exchequer

excise

excised

excises

excision

excitable

excite

excited

excitement

excitements

excites

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excluded

excludes

Excluding

exclusion

Exclusive

exclusively

exclusiveness

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excrements

excreta

excursions

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excuses

execration

execute

executed

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Execution

executioners

executions

Executive

executives

executors

exemplary

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exempted

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exemptions

exercisable

exercise

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exercises

Exercising

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Exhibit

exhibited

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exhibitions

exhibitors

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exigcant

exigeant

exigencies

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existed

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Existing

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Exodus

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expanded

expanders

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expanse

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expectant

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Expectations

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expectorations

expects

expediency

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expedients

expedite

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EXPEDITION

expeditionary

expeditions

expeditious

expel

expelled

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expend

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Expenditure

Expenditures

expends

expense

Expenses

expensive

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Experience

experienced

experiences

experiment

Experimental

experimentally

experimentation

experimenters

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experts

expiation

Expiatory

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explain

explained

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explanation

explanations

EXPLANATORY

explication

explicit

explicitly

explode

exploded

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exploit

exploitation

exploited

exploiting

exploration

Explorations

exploratory

explore

explored

explorer

explorers

exploring

explosion

explosions

explosive

EXPLOSIVES

exponent

export

exportation

exportations

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exporter

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Exports

expose

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Exposition

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exposures

expounded

Express

expressed

expresses

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expressions

expressive

expressly

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expunge

exquisite

exquisitely

extend

extended

EXTENDING

extends

extension

extensions

Extensive

extensively

extent

extenuate

extenuating

extenuation

exterior

exterminate

exterminated

exterminating

extermination

external

exterritorial

exterritoriality

extinct

extinction

extinguish

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extinguishes

extinguishing

extinguishment

extirpate

extirpated

extirpation

extolling

extort

extorted

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extortion

extortions

extra

extract

extracted

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extraction

extracts

extradition

extraordinaire

extraordinarily

extraordinary

extravagance

extravagant

extravagantly

extreme

extremely

extremists

extremities

extremity

extricate

extricated

exultant

exultation

exulting

eye

eyeless

eyes

Eyre

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Ezekiel

F

Fa

Fabian

fabled

fabric

fabrics

Fabrieken

fabriqué

fabulous

fac

face

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facilitates

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Facilities

facility

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facsimile

fact

faction

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factitious

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factor

Factories

factors

Factory

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facultative

faculties

faculty

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Failing

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Fair

Fairbank

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Fairfield

fairly

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Faith

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Faithfull

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faiths

Fajardo

Falkenhayn

Fall

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falseness

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Fame

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Fami

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familiarly

families

famille

Family

FAMINE

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famished

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FAMY

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fanatical

fanaticism

FANATICS

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Fantis

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Faraday

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Farnham

FARRAGUT

Farrar

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Farringdon

Farther

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Fashoda

fast

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fatalistic

fatally

fate

fated

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Fateh

Father

fatherhood

Fatherland

fatherly

fathers

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fathoms

fatigue

fatigued

Fatimite

Fatshan

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Faucit

Faulkner

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Faure

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Favier

favor

favorable

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favors

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favourite

favours

Fayetteville

Fayum

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Fear

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feathers

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Feb

FEBRUARY

fed

feddans

Feder

federal

Federalist

Federals

federate

federated

Federating

FEDERATION

federations

fee

feeble

feebleness

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Feeders

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feel

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Feeling

feelingly

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Feichen

feigned

Feilden

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Felice

felicitous

felicitously

felicity

Felix

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Fellaheen

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Fellow

fellows

fellowship

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Felony

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Feng

Fenghua

Fenian

Ferdinand

Feria

Ferket

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fermented

Fermo

Fernandina

Fernando

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ferocity

Ferraris

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ferries

fertile

fertility

fertilization

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fervent

fervor

fervour

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festival

festivals

festivities

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feudalism

feudatory

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Few

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fiction

fictions

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Fide

fidelity

Field

Fields

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fiercely

fierceness

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Fife

Fifteen

Fifteenth

Fifth

Fifthly

fifths

fiftieth

fifty

Figaro

Fight

fighters

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Figuereo

figure

figured

figures

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file

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filibusters

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Filipino

Filipinos

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filled

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filth

Final

finality

finally

Finance

financed

finances

financial

financially

financier

financiers

financing

Finck

find

finding

findings

finds

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fineness

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finish

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FINLAND

Finlanders

Finnish

Finns

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fire

firearms

fireballs

fired

firemen

fireproof

fires

firing

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firman

firmest

firmly

firmness

firms

First

Firstly

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Fish

Fisher

Fisheries

fishermen

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Fist

Fists

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Fitzedward

Fitzhugh

Fiume

FIVE

fix

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Fjord

FLAG

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flagelles

Flagg

flagged

Flagler

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flagrantly

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Flaissières

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Flatbush

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Fled

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Fleming

Flemish

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Fleury

flew

Fliche

flies

flight

flimsiness

flimsy

flinch

flinched

Flinders

fling

flint

float

floated

floating

floats

flocked

flocking

flocks

floe

flogged

flogging

floggings

flood

flooded

flooding

floodings

floods

floor

floors

Flor

flora

floral

Florence

Florid

Florida

florin

florins

flotation

flour

flourish

flourished

Flourishing

flow

flowed

flower

flowering

flowing

flown

flows

fluctuating

fluently

fluid

fluorescence

fluorescent

Flushing

fly

flying

foe

foes

fog

fold

folded

folder

folders

folding

foliation

folk

folks

follow

followed

followers

Following

follows

fomented

fomenting

fomento

fond

fondly

Fontane

Foochow

food

foods

foodstuffs

Fookien

fool

fooled

foolish

foolishly

foot

foothold

footholds

footing

footings

Footnote

footpaths

Footsteps

FOR

forage

Foraker

Foran

forbad

forbade

forbearance

Forbes

forbid

Forbidden

forbidding

forbids

force

forced

forceful

forces

forcible

forcibly

forcing

ford

fords

fore

Forearmed

forebodings

forecast

Forecasting

forecastle

foreclosure

forefathers

forefront

forego

foregoing

forehead

foreheads

Foreign

foreigner

Foreigners

Foreland

forelock

Foreman

Foremost

forenoon

forensic

forerunner

forerunners

foresee

foreseen

foreshadowed

foreshadowing

foresight

forest

forestall

forested

forestry

forests

foretaste

foretell

forever

forevermore

forewarned

forfeit

forfeited

forfeits

forfeiture

forfeitures

forge

forged

forger

forgeries

forgery

forget

forgetful

forgetfulness

forgets

forgetting

forgings

Forgive

forgiven

forgot

forgotten

forks

forlorn

form

formal

Formaldehyde

formaldehydes

formalities

formality

formally

Forman

formation

formations

formed

former

formerly

formidable

formidably

forming

formless

Formosa

forms

formula

formulate

formulated

formulating

formulation

Forrest

forsake

forsaken

forsaking

Forster

forswear

forsworn

fort

forth

forthcoming

forthwith

forties

Fortieth

Fortification

fortifications

fortified

fortify

fortitude

fortnight

Fortnightly

fortress

fortresses

FORTS

Fortschrittliche

fortunate

fortunately

fortune

fortunes

forty

Forum

forward

forwarded

forwarding

Forwards

Forzinetti

fossils

foster

fostered

fostering

fought

foul

fouled

foulest

found

foundation

foundations

founded

Founder

foundered

founders

founding

foundries

founds

fountain

four

fourfold

fours

fourteen

fourteenth

Fourth

Fourthly

fourths

fowl

fowls

Fox

foyer

Foyn

fr

fraction

fractional

fractions

fracture

fractured

fractures

Fraenkel

fragile

fragment

fragmentary

fragments

frail

Fram

frame

framed

framers

framework

framing

France

Frances

Franchise

FRANCHISES

Francis

Franciscan

Franciscans

FRANCISCO

Francisque

Franco

Francois

francs

frank

franker

Frankfort

Franklin

frankly

frankness

frantic

Frantzius

FRANZ

Française

François

Fraser

fraternal

fraternised

fraternities

fraternity

fraternized

fraud

frauds

fraudulently

fraught

freak

Frear

Fred

Frederic

Frederick

Free

freed

freedmen

Freedom

freehold

freeing

freely

freemen

freer

Freetown

freeze

Freie

freight

freighted

freights

Frelinghuysen

Fremdenblatt

French

Frenchman

Frenchmen

frenzied

frenzy

frequencies

frequency

Frequent

frequented

frequenting

frequently

fresco

frescoes

fresh

freshly

freshman

Fresnel

Frey

Freycinet

Freytag

friar

FRIARS

friction

Friday

fried

Friedrich

friend

friendless

friendliness

friendly

Friends

friendship

friendships

Fries

frieze

friezes

frightened

frightful

frightfully

Frisch

fritter

frittered

frivolous

fro

Frogmore

From

front

frontage

fronted

frontier

frontiers

frontiersmen

fronting

fronts

frost

frosts

frosty

Frothingham

frothy

Froude

Frozen

frugal

Fruin

fruit

fruitful

fruitless

fruits

frustrate

frustrated

Frustration

Fry

Frye

frying

ft

fu

Fuchau

fuel

Fuga

fugitive

fugitives

fuh

Fukien

Fukushima

Fulah

fulfil

fulfill

fulfilled

fulfilling

fulfillment

fulfilment

Fulham

full

Fuller

fullest

Fully

fulness

FULTON

fumes

fumigation

function

functionaries

functions

fund

fundamental

fundamentally

funded

funding

funds

funeral

funereal

Funke

Funston

fur

furious

furiously

furlough

Furman

furnace

furnaces

furnish

furnished

furnishes

furnishing

furniture

Furor

furrows

further

furtherance

furthering

Furthermore

furthermost

furthest

fury

fuse

fused

fusil

fusillade

fusillades

Fusion

Fusionists

fuss

Futa

Futile

futility

future

Fuyu

FÊNG

Färoe

Fên

Fêng

Fêngtien

G

Gabes

gables

Gaelic

Gage

gain

gained

gainer

gaining

Gains

GALABAT

Galata

Galatz

gale

Galesburg

Galicia

Galician

Galilee

Galileo

gall

gallant

gallantly

gallantry

Gallas

Gallenga

gallery

galley

Gallifet

galling

Gallinger

gallons

galloped

Galton

galvanized

GALVESTON

Gambaga

Gambia

gamblers

gambling

game

GAMES

gametes

gametocytes

Gamewell

gamut

gan

gang

gangers

gangrenous

gangs

gangway

gaol

gap

gaping

gaps

Garay

garb

garbled

GARCIA

Garden

gardening

Gardens

Garibaldi

garlands

garment

Garnett

Garnica

Garret

Garrigues

Garrison

garrisoned

garrisoning

garrisons

Garstein

Garter

Gary

GAS

Gaselee

gaseous

Gases

Gatacre

gate

gates

Gateway

gateways

gather

gathered

gathereth

gathering

gatherings

gathers

Gatling

Gatty

gauche

gauge

Gaul

Gautama

Gautsch

gave

Gayarré

Gazaland

gaze

gazed

gazette

gear

Gedil

Gedrosia

Gee

Gehrt

Geistlichkeit

gems

Gen

gendarme

gendarmerie

gendarmes

genealogies

genealogy

genera

General

Generalcy

Generalissimo

generalities

generally

generals

generate

generated

generating

generation

generations

generators

generosity

generous

generously

genesis

GENEVA

genius

Gennesareth

Genoa

Gentile

gentle

gentleman

Gentlemen

gentleness

gentry

genuine

genuinely

genuineness

genus

Geo

Geodetic

Geoffray

geog

geographer

Geographical

geographically

Geographisch

Geography

geologic

geological

geologist

geology

Geometric

Geometry

Georg

George

Georges

Georgetown

Georgia

Gerald

Gerhard

Gerlache

Germ

Germain

German

Germanic

Germans

Germany

germinal

germs

Gerona

Geronimo

Gerritz

GERRYMANDERING

Gesenius

Gesetzbuch

gesso

gesturing

get

gets

getting

Gettysburg

Ghali

gharry

ghastly

Ghazal

Ghazel

Ghazi

Ghent

Ghezireh

Ghoorkas

ghoulish

giant

Gibbons

Gibraltar

Gibson

Giers

Giffen

gift

gifted

gifts

Gigantic

GILBERT

gilded

Gilder

Gilgit

Gillespie

Gilman

Gilroy

gin

girders

girl

Girls

girt

Giuseppe

give

given

giver

gives

giving

Glacial

glaciated

Glacier

glaciers

glacis

glad

gladly

Gladstone

glamour

glance

glancing

gland

glanders

GLASGOW

glass

glasses

glassware

glassworkers

gleamed

Gleason

glebes

Glen

Glencoe

glided

glides

glimmering

glitter

gloat

gloating

globe

gloom

gloomy

glories

glorification

Glorious

glory

glossy

Gloucester

glow

glowing

glucose

gluey

glut

glycerine

gnarled

gnats

gneiss

Gneist

go

goad

goal

goat

goats

gobbled

gobernadorcillo

Gobi

God

goddess

Godfrey

Godkin

godowns

gods

godsend

Goebel

goes

Goethe

Goetze

going

Golchika

Gold

golden

Goldfields

Goldsmid

Goldwin

Golfito

Golgi

Golo

Golofnin

Gomanikwenda

Gomez

Goncourt

gone

gonorrhœa

Gonse

Gonzales

Gonzalez

Good

goodness

Goodnow

goods

goodwill

Goold

Goorkhas

goose

Gordon

gore

gorge

gorges

Gorst

Goschen

Gosha

gospel

gospels

GOSPODAR

Gosse

got

Gotha

Gothard

GOTHENBURG

Gothic

gotten

gouged

Goujon

Gould

Goulâs

Gouverneur

govern

governance

governed

governing

government

governmental

governments

governor

Governors

governorship

governs

gown

Graaf

Graaff

grab

grabbed

grabber

grabbing

grace

graced

graceful

graces

Gracious

graciously

gradation

grade

graded

grades

grading

gradual

Gradually

graduate

graduated

graduates

graduating

graduation

Graf

graft

grafting

Graham

grain

grained

grains

Gram

grammar

Granada

grand

grandchild

grandchildren

Grande

Grandee

grander

grandest

grandeur

grandfather

grandparent

grandson

grandsons

granite

grant

granted

granting

Grants

grapes

graphic

graphically

graphite

grasp

GRASPAN

grasped

grass

grasses

grateful

gratefully

gratefulness

gratification

gratified

gratify

gratifying

gratis

gratitude

gratuitous

gratuity

Grave

gravel

Gravelet

gravels

gravely

graver

graves

gravest

Gravitation

gravity

Gray

Grayson

grazing

GREAT

greater

greatest

greatly

greatness

Greatorex

Greece

greed

greediness

greedy

Greek

Greeks

Greeley

green

greenback

GREENBACKS

Greene

Greenfield

GREENLAND

Greenleaf

greensward

Greenwich

greet

greeted

greeting

greetings

Gregorio

Gregorovich

Gregory

Grenada

Grenadines

Grenfell

Grenville

Gresham

Gresovala

grew

grewsome

Grey

greybeards

GREYTOWN

Griblin

grief

grievance

grievances

grieved

grieveth

grievous

grievously

Griffin

Griffith

Griffiths

Griggs

Griggsby

grim

Grimes

grin

grinding

grinning

grip

Griqualand

grisly

gristle

groaning

groans

Grobler

grogshop

Grondwet

Gronlund

Groote

grooving

groping

gropings

gross

grossest

Grossgrundbesitz

grossly

Grosvenor

grotesque

Ground

grounds

Group

grouped

groupings

Groups

Grove

GROVER

groves

grow

growers

groweth

growing

grown

grows

Growth

growths

grudge

grumbling

grâce

Græco

Guam

Guanajuato

Guanica

guano

Guantanamo

Guantánamo

guarantee

guaranteed

guaranteeing

guarantees

guaranties

guaranty

guard

guarded

guardian

guardians

guardianship

guarding

Guards

Guarnaschelli

GUASIMA

Guasimas

Guaso

Guatemala

GUAYAMA

gubernatorial

guerilla

Guerra

Guerre

Guerrero

guerrilla

guerrillas

guess

guessed

guessing

guest

guests

Guglielmo

Guiana

guidance

guide

guided

guides

guiding

guidons

Guild

Guildhall

guilds

guileless

Guillermo

guilt

guiltiness

guiltless

guilty

Guimaras

guinea

Guineas

Guintinua

guise

Gujarat

gulches

Gulf

gulleys

gum

gun

gunboat

gunboats

GUNGUNHANA

gunnery

gunpowder

guns

gunshot

gurgling

Gurko

Gurob

Gustav

Gustave

Gutierrez

gutta

gutted

gutters

Guy

GUÉRIN

Guérin

Gwelo

Gwynn

gymnasium

gymnasiums

gymnastics

gypsum

Gätke

Géographie

Göttingen

H

ha

Haas

Habana

Habarovsk

habeas

Habert

habit

habitable

habitation

habitations

habited

habits

habitual

habitually

Habsburg

haciendas

hacked

hacking

had

Haderslev

Hadjin

HAFFKINE

HAGUE

hai

Haicheng

Haida

Haidarabad

Haifa

haikwan

hail

hailed

Hainan

Hains

Haiowa

hair

haired

hairy

Haiti

Haitian

Haji

Halbherr

Hale

HALEPA

Half

Halfa

halfpenny

Halifax

HALL

Halle

Halliday

halls

halt

halted

halting

halts

halves

hamals

Hamar

Hamburg

Hamed

Hamid

Hamilton

Hamipo

hamlet

hamlets

Hamlin

Hammer

hammered

Hammond

hamper

hampered

hampering

Hampshire

Hampson

Hamud

Hamza

Han

Hancock

hand

Handbook

handed

handful

handicraftsman

handing

handiwork

handkerchief

handle

handled

handling

hands

handsome

handwriting

Hangchow

hanged

hangers

Hanging

hankering

HANKOW

Hanlin

Hanotaux

Hanover

Hansa

Hansard

Hansen

haphazard

happen

happened

happening

happens

happier

happily

happiness

happy

har

Hara

Harald

harassed

harassing

Harbor

harborage

harbored

Harbors

harbour

harbours

Harcourt

hard

Harden

hardened

harder

hardest

hardihood

Hardinge

hardly

hardship

hardships

hardware

hardy

Hare

harem

harems

Harkness

Harlan

Harlem

Harley

harlotry

harm

harmless

harmlessness

harmonious

harmoniously

harmonize

harmonized

harmonizing

Harmony

HARMSWORTH

harness

harnessed

harnessing

Harold

Harper

harpies

Harpoot

harried

Harriet

Harriman

Harris

Harrison

harrowing

Harry

harsh

harshly

harshness

HART

Hartmann

HARVARD

harvest

harvesting

harvests

Has

Haskell

haste

hasten

hastened

hastening

hastily

Hastings

hasty

hat

Hata

Hatch

hatched

hatching

hate

hated

hateful

hath

hating

hatred

hats

Hatteras

Hattie

Hatzfeldt

haughty

haul

hauled

haunting

Haupt

Hausa

Hausas

Haussas

Havana

Have

Havel

Havelock

Havemeyer

haven

Haverfield

having

havoc

Havre

HAWAII

Hawaiian

Hawaiians

Haweis

Hawick

Hawkins

Hawksley

hawser

HAWTHORNE

Hay

Hayes

Haynes

Hays

Hayti

Haytien

hazardous

hazards

haze

Hazzard

Haïnan

he

Head

headed

heading

headings

headless

Headley

headlong

headman

headmen

headpiece

headquarters

heads

headship

Headstones

headway

heal

healed

healing

health

healthiest

healthy

Healy

Healyites

heap

heaps

hear

hearably

heard

hearers

Hearing

hearings

hearsay

hearse

heart

hearted

heartfelt

hearth

heartily

heartlessness

heartrending

hearts

hearty

heat

heated

heathen

heating

heave

heaven

heavens

heavier

heaviest

heavily

heavy

Hebrew

HEBREWS

Hebrides

Hecker

hectolitre

heed

heel

heeled

heels

Hei

height

heights

Heilungchiang

Heine

heinous

Heinrich

Heinze

Heir

heiress

heirs

held

Helena

Helene

helicoidal

heliograph

heliographic

helium

hell

Hellenes

Hellenic

Hellenism

helm

Helmholtz

helots

Help

helped

helper

helpers

helpful

helping

helpless

helplessly

helplessness

helps

Helsingfors

helter

Helu

Hely

hemisphere

hemispheres

hemmed

hemming

hemp

Hempstead

hen

Hence

Henceforth

henceforward

Henderson

Heng

Henkel

Henn

Henri

Henrietta

HENRY

Henschel

her

herald

heraldic

heralding

Heralds

Herat

Herbert

herbs

herculean

Hercules

herd

herded

herdless

herds

here

hereafter

hereby

hereditary

herein

hereinafter

hereinbefore

hereof

heresies

heresy

heretical

hereto

heretofore

hereunder

hereunto

herewith

Herholdt

Heri

heritage

Hermite

Hermon

Hernandez

hero

Herodotus

heroes

heroic

heroism

Herr

Herrera

herrings

hers

Herschel

Herschell

Herself

Hertz

HERVEY

Herzl

hesitancy

hesitate

hesitated

hesitating

hesitation

hesitations

Hetairia

heterogeneous

Heth

Heureaux

Hewett

hewing

hewn

Hezekiah

Hibbert

hibernated

Hicks

hid

hidden

hide

hideous

hideously

hides

hiding

hien

hierarchic

hierarchy

hieratic

hieroglyph

hieroglyphic

hieroglyphics

hieroglyphs

Higginson

high

higher

Highest

Highland

Highlanders

HIGHLANDS

highly

Highness

Highnesses

highway

highways

Hilaire

Hilder

HILL

Hillah

Hillebrand

Hillegas

Hillier

hills

hilltop

hilly

Hilo

Hilprecht

Hiltebrandt

him

Himalayas

Himself

Hind

Hinde

hinder

hindered

hindering

Hindoo

hindrance

hindrances

Hindu

Hindus

Hingan

hinges

Hinsdale

hint

Hintchak

hinted

hinterland

Hinterlands

Hintonburg

hints

Hippolyte

Hiram

Hiraoka

hire

hired

hireling

Hirsch

his

Hispano

Hissarlik

hissed

Hist

historian

HISTORIANS

historic

historical

historically

history

hit

Hitchcock

hitherto

Hitt

Hittite

Hizen

Hjalmar

Hjort

Hjorth

Hjärne

ho

Hoa

hoar

hoard

hoarding

Hobart

Hoboken

Hobson

Hodgson

hoe

Hofmeyr

Hogarth

Hohenlohe

Hohenstein

hoist

hoisted

hoisting

Hokuriku

hol

hold

holder

holders

Holding

holdings

holds

hole

holes

Holguin

Holguín

holiday

holidays

Holiness

HOLLAND

Hollander

Hollanders

hollow

hollows

HOLLS

Holm

Holman

Holstein

Holt

Holtenau

HOLY

homage

hombre

home

homeless

homemade

Homer

Homeric

homes

Homesickness

homestead

homesteads

homeward

homicidal

homicide

Hommel

homogeneous

Homonkon

Hon

Honan

Honda

HONDURAS

honest

honestly

honesty

honey

HONG

Hongkong

Honolulu

honor

honorable

honorably

honorarium

honorary

honored

honoring

honors

honour

honourable

honourably

honoured

honouring

Honours

hood

Hoods

hoof

hooks

Hoop

hope

hoped

Hopeful

hopefully

hopefulness

hopeless

hopelessly

hopelessness

hopes

Hopetoun

hoping

Hopkins

HORACE

Horatio

hordes

horizon

horizontal

horizontally

HORMIGUEROS

horn

Horns

horrible

horribly

horrid

horrified

horror

horrors

hors

Horse

horseback

horsemanship

horsemen

horsepower

horses

horseshoe

Horsley

horticultural

Hoshi

hospitable

hospital

hospitality

hospitals

host

hostages

hostess

Hostile

hostilities

hostility

hosts

hot

hotbed

hotel

hotels

Hotep

hothouse

hotly

Hottentot

hottest

Houghton

hounded

hour

hours

HOUSE

housed

Household

householder

householders

households

housekeeper

housekeepers

houseless

HOUSES

Houssaye

Houston

Houx

Hova

hovels

hover

Hovey

How

Howard

Howe

Howell

However

howl

howsoever

Hoyle

Hs

Hsiang

Hsien

Hsiku

Hsin

Hsiu

Hsu

Hsuan

Hsueh

Hsü

Hu

HUA

huai

Huaichaca

huan

Huang

Hubbard

hucksters

huddled

HUDSON

hue

huei

hug

huge

Hugh

Hughes

Hugo

Huguenots

HUI

Huis

Hull

Humac

Humacao

human

humane

humanely

humanitarian

Humanity

HUMBERT

humble

humbled

humbler

humbles

humbly

humiliated

humiliating

humiliation

humiliations

humility

Humingan

humming

humouring

Hun

Hunan

Hunch

HUNDRED

hundredfold

Hundreds

hung

Hungarian

Hungarians

HUNGARY

hunger

hungry

Huns

Hunt

hunted

Hunter

hunters

hunting

Huntington

huntsman

Huntsville

Hunyady

Huok

Huot

Hupeh

Hupei

hurled

hurrah

hurricane

Hurried

hurriedly

hurry

hurrying

hurt

husband

HUSBANDISTS

husbandry

husbands

Huse

Hushed

Huskisson

hustled

hut

Hutchinson

Hutchison

Hutin

huts

Huxley

Hwei

Hy

Hyacinth

Hyde

hydraulic

hydrogen

hydrographic

hydrographical

Hydrological

hygiene

hygienic

Hyndman

Hyperborean

hypnotized

hypocrisy

hypocritical

hypotheses

hypothesis

hysterical

Hæmamœbidæ

hésitez

hêng

Hübner

I

Ian

iao

Ibayat

Ibero

Ibi

Ibrahimieh

ice

ICELAND

icequake

Ichang

IDAHO

Ide

idea

ideal

ideals

ideas

Identic

identical

identification

identified

identify

identifying

identity

idiocy

idiots

idle

idleness

idol

idolatrous

idolatry

idols

if

Ignacio

Ignatius

ignited

ignorance

ignorant

ignore

ignored

ignoring

II

iii

Il

Iles

Ilios

ill

illegal

illegality

illegalité

illegally

illiberal

illicit

illimitable

Illinois

illiteracy

illiterate

illiterates

illness

Illocos

illogical

ills

illuminant

illuminate

illuminating

illumination

illumined

illusion

illusory

illustrate

Illustrated

Illustrating

illustration

illustrations

illustrative

illustrious

Illustrirte

Ilocanos

Ilocos

Iloilo

Ilorin

im

Image

imaginable

imaginary

imagination

imagine

imagined

Imarovatana

Imataka

imbued

Imerina

Imgur

imitate

imitated

imitating

imitation

immaterial

immeasurable

immeasurably

Immediate

Immediately

immemorial

immense

immensity

immigrant

immigrants

immigrated

immigration

imminence

imminent

immoral

immorality

immortal

Immortalité

immovable

immune

immunities

immunity

immunized

impact

impair

impaired

impairing

impairment

impairs

impart

imparted

impartial

impartiality

impartially

impassable

Impassioned

impatience

impatient

impatiently

impeached

impeachment

impede

impeded

impediment

impediments

impending

imperative

imperatively

imperfect

imperfection

imperfections

imperfectly

imperfectness

IMPERIAL

imperialism

Imperialist

Imperialistic

imperialists

imperil

imperilled

imperilling

imperils

imperious

imperishable

impermeable

impersonation

impertinent

impervious

impetus

impinge

impinges

impiously

implacable

implants

implements

implicate

implicated

implication

implicitly

implied

implies

implore

implored

imploring

imply

implying

impolicy

impolitic

import

importance

Important

importantly

importation

importations

imported

importer

importers

importing

imports

importunate

importunately

importuned

impose

imposed

imposes

imposing

imposition

impossibility

impossible

impost

imposts

impotence

impotency

impoverish

impoverished

impoverishment

impracticability

impracticable

impregnable

impregnated

impress

impressed

impressing

impression

impressionable

impressions

impressive

impressively

impressiveness

imprison

imprisoned

imprisonment

improbable

improper

improperly

impropriety

improve

improved

Improvement

Improvements

improvidence

improving

imprudence

impudence

impudent

impulse

impulses

impulsive

impunity

imputation

imputed

Imus

in

inability

inaccessible

inaccuracy

inaccurate

inaction

inactive

inactivity

inadequacy

inadequate

inadequately

inadmissible

inadvisability

inadvisable

inalienable

inapplicable

inarticulate

inasmuch

Inaugural

inaugurate

inaugurated

inaugurating

inauguration

Inayat

incalculable

incalculably

incandescent

incantations

incapable

incapacitated

incapacity

incarcerated

incarceration

Incarnation

incarnations

Incas

incendiarism

incense

incensed

incentive

inception

incessant

incessantly

inch

inches

incidence

INCIDENT

Incidental

incidentally

incidents

incipient

incisions

incisive

incite

incited

inciting

inclination

inclinations

inclined

inclose

inclosed

incloses

inclosure

inclosures

include

Included

includes

Including

Inclusion

inclusions

inclusive

incognito

incoherent

INCOME

incomers

incomes

incoming

incomparable

incompatibility

incompatible

incompetent

incomplete

incomprehensible

inconceivable

inconclusive

incongruous

inconsiderable

inconsistency

inconsistent

incontestable

incontinently

incontrovertible

inconvenience

inconveniences

inconvenient

inconveniently

incorporate

incorporated

incorporates

incorporating

incorporation

incorrect

incorrectly

increase

increased

Increases

increasing

increasingly

incredible

incredibly

incredulity

increment

incriminated

incubation

inculcated

incumbency

incumbent

incumbered

incur

incurable

incurably

incurred

incurs

incursion

incursions

Indang

indebted

indebtedness

indecision

indecisive

indeed

indefensible

indefinite

indefinitely

indelible

indemnified

indemnify

Indemnities

indemnity

indenture

Independence

Independent

independently

Independents

indescribable

indeterminate

index

indexes

indexing

INDIA

Indian

INDIANA

Indianapolis

Indians

indicate

indicated

indicates

indicating

indication

indications

indicted

indictment

indictments

Indies

indifference

indifferent

indifferently

indigenous

indigestible

indigestion

indignant

indignantly

indignation

indignity

indigo

Indios

indiquant

indirect

indirectly

indiscretion

indiscriminate

indispensable

indispensably

indisputable

indisputably

indissoluble

individual

individuality

individually

individuals

indomitable

INDONESIAN

Indonesians

indoor

indorse

indorsed

indorsement

indubitable

induce

induced

inducement

induces

inducing

inductance

inducted

induction

indulge

indulged

indulgence

indulgences

indulgent

indulges

indulging

indunas

Indus

industrial

industrialism

Industries

industrious

industry

ineffaceably

ineffective

Ineffectual

inefficiency

inefficient

inelastic

inequality

inequitable

ineradicable

inertia

inestimable

inevitable

inevitably

inexhaustible

inexpediency

inexpedient

inexpensive

inexplicable

inexplicit

inexpressible

inextricably

infallible

infallibly

infamous

infamy

infancy

infant

Infanta

Infanticide

INFANTRY

infants

infect

infected

infecting

infection

infectious

infer

inference

Inferior

inferiority

infernally

inferred

inferring

infested

infidelium

infinite

infinitely

infirm

infirmaries

inflamed

inflammable

inflammation

inflammatory

inflexible

inflict

inflicted

inflicting

Influence

influenced

influences

influential

influenza

influx

inform

informal

informally

informant

informants

information

informed

informing

informs

infraction

infractions

infrequency

infrequently

infringe

infringement

infringing

infused

ING

ingenious

ingeniously

ingenuity

Ingersoll

ingested

Ingolf

ingots

inhabit

inhabitant

inhabitants

inhabited

inhabiting

inhabits

inhaled

inharmonious

inherent

inherit

inheritance

inheritances

inherited

inheritor

inherits

inhibition

inhuman

inhumanity

iniquities

iniquitous

iniquity

initial

initiate

initiated

initiation

initiative

Initiator

injected

injecting

injection

injudicious

injunction

injunctions

injure

injured

injuries

injuring

injurious

injuriously

injury

injustice

Inland

inlet

inlets

Inman

inmates

inn

Inner

Innes

innings

innocence

innocent

innocently

innocuous

innovation

innovations

innumerable

inoculated

Inoculation

inoculations

inoffensive

inoperative

inopportune

Inouye

inquire

inquired

inquirer

inquires

inquiries

inquiring

inquiry

inquisitive

inroad

inroads

insane

insanity

insatiable

insatiate

inscribe

inscribed

inscription

Inscriptions

insect

insecticide

insects

insecure

insecurity

inseparable

insert

inserted

insertion

inshore

inside

insight

insignia

insignificance

insignificant

insincere

insincerity

insinuation

insinuations

insist

insisted

insistence

insistent

insisting

insists

insolence

insolent

insolvency

insolvent

insolvents

insomnia

insomuch

inspect

inspected

inspecting

INSPECTION

inspections

Inspector

Inspectorate

inspectors

inspiration

inspire

inspired

inspiring

inst

installation

installations

installed

installment

installments

instalment

instalments

instance

instances

instant

instantaneous

instantaneously

instanter

instantly

Instead

instigated

instigates

instigating

instigation

instigator

instigators

instill

instinct

instinctive

instinctively

instincts

Institut

Institute

instituted

institutes

institution

institutional

institutions

instruct

instructed

instructing

Instruction

Instructions

instructive

instructors

instrument

instrumental

instrumentality

instruments

insubordination

insufficiency

insufficient

insufficiently

insular

insulating

insulation

insult

insulted

insulting

insultingly

insults

insuperable

insurance

insure

insured

insures

insurgent

insurgents

insuring

Insurrection

insurrectionary

insurrections

insusceptible

intact

intake

integral

integrity

intellectual

Intelligence

intelligent

intelligently

intelligible

intemperance

intend

Intendants

intended

intending

intends

intense

intensely

intensify

intensity

intent

intention

intentional

intentionally

intentioned

intentions

intently

intents

INTER

interaction

interceded

intercept

intercepted

intercepting

interchange

interchanged

Intercolonial

Intercontinental

intercourse

interdict

interdicted

interdiction

Interest

interested

interesting

interestingly

interests

interfere

interfered

Interference

interfering

interim

interior

interlopers

intermarriage

intermarry

intermediaries

intermediary

intermediate

intermediation

interments

interminable

intermission

intermittent

Intermix

intermixed

intern

internal

International

internationalisation

internationally

internecine

interned

internment

internments

Interoceanic

interparliamentary

Interpellation

interpeller

interposed

interposition

interpret

interpretation

interpretative

interpreted

interpreter

interpreting

interprets

interred

interregnum

interrogated

interrupt

interrupted

interrupters

interrupting

interruption

interruptions

intersected

intersection

interspersed

interstate

interval

intervals

intervene

intervened

intervenes

intervening

intervention

interview

Interviews

interwoven

intestine

intimate

intimated

intimately

intimating

intimation

intimations

intimidate

intimidated

intimidation

intituled

into

intolerable

intolerance

intoxicants

intoxicating

intra

intractable

intrench

intrenched

intrenching

intrenchments

intrepid

intrepidity

intrepidly

intricate

intrigue

intriguers

intrigues

intrinsic

introduce

introduced

introduces

introducing

Introduction

introductory

intruders

intruding

intrusion

intrust

intrusted

intuition

intuitions

intéressants

inundated

inundation

inundations

invade

invaded

invaders

invading

Invalid

invalidate

invalided

Invalides

invalidity

invalids

invaluable

invariable

invariably

invasion

invasions

inveighing

invent

invented

inventing

invention

INVENTIONS

inventive

inventor

inventors

inventory

Inverness

invest

invested

investigate

investigated

investigating

INVESTIGATION

investigations

investigator

investigators

investing

investment

investments

investors

invests

inveterately

inviolability

inviolable

inviolably

inviolate

invisible

invitation

invitations

invite

invited

invites

inviting

invocation

invoice

invoiced

invoices

invoke

invoked

invokes

invoking

involuntary

involve

involved

involves

involving

invulnerability

invulnerable

inward

inwardly

iota

Iowa

irade

Iraq

IRELAND

Irish

irksome

Irkutch

Irkutsk

Iron

ironclad

Irons

Ironside

Iroquois

irrational

irreconcilable

irreconcilables

irregular

irregularities

irregularity

irregularly

irregulars

irrelevant

irremediable

Irreparable

irrepressible

irresistible

irrespective

irresponsible

irrevocable

irrevocably

irrigate

irrigated

irrigates

irrigation

irritable

irritated

irritating

irritation

irritations

Irving

is

Isaac

Isabela

Isham

Ishpeming

Isidro

Iskanderoun

Isla

Islam

island

islanders

islands

Isle

Ismail

Ismid

isolate

isolated

isolating

isolation

Ispahan

Isparhecher

ISRAEL

Israelite

Israelites

Israélite

issuance

Issue

Issued

issues

Issuing

isthmian

isthmus

Istria

it

ITAGAKI

Italian

Italians

Italy

item

items

Ito

Its

itself

IV

ivory

IVth

ivy

IX

J

Jacinto

Jack

jackals

jacket

jacketed

jackets

jacks

Jackson

Jacob

Jacobinism

Jacobowski

Jacobus

Jacquemyns

jade

Jaffa

jailors

Jalhay

Jalisco

Jallon

JAMAICA

jamais

James

Jameson

jams

Jan

Janeiro

Janeway

JANUARY

Japan

Japanese

jar

Jardine

Jarlin

jarring

jars

Jasen

Javier

Jay

je

jealous

jealousies

jealously

jealousy

Jean

Jedburgh

jeering

JEFFERSON

Jeffersonian

Jehovah

Jehu

Jena

Jenner

jeopardize

jeopardized

jeopards

jeopardy

Jerid

Jerome

Jersey

Jerusalem

Jesse

Jesuit

Jesuits

Jesus

jet

jetties

Jew

jewel

jewels

Jewish

Jews

Jiji

Jiminez

jingo

Jingoism

Joan

Joannes

Joaquin

Job

jobbers

jobbery

jobs

Joel

Johann

Johannes

JOHANNESBURG

Johannesburgers

Johansen

John

Johns

Johnson

Johnston

Johnstown

join

joined

Joining

joins

joint

jointly

joints

Joinville

Joliet

Jolo

Jomalig

Jonah

Jonas

JONATHAN

Jones

Jonkheer

Joppa

Joralemon

Jordan

Jorge

Jorgensen

Jose

JOSEF

Joseph

Josephine

Joshua

Josiah

Joss

Josshouse

José

Joubert

jour

Journal

journalism

journalist

journalistic

journalists

journals

journey

journeyed

journeying

journeys

Joy

joyful

joyfully

joys

João

Jr

Ju

Juan

Juanillo

Juarez

Juba

Jubaland

JUBILEE

Judah

Judean

Judge

judged

Judges

judging

judgment

Judgments

judicature

judicial

judicially

Judiciary

judicious

judiciously

Judson

Judæa

Judæan

jugement

juger

Juggernaut

jugular

jugée

Jui

Juif

Jules

Julian

Julio

Julius

JULY

jumble

jumped

jumps

junction

JUNE

Jung

jungle

jungles

Junior

Junius

Junker

Junkerthum

junks

junta

Jura

jurally

juridiquc

juries

Juris

jurisdiction

jurisdictional

jurisdictions

jurisprudence

Jurist

Jurists

Juror

jurors

Jury

Just

justement

juster

Justice

justices

justifiable

justification

justified

justifies

justify

justifying

Justin

justly

Jutland

Jutlanders

juvenile

juxtaposition

Jêho

k

Kabagambe

Kabarega

Kabayama

Kabayma

Kabul

Kabyle

Kabyles

Kaffir

Kaffirs

Kafiristan

Kafirs

Kafukwe

Kagayan

Kagoshima

Kahoolawe

Kahului

kai

Kaidalovo

kaids

Kaimakam

Kaiphing

Kaiping

Kairwan

Kaiser

Kaishin

Kaishinto

Kaiulani

Kakushinto

Kalabaka

Kalakaua

Kalamines

Kalgoorlie

Kalindero

Kalnoky

Kamchatka

Kamerun

KAMERUNS

Kandahar

Kanem

KANG

Kanitz

Kann

Kansas

Kansu

Kao

Kaph

KAPILAVASTU

Kapiolani

Kara

Karachi

Karahissar

Karatheodory

Karene

Karina

Karl

Karlovich

KARNAK

Karnatik

Karukala

Kasar

Kashgar

Kashmir

Kasr

Kassaba

KASSALA

Kasson

Katholische

Katikiro

KATIPUNAN

Kauai

Kazan

Kazungu

KEARSARGE

Kedleston

Kedong

keel

Keeley

keen

Keene

keener

keenest

keenly

keep

keeper

keepers

Keeping

keeps

Keewatin

Keifer

Kekewich

Kelat

Kellogg

Kelly

Kelvin

Kempff

Kengi

Kensei

Kent

Kentucky

Kepler

kept

Keramia

Kerens

kerosene

Kestner

Ketteler

kew

key

keys

Keystone

KHAIBAR

Khalid

Khalifa

khalifas

Khan

khans

Khaorbin

Kharran

Khartoum

Khartum

Khedival

Khedive

Khedivial

Khel

Khiva

Khodynskoye

Khotan

Khufu

Khulan

Khyber

Ki

KIANG

Kiango

Kiangsi

Kiangsu

KIAO

Kiaochau

Kiaochou

Kiaochow

Kibero

kicking

kidnapped

kidnapping

kidney

kidneys

Kieff

Kiel

Kien

Kienning

Kiffi

Kiggins

Kikuyu

kill

killed

KILLING

Killowen

kilograms

kilometers

kilometre

kilometres

kilomètres

Kimberley

kin

kind

kindle

kindled

kindlier

kindliest

kindly

kindness

kindred

kinds

king

kingcraft

kingdom

Kingdoms

kingly

kings

Kingsbridge

kingship

Kingsley

Kingston

Kingstown

kinsfolk

kinsmen

Kioja

Kipini

Kirin

Kirksville

Kirtomado

Kis

Kishm

Kismayu

kiss

Kissamo

Kitasato

kitchen

Kitchener

Kittleson

Kitts

Kiukiang

Klaheela

Klehini

KLONDIKE

Klondyke

Klukwan

knee

knees

knell

knew

Knife

Knight

knighthood

Knipovich

knit

knives

knocked

knoll

Knossos

knot

knots

Know

Knowing

knowingly

knowledge

Knowlton

known

knows

Knox

ko

Kobbé

Kobe

Kock

Kohat

Kohlen

Kohlensyndikat

Koinadugu

Kokang

Koku

Koldewey

Kollar

Koloman

Kolonial

Kolthoff

Komati

Komura

KONG

Kongo

Koniah

Konieh

Konrad

Konversations

Koordish

Koords

Kooznesk

KOP

kopjes

Koptos

Kordofan

KOREA

Korean

Koreans

Korsakovsky

Kossuth

Kotlass

Kotze

Kotzebue

Kou

Koutzo

Kow

Kowlon

Kowloon

Kozar

kraal

Krag

Kristensen

Kroonstad

Kropotkin

KRUGER

Krugerism

Krugerite

Krugersdorp

Krupp

Ku

Kuan

KUANG

Kuka

Kumasai

Kumassi

Kumassis

KUN

Kung

Kuping

Kurabu

Kuram

Kurbash

Kurds

Kurigalzu

Kurihama

Kurile

Kurla

Kuropatkin

KURRAM

Kuruman

Kurun

Kush

Kusumoto

kwa

kwan

Kwang

KWANGCHOW

Kwangsi

Kwangtung

Kwanti

Kwanto

Kwei

Kweichow

kweitze

Kwungtung

Kwyhoo

Kydonia

Kyle

Kyushu

Kálman

Kämpfe

Königreiche

Königsberg

Köppen

Körber

l

La

laagers

LABOR

laboratories

Laboratory

labored

laborer

Laborers

Labori

laboring

laborious

laboriously

labors

Labouchere

Laboulaye

Labour

laboured

labourers

labouring

labours

LABRADOR

labrys

LABYRINTH

lace

laces

lack

lacked

lacking

Lacour

ladders

laden

ladies

Lado

LADRONE

ladrones

Lady

LADYSMITH

Lafargue

Lagarde

Lagas

Lagofsky

LAGOS

Laguan

Laguna

Lahovari

Lai

laid

Laing

laissez

laity

Lajas

lake

Lakes

lakh

lakhs

Lakkiotes

Lakkos

Lalor

Lama

Lamb

Lambermont

lamentable

lamentations

lamented

lamenting

laments

Lamia

Lammasch

lamp

lamps

Lampson

Lamsdorff

Lamu

Lan

Lanai

Lancashire

Lancaster

lance

Lancet

LAND

Landdrost

Landdrosts

landed

landholders

landholding

landing

landlord

landlordism

landlords

landmark

landmarks

landowner

landowners

Landrost

Landrosts

Lands

landscape

Landsthing

Landtag

landwards

Lane

lanes

Lang

Langfang

Langford

Langson

language

languages

Lankester

Lansdowne

Lanyon

Laotze

lapis

Lappa

lapse

lapsed

larceny

Laredo

large

largely

larger

largest

Larissa

LARNED

Laroche

Larsen

larvæ

Las

lashed

last

lasted

lasting

lastly

lasts

Latané

late

lately

latent

later

lateral

laterally

Lateran

latest

Lathrop

Latin

latitude

latitudinal

latter

latterly

Lattimer

laudable

Lauenburg

laughed

laughing

Laughlin

launch

launched

launches

launching

laundry

Laupepa

Laura

Laureate

laurel

laurels

Laurence

LAURIER

Lauth

lava

Laval

Laveran

lavish

lavished

Lavoro

law

lawbreakers

lawful

lawfully

lawgivers

Lawless

lawlessness

lawmaking

Lawrence

laws

Lawson

lawsuit

lawsuits

LAWTON

lawyer

Lawyers

laxity

lay

Layard

layer

layers

laying

layman

lays

Lazaro

Lazear

Lazes

lazuli

lazy

lb

le

lead

leader

leaders

leadership

leading

leadingstrings

leads

leaf

leafy

LEAGUE

leagued

leagues

leaked

Lean

Leander

leaned

leaning

leanings

Leao

leap

leaped

leaps

learn

learned

Learning

learns

learnt

lease

leased

leasehold

leases

leash

leasing

Least

leathern

leave

leavened

leaves

leaving

Lebanon

Lebel

Leblois

Lebrun

Lebœuf

LECHER

lecherous

lecture

lectured

lecturers

Lectures

lecturing

Led

ledges

Lee

Leech

Leeds

Lees

Leeward

left

leg

legacy

legal

legality

legalized

legally

Legaria

Legaspi

legation

legations

legend

legendary

legends

Legge

legion

legions

legislate

legislated

legislating

LEGISLATION

Legislative

legislators

Legislature

Legislatures

Legitimate

legitimately

legs

Lehigh

Lei

LEICHAU

Leighton

Leipsic

Leipzig

leisure

leisurely

Leite

Leland

Lemercier

Lena

Lenard

lend

lenders

lending

length

lengthened

lengthening

lengths

lengthy

leniency

lenient

leniently

Lenox

lens

lent

Lentilhon

Leo

Leon

Leonard

LEONE

Leonora

Leopold

leper

Lerner

Leroy

les

Leslie

less

lessees

lessen

lessened

lessening

Lesseps

Lesser

lesson

lessons

lessor

lest

let

lethargy

Letran

Letter

letters

Letting

Leucocytes

Levant

level

leveled

levelled

levelling

lever

Levering

Levi

leviable

levied

levies

Levis

levy

levying

Lewis

Lewiston

LEX

Lexicon

Lexow

Leyba

Leyden

Leyds

Leydsdorp

Leyte

Lezo

li

liabilities

Liability

Liable

Liang

Liao

Liaotung

libel

libellous

libels

liberal

liberalism

liberality

liberalized

liberalizing

liberally

Liberals

liberated

liberating

liberation

liberators

Liberia

liberties

liberty

libidinous

Libog

Librarian

librarians

libraries

Library

LIBRE

Libyan

Libyans

libérateur

libéré

licence

Licences

licencia

license

licensed

licensee

licenses

licensing

licentious

lichens

licked

lid

Liddell

lie

Liebig

Liebknecht

Liechtenstein

Liefsting

Liege

lien

liens

lies

lieu

lieutenancy

Lieutenant

lieutenants

life

lifeless

lifelong

lifetime

lift

lifted

lifter

light

lighted

lightened

lightening

lightens

lighter

lighters

lightest

Lighthouse

lighthouses

Lighting

lightly

lightning

lights

lightships

LII

LIII

Like

liked

likelihood

likely

liken

likened

likeness

likes

Likewise

likin

liking

Likipia

lil

Liliuokalani

Lille

Lima

Limantour

limb

Limbancauyan

Limbourg

limbs

lime

limes

limit

limitation

limitations

limited

limiting

limits

limply

Limpopo

Lin

Linapacan

Linares

LINCOLN

Linde

Lindsay

line

lineage

lineal

linear

lined

linen

Linens

LINES

Lingay

Lingayen

lingering

Lingey

Linivitch

link

linked

links

linotype

Linton

lion

Lionel

lioness

lionised

lions

lip

Lippett

Lippincott

lips

Liquefaction

liquefy

liquefying

liquid

liquidated

liquidating

liquidator

liquids

liquor

liquors

Lisbon

Liscum

lisière

list

listen

listened

listening

lists

lit

literacy

literal

literally

Literary

literati

Literature

litigants

litigation

Littell

litters

LITTLE

Littmann

littoral

LIU

LIV

live

lived

liveliest

livelihood

lively

liver

Liverpool

lives

livestock

Living

Livingstone

LIX

LL

Lloyd

lo

Loa

load

loaded

Loading

loads

loafers

Loan

loanable

Loanda

Loango

loans

loath

loathed

loathful

loathsome

loaves

Lobanof

lobster

lobsters

local

localities

locality

locally

locate

located

location

locations

Loch

Lock

locked

Locker

Lockhart

lockout

LOCKOUTS

Lockroy

locks

locksmiths

Lockyer

loco

LOCOMOTION

locomotive

locomotives

locus

lodge

lodged

lodgers

lodging

lodgings

lodgment

Loengi

loftiest

lofty

LOG

Logan

Logia

logical

logically

logomachy

Lohman

loins

Lokal

Lokko

Lokoja

Lombardy

Lombok

LONDON

Londoner

lone

lonely

Long

longed

longer

longest

longevity

LONGFELLOW

longing

Longitude

Longmans

longs

Longstaff

look

looked

lookers

Looking

looks

loom

looming

loop

loopholed

loopholes

loopholing

loose

loosened

looser

loot

looted

looters

LOOTING

Lopez

Lorain

Lord

lords

lordship

lordships

Lorenzo

Loret

Loreto

Lorimer

Lorraine

los

lose

loser

loses

losing

Loss

losses

lost

lot

Lothaire

lots

lotteries

lottery

lotus

LOUBET

loud

loudly

LOUIS

Louisa

Louise

Louisiana

Louisville

lounging

Lourenço

lovableness

love

loved

lover

lovers

loves

loving

lovingly

low

Lowe

Lowell

lower

lowered

lowering

lowest

lowland

Lowry

loyal

loyalists

loyally

loyalty

lu

Luan

Luang

Luangwa

Lubang

Lubas

Lubbock

Luccheni

Lucia

lucid

lucidity

Lucien

Lucifer

luckless

lucky

lucrative

Lucretia

Ludgate

ludicrous

Ludlow

Ludwig

Lueders

Lueger

Lugal

Luh

lui

Luigi

Luis

Luke

Lukoja

Lukou

Lukouchiao

Lukács

lull

lulled

lumber

Lumbini

luminary

luminescence

luminescent

luminosity

luminous

lumière

Lummis

lump

Luna

lunatic

Lunatics

luncheon

Lung

Lungchow

lungs

Lupao

lurk

Lusan

Lushington

Lushunk

lust

lustful

Lutai

Luther

Lutin

Lutz

Lutzow

LUXEMBOURG

Luxemburg

Luxor

luxuriant

luxuries

luxury

Luzon

LV

LVI

LVII

LVIII

LX

LXI

lxxviii

Lycée

lying

Lyman

LYNCH

lynching

lynchings

Lynde

Lyne

Lynn

Lyon

lyric

LÈSE

LÜBECK

Länder

Lèse

légale

Léon

Lü

Lübeck

m

Ma

Mabini

Macabebe

Macabebes

macadamized

Macao

Macarius

macaroni

MacArthur

MACCHI

MacCormac

MacCracken

MacDonald

Macedo

MACEDONIA

Macedonian

Macedonians

MACEO

maces

MACHADADORP

Machadodorp

machete

Machia

machinations

machine

machinery

machines

machinâ

Mackay

Mackenzie

Macmillan

Macoun

Macris

macrogametocytes

Mactan

mad

MADAGASCAR

Madame

Madder

made

Madeleine

Madison

madly

madness

Madras

Madrid

Madu

Maeder

Mafeking

Mafia

Magalang

Magalhaes

Magaliesburg

magazine

magazines

Magellan

Maghallanes

magic

magical

magistrate

Magistrates

Magnalia

magnanimity

magnanimous

magnate

Magnates

magnesium

magnet

magnetic

magnetism

magnificence

magnificent

magnified

magnify

Magnifying

magnitude

Maguire

Magungu

Magyar

Magyars

Mahan

Maharaja

MAHDI

Mahdism

Mahdists

Mahmoud

Mahmud

Mahomed

Mahomedan

Mahometan

Mahometans

Mahommedan

Mahommedanism

Mahon

Mahukona

Mai

Maibung

mail

mailed

mails

maimed

main

Maine

Mainland

Mainly

mains

maintain

maintainable

maintained

maintainers

maintaining

Maintenance

Mainz

maison

Maizar

maize

Majesfontein

majestic

Majesty

MAJESTÉ

majesté

Major

majorities

majority

majors

Majuba

Makaroff

make

makee

maker

makers

makes

makeshift

maketh

Makh

making

Malaboch

Malabon

Malacca

Malaga

MALAGASY

Malakand

Malalos

malaria

malarial

Malate

Malatia

Malay

MALAYAN

Malays

Malcolm

malcontent

Malcontento

malcontents

male

malefactors

malefic

males

Malet

malevolent

Malhou

malicious

Malietoa

malignant

maligned

malignity

mall

Mallet

Malolos

Maloney

malt

Maltese

Malthus

maltreat

maltreated

maltreatment

mamelukes

mammals

Mamprusi

man

manacles

manage

managed

management

Manager

managers

managing

Managua

Manchester

Manchu

MANCHURIA

Manchurian

Manchus

Manda

Mandaloyan

Mandamus

Mandano

Mandarin

Mandarindom

mandate

mandates

mandatory

Mandell

Mandian

MANETHO

mangled

mangrove

MANHATTAN

manhood

mania

manifest

manifestation

manifestations

manifested

manifesting

manifestly

manifesto

manifestos

manifold

Manila

manipulation

Manishtusu

Manitoba

mankind

manly

Mann

Mannaberg

manned

manner

mannered

manners

Manoquin

manor

manors

Mansion

Manson

Manteuffel

Manu

Manua

Manual

Manuel

manufactories

Manufacture

manufactured

manufacturer

manufacturers

manufactures

manufacturing

manumission

manuscript

manuscripts

many

Manzanillo

manœuvre

manœuvres

Maoris

Map

mapped

mapping

maps

Maputa

mar

Marash

Marathon

marauders

marauding

marble

Marblehead

Marburg

Marcel

Marcelino

Marcelo

march

MARCHAND

marched

marches

Marchiafava

marching

Marconi

Marcou

Marcus

Marduk

Margaret

margin

Maria

Mariana

Marianaje

Marianas

Marianne

Marimba

Marinas

Marindugna

marine

Mariner

Marines

Marini

Marion

Mariotti

Maripipi

Mariquina

maritime

mark

Marked

market

markets

marking

markings

marks

marksman

marksmen

Maronite

Marques

Marquess

Marquez

Marquis

marriage

marriages

married

marrow

marry

Marryat

Mars

Marseilles

marsh

Marshal

marshaled

Marshall

Marshalmen

marshals

marshes

marshy

Marsovan

Martens

Marti

martial

martialed

Martin

Martineau

Martinelli

Martinez

Martini

Martinique

Martinis

Martitz

marts

martyred

martyrology

martyrs

marvellous

marvellously

marvelous

Mary

MARYLAND

Masai

Masbate

Mascart

Maschin

MASELLA

MASHONALAND

Mashonas

mask

Masoch

Mason

masonry

Maspero

MASS

Massachusetts

massacre

massacred

massacres

massacring

masse

massed

Masses

massing

massive

Masso

Massowah

mast

master

mastered

masterpieces

masters

mastery

masts

Mastuj

mat

Mataafa

Matabele

Matabeleland

Matabeles

Matadi

Matamoras

Matanzas

match

matched

matches

Matchett

matchless

Mateo

material

materially

materials

materiel

maternity

mathematical

mathematically

mathematician

Mathematics

Mather

Matheson

Mathew

Mathias

Mathilde

Mati

Matias

Matignon

Matin

Matoppo

Matou

matrimonial

mats

Matsuda

Matsugata

Matsukata

matter

Matters

MATTHEW

Matthews

Matthieu

mattresses

mature

matured

maturing

maturity

Matzen

Mau

Maud

Maui

Mauri

Maurice

Maurier

Mauritius

Mauser

mausoleum

Mavromichali

Max

Maxim

Maximilian

Maximo

Maximoff

Maxims

Maximum

Maxwell

may

Mayaguez

maybe

Mayen

Mayer

Mayflower

Mayon

Mayor

mayoral

mayoralty

Mayors

maze

MAZET

Mazrui

Mazzella

Maître

McArthur

McCallum

McClellan

McClelland

McClernand

McClure

McCulloch

McCutcheon

McD

McDonald

McDougall

McEnery

McGrath

McIlwraith

McIntyre

McKee

McKeesport

McKelway

McKenna

McKenzie

McKinley

McLaurin

McMurdo

me

mea

Mead

meager

meagerly

meagre

meal

meals

mean

meaner

meaning

meanings

meanness

means

meant

meantime

meanwhile

measles

measurably

measure

measured

measurement

measures

measuring

Meat

meats

Mecca

mechanic

MECHANICAL

MECHANICS

Mechanicsburg

mechanism

Mecklenburg

medal

medals

meddling

media

median

mediate

mediating

mediation

mediator

mediators

Medical

medicinal

medicine

medicines

medieval

Medina

mediocre

meditated

meditation

Mediterranean

medium

mediæval

mediævalism

medley

meek

meet

meeting

meetings

meets

megalithic

Mehtar

Meiji

Meiklong

Meinam

Meishan

Mekka

Mekong

Mekran

melancholy

Melbourne

Melchite

Meline

mell

Mellen

mellow

melodramatically

Melouna

melt

melting

meltings

Melvil

Melville

member

members

membership

membrane

memoir

memoirs

memorable

memoranda

memorandum

memorial

memorialised

memorialist

memorialists

memorialize

memorialized

memorializing

Memorials

memories

Memory

Memphis

men

MENA

menace

menaced

menaces

menacing

Menam

Mencius

mend

mendacity

mendicant

mending

MENELEK

Menes

Mengtz

meningitis

mensuration

mental

mentall

mentally

mention

mentioned

mentioning

mentions

mentis

Merawi

Mercado

Mercantile

Mercedes

mercenaries

merchandise

merchandize

merchant

merchantmen

merchants

Mercier

mercies

merciful

mercifully

merciless

mercilessly

mercury

Mercy

mere

merely

MERENPTAH

meres

merest

merge

merged

Mergen

Mergenthaler

merging

meridian

meridional

merit

merited

merits

Merodach

Meron

Merriam

Merrill

MERRIMAC

Merritt

Merry

Mersine

mes

Mesa

Mesaba

Meshed

Mesopotamia

message

messages

messenger

messengers

Messieurs

messing

Messrs

mestizo

met

metal

metallic

Metalliferous

metallism

metallurgical

metallurgists

metals

Metcalfe

mete

meteoric

meteorite

meteorites

Meteoritic

meteorological

Meteorology

Meteors

meters

Metford

Metfords

methane

method

methodical

Methodist

methods

Methuen

metre

metres

metric

metropolis

Metropolitan

mewed

MEXICAN

Mexico

Meyer

Mgr

miasms

mice

Michael

MICHIGAN

Michoacan

micro

microbe

microbes

Microcassettes

microgametes

microscope

microscopic

microzoa

Mid

midday

Middelburg

Middle

middlemen

Midi

Midland

Midlothian

midnight

midshipman

midst

midway

midwinter

Mieh

Mier

Mifflin

might

mightier

mightiest

Mighty

Miguel

Mihaileano

Mihaly

Mikado

Milan

Milanese

Milburn

mild

milder

mile

mileage

Miles

Miley

militaire

militarism

MILITARY

militated

militia

milk

MILL

Millard

Millennial

MILLENNIUM

millenniums

Miller

Millerand

millet

milliard

million

millionaire

millionaires

millions

mills

Milner

Milouna

Milton

Milvart

Milwaukee

mimicking

Min

mind

MINDANAO

minded

mindedness

mindful

Mindoro

minds

mine

mined

miner

mineral

Mineralogy

minerals

miners

Mines

Ming

mingled

Mingo

miniature

minimise

minimum

mining

minister

Ministerial

ministers

Ministries

Ministry

Ministère

Minneapolis

Minnesota

minor

minorities

minority

minors

MINOS

Minotaur

mint

mintage

mints

Minute

minuteness

minutes

minutest

minutiæ

Miquel

Miquelon

miracle

miracles

miraculously

mirage

Mirko

Miro

Mirri

Mirs

Mirza

misadventure

misapprehension

misbehaviour

miscalculated

MISCELLANEOUS

mischief

mischievous

misconception

misconduct

misconstruction

misdeed

misdeeds

misdemeanor

misdemeanors

misdoing

miserable

miserably

miseries

misery

misfortune

misfortunes

misgiving

misgivings

misgovernment

misguided

mishap

mishaps

misinform

misinformed

misinterpretation

mislead

misleading

misled

mismanaged

mismanagement

misnamed

misnomer

misrepresent

misrule

misruled

Miss

missed

missing

mission

Missionaries

missionary

missioners

MISSIONS

Mississippi

Missouri

mist

mistake

mistaken

mistakes

mistrust

misunderstand

misunderstanding

misunderstandings

misunderstood

misuse

misused

Mitchel

Mitchell

mitigate

mitigated

Mitry

mix

mixed

mixing

mixture

MM

Mme

moat

moats

mob

Mobile

mobilisation

mobility

mobilization

mobilize

mobilized

mobilizing

mobs

Mochamera

mock

mockery

Modder

mode

model

modeled

models

moderate

moderately

Moderates

moderating

moderation

Modern

modernised

modernizing

modes

modest

modestly

modification

modifications

Modified

modify

modifying

modus

Moeris

Mohamed

Mohammed

Mohammedan

Mohammedans

Mohmand

moieties

moiled

Moines

Moisson

molasses

Moldavia

molded

mole

Molecular

molecules

molest

molestation

molested

molesting

Molinos

Molokai

Molucca

Moluccas

Mombasa

moment

momentarily

Momentary

momentous

moments

Mommsen

Mona

Monaco

Monaghan

Monarch

monarchical

Monarchists

monarchs

monarchy

monasteries

monastery

monastic

Moncada

Monday

Monet

MONETARY

MONEY

moneys

Mongol

Mongolia

Mongolian

Mongols

monied

Monier

monitors

monk

monks

Monmouth

monographs

monometallic

monometallism

MONOPOLIES

monopolise

monopolistic

monopolize

monopolized

MONOPOLY

monotonous

Monroe

Monseigneur

monsieur

Monsignor

monsoon

monster

monsters

monstrosity

monstrous

Mont

Montalban

Montana

Montauk

Monte

Montefiore

Montenegrin

Montenegrins

MONTENEGRO

Monterey

Montero

Montevideo

Montgomery

month

monthly

months

Montjuich

Montluçon

Montreal

Montreux

Montserrat

Montsioa

Montt

monument

monumental

monuments

Monza

moods

Moody

Mooi

Moon

Moore

moored

moorings

mooted

Moral

Morales

morality

morally

Morals

Moravia

Morazan

More

Moreau

Morelos

Moreover

Morgan

Moritz

Morley

Mormon

morning

Moro

Morocco

Morong

MOROS

Morozugu

Morrill

Morris

Morrison

Morro

morrow

MORSE

mortal

mortality

mortally

mortars

mortgage

mortgaged

mortgages

mortification

mortifying

Mortimer

Mortimore

mortised

mortmain

Morton

mosaic

Moscow

Moses

Moslem

MOSLEMS

Mosque

mosques

Mosquito

mosquitoes

Moss

Mossamedes

mosses

most

mostly

mot

Motcha

mote

Mother

motherland

mothers

motion

motionless

motions

motive

motives

motley

Motono

motor

motors

motto

mottoes

Mouillin

Moukden

mouldering

moulding

mouldy

mound

mounds

Mount

Mountain

mountainous

Mountains

Mounted

mounting

Mouravieff

mourned

mourning

mourns

Moush

mouth

mouths

movable

move

moveable

Moved

movement

Movements

moves

moving

Mowbray

Mozambique

Mpanjakany

Mr

Mrs

Msiri

MSS

Mu

Mubarak

much

mud

muddy

Mudirieh

Mudirs

Muertos

Muhammadan

Muhammadans

Muhlenberg

Mujelibeh

MUKDEN

Mul

mulatto

mulattoes

mulberry

mule

mules

Mulhall

Mulk

mullah

multiplication

multiplicity

multiplied

multiply

multiplying

multitude

multitudes

multitudinous

Mundella

Muneris

Munich

MUNICIPAL

municipalities

Municipality

municipio

municipios

munificence

munificently

munitions

Munkacsy

Munroe

Muong

mural

Muravieff

MURDER

murdered

murderer

murderers

murdering

murderous

murders

Murdoch

murmur

Murphy

Murray

Mururuma

muscle

muscles

Muscogee

Muscovite

muscular

museum

museums

MUSIC

MUSICAL

musician

musicians

musketry

Mussulman

Mussulmans

must

mustache

mustard

muster

mustered

musters

musty

mutes

mutilate

mutilated

mutilation

mutineers

mutinied

mutinous

Mutiny

Mutsu

mutterings

mutton

Mutual

mutually

Muzaffar

Muzzle

muzzled

muzzles

Mwanga

Mwasi

My

Mycenae

Mycenaean

Myer

Myers

Mykenae

Mykenai

Mykenæan

myriads

Myself

mysterious

mystery

mystic

mystical

mythical

mythologic

Mzerib

Méline

mên

Möllner

Müller

N

NA

Nabonidos

Nagada

Nagasaki

nagging

Nagodan

Nahua

Naic

Naikaku

nailed

nails

naked

Nam

Namacpacan

Namaqueland

name

named

nameless

namely

Names

naming

Namwan

Nan

Nancy

Nanking

Nanning

NANSEN

Nanshan

Nantes

Naples

Napoleon

Napoleonic

Narahara

Naram

Narbolpolassar

Narbonne

Nares

narrate

narrated

narrating

narrative

narrow

narrowed

narrower

narrowest

narrowing

narrowly

Narâm

nascent

NASHVILLE

nata

Natal

Natalie

NATHANIEL

Nathorst

nation

National

Nationalism

Nationalist

NATIONALISTS

nationalities

nationality

nationals

nations

Native

natives

Nativity

natural

naturalisation

naturalise

naturalised

naturalist

naturalistically

naturalists

Naturalization

naturalized

Naturally

nature

natured

natures

naught

nauseating

nautical

naval

Navarin

navies

navigable

navigate

navigated

navigating

Navigation

navvies

navy

nay

nays

Nazarene

naïvely

nd

ne

Neal

Neapolitan

near

nearer

nearest

nearing

Nearly

nearness

neat

Nebo

Nebraska

Nebuchadnezzar

Nebuchadrezzar

necessaries

necessarily

necessary

necessitate

necessitated

necessities

necessitous

necessity

neck

necked

necks

necropoli

need

needed

needful

needing

needle

needles

needless

needlessly

needs

needy

NEELY

nefas

negative

negatived

negatives

negge

neglect

neglected

neglecting

negligence

negligently

negotiate

negotiated

negotiating

Negotiation

Negotiations

negotiators

Negras

Negrito

Negritos

negro

negroes

Negros

Negus

neighbor

neighborhood

neighborhoods

neighboring

neighbors

neighbourhood

neighbouring

neighbours

Neil

Neither

NEK

Nelson

Nelspruit

Nemi

Nemitti

neo

Nepal

Nepalese

nephew

nerve

nerved

nerves

nervous

nest

nests

net

Netherland

Netherlands

Nethterland

Netted

Netten

Netter

network

Netzahualcoyotl

Netze

Neue

Neues

neuralgia

neurologist

neurons

Neutral

neutrality

neutralization

neutralize

neutralized

neutralizing

neutrals

Nevada

Never

Nevertheless

Nevis

new

Newark

Newcastle

Newchwang

newcomer

newcomers

Newel

newer

newest

Newfoundland

Newfoundlanders

newly

Newman

Newnes

Newport

news

newspaper

newspapers

Newton

Newtonian

Newtown

next

Nezeros

ngan

Niagara

Nicaragua

Nicaraguan

Nicea

NICHOLAS

NICHOLS

Nicholson

nickel

Nicol

Nicolas

Nicolau

Nicoya

Nieh

Nien

Nietzsche

NIFFER

Nigel

Niger

Nigeria

nigh

night

nights

Nigra

Niihau

Nikola

Nikolaefsk

Nikolai

Nikolaieff

Nikolas

Nil

Nile

Niles

Nima

Nimrod

Nimrûd

Nin

Nine

ninepence

nineteen

nineteenth

Ninety

Nineveh

Ninfa

ning

Ningpo

Ninguta

Ninib

ninth

Ninthly

nipped

NIPPUR

nitrates

nitro

nitrogen

nitrous

Niu

Niuchuang

NIUCHWANG

Nizam

no

Nobel

nobility

Noble

nobleman

noblemen

nobles

noblest

nobly

nobodies

nobody

Nochistongo

noes

Nogales

noise

noisemaker

noises

noisily

Noisy

nomad

nomadic

nomads

NOME

nomenclature

nominal

nominally

nominate

nominated

nominating

nomination

Nominations

nominee

nominees

Non

nonacceptance

noncommissioned

Nonconformists

noncumulative

None

nonentities

nonfulfillment

nonpayment

nonreceipt

nonrecognition

nonrecurring

nonreservation

nonresident

nonsense

noon

noose

nor

Nordenfeldt

Nordenfelt

Nordenskïold

NORFOLK

normal

normally

Norman

Norris

Norrland

Norroy

Norte

north

Northeast

northeasterly

northeastern

northeastwardly

northerly

northern

Northumberlands

Northward

northwardly

northwards

NORTHWEST

Northwestern

northwestwardly

Norton

NORWAY

Norwegian

Norwegians

nose

noses

Not

notabilitles

NOTABLE

notables

notably

Notarbartolo

notarial

notary

Note

noted

Notekeeper

Notes

noteworthy

nothing

nothingness

Notice

noticeable

noticed

notices

noticing

Notification

notified

notify

notifying

noting

notion

notions

notoriety

notorious

notoriously

notulenhouder

Notwithstanding

nourish

nourishing

nourishment

Nous

Nouvelle

nouvelles

Nova

Novarum

novel

Noveleta

novelist

novels

novelty

NOVEMBER

now

Nowadays

nowhere

nowise

noxious

Noyes

Nozaleda

nozzles

Ntonda

Nubar

Nubas

Nubian

nuclear

nucleus

Nueva

NUFFAR

nugatory

nuggets

nuisance

nuisances

null

nullement

nulli

nullification

nullified

nullifies

nullify

nullifying

nullity

numb

number

numbered

numbering

Numbers

numerals

numerical

numerically

NUMEROUS

numerously

Nun

Nunciature

Nuncio

nuns

NUPÉ

Nupé

NUREMBERG

nurse

nursed

nursemaids

nurses

nursing

nurtured

nutrition

nutritive

Nyanza

Nyasa

Nyasaland

Nyassa

Nyassaland

Nâsr

o

Oahu

oak

Oakey

Oakland

oars

Oath

oaths

oats

Oaxaca

Ob

obedience

Obedient

obeisance

obelisk

obey

obeyed

obeying

obeys

Obi

object

objected

objecting

Objection

objectionable

objections

objective

objects

obligated

obligation

obligations

obligatory

oblige

obliged

obliges

obligingly

obliquely

obliterate

obliterated

obliterating

Oblivion

obnoxious

obscure

obscured

obscurities

obscurity

obsequies

observable

observance

observation

observations

OBSERVATORY

observe

observed

observer

observers

observes

observing

obsidian

obsolete

obstacle

obstacles

obstinacy

obstinate

obstinately

Obstruct

obstructed

obstructing

obstruction

obstructionist

obstructionists

obstructions

obstructive

obstructs

obtain

Obtainable

obtained

obtaining

obtains

obviate

obviated

obviating

obvious

obviously

occasion

Occasional

occasionally

occasioned

occasions

occult

occupancy

occupant

occupants

occupation

occupations

occupied

occupier

occupies

occupy

occupying

occur

occurred

occurrence

occurrences

occurring

occurs

ocean

oceanic

oceans

Oct

octave

OCTOBER

octroi

oculist

odd

odds

Odell

Oder

odes

Odessa

odious

odours

Oesterreichische

of

Off

offence

offences

offended

offenders

offending

offense

offenses

offensive

Offer

offered

offering

offers

Office

officeholders

officer

officered

OFFICERS

Offices

official

officially

officials

officio

offset

offshoot

offspring

offsprings

Oficial

Ofoo

oft

often

oftener

Ogaden

Ogadens

Ogden

Oh

OHIO

Oil

oils

Okhotsk

Oklahoma

Okuma

OLD

older

oldest

olds

oligarchy

Oliphant

olive

Olivecrona

Oliver

Olmsted

OLNEY

Olosenga

Olutanga

Olympia

Olympian

Olympic

Omaha

OMDURMAN

ominous

omission

omissions

omit

omits

omitted

omitting

omnipotent

omniscient

Omoso

Omri

Omsk

On

once

One

onerous

ones

onesided

Onesti

onlooker

Only

Onor

Onslaught

Ont

Ontario

onto

onward

onwards

Oom

Oorlog

OPEN

opened

opening

openings

openly

opens

operate

operated

operates

operating

operation

operations

operative

operatively

operatives

operators

opinion

opinions

opium

Oporto

Oppert

opponent

opponents

opportune

opportunities

Opportunity

oppose

opposed

opposing

opposite

opposition

oppress

oppressed

oppresses

oppressing

Oppression

oppressions

oppressive

oppressively

oppressiveness

oppressor

oppressors

Optic

optimistic

option

optional

Options

Oquendo

or

oracular

oral

orally

Orange

oranges

orating

orator

orators

ordained

ordeal

ORDER

ordered

ordering

orderlies

orderly

Orders

ordinance

Ordinances

Ordinaries

ordinarily

Ordinary

ordinations

ordnance

ordre

ore

Oregon

ores

organ

organic

organically

organisation

organise

organised

organiser

organising

organism

organisms

organist

ORGANIZATION

organizations

organize

organized

organizer

organizes

organizing

organs

orgies

orgy

ORIENT

Oriental

Orientalist

origin

original

originality

Originally

originals

originate

originated

originating

originator

origine

Orinoco

Orion

Orlando

Orleanists

Orleans

Ormescheville

ornamentation

ornaments

Oro

Oroté

Orphan

orphanage

orphans

Orsova

Orthodox

orthography

Orton

Oruro

Osborne

Oscar

oscillate

oscillatory

oser

Osiris

OSMAN

Ostend

ostensibly

Oswald

other

others

otherwise

OTIS

Ottawa

Ottmar

Otto

OTTOMAN

Ottumwa

ou

Oudh

ought

ounce

ounces

Our

Ourfa

ours

ourself

ourselves

ousted

ousting

out

Outbreak

Outbreaks

outburst

outbursts

outcast

outcome

outcry

outdone

outdoor

Outer

outfit

outfits

outflanked

outflow

outgoings

outgrew

outgrowth

Outlander

Outlanders

outlaw

outlaws

outlay

outlays

outlet

outline

outlined

Outlook

outlying

outnumbered

outpost

outposts

output

outrage

outraged

outrageous

outrages

outraging

outright

outrival

outs

outset

Outside

outsider

outsiders

outskirts

outspoken

outstanding

outstripped

outward

Outwardly

outweigh

outweighed

outwit

outwits

Ouvrier

oval

ovation

oven

over

overawe

overawed

overboard

overburdened

overcame

overcapitalization

overcaution

overcharged

overcoat

overcome

overcoming

overcrowd

overcrowded

overcrowding

overcrowds

overdrawn

overestimated

overflow

overflowed

overflows

overhanging

overhauling

overhead

overhung

overland

overlap

overlooked

overlooking

overlooks

overnight

overpowered

overpowering

overridden

overrule

overruled

overrules

overruling

overrun

overseers

overshadowed

overshadowing

overspill

overspread

overstated

overstay

overstepping

overt

overtake

overtaken

overtaxed

overthrew

overthrow

overthrowing

overthrown

overtime

overture

Overtures

overturned

overweening

overwhelm

overwhelmed

overwhelming

overwhelmingly

overworked

overworn

ovum

owe

owed

Owen

owes

Owing

owls

Own

owned

owner

owners

ownership

owning

owns

ox

Oxen

Oxford

oxhead

oxide

Oxus

oxygen

Oxyrhynchus

Oyapok

Ozi

P

Pa

Paarde

PAARDEBERG

Pac

pace

paces

Pacific

pacifically

pacification

pacified

pacify

pacifying

pack

packages

packed

packers

packet

packing

packs

PACT

Pacto

pagan

Pagano

pagans

Page

pageant

pageants

pages

Paget

Pago

pagodas

paid

pain

Paine

painful

painfully

pains

painstaking

paint

painted

painter

painters

painting

paintings

pair

paired

Pakhoi

palace

palaces

Palanan

palatability

Palatine

Palawan

pale

paleolithic

Paleontology

Palermo

PALESTINE

palettes

Palgrave

palisade

palisades

Palizzolo

Pall

palliative

palliatives

palm

Palma

PALMER

palms

palpable

palpitating

paltering

paltry

palæographic

palæographist

palæography

palæolithic

Pamir

Pamirs

Pamlico

Pampanga

PAMPANGAS

pampas

pamphlet

pamphlets

pan

Pana

Panama

Panaon

Panay

pandemonium

Pando

pane

panels

Pang

Pangani

Pangasinan

PANGASINANS

Pangasinaus

Panglao

Pangmua

Pangutaran

panic

panics

Panique

Panizzardi

Panjah

panned

panniers

Pannonia

pans

Panslavists

pantomime

Pao

Paolini

Paoting

PAPACY

Papagayo

papal

Paper

Papers

papier

papyri

papyrus

par

parable

parade

paraded

paradox

paradoxically

paragraph

paragraphs

Paraguay

parallel

paralleled

paralleling

paralyse

paralysed

paralysing

paralysis

paralyze

paralyzed

paralyzing

paramount

Paranaque

parapet

paraphernalia

parasite

parasites

parcel

parcels

Pardon

pardonable

pardoned

pardoning

Pardons

parent

parental

parentis

Parents

Paris

parish

parishes

parishioners

parity

park

Parker

Parkes

Parkhurst

Parks

parlance

parle

parler

parley

parleying

Parliament

parliamentarian

Parliamentary

Parliaments

parlour

Parnell

Parnellites

parochial

parodied

parole

paroles

parrying

parsimonious

parsimony

parsonages

parsoned

Parsons

part

partake

partakes

partaking

parte

parted

parthenogenesis

Parti

Partial

partiality

partially

partibus

participate

participating

participation

particles

particular

Particularism

particularized

particularly

particulars

parties

parting

partisan

partisans

partisanship

partition

partly

partner

partners

partnership

parts

PARTY

pas

Pasay

Paschal

Pasco

Pascual

Pase

Pasha

Pashas

Pasig

Pasijan

Paso

pass

passably

passage

passages

Passamaqnoddy

passed

passenger

passengers

passer

passers

passes

passing

Passion

passionate

passions

passive

passport

Passports

past

Pasteur

pastime

pastor

pastoral

pastors

pasture

pastures

Patagonia

patch

patched

patches

patchwork

patent

patented

patents

paternal

paternalism

Paterno

Paterson

patesis

path

Pathetic

pathless

Pathology

Pathos

paths

pathway

patience

patient

patiently

patients

Patmore

Patriarch

patriarchal

patriarchate

Patriarchs

Patrick

patrie

patrimony

patriot

Patriotic

patriotically

patriotism

patriots

patrol

patrolled

patrolling

patrols

patron

patronage

patronate

patronato

patronise

Patrons

Patta

Patten

pattern

patterns

Patterson

Paty

Paua

Paul

Pauli

Paulists

Paulus

Pauncefote

pauper

pauperism

pauperize

paupers

Pause

paused

pausing

pave

paved

pavilion

pavilions

paving

pawed

pawned

pax

PAY

payable

payer

paying

Paymaster

paymasters

payment

payments

Payn

pays

Pe

PEABODY

peace

peaceable

peaceably

peaceful

peacefully

peacemaker

Peacock

peak

Peake

peal

pearl

pearls

Pearson

PEARY

peasant

peasantry

Peasants

Pecheli

Pechili

Peckham

peculation

peculiar

peculiarity

peculiarly

pecuniary

pedagogical

pedantry

pedestal

Pedro

Peer

peerage

peeresses

peers

peg

Peh

Pei

Peiho

Peirce

Peiyang

Pekah

Pekin

Peking

pelagic

Pelasgian

Pelasgic

PELEW

Pelham

pell

pellets

Pellieux

Pelliot

Pelloux

Peloponnesus

Pelz

pen

Penal

penalize

penalties

penalty

penance

pence

pencil

pendency

Pending

Pendleton

Pendulum

penetrate

Penetrated

penetrates

penetrating

penetration

penetrative

Peninsula

Peninsular

Peninsulars

penitent

penitentiary

Penn

penned

Penniless

PENNSYLVANIA

PENNY

Penrhyn

pens

Pension

pensionable

pensioned

pensioners

pensioning

PENSIONS

pentelic

peon

Peonage

PEONES

PEOPLE

peopled

peoples

Peoria

Pepke

Pepper

Pepperman

Pepy

per

Pera

peradventure

perceive

perceived

perceiving

percent

percentage

percentages

perceptibility

perceptible

perceptibly

perception

percha

Percy

perdition

perdu

Pereira

peremptorily

peremptoriness

Peremptory

Perez

perfect

perfected

perfecting

perfection

perfectly

perfidy

perforation

perforce

perform

performance

performances

performed

performing

performs

perfumes

perfunctorily

perfunctory

Pergamos

perhaps

Perier

Peril

perilous

perils

period

periodic

periodical

periodically

periodicals

periodicity

periods

peripheries

perish

perishable

perished

perishing

peritoneum

peritonitis

Perivolia

perjured

perjury

Perm

permanence

permanency

permanent

permanently

permeable

permeates

permeating

permissible

Permission

permissive

permit

permits

permitted

permitting

pernicious

Perouse

perpendicular

perpetrated

perpetrating

perpetrators

perpetual

perpetually

perpetuate

perpetuated

perpetuation

Perpetuationists

perpetuators

perpetuity

perplexing

perplexities

perplexity

PERRY

persecute

persecution

persecutions

perseverance

persevere

persevered

perseveringly

PERSIA

Persian

persist

persisted

persistence

persistency

persistent

persistently

persisting

person

personage

personages

personal

personality

Personally

personalty

personifications

personne

personnel

persons

perspective

persuade

persuaded

persuading

persuasion

persuasive

pertain

pertaining

pertains

Perth

pertinacious

pertinent

perturb

perturbation

Peru

perusal

perused

Peruvian

pervades

perversion

pervert

perverted

PESCADORES

peseta

pesetas

Peshawar

Peshawur

peso

pesos

pessimism

pessimistic

pest

PESTH

pestilence

pestilences

pestilent

pestilential

pet

Petar

Petcha

PETER

Peters

Petersburg

Pethick

Pethiek

Petit

Petition

petitioned

petitioners

petitions

Petrel

Petrie

Petriou

petroleum

Petrology

Petrozicky

pettiest

petty

Petuna

Petunê

peut

pewter

Peña

pf

Phaenician

phalanx

Pharaoh

Pharaohs

Pharisaic

pharmacists

Pharmacology

pharmacy

Pharsala

phase

phases

Phelps

phenakite

phenomena

phenomenal

phenomenon

Philadelphia

philanthropic

philanthropist

philanthropists

philanthropy

Philip

Philipp

Philippe

Philippine

Philippines

Philippino

Philips

Philipstown

Phillips

Philo

philologist

philosopher

philosophic

philosophical

philosophies

philosophy

Phineas

phlegmatic

Phocaeans

Phoenicia

Phoenician

Phoenicians

Phoenix

phonograph

Photiades

photograph

photographed

photographer

photographing

photographs

Photography

Phrabang

phrase

phrases

physical

physically

physician

physicians

physicist

physicists

physics

physiognomy

physiological

physiologist

Physiology

physique

PHŒNICIANS

Phœnician

pianist

Piazzi

Picard

Pichon

pick

pickax

picked

Pickersgill

picket

picking

picnic

Picquart

pictorial

picture

pictures

picturesque

piece

pieced

piecemeal

pieces

Piedras

pien

pier

pierced

pierces

Pierola

Pierre

piers

Piet

Pietersburg

Pietrus

piety

pig

pigeon

pigment

pigmy

pigs

pigtail

pigtails

Pike

pikes

Pilar

pile

piled

piles

Pileser

pilgrim

pilgrimage

pilgrimages

Pilgrims

piling

pill

Pillage

pillaged

PILLAGER

pillaging

pillar

pillars

pillows

Pillsbury

pilot

pin

Pinar

pinch

pinchbeck

Pinckney

Pincus

pine

Pines

ping

Pinney

Pinto

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PLAGUE

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POLISH

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Politicians

POLITICO

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Poor

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Porritt

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PORTUGAL

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POSTAGE

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PREDOMINANT

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PREFACE

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PREHISTORIC

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PRESBYTERIAN

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Pretoria

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prevents

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PRIETO

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PRINSLOO

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Pro

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PROCTOR

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Prof

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Progress

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Prohibit

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PROHIBITION

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Prompt

prompted

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Promulgation

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Proof

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Prosecution

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Protecteur

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Protectionists

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PROTECTORATE

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Protest

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PROVISIONS

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Prudence

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Prussia

Prussian

Prussians

PRÁXEDES

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Publ

PUBLIC

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PUBLISHERS

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Punishment

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Pure

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Putnam

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Puvis

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Pâknam

Père

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Q

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QUEBEC

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QUESTION

questionable

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R

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Rabbis

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Rabi

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RACES

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Radicals

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Rafael

Raffles

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Rag

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Ragsdale

Rahden

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Railroad

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Railway

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RAINES

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Raja

Rajah

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RALPH

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RAMAPO

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RANAVALOMANJAKA

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RAND

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Range

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Reassertion

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Recapitulation

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RECENT

Recently

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Reciprocally

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RECIPROCITY

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Reclus

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Recolletos

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RECONCENTRADOS

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Reconnoitring

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RECORD

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Redjaf

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REFERENCE

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REGENT

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Regular

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REGULARS

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REID

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Remonstrances

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Remounts

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Renault

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Renewed

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Renunciation

René

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repayment

repeal

repealed

repealing

repeat

Repeated

repeatedly

repeating

repeats

repel

repelling

repent

repentance

repentant

repetition

replace

replaced

replacing

replant

replanted

replenish

replenishing

replied

replies

reply

replying

report

Reported

reporter

reporters

reporting

reports

repose

reposed

reposes

reposing

reprehensible

represent

Representation

representations

representative

REPRESENTATIVES

represented

representing

represents

repress

represses

repressing

repression

repressive

reprieves

reprimand

reprinted

reprisals

reproach

reproached

reproduce

reproduced

reproducing

reproduction

reprosecute

reprosecuted

reproving

Republic

Republica

Republican

republicanism

republicans

Republics

repudiate

repudiated

repudiates

repudiating

repudiation

repugnance

repugnant

repulse

repulsed

repulsive

reputable

reputation

repute

reputed

reputedly

request

requested

requesting

requests

require

required

requirement

REQUIREMENTS

requires

requiring

requisite

requisites

requisition

requisitioned

Requisitions

requite

requited

Rerum

resale

rescind

rescinded

rescission

Rescript

rescue

rescued

rescuing

RESEARCH

researches

resemblance

resemble

resembled

resembles

resembling

resent

resented

resentment

reservation

reservations

Reserve

reserved

reserves

reserving

Reservoir

reservoirs

Reseña

reshipped

Resht

reside

resided

residence

residences

resident

residential

Residents

resides

residing

residual

resign

resignation

resignations

resigned

resigning

resigns

resist

resistance

resisted

resisting

Resolute

resolutely

resolution

Resolutions

resolve

resolved

resolves

resolving

resonant

resort

resorted

resorting

resorts

resound

resounding

resource

Resources

respect

respectability

respectable

respected

respectful

respectfully

respecting

respective

respectively

respects

respiration

respites

respond

responded

Responding

responds

response

responsibilities

responsibility

responsible

responsive

responsiveness

rest

restaking

restaurants

rested

restful

resting

restitution

restive

restless

restlessness

Restoration

restorations

restore

restored

restores

restoring

restrain

restrained

restraining

restrains

restraint

restraints

restrict

restricted

restricting

restriction

Restrictions

rests

restée

result

resultant

resulted

resulting

Results

resume

resumed

resumes

resuming

resumption

Resurrection

resurvey

resurveying

retail

retain

retained

retainers

retaining

retains

retake

retaliate

retaliated

retaliation

Retaliatory

retard

retarded

retarding

retention

reticent

retinue

retire

retired

Retirement

retirements

retires

retiring

Retiro

retort

retorted

retrace

retraced

Retreat

retreated

Retrenchment

Retribution

retrocession

retrograde

retrogression

retrogressive

retrospective

return

Returned

Returning

returns

Reunion

reunite

reunited

Reuter

Rev

revaluations

reveal

revealed

revealing

reveals

revelation

revelations

reveled

revenge

revenged

revengeful

revenging

revenue

Revenues

reverence

Reverend

reverent

reverently

reversal

reverse

reversed

reverses

reversing

reversion

reversionary

revert

revictual

Review

reviewed

reviewing

reviews

revile

reviled

revise

Revised

revising

Revision

Revival

revive

revived

reviving

revocation

revoked

revoking

Revolt

revolted

revolting

Revolts

Revolution

revolutionaries

revolutionary

revolutionist

revolutionists

revolutionize

revolutionized

revolutionizing

revolutions

revolve

revolved

revolver

revolvers

revolving

Revue

revulsion

reward

rewarded

rewarding

rewards

Rey

Reyna

Reza

reëstablished

Rheinisch

Rhenish

Rhenoster

RHINE

Rhineland

RHODE

RHODES

Rhodesia

Rhodesians

ribbons

Ribot

ribs

RICA

Rican

Ricans

rice

Rich

Richard

Richardson

richer

riches

richest

richly

Richmond

Richthofen

RICO

Ricotti

rid

riddance

ridden

riddled

ride

rider

RIDERS

rides

ridge

ridges

ridiculed

ridiculous

ridiculously

riding

Ridpath

rife

rifle

riflemen

rifles

rift

rigging

Riggs

RIGHT

righted

righteous

righteously

righteousness

rightful

rightfully

righting

rightly

rightminded

rights

rigid

rigidly

rigor

rigorous

rigorously

rigour

Rikken

riksha

rilles

rinderpest

ring

ringing

ringleaders

ringleted

rings

RIO

Rios

riot

rioters

rioting

riotous

riots

riparian

ripe

ripened

ripens

Ripon

rise

risen

rises

Rishon

rising

risings

risk

risked

risks

Ristics

rite

Rites

ritual

Rius

rival

rivalry

Rivals

rive

river

Rivera

Rivers

Riverside

riveting

rivulet

RIZAL

Road

roads

roam

Roanoke

roar

roaring

roast

rob

robbed

robbers

robbery

Robbing

robed

ROBERT

Roberts

Robertson

robing

Robinson

robust

Roca

rocher

Rochesterville

Rochussen

rock

Rockefeller

rocker

rockers

rockets

Rockhill

Rockies

rocking

rocks

rocky

rod

rode

Rodriguez

rods

Roell

Roger

Rogers

Rohl

Rohlfs

Rojas

role

Rolin

roll

rolled

rolling

Rollins

rolls

ROM

Romaine

Roman

Romana

Romans

romantic

Romblon

Rome

Romero

Romulus

Ronald

Roncadore

Ronietta

Rontgen

roof

roofed

roofs

Rooineks

rookeries

Room

rooms

Roosevelt

root

rooted

rooting

rootless

roots

rope

Ropes

Roraima

Rosa

Rosales

rose

ROSEBERY

Rosecrans

Rosetta

rosettes

Rosetti

Rosmead

Ross

Rossi

Rossia

Rosthorn

Rostofski

rotary

rotate

rotating

Rotation

Rothschild

Rothschilds

rotten

rottenness

rotting

rotunda

Roubaix

rouble

roubles

Rouge

Rough

roughed

rougher

roughly

Roughriders

Roughs

roughshod

Rougé

ROUMANIA

Roumanian

Roumanie

Round

rounded

Roundell

rounding

rounds

Rounseville

rouse

roused

rousing

Rousseau

rout

route

routed

Routes

routine

routing

Roux

roving

Row

rowdies

rowed

Rowell

rows

royal

royalist

royalists

royally

Royalty

rubbed

rubber

rubbing

rubbish

rubies

ruble

rubles

Rud

rudder

rude

rudely

ruder

rudest

rudimentary

rudiments

RUDINI

Rudolf

Rudolph

Rue

ruffian

ruffianism

Ruffianly

ruffians

Rufus

rug

Rugby

rugged

ruin

ruined

ruining

ruinous

ruins

Ruis

Rule

ruled

ruler

rulers

rules

Ruling

rum

RUMANIA

Rumanian

Rumanians

rumbling

rumor

rumored

rumors

rumour

rumoured

rumours

run

Rundle

runners

Running

runs

rupee

rupees

rupture

rural

ruse

Ruses

rush

rushed

rushes

rushing

Ruskin

Russel

Russell

Russia

Russian

Russianize

Russianizing

Russians

Russias

Russification

Russify

Russifying

RUSSO

Rustem

rustic

rustle

Ruthenians

Rutherford

ruthless

ruthlessly

ruthlessness

Rutledge

ruts

Ryan

rye

Rykovskaya

RÖNTGEN

règles

régime

régulièrement

Ríos

rôle

Röntgen

s

Saatz

Saban

Sabbath

Sabderat

Sabine

Saburo

sac

sacerdotal

sache

Sacher

Saclemente

sacrament

sacraments

Sacred

sacredness

sacrifice

sacrificed

sacrifices

sacrificial

sacrilege

sad

saddened

sadder

saddled

saddler

saddles

Sadiki

sadly

Sadok

Saenz

safe

safeguard

safeguarded

safeguards

safely

safer

safest

safety

sag

sagacity

SAGASTA

Sage

SAGHALIEN

Sagua

Saham

Sahara

said

Saigo

Saigon

sail

sailed

Sailing

sailor

sailors

sails

Saint

saints

Saionji

saith

sak

sake

SAKHALIN

Sala

salaamed

Salaga

Salamon

Salaria

salaried

salaries

salary

sale

saleable

Salem

sales

salesmen

Salic

salient

Salim

Salinas

Salisbury

salivary

Salles

sallow

Salonica

Saloon

saloons

salt

Salter

saltpeter

salutary

Salutations

salute

saluted

salutes

saluting

Salvador

Salvadorean

salvage

Salvago

Salvation

Sam

Samal

Samar

Samara

Samaria

same

Samekh

Sammun

SAMOA

SAMOAN

Samoans

Samos

samples

SAMPSON

Samuel

San

sanatorium

Sanciano

Sancta

Sancti

sanction

sanctioned

sanctity

sanctuaries

sanctuary

SAND

Sandaken

sandbags

sandbank

Sandeco

Sandherr

sands

sandstone

Sandusky

Sandwith

sandy

Sanford

SANG

sanguinary

sanguine

sanguinis

Sanial

Sanitary

sanitation

sank

Sannikoff

Sans

Sansing

Sant

Santa

Santandar

Santiago

Santo

Santos

Saracco

Sarajevo

Saranguani

Sarawakian

Sarcey

Sargent

Sargon

Sargonic

sarra

Sartain

Sartinski

Sarzec

Sassaks

Sassoun

Sassun

sat

satin

satins

satire

satirical

satirically

satisfaction

satisfactorily

satisfactory

satisfied

satisfy

satisfying

Satolli

Satow

Satrustegui

Satsuma

saturated

Saturday

saturnalia

sauntering

sausage

sausages

Sauter

sauve

savage

savagely

savagery

savages

Save

saved

Savile

saving

Savings

Saviour

Savornin

savour

Savoy

saw

sawed

Sawyer

Saxe

Saxon

Saxony

say

Sayce

saying

sayings

says

Scadding

scaffolding

scale

scaled

scaling

scalping

scamped

Scandal

scandalized

scandalous

scandals

Scandinavia

Scandinavian

scant

scanty

scar

scarce

scarcely

scarcity

scare

scarlatina

scarlet

scathing

scats

scatter

scattered

scattereth

scattering

scatters

scene

scenery

scenes

scenic

scent

scepticism

sceptics

sceptre

Schaeffer

Schalk

Schedule

schedules

Scheil

scheme

schemes

scheming

Schenectady

Scheurer

Schillingsfürst

Schleswig

Schley

Schliemann

scholar

scholarly

scholars

scholarship

scholastic

Schomburgk

Schonborn

school

schoolboys

schoolfellows

schoolhouse

schoolhouses

schooling

schoolmaster

schoolroom

schoolrooms

schools

schooner

Schrader

SCHREINER

Schumann

Schurman

Schuur

Schwan

Schwarzkoppen

Schwerin

Schönerer

sciemment

science

sciences

SCIENTIFIC

scientifically

Scientifique

scientist

scientists

Scimetar

Scoble

scoldings

Scope

scorching

score

scores

scorn

scorned

Scotch

scotched

Scotia

Scotland

Scott

Scottish

scoured

scourge

scourged

scouring

scouts

scramble

scrambling

scrap

scraper

scratch

screen

screened

screw

Scribner

script

scripts

scrolls

scrupled

scrupulous

scrupulously

scrutinize

sculptor

sculptors

sculptural

sculpture

sculptures

scum

scuttered

Scythian

Se

sea

seaboard

seaboards

seacoast

seacoasts

Seagoing

seal

sealed

sealer

sealers

sealing

seals

sealskins

seamed

Seamen

seams

seaport

seaports

sear

search

searched

searches

searching

seas

seashore

season

seasons

Seat

seated

seating

seats

Seattle

Seaver

seaward

seawards

Sebastian

seceded

Secession

secessions

seclusion

Second

secondary

seconder

Secondly

secrecy

Secret

Secretariate

secretaries

Secretary

Secretaryship

secretion

secretly

secrets

secrète

sect

sectarian

sectarianism

Section

sectional

Sectionalism

Sections

sects

secular

Secularist

Secularists

secundus

secure

secured

securely

secures

securing

securities

security

Sedalia

Sedan

Seddon

sedentary

Sedition

seditionary

seditious

seduce

seduction

seductive

sedulously

see

Seebohm

seed

seeds

Seeing

seek

seekers

seeking

seeks

Seeley

seem

seemed

seeming

seems

seen

sees

seething

Segan

segment

segregated

segregation

Seguin

Seidl

Seine

seised

Seiyu

Seiyukai

seize

seized

seizing

seizure

seizures

Selborne

seldom

select

Selected

selecting

selection

selections

selector

selects

self

selfish

selfishness

Selkirk

sell

seller

Sellers

selling

sells

semblance

Semerara

semi

semibarbarous

semicircle

seminaries

seminary

Seminole

SEMINOLES

Semite

SEMITES

Semitic

Semitised

Semitism

senate

senator

senatorial

Senators

sence

send

sending

sends

Seneca

Senefern

SENEGAL

Senegalese

Senegambia

Senior

seniority

Sennacherib

Senor

SENOUSSI

sensation

Sensational

sensations

sense

senseless

sensibilities

sensible

sensibly

sensitive

sensitiveness

sent

sentence

sentenced

sentences

sentiment

sentimental

sentimentality

sentiments

sentinel

sentinelled

sentinels

sentries

sentry

Seoul

separate

separated

separately

separates

Separating

Separation

Sephardists

September

sepulchers

sepulchre

sequel

sequence

sequences

Sequeros

Serapeion

Serbs

Serene

serenity

serfdom

serfs

Sergeant

sergeants

series

Serious

seriously

seriousness

Serjeant

Serjeants

sermon

Serpa

serried

serum

servant

servants

serve

served

serves

Servia

Servian

SERVICE

serviceable

services

serving

servir

servitude

servitudes

serviçal

Seslien

session

Sessions

set

Seth

Sethos

Seti

sets

setting

settings

settle

settled

settlement

settlements

settler

settlers

settles

settling

Seven

seventeen

seventeenth

Seventh

Seventhly

seventies

seventieth

seventy

sever

Several

severally

SEVERALTY

severance

Severe

severed

severely

severest

severing

severity

Sevilla

Seville

sewage

Sewall

Seward

sewed

Sewerage

sewered

sewers

sewing

sex

Sexennate

sexes

Sextant

Sexton

sexually

Seymour

Seyyidieh

Señor

Señorita

Señors

Sfax

sha

shabbiness

shackle

shade

shades

shadow

shadowed

shadows

shaft

Shafter

shafts

Shah

Shahuo

shake

shaken

Shakespeare

shaking

Shakir

shall

shallow

shallowness

shallows

shalt

sham

shambles

shame

shamed

Shameful

shamefully

Shamrock

Shan

Shang

Shanghae

Shanghai

Shanghaikuan

Shanhai

Shanhaikuan

Shanhaikwan

Shankaikuan

Shansi

Shantung

Shao

shape

shaped

shaping

sharaki

share

shared

shareholders

shares

sharing

Sharon

sharp

Sharpe

sharper

sharpest

sharply

sharpshooters

Shashih

Shatt

shattered

Shattuck

Shaw

Shawneetown

shaykhs

She

shear

shed

shedding

sheds

sheep

sheer

sheet

sheets

Sheik

Sheikh

Sheiks

Shelby

Sheldon

Shell

Shelled

shelling

shells

shelter

sheltered

shelters

shelved

shelves

shelving

Shen

Sheng

Shenking

Shensi

shepherds

Sher

Sheriff

sheriffs

Sherman

Shetlands

Sheu

shew

shewn

shi

shia

Shiba

shield

shielded

Shifalu

shift

shifting

shiftless

Shigoku

Shih

Shilka

Shilkhak

shilling

shillings

Shilluk

Shimazu

Shimonoseki

Shims

Shimti

shin

shine

shines

Shingking

shining

Shio

ship

shipboard

shipbuilding

shipmen

shipment

shipments

shipowners

Shipp

shipped

shippers

SHIPPING

ships

shipwrecked

shipyards

SHIRE

shires

shirk

shirt

shirts

Shiré

Shishak

shiver

shivered

Shoa

shoal

shock

shocked

shocking

shockingly

shocks

shod

Shoe

shoes

Shogun

Shogunate

shoot

shooteth

shooting

shoots

Shop

shopkeeper

shopkeepers

Shops

Shore

shores

shorn

short

shortcomings

shorten

shortened

shortening

shorter

shortest

Shortland

shortly

shortness

shot

shots

Shou

Should

shoulder

shouldered

shoulders

Shoushan

shout

shouted

shouting

shoved

Show

showed

Showing

shown

shows

shrank

shrapnel

shred

shrewd

shrieking

shrieks

shrine

shrines

shrink

shrinkage

shrinking

shrinks

shrouded

shrunk

Shu

shudder

shuddering

shui

Shuja

SHUN

shut

shutting

Shuy

Shâsha

Shê

Shên

si

Siah

Siam

Siamese

Sian

siang

Siaoheichan

Siargao

Siassi

Siberia

SIBERIAN

Siboney

Sibutu

Sibuyan

sic

Sicilian

Sicily

Sick

sickening

sickle

sickly

sickness

Siddons

side

sided

sidedness

sidereal

sides

sidetrack

sideways

Sidgwick

Sidi

Sidon

Siege

Sieges

Sieleny

Siemens

sien

SIERRA

sifted

sight

sighted

sights

sign

Signal

signaled

signaler

signalize

signalized

signalled

signally

signals

signatories

Signatory

signature

signatures

signed

signers

signets

Significance

significant

significantly

signification

signified

signifies

signify

signifying

signing

Signor

signs

Sikhs

Silan

Silang

Silas

silence

silenced

silencing

silent

silently

Silesia

Silico

silicon

silk

silken

silks

silkworms

Silvela

silver

Silvestre

Simara

similar

similarity

similarly

simile

similitude

Simla

simmering

Simon

Simonstown

simple

simpler

simplest

simplicity

simplification

simplify

simplifying

Simplon

simply

simultaneous

simultaneously

sin

Sinaitic

since

sincere

sincerely

sincerity

Sind

sine

sinful

sinfully

sing

Singan

Singapore

singing

single

singled

singles

singly

sings

singular

singularity

singularly

sinister

sink

sinking

Sinminting

sins

Sioux

Siquijor

Sir

Sirdar

Sire

Sisran

Sissoi

sister

Sisters

sit

site

sites

sits

sitting

sittings

situate

situated

Situation

situs

Siu

Sivas

six

sixfold

sixpence

sixteen

Sixteenth

Sixth

Sixthly

sixtieth

Sixty

size

sized

sizes

Siècle

Skagway

Skaugh

skeleton

skelter

Skelton

skepticism

Sketch

sketches

skies

skilful

skilfully

skill

Skilled

skillful

skillfully

skimmed

skin

skinned

skins

skirmish

skirmishers

skirmishes

skirmishing

skirt

skirted

skirting

skirts

Skouses

skulls

sky

slab

slabs

slack

slackened

slain

slandering

slate

slaughter

slaughtered

Slav

slave

slaveholding

slavery

slaves

Slavic

Slavo

Slavonic

Slavs

slay

slayers

sledge

sledges

Sledging

sleds

sleep

sleepers

sleeping

Sleigh

slept

SLESWICK

slice

slid

sliding

Slight

slightest

slightly

slip

slipped

slips

slipshod

slogans

slope

Sloping

slot

sloth

Slovak

Slovenes

Slovenian

slow

slowed

slower

slowly

sluice

sluices

slum

slumbered

slumbering

slumberous

smack

small

smaller

smallest

smallness

smallpox

smartness

smashed

smeared

smell

smelters

smile

smiled

smiling

Smit

smite

smites

Smith

Smithmeyer

Smithsonian

smoke

SMOKELESS

smokers

smoking

Smollenske

smooth

smoothed

smoothing

smoothly

smoothness

smothered

smoulder

smouldering

smuggled

smugglers

Smuggling

Smuts

Smyrna

Smyth

snail

Snake

snakes

snap

snapper

snare

snares

snatch

snatched

Snead

sneers

sniper

sniping

Snow

snows

snowy

SO

soaked

soap

soapstone

Sobat

sober

sobering

soberness

sobriety

Socapa

social

socialism

SOCIALIST

socialistic

Socialists

socialization

socially

Sociedad

Societies

Society

Société

sockets

sod

Soden

sodium

soever

Sofia

soft

Softas

soften

softened

softening

softens

softness

Sohm

soil

sojourned

sojourner

sojourning

SOKOTO

solace

Solar

sold

soldered

solders

soldier

soldierly

Soldiers

soldiery

sole

solely

solemn

solemnely

solemnities

solemnity

solemnly

Solent

solicit

solicitation

solicitations

solicitor

solicitous

solicitude

solid

solidarity

solidification

solidified

solidify

solidifying

solidity

solidly

solitary

solitude

Solomon

solution

Solutions

solve

solved

solvency

solvent

Somali

SOMALIS

some

somebody

somehow

somersaults

Somerset

Something

sometidos

sometimes

somewhat

somewhere

somnolence

Son

song

songs

Sonora

sons

Soochow

soon

Sooner

soothe

sorcerer

sorcery

sordid

sore

sorely

Soriano

sorrow

sorrowful

Sorrowfully

sorrows

sorry

sort

sortie

sorts

soshi

Sosian

SOUDAN

Soudanese

soufflet

sought

soul

souls

sound

sounded

sounder

sounding

Soundings

soundness

sounds

source

sources

Sousse

Soutcheou

south

southeast

southeasterly

southeastern

southeastward

southerly

southern

southernmost

Southgate

southward

southwardly

southwards

Southwark

SOUTHWEST

southwesterly

southwestern

southwestward

southwestwards

Southworth

souvenir

souvenirs

Sovereign

sovereigns

sovereignties

Sovereignty

sow

sown

Soziale

space

spaces

spacious

spade

spadeful

Spain

span

Spaniard

Spaniards

Spanish

spanned

spare

spared

sparing

sparingly

spark

sparkling

sparks

sparred

spars

sparse

sparsely

spasmodic

Spaulding

speak

speakee

speaker

speakers

Speaking

speaks

spear

spearmen

spears

special

SPECIALISTS

specialized

specially

specialties

specie

species

specific

specifically

specification

specifications

specified

specify

specimen

specimens

specious

spectacle

Spectator

spectators

spectra

spectre

spectroscopic

Spectrum

speculation

speculative

speculators

Speech

speeches

speechless

speed

speedier

speedily

speeds

speedy

spelt

Spencer

spend

spending

spendthrifts

spent

Speranza

sperm

spermato

Sphakia

sphere

Spheres

spherical

spice

spiders

spies

spill

spilt

spinal

spindle

Spine

spinning

SPION

spirit

spirited

spiritedly

spirits

Spiritual

spiritualistic

spirituous

Spiritus

Spirogyra

spit

spite

Spitzbergen

Spitzkop

splashing

spleen

splendid

splendidly

splendor

splendour

splenic

splints

split

splitting

spoil

spoiled

spoilers

SPOILS

spoilsmen

spoke

spoken

spokesman

spokesmen

spoliation

spongy

sponsor

sponsors

spontaneous

spontaneously

spool

spoon

Spooner

sporadic

spore

spores

sport

sporting

sports

spot

spots

Spouse

sprang

Spray

spread

spreaders

spreading

spreads

Spreckles

Spree

Sprigg

spring

SPRINGFIELD

springing

springs

sprouted

sprung

spur

spurs

spurt

sputtering

spy

Spytfontein

sq

squadron

squadrons

squads

squalls

squandered

Square

squarely

squares

squaring

squeeze

squeezing

Squiers

SS

Ssu

Ssuchuan

Ssü

st

Staal

Staats

stabbed

stability

stable

stables

stablished

stabs

stack

stacked

stacks

Stadden

stades

stadium

Stadling

staff

staffs

stag

stage

stages

staggered

staggering

stagnant

stagnate

stagnation

staid

stain

stained

Stainer

staircase

stake

staked

stakes

staking

stalwart

Stamboul

STAMBOULOFF

stammered

Stamp

stamped

stampede

stamping

stamps

Stanard

stanchest

stanchly

stand

standard

standards

standi

Standing

standpoint

stands

standstill

Stanford

Stanley

staples

star

starboard

starch

stare

staring

Starke

starred

Stars

start

started

Starting

startled

startling

startlingly

starts

starvation

starve

starved

starving

Stasts

Stat

state

statecraft

Stated

Statehood

stately

statement

statements

Staten

staterooms

Staters

States

statesman

statesmanlike

statesmanship

statesmen

stating

Station

stationary

stationed

Stationery

STATIONS

Statist

statistical

statistician

statistics

Statistische

Statsco

statu

statue

statues

stature

status

Statute

Statutes

statutory

staunch

stay

stayed

staying

Stead

steadfast

steadfastly

steadily

steadiness

steading

steady

steal

stealers

stealing

steam

steamboat

steamboats

steamed

steamer

Steamers

steaming

steamship

steamships

steel

Steenstrup

steep

steeped

steeple

steered

steering

steers

Steevens

Stein

Steindorf

Steindorff

stela

stele

Stella

stem

stench

stenographers

stentorian

step

Stephanus

Stephen

Stephens

Stepniak

Steppe

steppes

stepping

steps

stepson

stereotyped

sterile

Sterkfontein

sterling

stern

Sternberg

sterner

stethoscope

Stetson

Stettin

Steubenville

Stevens

STEVENSON

Steward

Stewart

Steyn

stick

sticklets

sticks

stiff

stifled

stifling

stigmatised

Stikine

stiletto

still

stilled

Stillman

Stillé

stimulate

stimulated

stimulating

stimulation

stimulus

stinging

stinking

stipulate

stipulated

stipulating

stipulation

stipulations

stir

stirred

Stirring

stitched

stitches

stock

stockholder

stockholders

Stockholm

stocks

Stoffel

Stokes

stole

stolen

stomach

Stone

stoned

Stonehenge

stones

Stoney

stood

STOOL

stop

stoppage

stoppages

stopped

stopping

stops

storage

store

stored

storehouse

storeroom

stores

storeyed

storied

stories

storing

storm

Stormberg

stormed

storming

storms

Stormy

Storrs

Storthing

story

Stotsenberg

Stoughton

stout

stoutly

stoves

Stowe

stowed

straggling

stragglingly

straight

straightforward

strain

strained

straining

strains

Strait

Straits

Stranahan

strand

strands

Strange

strangely

strangeness

stranger

strangers

strangest

strangle

strangled

Stransky

straps

strata

stratagem

strategic

strategical

strategically

strategy

Strathcona

stratum

Strauss

straw

stray

strays

stream

streamed

streaming

streams

street

streets

STRENGTH

strengthen

strengthened

strengthening

Strenuous

strenuously

stress

stretch

stretched

stretcher

stretchers

stretches

stretching

Stretensk

strewn

Stricken

strict

stricter

strictest

strictly

strictness

stride

strides

strife

Strike

strikers

STRIKES

striking

strikingly

Strindberg

string

stringency

stringent

strings

strip

Stripes

stripped

stripping

strive

striven

striving

strivings

strode

stroke

strokes

stroll

strolled

strolling

strong

stronger

strongest

stronghold

strongholds

strongly

Strouts

strove

struck

structure

structures

Struggle

struggled

struggles

struggling

strung

Stryetensk

Stuart

stubborn

stubbornly

stubbornness

Stubbs

Stuben

stuck

studded

student

STUDENTS

studied

studies

studious

study

studying

stuff

stuffed

stuffs

stultified

stultifies

stumbled

stupa

stupefies

stupendous

stupid

stupidest

stupidities

stupidity

sturdy

Stuttgart

Stuyvesant

Style

styled

styling

Su

Suakim

Suakin

Suarda

sub

subalterns

subbasement

subcommission

subcommissions

subdelegation

subdistricts

subdivide

subdivided

subdivision

subdue

subdued

subduing

Subic

subject

subjected

subjecting

subjection

SUBJECTS

subjoined

subjugate

subjugated

subjugating

Subjugation

subjugator

Sublime

sublimity

submarine

submerged

submersion

submission

submissions

submissive

submit

submits

submitted

submitting

subordinate

subordinated

subordinates

suborn

subornation

subscribe

subscribed

subscriber

subscribers

subscribing

subscription

subscriptions

subsection

subsequent

subsequently

subserve

subserved

subserviency

subsided

subsidence

subsidiary

subsidies

subsidise

subsidised

subsidising

subsidized

subsidizing

subsidy

subsist

subsistence

subsisting

subsoil

substance

substances

substantial

substantially

substantiated

substations

substitute

substituted

substitutes

substituting

Substitution

substructures

subtle

subtly

subtracted

subtraction

subtropical

suburb

suburbs

subvention

subventions

subversion

subversive

subvert

subverted

subverting

Subway

succeed

succeeded

succeeding

succeeds

success

successes

successful

successfully

succession

successive

successor

successors

succinct

succinctly

succinctness

succor

succoured

succumb

succumbed

Such

Suchow

Suda

Sudan

SUDANESE

sudd

Sudden

suddenly

suddenness

sue

sued

sues

Suez

suffer

suffered

sufferers

suffering

sufferings

suffers

suffice

sufficed

suffices

sufficiency

sufficient

sufficiently

suffocated

suffocation

suffrage

suffrages

sugar

sugars

suggest

suggested

suggesting

suggestion

suggestions

suggestive

suggests

Sugita

Sugiyama

Sui

suicidal

Suicide

suing

suit

suitability

suitable

suitably

suite

suited

suitor

suits

Sukkur

Sul

sullen

Sullivan

sulphate

sulphur

Sultan

Sultanate

Sultans

Sulu

sum

Sumatra

SUMER

Sumerian

Sumerians

summarily

summarised

summarized

summarizing

Summary

summed

Summer

Summerall

Summing

summit

summits

summon

summoned

summoning

summons

summum

Sumner

sumptuary

sumptuous

sums

sun

Sunda

Sunday

Sundays

sunder

sundown

Sundry

Sung

Sungari

Sunk

Sunken

sunlight

sunny

sunrise

suns

sunset

Sunshine

superannuated

Superannuation

superb

supercilious

superficial

superfluous

superintend

superintended

superintendence

Superintendent

superintendents

superintending

Superior

superiority

superiors

supernatural

superposed

superposition

supersede

Superseded

superseding

supersession

superstition

superstitions

superstructure

superstructures

supervened

supervise

supervised

supervising

supervision

supervisors

supervisory

supine

Supper

supplant

supplanted

supplanting

supplement

supplemental

supplementary

supplemented

supplements

supplied

supplies

supply

supplying

support

Supported

supporter

supporters

supporting

supports

supposably

suppose

supposed

supposes

supposing

supposition

suppositious

suppress

suppressed

suppressing

suppression

suppuration

Suprema

supremacy

Supreme

supremely

suprême

sur

Surat

sure

surely

surest

surety

surf

surface

surfaced

surfaces

surgeon

surgeons

surgery

surgical

surgically

surmise

surmised

surmising

surmounted

surpass

surpassed

surpassing

surplus

surprise

surprised

surprises

surprising

surprisingly

surrender

surrendered

surrendering

surrenders

surreptitious

surreptitiously

surround

surrounded

surrounding

Surroundings

surveillance

Survey

surveyed

surveying

Surveyor

surveys

survive

survived

survives

surviving

survivor

survivors

Susa

susceptibilities

susceptibility

susceptible

suspect

suspected

suspects

suspend

suspended

Suspending

suspends

suspens

suspense

Suspension

suspicion

suspicions

suspicious

suspiciously

sustain

sustained

sustaining

sustenance

Sutcliffe

sutlers

Sutro

SUWAROFF

suzerain

Suzerainty

Suákin

Svend

Sverdrup

Swallow

swallowed

swallows

swamp

swamped

swamps

swampy

swarm

swarmed

swash

Swat

Swatow

Swats

sway

swayed

Swaziland

Swazis

swear

swears

sweat

sweating

Sweden

Swedes

Swedish

sweep

sweeping

sweepings

sweeps

sweetheart

sweetness

sweets

swell

swelled

swelling

swept

swerved

swift

swiftly

swifty

swim

swimming

swine

swing

Swinging

Swiss

switches

Switzerland

swollen

sword

swords

swore

sworn

swung

Sybel

sycophant

Sydney

syllabic

syllable

symbol

symbolical

symbolized

symbols

Symons

sympathetic

sympathies

sympathise

sympathisers

sympathize

sympathizers

sympathizes

sympathy

symptom

symptoms

synagogue

Syndicate

Syndicates

Synod

synods

synopsis

Syracuse

Syria

Syrian

system

systematic

systematically

systematise

systematization

systematize

systems

Szechuan

Szechuen

Szell

Szilagyi

Sérapeum

T

ta

Taaffe

Taal

tabards

Tabasco

Tabellen

tabernacle

Tablas

TABLE

tableland

TABLES

tablet

tablets

tabooed

taboos

Tabora

tabulated

Tabulinga

tacit

tacitly

Tacitus

tacked

tacking

TACNA

Tacoma

tact

tactfulness

tactical

tactics

tael

taels

Taft

Tagal

Tagalo

Tagalog

TAGALOGS

TAGALOS

Tagals

Tagblatt

Tahiti

Tai

tail

tailoring

tails

Taimoro

tainted

Taiping

Takamori

Takaungu

take

Taken

takers

Takes

taking

Taku

Takutu

Talajit

Talana

Talavera

tale

talent

talents

tales

Taliaferro

TALIENWAN

talisman

talk

talked

talking

talks

tall

Talmud

Tamasese

Tamaulipas

Tamayo

TAMMANY

Tampa

Tan

Tana

Tanamo

Tandubato

tang

Tanganyika

tangents

tangible

tangle

tangled

tank

tanks

Tanner

tanneries

tantamount

Tanu

TAO

Taoist

Taotai

Tapan

tape

taper

tapping

tardily

tardy

Tarfa

target

tariff

TARIFFS

Tarlac

tarnished

tarpaulin

Tartar

Tartary

task

taskmasters

tasks

TASMANIA

taste

tattered

Tau

Tauchnitz

taught

Taungs

taunting

Taussig

taut

Tawai

Tawi

tax

taxable

Taxation

taxed

taxes

taxing

taxpayer

taxpayers

Tayabas

Taylor

Tayug

Tchad

Tchernaieff

Te

tea

teach

teacher

Teachers

teaches

teaching

teachings

tear

tearing

tears

Tebet

technical

technicalities

technicality

technically

Technology

Teck

tedious

teemed

teeming

teems

teeth

teetotalers

Teheran

TEHUANTEPEC

Telegram

telegrams

Telegraph

telegraphed

telegraphic

telegraphing

Telegraphs

telegraphy

Telephone

telephones

telephonic

TELEPHONY

telescope

Telin

Tell

Teller

telling

Tello

Telloh

tells

Tembuland

Temistocle

temper

temperament

temperance

temperate

temperately

temperature

temperatures

tempered

tempest

tempests

temple

temples

Temporal

temporarily

temporary

temporize

Temps

tempt

temptation

temptations

tempting

Ten

tenable

tenacity

tenancy

tenant

tenants

tend

tended

tendencies

tendency

tender

tendered

tenderness

tenders

tending

tendons

tends

Teneriffe

tenet

tenets

TENNESSEE

Tenney

tennis

Tennyson

tenor

tens

tension

tent

tentage

tentative

Tenth

Tenthly

tenths

tents

tenure

tenures

Tepic

Terai

Teresa

term

termed

terminable

terminal

terminals

terminate

terminated

terminates

terminating

termination

terminations

termino

terminos

terminus

terms

terra

terrace

terrazzo

Terrell

terrestrial

terrestrially

terrible

terribly

terrific

terrified

terrify

Territorial

territoriality

Territories

Territory

terror

terrorise

terrorists

terrorized

terrors

tersely

TESLA

Test

testament

testamentary

tested

testifie

testified

testifies

testify

testifying

Testimony

testing

tests

Tetabiate

tetanus

Tetuan

Teuffel

Texan

Texans

Texas

text

textbooks

textile

textiles

texts

texture

th

thalers

thalweg

Thames

than

Thana

thank

thanked

thankful

thankfully

thankfulness

thanking

Thanks

Thanksgiving

that

thatched

thatches

Thayer

THE

theater

theatre

theatrical

Thebes

thee

theft

Their

theirs

them

theme

themselves

then

thence

thenceforth

theocracy

Theodor

Theodore

Theodosius

theologian

theologians

theological

theoretic

theoretical

theoretically

theories

theorist

theorists

Theory

there

Thereafter

thereby

therefor

Therefore

therefrom

therein

thereof

thereon

Theresias

thereto

theretofore

thereunder

thereunto

Thereupon

therewith

Thermometer

Thermopylæ

these

Thessalian

Thessalians

Thessaly

they

thick

thickened

thicker

thickest

thicket

thickly

thickness

Thiers

Thievery

Thieves

thigh

thimble

thin

thine

thing

things

Think

thinking

thinks

thinly

thinned

Third

Thirdly

thirds

thirst

thirteen

Thirteenth

thirtieth

Thirty

This

thither

thitherto

tho

Thomann

Thomas

Thompson

Thomson

thorn

Thornhill

thorns

Thornton

Thoroddsen

thorough

thoroughfare

thoroughfares

thoroughly

thoroughness

those

thou

Though

thought

thoughtful

thoughtless

thoughts

thousand

thousands

thraldom

thrash

thread

threadless

threads

threat

threaten

Threatened

threatening

threatenings

threatens

threats

three

threshold

thresholds

threw

thrice

thrift

thrill

thrilling

thrive

thriven

thrives

thriving

throat

Throndak

throne

throng

thronged

throttled

Through

throughout

throw

throwing

thrown

throws

thrust

Thun

thunder

thundered

thundering

Thurman

Thursday

Thurston

thus

THUTMOSIS

thwart

thwarted

thwarting

thy

Tiber

Tiberias

Tibet

Ticao

ticket

tickets

Tidal

tide

tided

tidewater

tidings

tie

tied

tien

tiens

Tientsin

ties

Tiflis

tightly

Tiglath

Tigris

Tila

Tilden

tile

tiled

tiles

Till

tillage

tilled

tillers

Tillman

timber

timbered

Time

timed

timely

Times

timid

timidity

timidly

Timothy

Tin

Tinagua

tincture

Ting

tinge

tinged

tingling

tinned

Tinneh

tinsel

tiny

tirades

Tirailleurs

tired

Tirol

Tirolese

Tiryns

Tis

tissue

title

titles

titre

titular

Tiumen

Tlaxcala

To

tobacco

Tobago

TOCHI

today

toes

together

Togo

TOGOLAND

Tohoku

toil

toiled

toiler

Toit

Tokat

token

Tokio

Tokiwo

Tokyo

told

TOLEDO

tolerable

tolerance

tolerant

tolerate

tolerated

tolerating

toleration

Toll

tolls

Tolosan

Tolstoi

Tom

Tomas

tomb

tombs

Tommy

tomorrow

Tompkins

Tomsk

ton

tone

tones

tong

Tonga

Tongaland

Tongkew

Tongking

Tongoland

tongue

tongues

Tonnage

Tonquin

Tons

tonsure

too

took

tool

tools

top

topazes

topic

topics

topmost

topographical

topography

topped

topple

toppled

tops

TORAL

torch

torches

torchon

torment

tormented

tormentors

torn

Tornado

Tornielli

Torpedo

torpedoes

Torquemada

Torquino

torrent

torrents

Torres

torrid

tortuous

torture

tortured

tortures

Tory

Toryism

Tosa

Toski

TOTAL

totally

Totals

toto

touch

touched

touches

touching

toughs

Toulon

Toulouse

tour

tourist

tourists

tours

tousled

tout

toute

toward

Towards

towed

tower

towered

towering

towers

Town

Towne

Towns

Townsend

Townshend

township

townships

townspeople

toxic

toxine

toxines

toxins

trace

traced

tracery

traces

tracing

track

trackless

tracks

Tract

tracts

Tracy

trade

traded

trademarks

traders

trades

tradesman

Tradesmen

tradespeople

trading

tradition

traditional

traditions

traffic

trafficking

tragedies

tragedy

tragic

tragical

tragically

Trail

trailing

Traill

Trails

train

trainbands

trained

Training

Trains

trait

traitor

traitors

Traitre

tramcar

tramp

trample

trampled

trampling

tramps

tramway

tramways

tranquil

tranquillity

tranquillizing

trans

transact

transacted

transacting

transaction

transactions

Transbaikalia

Transcaspia

transcend

transcended

transcendent

Transcendental

transcontinental

transcribed

transcriber

transcript

transfer

transference

transferred

transferring

transfers

transform

transformation

transformations

transformed

transformer

transformers

transforming

transgression

transient

transit

transition

transitory

Transkei

translate

translated

translating

translation

Translations

translator

transliteration

transmission

transmissions

transmit

transmittal

transmitted

transmitter

transmitters

transmitting

transmute

transparent

transpired

transport

transportation

transported

transporters

transporting

Transports

transradiable

transubstantiation

TRANSVAAL

Transvaalers

trap

trapping

Trarieux

Trave

travel

traveled

traveler

traveling

travelled

traveller

travellers

travelling

travels

Travers

traverse

traversed

traverses

traversing

trays

treacherous

treacherously

treachery

treacle

tread

Treason

treasonable

treasure

treasurer

Treasurers

treasures

treasuries

treasury

treat

treated

Treaties

treating

treatment

treats

treaty

Trebizond

treble

trebled

trebling

tree

trees

trek

tremble

trembling

tremendous

Tremont

trench

Trenches

trenching

TREND

Trenton

trephined

trespass

trespassers

trespassing

Trevelyan

Treves

tri

Triads

Trial

trials

triangular

Tribal

tribe

TRIBES

tribesmen

TRIBUNAL

Tribunals

Tribune

tributaries

tributary

Tribute

Tributes

trick

tricks

Tricoupis

tridents

tridominium

tried

tries

Trieste

trifled

trifles

trifling

trigger

Trikoupis

Trim

trimmed

trimmings

Trinidad

Trinity

trip

tripartite

triple

Tripler

tripod

Tripoli

tripping

trips

tritithons

Triton

triumph

triumphal

triumphant

triumphantly

triumphed

triumphs

Triune

trivial

Trobriand

Trocadero

trocha

TROCHAS

trod

Troia

Trojan

trolley

Tromsoë

troop

troopers

troops

trop

trophies

tropic

tropical

tropics

trotting

trouble

troubled

troubles

troublesome

troubling

trousers

Trowbridge

TROY

truant

Truce

trucks

truculence

truculent

True

truest

truism

truisms

truly

Trumbull

trumped

trumpet

Trumpeter

Trumpeters

trumpets

trunk

trunks

trunnions

trussed

trusses

trust

trusted

Trustees

trusting

trusts

trustworthy

Trusty

truth

truthfully

truths

try

trying

très

Ts

Tsai

tsang

Tsao

Tsar

Tschiposan

Tse

Tseng

Tshinovniks

tsi

Tsikalaria

tsin

Tsinan

tsing

Tsitsihar

Tsu

tsun

Tsung

Tsushima

Tsz

tsze

Tszechau

Tsü

tu

Tuan

tube

tuberculosis

tuberculous

Tubes

tubs

Tubuai

tubular

Tucker

Tuesday

TUGELA

tugs

Tui

Tuileries

tuition

tumbled

tumbling

tumours

Tumuc

tumult

tumults

tumulus

tun

tundras

tune

TUNG

Tungtschau

tunic

Tunis

Tunisia

Tunisian

Tunisians

tunnel

TUNNELS

Tupper

turbaned

turbine

TURBINES

Turbinia

turbulence

turbulent

Turk

Turkestan

TURKEY

Turkhan

Turkish

Turkistan

Turks

turmoil

turn

Turnavos

turned

Turner

turning

turnpikes

turns

Turpin

Turrettini

Tuscany

tusks

tutelage

tutor

Tutuila

TWAIN

Twan

Twelfth

Twelve

twelvemonth

twentieth

twenty

Twice

twigs

twilight

twin

Twiss

twist

twisted

twitching

Two

twofold

Tyler

Tymovsk

type

types

typhoid

typhoon

typhus

typical

tyrannized

tyranny

tyrant

Tyre

Tyrnavo

Tyrol

Tyrone

Tzar

Tze

Tzetinye

Tzrnagora

tzu

télégramme

u

uan

Ubao

ubiquitous

Uchali

Uganda

ugly

Uitlander

UITLANDERS

ukase

ul

Ulises

Ulloa

Ulster

ult

ulterior

ultima

ultimate

Ultimately

Ultimatum

ultimo

ultra

Ultramontanism

ULYSSES

Umata

Umba

Umpire

Umra

Umtali

Un

unabated

unable

Unabridged

unacceptable

unaccountable

unaccountably

unaccustomed

unacquainted

unadulterated

unaffected

unaided

unalterable

unalterably

unaltered

unanimity

unanimous

unanimously

unanswered

Unappalled

unapproachable

unarmed

unasked

unassailable

unassociated

unattainable

unattended

unauthorised

unauthorized

unavailing

unavoidable

unavoidably

unaware

unbaked

unbearable

unbearded

unbecoming

unblemished

unblushing

unborn

unbounded

unbridled

unbroken

unburied

unbusinesslike

uncanceled

uncaptured

unceasing

unceasingly

uncertain

uncertainties

uncertainty

uncertified

unchain

unchangeable

unchanged

unchecked

unchristian

uncivilized

unclaimed

uncle

unclothed

uncommon

uncompromising

unconcealed

unconcerned

unconditional

unconditionally

unconnected

unconquerable

unconscious

unconsciously

unconsciousness

unconstitutional

unconstitutionally

uncontrolled

uncovered

uncovering

uncurrent

uncurtailed

und

undamaged

undaunted

undeceived

undecided

undeciphered

undefended

undefined

undemocratic

undeniable

undeniably

undenominational

under

undercutting

underestimating

undergo

undergoes

undergoing

undergone

underground

undergrowth

underlie

underlined

underlings

Underlying

undermined

undermines

undermining

underpaid

underrated

underselling

Undersigned

understaffed

understand

understanding

understandings

understated

understatement

understood

undertake

undertaken

undertakers

undertakes

undertaking

undertakings

undertone

undertook

undervalue

underwent

Underwood

undesecrated

undeserved

undeservedly

undesirability

undesirable

undesired

undetermined

undeveloped

undexterous

undignified

undiminished

undischarged

undisciplined

undiscovered

undisputed

undisturbed

undivided

undivulged

undo

undone

undoubted

undoubtedly

undreamed

undue

unduly

undutiable

une

unearned

unearthed

Uneasiness

uneasy

uneducated

unemployed

unequal

unequaled

unequalled

unequally

unequivocal

unessential

unexampled

unexcited

unexecuted

unexpected

unexpectedly

unexpended

unexplored

unexposed

unextinguishable

unfailing

unfair

unfairly

unfairness

unfamiliar

unfavorable

unfavorably

unfettered

unfinished

unfit

unflagging

unflinching

unfolded

unforeseen

unforgettable

unfortified

unfortunate

unfortunately

unfortunates

unfounded

unfriendliness

unfriendly

unfulfilled

unfunded

unfurled

ung

UNGAVA

ungenerous

ungrateful

unground

unguarded

unhampered

unhappily

unhappy

unharmed

unhealthy

unheeded

unhesitating

unhindered

unhistorical

unholy

unhoped

unhurt

unification

unified

uniform

uniformed

uniformity

uniformly

Uniforms

unilateral

unimpaired

unimpassioned

unimpeded

unimportant

unimproved

uninhabitable

uninhabited

uninjured

uninterrupted

uninterruptedly

union

unionism

Unionist

Unionists

unions

unique

uniqueness

unirrigated

unison

unit

unite

united

uniting

units

unity

universal

universally

universe

Universelle

UNIVERSITIES

university

unjust

unjustifiable

unjustified

unjustly

unkind

unkindly

unknown

unlawful

Unless

unlike

unlikely

unlimited

unloading

unlooked

unmanageable

unmarked

unmarred

unmarried

unmeasured

unmindful

unmistakable

unmistakably

unmistakeably

unmixed

unmodified

unmolested

unmortgaged

Unmoved

unnamed

unnatural

unnaturally

unnecessarily

unnecessary

unnerved

unnoticed

unobjectionable

unobstructed

unobtainable

unofficial

unofficially

unopposed

unorganized

unostentatious

unpaid

unpalatable

unparalleled

unpardoned

unpatriotic

unperceived

unpermissible

unpitying

unpleasant

unpleasantly

unpopular

unprecedented

unprejudiced

unprepared

unpreparedness

unprincipled

unproductive

unproductively

unprofitable

unprofitably

unpromising

unpronounceable

Unprotected

unprovided

unprovoked

unpublished

unpunished

unqualified

unquestionable

unquestionably

unquestioned

unratified

unreadiness

unreasonable

unreasonably

unrecognized

unrecorded

unrehabilitated

unremitting

unrepresented

unrepublican

unreserved

unreservedly

unresisted

unrest

unrestrained

unrestricted

unrighteous

unrivalled

unroofed

unruly

unsafe

unsanitary

Unsatisfactory

unsatisfied

unscientific

unscriptural

unscrupulous

unseat

unseating

unsectarian

unseemly

unseen

unselfish

unsettled

unshaken

unshod

unsought

unsound

unspared

unsparing

unspeakable

unstained

unstaked

unsteadiness

unsuccessful

unsuitable

unsuited

unsupported

unsurpassed

unsuspected

unswerving

unswervingly

untamed

untarnished

untaught

untaxable

untaxed

untenable

until

untimely

untiring

unto

untold

untouched

untoward

untrained

untrammeled

untrammelled

untrampled

untried

untroubled

untrue

untrustworthiness

untrustworthy

untruth

untruthfully

unused

unusual

unusually

unvarying

unvexed

unvindicated

unwarrantable

unwarranted

unwavering

unwelcome

unwholesome

unwieldy

unwilling

unwillingly

unwillingness

Unwin

unwisdom

unwise

unwisely

unworkable

unworthily

unworthy

unwritten

Unyoro

Up

upbraid

upbuilding

upheaval

upheavals

upheld

uphill

uphold

upholder

upholders

upholding

upholds

uplift

uplifted

Upolu

Upon

Upper

upright

uprights

uprising

uprisings

uproar

uprooted

uprooting

upset

upsetting

upshot

upward

upwards

UR

Ural

uranium

Urban

urbana

Urga

urge

urged

urgency

urgent

urgently

urges

urging

Uribe

Uriburu

URREA

Urrutia

Uruguay

Uruguayan

Us

usage

usages

Use

used

useful

usefully

usefulness

useless

uselessness

USES

ushered

Using

Usoga

Ussuri

usual

usually

usufruct

usufructuary

usurers

Usuri

usurient

usurpation

usurped

usurper

usurping

Utah

utilitarian

utilities

utility

utilization

utilize

utilized

utilizing

Utman

utmost

Utrecht

utter

utterance

utterances

uttered

uttering

utterly

uttermost

v

va

Vaal

Vaca

vacancies

vacancy

vacant

vacate

vacated

vacating

vacation

vaccination

Vacherot

vacuous

vacuum

vagabonds

vague

vaguely

vagueness

vain

vainly

Vakin

Val

Valdivia

Valencia

Valentine

Valeriano

Vali

valiantly

valid

validated

validity

Valis

Valladolid

Valley

valleys

valor

valorem

valour

Valparaiso

valuable

valuables

valuation

valuations

value

valued

valueless

values

valuing

valve

valves

Valérien

Vamos

Van

Vancouver

Vanderbilt

Vandergrift

vanes

vanished

Vannoffsky

Vannovsky

vanquished

vanquishing

vantage

Varanger

Vardö

variance

variations

varied

varies

varieties

variety

Various

variously

Varipetro

Varley

Varona

vary

Varying

vase

vases

vassal

vassalage

vassals

Vassos

vast

vastly

vastness

Vatican

Vau

vaudeville

vaudevilles

Vaughan

vaulted

vaulting

Vavau

Vecchia

Veeder

Vegas

vegetable

vegetables

Vegetarian

Vegetarians

vegetation

vehemence

vehement

vehemently

vehicle

vehicles

veil

veiled

vein

veins

Velasco

veld

veldt

Velestino

Veliki

velocity

vendetta

venerable

venerated

veneration

Venezuela

Venezuelan

Venezuelans

vengeance

vengefulness

Venice

Venosta

vent

ventilating

ventilation

venture

ventured

ventures

Vera

verb

verbal

verbally

verbaux

Verde

Verdi

Verdict

Vereinigung

Vereins

Verfassungstreue

Vergano

verge

verification

verified

verify

verifying

Verily

veritable

Verkauf

Verlaine

Vermilion

VERMONT

Vernon

versa

Versailles

verse

versed

version

verst

versts

vertebral

vertical

vertically

vertretenen

very

vespers

vessel

vessels

vest

vested

vestige

vestiges

vesting

vestries

vestry

veteran

veterans

veterinarians

veterinary

veto

vetoed

vetoes

Vetter

vex

vexation

vexatious

vexed

VI

Via

viability

Viatka

vibrated

vibration

vibrations

Vicar

vice

Viceroy

Viceroyal

viceroyalty

viceroys

vices

vicinage

vicinities

vicinity

vicious

vicissitudes

Vicksburg

Vicomte

Vict

victim

victimised

victims

Victor

Victoria

Victorian

victories

victorious

victors

victory

vide

Video

vied

Vienna

Viennese

vient

Vieques

VIEQUEZ

view

viewed

views

Vigan

vigilance

vigilant

vigor

vigore

vigorous

vigorously

vigour

VII

VIII

vilayet

vilayets

vile

Villa

village

villagers

villages

Villalon

Villaverde

Villiers

VINCENT

vindicate

vindicated

vindication

vindictive

vindictiveness

vines

vinous

vintage

Vinton

violated

violates

violating

violation

violations

violative

violators

Violence

violent

violently

violet

violé

Viper

Virchow

VIRDEN

vires

virgin

VIRGINIA

VIRGINIUS

virile

virility

virtual

virtually

virtue

virtues

virtuous

virulence

vis

Visayan

VISAYANS

Visayas

VISCONTI

Viscount

visible

visibly

vision

visionary

visit

visitation

visited

visiting

visitor

visitors

visits

vista

vistas

Vistula

vital

vitality

vitals

VIth

vituperation

vive

Vivendi

Vivid

vividly

vividness

Vivien

Vixen

viz

Vizcaya

vizier

viâ

Vladika

Vladikas

Vladivostock

Vladivostok

Vocal

vocation

vocations

Vogel

Vogt

vogue

voice

voiced

voices

void

voir

vol

Vola

volcanic

volcano

Volga

Volkspartei

VOLKSRAAD

Volksraads

Volksrust

volley

volleyed

volleys

Volo

Vologda

voltage

voltaic

volte

volts

Volume

volumes

voluminous

voluntarily

VOLUNTARY

volunteer

volunteered

volunteering

volunteers

von

Vonizongo

Voorhees

Vorarlberg

vortex

Vorwärts

Vossische

Vote

voted

voter

voters

votes

VOTING

votive

votre

vouched

vouchsafe

vouchsafed

vous

vow

vowed

vowing

vows

voyage

voyages

Vroublevsky

Vryburg

Vryheids

vs

Vuitch

vulgar

vulnerable

vultures

Vágó

vérité

W

Wad

WADAI

Wade

Wadi

WADSWORTH

Wady

Wagandas

wage

waged

wager

wages

waggon

waging

Wagner

wagon

wagoner

wagons

Wahis

waifs

wailed

waist

waists

Wait

waited

waiting

waive

waived

wake

wakening

Wakhan

waking

Waldeck

Waldersee

WALDO

WALES

Walfisch

walk

walked

Walker

walketh

Walking

walks

Wall

Wallace

Wallachs

walled

Waller

Walls

Walpole

Walter

Wan

WANA

wander

wandered

Wanderer

Wandering

waned

Wang

wangtao

Wano

want

wanted

wanting

wanton

wantonly

wantonness

wants

war

WARD

wardrobe

wards

Wardwell

warehouses

warehousing

wares

warfare

Waring

Warka

warlike

Warm

Warmbath

warmer

warmest

warmly

warmth

warn

warned

Warner

warning

warnings

Warrant

warranted

warrants

warren

warring

warrior

warriors

wars

warship

warships

Warthe

Was

Washburn

washed

washhouses

washing

WASHINGTON

washtub

Wasp

waste

wasted

wasteful

wastes

wasting

watch

watched

watchers

watchful

watchfulness

watching

watchman

WATER

watered

waterfalls

watering

Waterloo

waterproof

waters

watershed

waterspout

waterway

waterways

waterworks

Watson

Watt

Wattenbach

Wauchope

wave

waved

Waverley

waves

waving

wavy

way

wayfarers

Ways

Wazir

Waziri

WAZIRIS

we

weak

weaken

weakened

weakening

weaker

weakest

weakling

weaklings

weakly

weakness

weaknesses

weal

wealth

wealthiest

wealthy

weapon

Weapons

wear

weariness

wearing

wears

weary

weather

weave

weaving

Weber

Webster

wedded

Weddell

wedding

wedge

wedging

Wednesday

weeded

week

weekly

weeks

weels

ween

weep

weeping

WEI

weigh

weighed

weighing

weighs

weight

weighted

weightier

Weights

weighty

Weih

weir

weird

welcome

welcomed

welcoming

welding

Weldon

welfare

well

Wellington

Wellman

wells

Welsh

weltering

Welti

wen

Wenamu

wended

went

wept

Were

Weser

Wesley

Wessels

west

Westchester

Westcott

westerly

WESTERN

westernmost

Westfälische

Westlake

Westminster

Weston

Westphalia

westward

westwardly

westwards

Wet

Wetmore

Wettek

Weyler

whale

whaler

Whaling

wharf

wharfage

Wharton

wharves

what

Whatever

whatsoever

Wheat

Wheaton

Wheedon

wheel

wheelbarrow

Wheeler

Wheeling

wheels

when

whence

whenever

where

whereabouts

Whereas

whereby

Wherefore

wherein

whereof

whereon

whereto

Whereunto

whereupon

Wherever

wherewith

whether

Which

whichever

while

whilom

whilst

whip

whipper

whips

whirled

whirling

whiskey

Whisky

whisper

whispered

whistled

whistles

whistling

WHITE

Whiteboyism

Whitehall

Whitehead

Whitelaw

whitened

whites

whitewashing

Whitewatersridge

whither

Whiting

Whitman

WHITNEY

Whittier

Who

whoever

Whole

wholesale

wholesome

wholly

whom

whomsoever

whose

Whosoever

Why

Wick

wicked

wickedness

Wickes

Wide

widely

widened

widening

wider

widespread

widest

widow

widowed

widowhood

widows

width

wielded

wields

Wiener

wife

Wiggins

wigglers

Wight

wigwams

WIIS

Wikoff

Wikoft

Wilberforce

Wilcox

wild

Wilde

wilder

wilderness

wildest

wildfire

wildly

Wildman

Wilford

Wilfred

Wilfrid

wilful

wilfully

Wilhelm

Wilhelmina

Wilhelmshafen

Wilkes

Wilkinsburg

will

Willard

Willcocks

willed

willful

William

Williams

willing

Willingly

willingness

Willis

Williston

wills

Willshire

Willson

WILMINGTON

Wilson

Wimereux

win

Winchester

Winchow

wind

Windhoek

winding

windings

Windom

window

windows

winds

Windsor

Windt

Windward

wine

wines

Winfield

Wing

Wingate

wings

Winifred

winking

Winkler

winning

Winnipeg

Winsor

Winter

Wintered

Winterhalder

wintering

Winthrop

wiped

wiping

wire

wireless

wirepullers

wires

WISCONSIN

wisdom

wise

wisely

wiser

wisest

wish

wished

wishes

wishing

wisps

wistfully

wit

Witfontein

with

withdraw

Withdrawal

withdrawals

withdrawing

withdrawn

withdraws

withdrew

withering

withheld

withhold

withholds

Within

Without

withstand

withstood

witness

Witnessed

witnesses

Witt

Witte

Witu

Witwatersrand

wives

Wm

Wodehouse

woe

WOLCOTT

Wolf

Wolmarans

Wolmeraans

Wolseley

Wolsey

wolves

woman

womanhood

womanly

women

won

wonder

wondered

Wonderful

wondering

wonderment

wonders

WOOD

Woodbury

wooded

wooden

Woodford

woodland

Woodruff

Woods

woodsmen

Woodstock

woodwork

wool

woolen

woollens

Woolley

wools

Woolwich

Woosung

Worcester

word

worded

Worden

wording

WORDS

wore

Work

workable

worked

worker

Workers

workhouses

working

workingman

workingmen

workings

workingwoman

workman

workmen

works

Workshop

workshops

workwomen

world

worldly

worn

worry

worse

worship

worshipping

worst

worth

worthily

worthless

worthy

Wortley

Would

wound

WOUNDED

wounding

wounds

wrap

wrapped

wrath

Wray

wreak

wreaking

wreck

wreckage

wrecked

wreckers

wrecking

wrecks

wrest

wrested

wresting

wretched

wretchedly

wriggling

Wright

wring

writ

write

writer

writers

writes

writhing

Writing

writings

writs

written

wrong

wronged

wrongful

wrongfully

wrongly

wrongs

wrote

wrought

wrung

Wu

Wuch

Wuhu

Wurster

Wyck

Wynberg

WYOMING

Wên

Wêng

Würtemberg

Würzburg

x

XCI

XCII

XCIII

xi

xii

XIII

xiv

XIX

XL

XLI

XLII

XLIII

XLIV

XLIX

XLV

XLVI

XLVII

XLVIII

XV

xvi

XVII

XVIII

xx

XXI

xxii

XXIII

xxiv

xxix

XXV

xxvi

XXVII

XXVIII

xxx

XXXI

XXXII

XXXIII

xxxiv

xxxix

XXXV

xxxvi

XXXVII

xxxviii

y

yacht

yachts

Yafa

Yakub

Yale

Yaloo

Yalu

YAMAGATA

Yamagutchi

Yamen

yamên

Yamêns

Yang

Yangtsun

Yangtsze

Yangtze

Yankee

Yao

Yaos

Yaqui

Yaquis

Yard

yards

Yarkand

Yass

Yauco

Ybayat

ye

yea

year

yearly

yearning

yearns

Years

yeas

Yellow

Yells

Yen

Yendi

Yenesei

Yengtai

Yenisei

yeomanry

Yerkes

Yermak

Yersin

Yes

yesterday

yet

Yeu

Yezo

Yi

Yichow

yield

yielded

yielding

yields

Yin

Ying

Yingkow

Yint

Ylin

Yod

yoke

yoked

yokes

Yokohama

Yokoi

Yola

Yonge

Yonkers

YORK

you

Youmans

young

younger

youngest

Younghusband

Youngstown

Your

Yours

yourself

yourselves

yourt

youth

youthful

youths

Youtsey

Ypsiloritis

Yu

yuen

Yugor

Yukon

Yukoners

Yule

Yun

Yung

Yungan

Yungtsin

Yunnan

yuyu

Yü

yüan

Yünnan

Z

zaggi

Zambales

Zambesi

Zambesia

Zambezi

Zamboanga

Zanardelli

Zangwill

Zanjon

Zanzibar

Zanzibarian

Zaragoza

zariba

Zavala

zeal

ZEALAND

Zealander

Zealanders

zealous

zealously

Zeebrugge

Zeitoun

Zeitung

Zelaya

Zembla

Zenta

zero

zest

Zeus

Zeyla

Ziegler

zigzag

Zina

Zinc

Zion

Zionism

Zionist

Zionists

Zionwards

Zirpanit

Zlatoust

Zola

ZONA

Zone

zones

Zoology

Zoshan

Zoutpansberg

Zukunft

Zulfikar

Zulu

ZULULAND

ZULUS

zum

Zurich

Zurlinden

Zygnema

zygote

zygotes

É

Éclair

Éclaireur

Émile

Étienne

à

æolipile

æsthetic

ça

ébranlait

écrit

élite

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