Notes on the West Indies, vol. 2 of 2
Date: 2025-11-24T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: West Indies -- Description and travel; Slavery -- West Indies; Barbados -- Description and travel; Guyana -- Description and travel; Pinckard; George; 1768-1835; English West Indian Expedition; 1795-1796; Yellow fever -- Guyana; Indians of South America -- Guyana

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Title: Notes on the West Indies, vol. 2 of 2
including observations relative to the Creoles and slaves of the western colonies and the Indian of South America: interspersed with remarks upon the seasoning or yellow fever of hot climates

Author: George Pinckard

Release date: November 24, 2025 [eBook #77323]

Language: English

Original publication: London: Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy, 1816

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NOTES
ON THE
WEST INDIES,
INCLUDING OBSERVATIONS RELATIVE TO
THE CREOLES AND SLAVES
OF THE
Western Colonies,
AND
THE INDIANS OF SOUTH AMERICA;
INTERSPERSED WITH REMARKS
UPON
THE SEASONING OR YELLOW FEVER
OF HOT CLIMATES.

SECOND EDITION,

With additional Letters from Martinique, Jamaica, and St. Domingo.

BY GEORGE PINCKARD, M. D.

Of the Royal College of Physicians,

Deputy Inspector-General of Hospitals to His Majesty’s Forces,

Physician to the Bloomsbury Dispensary,

The London Female Penitentiary, &c.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

It is a strange thing, that in sea voyages, where there is nothing to be seene but sky and sea, men should make diaries; but in land trauaile, wherin so much is to bee obserued, for the most part they omit it, as if chance were fitter to bee registered than obseruation.

LORD VERULAM.

LONDON:

PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY,

PATERNOSTER ROW;

AND L. B. SEELEY, FLEET STREET.

1816.

S. Gosnell, Printer, Little Queen Street, London.

CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.

LETTER I.
Favorable tidings from Grenada and St. Vincent. An enormous snake. Conversation respecting mermaids | Page 1
LETTER II.

Excursion to Mynheer Roboloski’s plantation Zuidwyk. Character of Mynheer Roboloski. Funeral obsequies of an officer. Depressing effect of such mournful exhibitions

5

LETTER III.

Discordant opinions and mode of treatment relative to “yellow fever.” Undeviating routine followed by the resident practitioners. General remarks respecting a medical life:—its peculiar advantages

13

LETTER IV.

Dutch method of punishing soldiers for drunkenness. An electrical eel. Visit of a wild-looking party of Indians. The lion-monkey, or schacomynghy. Singular instance of creole pride. Birth-day visit at Mr. Blair’s. Author’s uncertain situation

22

LETTER V.
Author’s return to Demarara. Alarming sickness of the troops. Its probable causes | 34
LETTER VI.

Authors removal to Mahaica. Afflicting sickness at that station:—severe professional duties. Situation of Mahaica. Scarcity of fresh provisions

37

LETTER VII.

Horrid cruelty towards a negro and his wife. Funeral of a murdered slave. Dismay of the murderer. Cruel unconcern of the attorney. Sad consequences of such inhuman treatment

45

LETTER VIII.

Sickness of the troops and medical officers at Mahaica. The author officiates as priest. Decease of Captain Heritage. Consultations with the colonial medical practitioners. The trade-wind termed the Doctor. Remarks of “Doctor Bob.” Contemplations of the author on his critical situation. Prophylactic experiment

55

LETTER IX.
Brilliant appearance of a forest on fire. Visit to Mynheer Bercheych. Description of his person; manners; habits, &c. | 63
LETTER X.

Continued suspense of the author. Fever still rages:—persons chiefly affected. Case of Chapman, a grenadier. A gratifying assemblage of convalescents. Audacity of the people of colour at Mahaica

79

LETTER XI.

Return of the author to La Bourgade. Altered type of the fever:—its interchanges. Peculiar fatality among the surgical cases. Loss of a medical assistant. Demarara Gazette

88

LETTER XII.
The author attacked with yellow fever. Detail of the symptoms of his case, and the means employed for his recovery | 96
LETTER XIII.

Kind solicitude of the colonists towards the author. Apparent influence of the tides on fever. Illness and recovery of Mr. Blackader. Gratifying diminution of disease at Mahaica. Striking examples of the character of slaves

108

LETTER XIV.

Interesting situation of the troops. Reinforcement of medical officers from Martinique. Mr. Jordan attacked with fever. Pleasing anticipations of a return to England. Ravages of yellow fever in the islands. Death of Colonel Gammell and of four of the physicians of the windward expedition. Happy effects of the dry season. Range of the thermometer at La Bourgade. Gang of negroes commanded by a female driver. Ludicrous mistake of an English lady

115

LETTER XV.

Author receives communications from England. Afflicting reports from St. Domingo. Apparent instances of the influence of the tides on fever. Remarks on abuses in army economy. Depraved advice concerning conscience

124

LETTER XVI.

Ludicrous scene of drilling a corps of negroes. Slavery contrasted with military discipline. Altered appearance of the yellow fever. Fatality of wounds and ulcers among Europeans. Extraordinary recovery of a negro. West India custom regarding women of colour. The wet season

127

LETTER XVII.

Christmas festivities. Orange season. Christmas temperature. Cruel treatment of a mulatto by a Dutchman. A striking case of intermittent fever. Slight effect of grief and dangers upon military men

140

LETTER XVIII.

Renewed visit to M. Bercheych. The ant-eater. Peculiar nests of birds and ants. Visit of M. Bercheych at Fort St. Andrew:—of a party of Indians

146

LETTER XIX.
Decease and funeral of Mr. Newland. Dutch prejudice in favour of usage. Effect of fresh provisions upon the sick | 154
LETTER XX.

Mr. Beete’s case of fever:—its coincidence with the spring-tides. Festivities on the Queen’s birth-day. Excessive dancing of the ladies. A Dutch lady’s supper. Foreign custom of carrying away provisions. Happy reduction of the sick list

158

LETTER XXI.

Essequibo attacked by the Spaniards. Opinion of slaves respecting freedom:—respecting crimes and punishments. Repeated attack of yellow fever upon the same person. Creole officers less efficient than European

165

LETTER XXII.

Gratitude of a slave. Extravagant hire of mechanics. Pleasant approach of the dry season. Absence of morning lassitude. Effect of climate on Europeans

173

LETTER XXIII.

Excursion of a party of planters up the river Demarara. Kamonuy—Woratilla—and Mabeira creeks. Peculiar stillness of the forest. Arrival of the party at Mr. Edmonstone’s solitary abode

178

LETTER XXIV.

A wood-walk from Mr. Edmonstone’s. Hasty removal of an Indian family. Eccentric character of an aged Scotsman. Journey through the forest to the Sand-hill. Scenery—temperature—and inhospitality at the “Sand-hill” estate

187

LETTER XXV.

The “Loo” estate, contrasted with the “Sand-hill.” A petit-maître in the forest. A wood-cutter’s cottage. A novel specimen of the labour of slaves. Improved scenery. Character and habits of Pezano, an old Spaniard. Arrival and reception of the party at “Ooest Vriesland”

196

LETTER XXVI.

Journey from “Ooest Vriesland” to “the falls:”—the latter described. Memorandum of the excursion. Surprise of the slaves. Return of the party. Temperature at Ooest Vriesland. Laba pepper-pot. Severe, but cheerful labour of the slaves. Excessive cold at the “Loo.” The Cockswain’s address in urging on the slaves

208

LETTER XXVII.

“Garden-Eden” plantation. Account of an extraordinary mulatto. Arrival of the party at Stabroek. General remarks concerning the excursion

218

LETTER XXVIII.
The author loses his horse:—is ordered to St. Domingo. Unhappy tidings from thence. Reflections upon the subject | 232
LETTER XXIX.

The Stadtholder’s birth-day. Conduct of a soi-disant patriot. Tedious voyage of the “Cotton-planter.” Account of a white negro:—of a piebald negress

235

LETTER XXX.

Anecdotes of “Princess Changuion.” March, a healthy period. Arrival of hospital stores. Observations on the new regulations for surgeons:—on the confused titles of medical officers

245

LETTER XXXI.

Reflections on the anniversary of the author’s arrival in Guiana. Remarks upon the rainy season. Dr. E’s observations concerning fever. “Lusignan” plantation:—its prolific garden

252

LETTER XXXII.
General observations concerning Demarara | 258
LETTER XXXIII.

Indian specimens shipped for London. Importance of Government rations. Novel scene of slavery. Unhappy report of the surgical invalids. Indications of the return of the wet season

282

LETTER XXXIV.
Author’s farewell from Guiana:—he anticipates many gratifications at St. Domingo:—promises to continue his “Notes” | 287
LETTER XXXV.

Authors voyage to Martinique. View of St. Vincent and St. Lucie. Coasting view of Martinique. Beautiful approach to St. Pierre. Description of the town—its population—its accommodations

289

LETTER XXXVI.

Demarara hospital reports approved at head-quarters. Fort Royal and its harbour. Mode of travelling between St. Pierre and Fort Royal. Military hospital, “La Charité.” Remarks on fever. Mortality among the medical officers

300

LETTER XXXVII.

Martinique returns, not a just criterion, respecting disease. Account of Martinique—its scenery—temperature—female population. French vivacity not confined to Europe. Guadaloupe, the Circassia of the West Indies. Visit to Chasse-pilote. Funeral of a child of colour:—of a white Catholic. Sale of Negroes. Conduct of a party of captured slaves. Martinique theatre

307

LETTER XXXVIII.

Supposed indications of peace. Visit to Mr. Dornford’s country residence. Père Edouard—his treatment of fever—his remarks on English practitioners. Birth-day ball. Contrast between French and English females. A supper scene. Martinique contrasted with the colonies of Guiana. French treatment and punishment of slaves. Importance of the distinction of colour with regard to slavery. Cruel punishment of a negro, by a Dutchman

318

LETTER XXXIX.
Wet season at Martinique. Musquitoes. Ceremony of La Fête de Dieu | 336
LETTER XL.
French frivolity. Decease of Mr. Dornford | 346
LETTER XLI.

Author detained at Martinique. Character of slaves. Example of tyranny in a woman of colour. Mode of feeding mules. Frogs exposed for sale. Noyeau. Remuneration of medical practitioners

353

LETTER XLII.

Author embarks for Jamaica. Anticipation the only comfort at sea. The packet chased by a privateer. Ludicrous conduct of the passengers. View of Jamaica. Arrival at Port-Royal:—its extreme heat. Kingston. Appearance of the people of colour. Example of negro-labour

363

LETTER XLIII.

Visit to Spanish town. The road—scenery—traffic. Friendly attention of Dr. Lind. Spanish town and environs. Prevalence of Spanish costume. Villas and “pens.” English aspect of Kingston Common. Temperature of Kingston—Fruits plentiful and delicious. Turtle:—use of their shells. Tavern accommodations:—lodgings. Contending opinions concerning fever

373

LETTER XLIV.

Author embarks for St. Domingo. Interesting visit at Port-Royal. A midnight visit at sea. A distressing calm. The extreme of tropical temperature. The sloop chased by a privateer. View of Cuba:—of Cape St. Nicholas. Adventurous boat excursion to the Mole

384

LETTER XLV.

Grief and disappointments of the author on arriving at St. Domingo. He prepares to proceed to Port au Prince. The Mole and its environs. Quarters and mess of the hospital staff. Occasional scarcity of fresh provisions. A sandy valley converted into a prolific garden

394

LETTER XLVI.

Voyage to Port au Prince. Inspection of convalescents. Peter Porcupine’s works. Unblushing confidence of French females. Remarks on the women of colour of Cape François and Port au Prince. Daring attacks of the brigands. Hostile out-posts viewed from the sea. Author’s observations on his arrival:—waits upon the Commander in chief

401

LETTER XLVII.

A morning scene at Port au Prince. Dr. Jackson:—his friendly attention to the author:—his dwelling:—his mode of life:—his opinion concerning fever. New arrangements of the hospital department:—objections against it. Sequels of the fever, and heat of climate. Opinions of the medical officers at Port au Prince, concerning the yellow fever. Comparative effect of the fever upon a party of artillery-men—and the crew of the ship Bangalore

411

LETTER XLVIII.

Temperature in different colonies. Example of the effect of heat upon the author. Influenza at St. Domingo. Remarks upon the site chosen for towns. Supply of water at Port au Prince. Use of horses and mules for labour. Scarcity of carriages, “pens,” villas, &c. French passion for gaming, dress, and dancing. Vauxhall, at Port au Prince

419

LETTER XLIX.

Situation and construction of Port au Prince:—government-house. Bathing in the French colonies. Superiority of the capital and of the females of colour at Martinique. Rude custom of the French at the table d’hôte. Provisions at Port au Prince—dinner—breakfast. The avaga pear

428

LETTER L.

Military expedition from Port au Prince. The Croix des Bouquets. The plain of the Cul de Sac. Example of the effect of the French levelling decree

434

LETTER LI.

Voyage to the Mole. Embarkation occurrences. Shameful system of plunder. The French women of colour. Singular liberality of John Bull. Audacity of the brigands:—expedition of the Lively sloop against them

439

LETTER LII.

Cases of yellow fever at sea. Action of the Pelican brig with a French privateer. Liberal accommodations of the naval hospital. Use of turtles for the sick. Sterile appearance of the Mole. Author’s intended visit to the United States

447

LETTER LIII.
A summary account of the slaves, and state of slavery in the West India colonies | 454
LETTER LIV.
General observations on the seasoning, or yellow fever of hot climates | 467
LETTER LV.
A brief account of the former and present state of St. Domingo | 492
APPENDIX.
A proposal for the emancipation of the slaves in the British settlements in the West Indies | 525

NOTES

&c.

LETTER I.

Berbische, July 1796.

I am too sensible, my friend, that in my noting communication regarding our late excursion, I was led into minutiæ, which might be more tedious than entertaining: but as my pen was my companion in the deep woods, and as I thought to you, while marking each circumstance on the spot, where it occurred, I knew not what part to suppress, and therefore hazarded a severe trial of your patience by imposing upon you the task of perusing the whole; yet not without a hope that, as the mode of travelling, and every thing connecting with the journey, differed, totâ facie, from what is common in Europe, the novelty might in some measure compensate the wearisome narration.

You will readily conceive the avidity with which our comrades demanded an account of our proceedings. They crowded round us upon our arrival, besieging us with vollies of interrogatories, and eagerly listening to our recitals. Every one had something new to ask, and from the varied forms of nearly similar questions, the two or three first days were mostly spent in repeating the details of our excursion.

We were equally solicitous to learn the news from the Islands, and from England, but were disappointed in all our inquiries, no intelligence having reached the colony during our absence. Since our return a vessel has arrived from Barbadoes, with the happy tidings that our troops have subdued the brigands and the Charibs of Grenada and St. Vincent, and that these islands are restored to order and tranquillity.

I should not omit telling you that I had an opportunity a few days since of seeing one of the race of enormous snakes, which you read of as infesting these colonies. It was killed near the town of New Amsterdam, was twelve feet long, and about the thickness of a man’s thigh. To the Europeans who were present, it appeared a very large and hideous reptile; but neither the colonists, nor the negroes considered it of extraordinary size, for we learn that they are sometimes seen more than twice as large, and upwards of thirty feet in length.

I wish I could relate to you a conversation which I heard at the governor’s lately on the subject of mermaids. It was maintained that these lady-like animals, of fabulous note, do really exist in the Berbische river, and I experienced some surprise, when I heard the governor, who is a sensible and intelligent man, give his sanction to the opinion. Often (it was insisted) very often had they been seen; and on my asking the gentlemen who advanced the assertion, if it was by their own eyes, they replied, “No! but repeatedly by Indians, by negroes, and by whites;” and they seemed to think it established beyond a doubt, that these scaly poissardes did actually inhabit the waters of this country. One of them, it was said, had been taken alive, by an Indian, who was carrying it to Savonette as a present to M. Heynemann; but from the prejudices of his nation, whose superstition protects these animals, the man was compelled, by others of the Indians, to return her to the river, lest the enraged mother should haunt them with every species of ill.

A planter who was present, observing that the officers were still unconfirmed in their faith, added a species of testimony which he seemed to think even the most incredulous could not resist. “Nothing,” said he, “is more certain than that mermaids do exist in the rivers of Guiana, for I know a navy officer who has not only seen them alive, but who actually ate of one, which had been cooked and served up for the table.” This he considered as “confirmation strong;” but as neither this gentleman nor any of the others had seen or eaten of these fish-ladies themselves, however it might border upon a breach of politeness, it was no contradiction of the assertions made by them, not to be convinced by the same reports, which had confirmed their belief: we therefore continue ... to doubt!

LETTER II.

Berbische, July 12.

You will be surprised to hear of my having already made another river excursion; but I before mentioned to you that we had intended visiting the estate of Mynheer Roboloski, on our return from M. Heynemann’s: not being able to effect it then, and afterwards receiving a pressing renewal of the invitation by some friends of M. Roboloski, who came to pass a day with the officers at the fort, I availed myself of the opportunity of returning with these gentlemen, in company with Captain Maxwell. We dined on our way, at the plantation Zuidwyk; one of the most pleasant and improved spots on the bank of the river. M. Linde, the gentleman we went to see, was indisposed, but he was inspired with health on seeing a party of unexpected visitors, and entertained us with all the glad welcome of the colony, most cordially inviting us to prolong our visit.

Zuidwyk is a coffee plantation. It is well cultivated, and rich in fruits. The house is spacious, and, standing at a pleasant distance from the river, with the ground ornamented and improved, it not only appears respectable, but conveys the idea of importance.

We were most gladly received by M. Roboloski, who, in his attentions towards us, seemed anxious to rival all the friendly hospitality we had experienced. Every mark of distinction and respect was conferred upon us, and a liberal supply of all the best things of the house and estate was served for our entertainment. When we were at table, slaves were placed at our elbows to wave lime-boughs, in order to defend us from the insects; and, in the evening, we were set down to cards with two or three negroes burning lime-sprigs around us, while others were placed with green branches to chase away the musquitoes, as well as to serve us with copious libations from an adjoining table, which was spread with wine, punch, sangaree, and various rich liqueurs. At going to bed, and at rising, slaves attended us with water for our feet, and were strictly enjoined to kneel down, and wash them: nor were we suffered to encounter the fatigue of stooping, or permitted to wet our hands in so humble an office.

It happened that I expressed a desire to make the tour of the estate, in order to observe its extent and cultivation. The wish scarcely had utterance before orders were given for the favorite horse of M. Roboloski to be brought to the door. I had intended myself a pedestrian ramble, but was not permitted to engage in such “excessive fatigue.” Old grey was quickly led out, and appeared before the window; when the process of putting on the best saddle, “for Mynheer,” and arranging the gay trappings became the business of no less than six slaves, and occupied them for nearly an hour and a half, forming a truly diverting and ludicrous scene. The head, the neck, each side, and the very tail of the animal had its appropriate negro. The bridle, the crupper, the girths and stirrups, each occupied a separate slave, all hurrying in the full bustle of attentive exertion. At length the ponderous saddle was miserably fixed, and, without attempting to instruct the master or correct the slaves, I mounted upon the neck of old grey, and soberly trotted round the plantation. At every angle or turning I met with a fresh slave who had been stationed there in readiness to run after my horse, and to direct and attend me whithersoever I might wish to bend my way: but as neither old grey nor myself, were inclined to advance with great speed, all my running footmen were able to keep pace with me, so that before I had completed my journey, I had collected quite a host of attendants, and found myself moving amidst a naked and numerous throng.

Together with a natural sprightliness, and vivacity of temper, M. Roboloski is generous and hospitable to an extreme. All that was rare was presented to us while we remained; besides which, numberless offerings were heaped upon us at our departure, and he would have given us more than we could carry away. The whole produce of his house and estate: all he had, his Wowski excepted, was at our command. On leaving him he loaded us with fruits, pickles, Tonquin beans, and other good things; and it was with difficulty that we prevented him from depriving himself of even the comforts of his home for our accommodation. Towards his slaves he is extremely rigid, and holds them in very strict subjection; but, with the many good qualities he possesses, it cannot be suspected that cruelty has any share in his government. Unhappily, with the most liberal and generous nature, he has an unfortunate disposition which torments him with all the harrowing pangs of a dark and imbittering passion. Kind and attentive as he is both to his friends and to strangers, he knows neither peace, nor comfort, whilst they are in the house, from his mind being incessantly tortured with the dread suspicion that a disgusting black woman, whom he keeps as his wife, may be seized with a fit of inconstancy, and share her joys with others. He, therefore, locks her up stairs while his visitors are with him, and keeps the key of the door in his pocket. To such excess, indeed, does he carry his jealousy, as to employ a young slave in the house, for the express purpose of watching the poor hideous woman’s conduct, and reporting to him every look and action.

The day after our return from M. Roboloski’s, we witnessed one of the great and awful scenes of a West India climate—one of those convulsions of the weather, which convey the idea of enraged elements warring to reduce all nature again to chaos. It is not easy for any one, who is acquainted only with the soft breezes and showers of Europe, to conceive the terrific grandeur which is sometimes exhibited by a storm within the tropics.

Another very grand, but awful and afflicting scene has occurred to our notice in the funeral obsequies of one of our comrades; an officer of artillery, who had suffered an attack of yellow fever, and from exposing himself to fatigue and late hours during his convalescence, brought on a relapse which quickly deprived his country of his services, and us of his society. Warlike honors were done to his remains. The funeral was conducted with all the splendid and heart-moving parade of a military procession; which forms one of the most awful ceremonies that the eye or imagination can contemplate; but under the circumstances of our present situation it is too solemnly impressive to be practised without the risk of injury; for I have had occasion to remark that, in its effects, it threatens ills beyond the wholesome grief of the moment. The associations arising from the gloomy spectacle operate so powerfully upon the minds of those who are fearful of disease, as to endanger serious illness. The slow march, with the arms of war inverted; the doleful music; the sable hollow-sounding drum; and the thrice-vollied farewell, added to the common rites of sepulture, augment the distressful feelings natural to the occasion, and beget a degree of melancholy which not only sinks the soul with grief, but reduces the body within the pale of disease; and hence, although it be a grand and honorable observance, which may be attended with beneficial effects at certain times, or under certain circumstances, it would appear to be too dispiriting to be indiscriminately exhibited on service, particularly in a climate where the body is highly predisposed to sickness, and the mind held in a state of depression from the sudden and multiplied ravages of disease; and where the sense of honor which attaches to the ceremony is more than counterbalanced by the sad impression that the person who views it may, in the course of only a few hours, be himself the unconscious object of similar parade.

Two of the officers who attended the funeral, although as brave men as ever unsheathed a sword, were thrown into a state of despondency which nearly cost them their lives. Overwhelmed with grief for the fate of their comrade, and fearfully apprehensive of disease, the afflicting ceremony produced a degree of depression from which they had no power of rallying. All their military spirit, and manly firmness were subdued, and under the weight of inconsolable sadness, they were rapidly sinking into a state of sickness, from which they felt hopeless of recovery. One of them, who with the spirit of the lion, possesses the heart of a lamb, being wholly unable to suppress the overflowings of his sorrow, was seen day by day to shed tears, like an infant. Change of place became necessary to their relief; they were accordingly permitted to quit the fort for a time, and happily by diversity of scene, and absence from the grief-exciting spot, the dangers which threatened them were averted, and their usual health and spirits restored.

The wet season is now declining, and we are led to look for much increase of sickness during the subsequent months.

Not to fatigue you with a minute detail of the appearances, on the examination of our lost comrade, I may briefly observe that in the stomach they have hitherto been uniform, but in the other viscera very uncertain and dissimilar. With respect to the symptoms of the disorder, we now discover much instability. Either vomiting, low delirium, singultus, or coma, with or without yellowness of the skin, forms the prominent feature—each in its turn seeming to give the character of a distinct disease; but all terminating, within a few days, in the usual manner.

LETTER III.

Berbische, July.

The unhappy loss of our comrade, mentioned to you in my last letter, has been productive of much discussion on the subject of yellow fever. The governor is fond of reading medical books, and feels a strong interest regarding the diseases of the troops, and the maladies arising from the climate. He takes great pleasure in bringing professional men together, and in promoting medical conversations. Gladly I avail myself of the advantages to be derived from this propensity, and through the means of Mynheer Van Battenburg have frequent opportunities of hearing the remarks and opinions of the most eminent practitioners in the colony; but I find that they have established one undeviating routine of treatment. Emetics and the bark are prescribed in all cases of fever; and they insist upon the peculiar efficacy of these remedies in that species or degree commonly called “yellow fever.” This doctrine, so generally and positively asserted by the professional residents, is in direct opposition to the experience of the medical officers of our army, who, in this disease, have constantly found emetics injurious, and bark, in the early stages, useless. I have been at much pains therefore to reconcile the observations with fact; and as the opinions respecting the remedies were so directly at variance, I was anxious to satisfy myself with regard to the identity of the disease; hence, in order to ascertain, correctly, whether we were treating the same complaint, I requested several of the medical men of the colony to visit the patients in the military hospital; and begged of them to allow me to see some of the sick inhabitants of the town. This proposal being accepted, the cause of the difference of opinion, and of treatment soon became obvious; for it was ascertained that while we were contending with the continued fever of Europeans but lately arrived, they were prescribing for the remittent fever of the colonists. They candidly admitted that the disease in the hospital differed from the fever which they commonly treated; and one of the most eminent of them, who had been, during twelve years, in busy employment in the colony, acknowledged that, in the whole course of his practice, he had met with only five cases of what he now termed “genuine yellow fever.”

One of the persons whom I had the opportunity of visiting was the patient of Dr. S. who now discovered that he had seen only five cases of yellow fever within the period of a dozen years. I found that he was treating this gentleman with bark, per os atque per anum, without assisting it with opium, wine, or any of the other stimulants, or aromatics usually employed: but it was evidently a case of the remittent fever of the country. The patient, who was very dangerously ill, happily recovered, and notwithstanding my own opinion that he might have been cured with more facility, by a smaller quantity of the bark, if it had been combined with opium, wine, or the like, still I was indebted to the doctor for the opportunity which this case afforded me of witnessing the very ample and persevering adhibition of this valuable remedy by the Dutch practitioners.

One of the colonial doctors who visited our late comrade, during his short illness, termed his disease a “pituitous fever;” but still he recommended emetics and bark as the cure. If these remedies were as extensively useful, as might be inferred from the opinions of the gentlemen practising in this colony, the crowded contents of our medicine-chests might be conveniently reduced to two simple packages of bark and emetic tartar! Probably the patients who come under the care of these practitioners are, for the most part, creoles, or persons who have become creolised, in whom the disease usually assumes the remittent type, and who very seldom, if ever, have it in the aggravated form which constitutes the yellow fever.

While I am upon the subject of medicine you will forgive me if I should extend this letter by offering you a few remarks respecting a medical life. You are not unacquainted with the many inconveniences and afflictions which attach to the practice of the profession, and you will be pleased to know that these are in some measure counterbalanced by peculiar and exclusive advantages. Medical men are commonly regarded as persons of social habits and sentiments. Often they are viewed as a privileged race, and the term doctor serves as a general passport, insuring a degree of affability, and freedom of intercourse. Not unfrequently they are indebted to it for friendly civilities, to which they could have no sort of personal claim, and, on account of it, they sometimes experience a more distinguished attention than falls to the lot of others.

A medical man is made to feel himself at home in every house. He is scarcely admitted as a stranger, before he is considered as a kind of confidential acquaintance, and received, as it were, into the bosom of the family. Wheresoever fortune may place him, he is never out of the line of his profession; and it is peculiarly in his power, at all times and in all situations, to contribute to the comfort or relief of his fellow-beings. Like the word brother in masonry, the term doctor conveys an idea of universal friendship and philanthropy. Even as the brotherhood of the trowel, too, ours is a wide and ancient fraternity, and we, like them, soon become known to each other. We also seek those of our own order, and associate in cordial fellowship wherever we meet. Moreover, if general benevolence and the good of mankind be their object, so is it equally ours; and to continue the similitude, perhaps you will say that, like theirs, our signs and forms are concealed and private. But let us not pursue the parallel, lest we betray secrets, never to be revealed.

In the West Indies, and particularly on service with the army, the medical officers are found to have many advantages; for, in every ship, with every regiment, and almost at every plantation, they find a professional brother who in the most friendly way promotes their comfort, and kindly seeks to procure them accommodation. On this head I speak with much satisfaction, being able, from personal experience, to bear testimony to a general spirit of amity, and an uniform practice of good offices, on the part of my brethren.

At most of the West India plantations some member of our fraternity is either resident, or in occasional attendance, as the physician, surgeon, and intimate friend of the household. He is usually a person of influence, and whenever a medical officer of the army visits the estate, the doctor, interesting himself for his professional brother, quickly makes him acquainted with the family, and procures him all the facilities of social intercourse. This I have many times experienced; and, by means of the medical attendant, have not unfrequently been regarded as the friend of the house, before my military comrades had ceased to be considered as strangers!

These may appear only as trifles to you, who daily indulge amidst the luxuries of England, and can hourly command the supplies and conveniences of all-prolific London; but they, who have known the hard lot of privation, will tell you that these little circumstances are often very important on service, particularly to those who are employed on distant and foreign stations.

Many other privileges might be enumerated as peculiar to medical men, or attaching to their professional occupation, some even amidst the bloody strife of war; for although balls and bullets show no distinction in the field, still, not his friends only, but the enemy likewise inclines to protect, rather than to injure the doctor, for his is a kind and tender duty, and extends alike to all. It belongs not to him to discriminate. The effect of the battle alone concerns him: he has nothing to do with the cause! If a suffering object appear, it is no question whether he be a friend or a foe: he languishes, and is therefore entitled to his care; for it is his to stop the gushing streams of life, and to pour a healing balm into the wounds of afflicted humanity, in whatever breast she bleed.

In his command a medical man is absolute, and without control. Indeed nothing can be more arbitrary than medical government. The doctor is even more despotic than the mightiest chief. Passive obedience is his first law: he dictates in positive terms, and exacts the most rigid submission. Nor will this seem unreasonable, when it is recollected that the general’s authority regards only life, while the doctor’s concerns both life, and, ... still more important, health!

Perhaps you will pardon my pen in proceeding one step further, to notice the very highest gratification and best reward of a medical life: in comparison of which all the honors, privileges, and advantages above alluded to, are light as the dying breeze. It may be remarked that the duties of a medical man are arduous and important beyond all other occupations. Constant fatigue and anxiety are his lot. The health of others is his care; and he is often intrusted with the lives and happiness of those united by the nearest and dearest ties. Unbounded confidence is reposed in him, and if his anxious exertions are crowned with success, he is hailed as saviour, father, and friend! His time is at the public command. Not a moment is securely his own: daily and hourly he is called upon to witness the most heart-rending scenes of affliction, and it is his peculiar lot to be sought only in the hour of danger; whence his whole life is spent in the house of woe. But, happily for the humane and zealous mind, even these duties have their reward. On service, if a soldier or a sailor be relieved, gratitude attaches him to his doctor’s interest, and he is ever afterwards secure of his aid and protection. He will fight in his defence, and expose himself to every danger for his safety. But it is in private life, and in the more retired paths of the profession, that the feeling heart meets its genuine return: for to relieve a suffering object from distress—to check the sad ravages of disease—to restore an affectionate and beloved parent, or a duteous child from the bed of sickness, and thereby to dispel the cloud of sorrow, or wipe away the tear of affliction; and then to receive the heart-felt thanks and blessings of a grateful family, is a consolation which none but medical men can know! This it is that reconciles the anxious toils of the profession:—that forms the high compensation of our labours; and the happiest reward of our cares!

LETTER IV.

Berbische, July 22.

Without the opportunity of knowing whether my frequent notes have already provoked your repentance, my pen continues to direct to you its offerings.

I have been lately on a visit to the governor at New Amsterdam, and had there an opportunity of witnessing the Dutch mode of punishing soldiers for drunkenness; which is by making them run the gauntlet between two ranks of their comrades, so placed as for each to give the offender a stripe upon his bare back, every time that he passes. The punishment was conducted in the following manner: a party of about forty of the soldiers, with fixed bayonets, were drawn out upon parade, in open rank, and standing front to front, forming a kind of alley closed at each end. With-inside, between the ranks, were stationed the drum-major, and the prisoner, the latter stripped of his coat, waistcoat, and shirt, and with his hands tied before him. On a signal being given by beat of drum, its major, dignified with bearing a majestic staff in his hand, commenced his parade, in slow march, up and down the alley, the prisoner closely following behind, who received a stripe from each of the soldiers, with a fresh-gathered twig, every time that he went and returned. Several drum-boys were placed at the outside of the ranks with small bundles of sticks, in order to renew the supply, when any one chanced to break. Non-commissioned officers were also stationed at the back of the ranks provided with canes, for the purpose of transferring any stripes to the soldiers which they might neglect to give to the prisoner, or to place upon their own shoulders any deficiencies which might arise from their not exerting a due strength of arm.

In this manner was the man marched and flogged, flogged and marched, up and down, at the heel of the drum-major, until he had received many hundreds of lashes, and his bruised back exhibited one frightfully black surface, from his neck down to the waistband of his breeches. No blood was spilt, nor perhaps was the pain quite so acute as it commonly is from our cat o’ nine tails; but the sadly beaten skin, swoln with blackness, was not less distressing to the sight than a more blood-stained wound, and possibly even more difficult of cure. Several drums were beat in loud roll during the whole time of the punishment, which served to drown the cries of the sufferer, while it increased the military parade of the scene.

It was somewhat remarkable that, at the very moment of this chastisement, one of our own soldiers came reeling along in drunken gambols, tumbling against the very ranks employed to inflict the penalty of his own crime. On seeing what they were doing, he stammered out in broken accent, “That’s right, camarades; give it him; lay it on, boys; make him smart for it; a drunken Yaa—well! cut close; lay it in deep; make him remember it, a drunken Dutch dog!” He was not aware how soon it was likely to be laid much deeper into his own back. The captain of his company happened to be present, and immediately ordered him into confinement in the guard-house, preparatory to being led forth, at a more sober moment, to a severer punishment, perhaps, than that which had so amused him in his cups.

The Governor has a large electric eel, which he has kept for several years in a tub, made for that purpose, placed under a small shed near to the house. This fish possesses strong electrical powers, and often causes scenes of diversion among the soldiers and sailors, who are struck with astonishment at its qualities, and believe it to be in league with some evil spirit. Two sailors, wholly unacquainted with the properties of the animal, were one day told to fetch an eel, which was lying in the tub in the yard, and give it the cook to dress for dinner. It is a strong fish of seven or eight pounds weight, and gives a severe shock on being touched, particularly if at all irritated or enraged. The sailors had no sooner reached the shed, than one of them plunged his hand to the bottom of the tub to seize the eel; when he received a blow which benumbed his whole arm: without knowing what it was, he started from the tub shaking his fingers, and holding his elbow with his other hand, crying out, “Damme, Jack, what a thump he fetched me with his tail!” His messmate laughing at “such a foolish notion,” next put down his hand to reach out the eel, but receiving a similar shock, he snapped his fingers likewise, and ran off crying out, “Damme, he did give you a thump! He’s a fighting fellow: he has fetched me a broadside too! Let’s both have a haul at him together, Jack, then we shall board his d——d slippery carcass, spite of his rudder.” Accordingly they each plunged their hands into the tub, and seized the fish, by a full grasp round the body. This was rougher treatment than he commonly experienced, and he returned it with a most violent shock, which soon caused them to quit their hold. For a moment they stood aghast, then rubbing their arms, holding their elbows, and shaking their fingers, they capered about with pain and amazement, swearing that their arms were broken, and that it was the devil in the tub in the shape of an eel. They now perceived that it was not a simple blow of the tail, which they had felt before; nor could they be prevailed upon to try again to take out the fish, but stole away rubbing their elbows, and cursing “the trick about the cook and the eel.”

You have, no doubt, seen drawings of this fish, and have met with preparations of it in the different museums and collections of the curious. Its form is not so round as that of the common eel. The head is flatter, as is likewise the tail, and much broader; the sides are less convex and deeper; the back is wide, and the body tapers down somewhat abruptly, terminating at the belly in a thin membrane, forming a kind of fin. I have preserved the skin of one, which I hope to show you in England at the end of the war. The shock communicated is sometimes very powerful, and precisely resembles that from the electrical machine. I have received it both from contact, and by means of conductors. The fish at Governor Van Battenburg’s once gave me a severe blow from touching it, in the water, with the end of a polished ramrod belonging to one of the soldiers’ firelocks.

We were, yesterday, visited at the fort by a party of the wildest-looking Indians I have yet seen. Sixteen came down the river in one canoe, forming an unusually fierce and romantic group. The men had their skins painted in various odd figures, some with red, others with black and red; and some had a thin small plate of silver, hung by way of ornament from the nose. A custom also prevailed among the women of this party, which we had not before observed. They wore in their ears thick pieces of wood, of the size and shape of a common wine-bottle cork, not suspended to the part, nor hanging by a ring, but pushed through a large hole, cut in the substance of the ear itself.

This party was less cordial with us, than many who had preceded them. They also made their visit shorter. We procured from them some Indian baskets, and some bows and arrows. I had likewise an opportunity of purchasing a small lion-monkey, called Schacomynghy, to supply the place of a most beautiful one which I had brought down the river, from the Indian village near Savonette, and which had lately died.

The Schacomynghy is a very handsome playful little fellow. He is the smallest of the monkey tribe, being considerably less than the common squirrel of England, and in weight not more than five or six ounces. He perches very commodiously upon a person’s fore-finger; or will run up the side of a quart bottle and take his seat very conveniently at the top, amusing himself with putting down his little hand to taste the wine or water, or whatever may be contained within. His colour is nearly black, with sometimes a slight mixture of dark grey: the tail is longer than his body. His neck is covered with thick, long, and bushy hair, like the full mane of the lion, whence the name of lion-monkey, by which he is commonly known. His face is oval, approaching to circular, and his features are less disgusting than is usual among the monkey tribe; the ears are smooth and round, and without hair. He is a very delicate animal, and extremely susceptible of cold; even in this climate he will creep into the folds of the bedclothes, or with-inside the bed for warmth. His kennel is a coco-nut shell, his bed a little cotton, put within it, which he seems to enjoy, without feeling oppressed by heat or closeness.

You would not pardon me, if I were to omit noting a fact which occurred to my observation during my visit at New Amsterdam. In company with some of the officers I went to make a morning call at the house of one of the most respectable inhabitants of the town; and whilst we were sitting with the lady of the family, a fine black child, about a year old, strayed into the room; where she trotted round, looking and smiling with innocent playfulness at each of the party. Diverted with the naked little Pickaninny, I took her upon my knee, and danced her about for some time; then led her out at the door, to give her to a young mulatto woman, one of the slaves of the house, whom I saw sitting in the hall. On offering the child to this copper-skinned lady, she darted a repulsive look and turned from me. Not aware of the cause of this, I lifted up the infant, to place it upon her knee, when she indignantly pushed the poor babe away. I still repeated the attempt, endeavouring to make her comprehend that I wished to have the child taken from me: but no! she continued to thrust her away with increased indignation. Surprised at this conduct, and wholly unable to account for it, I led my little naked female back into the parlour, and mentioning the circumstance to Madame S——, begged of her to tell me whether it was the black face of the infant, or my pallid visage, that was the object of dislike to this damsel of golden hue. A monosyllable conveyed the explanation! Madame S——, pointing to the child, whispered “noire!” Is it possible? I exclaimed. Can it be credible that this creature who is a slave herself, and only one remove from the negroes, can have imbibed such proud ideas of distinction, as to despise a fellow slave, and helpless infant, merely because she differs a single shade from herself, in the colour of her skin? “Il n’y a rien de plus vrai,” replied Madame S——, who further remarked, that this very mulatto was herself a most excellent nurse, and peculiarly fond of children; but, to be worthy of her attentions, it was indispensable that they should be, at least, as fair as herself: her sister’s children, the offspring of a mulatto woman and a white man, she would nurse with the utmost sedulity and tenderness! On learning this I again went to the mulatto, and endeavoured to prevail upon her, to take from me the good-humoured and playful little negress. But I found that no persuasions could induce her to notice the poor babe, who all the time looked up in her face, and solicited her attentions with a smile of heavenly innocence. Her skin was black, and it would demean even a slave, but a single degree whiter than herself, to treat her as a fellow-being. Such are the distinctions of colour! and such, alas! the misfortune, which luxury presumes to impose upon a numerous race, for no better reason than that, in His infinite wisdom, it has pleased the Common Parent of all, to place upon His children of Europe, a paler skin, than has been given to His children of Africa.

I have again been with a party across the river, to visit our princely neighbour Mr. Blair. It was a birth-day festival, and perhaps a more choice and sumptuous repast could not have been found, even in the proud cities of Europe. Amidst a crowded variety of covers we had a large green turtle, with a great variety of the best European vegetables. The fruits were endemic, and such as London with all its riches cannot obtain. At no other house in the colony are such entertainments given: a circumstance, which, together with the paucity of our ordinary supply, and indeed the difficulty of procuring any fresh provisions for our table, makes such a gala day quite an object of notice. To you, who have daily feasting before you, it can offer nothing remarkable. You will not be surprised when I tell you that the generous donor experiences the honorable reward of feeling, in his remotest extremities, the pungency of his dishes.

The Dutch division of the party returned across the river, at an early hour, like orderly citizens. The officers remained all night, but a rational sobriety tempered the mirth of the evening. I rose before my comrades, in the morning, intending to bathe in the sea; but on going upon the fine beach before the house, for that purpose, my face, and legs, and hands were so bitten by myriads of sand-flies, as to deter me from exposing to them my naked surface.

The weather has been tolerably dry since the commencement of July, particularly in the day-time. In the night we have frequent showers of rain. The breeze is usually steady, and hitherto we have not found the air perceptibly hotter than in the preceding months of May and June. The thermometer seldom exceeds 84. Almost every night we have mild and beautiful flashes of lightning, following each other in quick succession without thunder. Here also the moon appears clad in peculiar brightness. A few evenings ago we had an opportunity of seeing a very perfect Iris, formed from its light. A pale-looking cloud interposed itself directly before the moon, when, as if to show her powers, she calmly separated her rays, and arched them on the skies, in all the splendour of a beautiful rainbow.

You have already learned, that on leaving Barbadoes we were hurried away without our baggage, it being supposed that we should quickly return thither, in order to proceed to St. Domingo. We now begin to feel the inconvenience of this disjunction, and particularly in the article of shoes, which we are obliged to buy from the very wretched stores, brought by the Americans. Such execrable specimens I had never seen before. A London dust-woman would scarcely pick them up in the street. They are commonly mouldy, and of very hard, rough, and coarse leather; the colour of which is a rusty brown, with red shining through it; and, withal, they are most miserably, and, I may say, painfully made. The price of these uneasy coverings for the feet is as high as three dollars. If we were in the expectation of remaining upon this station, I should beg of you to send me out a package from Rymer: but it is still intimated that the branch of the St. Domingo hospital staff, on duty in these colonies, may be soon removed; and in this uncertainty the continuing to wear rough American shoes, will not be the greatest mortification I shall have to support, for it delays the hope of speedily hearing from my friends in England. I cannot say—write to me, here! yet I know not when I may go hence; and if I should be ordered to proceed first to Barbadoes, or Martinique, it may be long before I reach Hispaniola. Still, amidst all the uncertainties of my situation, my best hope of hearing from you at all, seems to rest on your letters being addressed to the Head-quarters of the army of St. Domingo. Continue, therefore, to send them thither, and, whenever I may arrive, I shall hail the accumulated feast that will await me, as the best reward of the long and anxious suspense to which I am doomed.

LETTER V.

La Bourgade, July 30.

After addressing my last letter to you, I was called from Berbische, somewhat suddenly, in consequence of a rapid increase of sickness among the troops in the colony of Demarara.

The necessity for my immediate attendance here, leaving me no choice with regard to my mode of travelling, I embarked on board the first vessel that sailed, and which proved to be nearly allied to the memorable Voltigeur. But, although I was very ill accommodated, I was not exposed to the multiplied evils of my former voyage; and, fortunately, had to support the discomforts only for a single night.

I was put safe on shore the second day, at one of the landing-places at Stabroek, which are here called Sterlings. They are long wooden platforms, which are built on pillars of timber, and extend to a considerable distance into the river, forming very convenient stations for descending into the boats, and landing from them.

Having mentioned the cause of my return to this colony, you will expect that the predictions of the inhabitants of these settlements are about to be verified; I may therefore observe to you, that the busy season of duty which they led me to anticipate, has stolen upon me, “like a thief in the night.” The number of sick, and the malignity of the disease have greatly augmented, and it seems probable that very few, if any of the troops will escape its attack. From ten to fifteen have been received into the hospital, in fever, within the twenty-four hours, for several days in succession; and we have remarked that great numbers have been seized while employed on duty as sentinels.

I have visited the fort, and examined very minutely into the habits of the soldiers, and the general economy of the garrison, in order to ascertain whether any cause existed there, to which this rapid increase of sickness could be attributed: but I met with nothing that could explain it, for although the men have lately received a payment of clearance-money, it by no means appears, that spirituous liquors have been used to any degree that could excite a suspicion of this being the cause of the multiplied sickness which prevails. It is, probably, the mere effect of the season, resulting from the greater heat of the days, the damp chilliness of the evenings, and the offensive miasmata exhaled from half-exposed mud.

The quantity of rain that now falls is not sufficient to cover the feculent sediment of the numerous ditches, nor to prevent their unwholesome vapours from rising into the atmosphere; and the partial showers which occur during the evening and night, by softening the half-dried surface, favor the exhalation, while they produce a chilling dampness, which perhaps contributes to render the body more than usually susceptible of impression.

The evenings are now so much colder, to our feelings, than we found them in the preceding months, that we have lately been able to sit with the room-door shut, and have even thought that a blanket, during the night, might have been supportable. Yet the thermometer indicates no considerable diminution of heat in the evening, and but a very slight augmentation at noon. Hence it is probable, that the increased susceptibility of the system may proceed from some change in the state of the body, not exclusively depending upon the mere effect of heat and cold. But you will not forgive me if I engage in hypothetical disquisitions. I will content myself therefore with having related to you the facts, and without offering doubtful inferences, leave you to form your own conclusions.

LETTER VI.

Mahaica, August 7, 1796.

Again my residence is changed, and I have to address you from a new home. The same unhappy cause which removed me from Berbische to La Bourgade, called me thence to an important post, occupied by a strong division of our troops at Mahaica. Disease has spread over the whole extent of this coast, and threatens every European with an attack.

Unhappily no exemption is granted in favor of the medical attendants, and at a period when we are most required to relieve the sickness of others, we are most liable to it ourselves. On my arrival at Mahaica, I had the misfortune to find the medical assistant, upon this station, lying in an advanced stage of yellow fever, rapidly sinking into the grave, which has since swallowed his remains. Accounts have also reached me of the death of another of our professional comrades, whom I left only a few days ago in good health, at the hospital at La Bourgade. These are afflicting deductions from our scanty establishment, and they are the more painfully felt in consequence of some of the regiments not having with them either of their medical officers; which throws the whole of the regimental, as well as the hospital duty, upon the few gentlemen of the St. Domingo staff, who were detached to these colonies; and whose situation, at this critical juncture, is harassing and distressful to the highest degree. From the heavy pressure of sickness, and the necessarily remote distribution of our very limited division, it is only with extreme toil and exertion that we are able to do justice to the poor suffering objects who claim our attention: yet, with an increasing demand for our services, we have the severe misfortune to see our numbers and our means diminish.

My own best efforts shall not be wanting, but I am well aware that there are many comforts I could wish for the sick, which, from the circumstances of the moment, it will be wholly impossible to procure for them. At this post I have the charge of a crowded host of patients, all inconveniently placed, and have neither an apothecary, a mate, nor any other medical man to assist me: I am exposed therefore to incessant and almost insupportable fatigue. My whole day is spent amidst the sick, or in procuring for them some accommodation: they occupy all my time and all my care.

Unfortunately, too, my quarters are nearly a mile from the hospital, and I have that distance to walk four times every day, which, alone, is considered by the inhabitants as a degree of labour, sufficient to destroy the strongest frame. At six o’clock, I make my morning visit, when several hours are fully employed, with my head bent almost to the ground, in examining and listening to nearly a hundred patients, all lying upon paillasses spread on the floor; and many of them scarcely able to hear, or reply to my questions. After this I have to instruct an orderly soldier to compound my prescriptions, and to see him administer the medicines. Next I have to prescribe the provisions, and the mode of preparing them for the convalescents; which is here no less a duty than to order medicine for the sick; and further, from having no purveyor, it falls to my lot, in some degree, to superintend even the cooking; otherwise, as only salt meat is issued, our messes would scarcely be made eatable—certainly not palatable, nor fit for the stomachs of men only recovering from disease. But from great care and attention, in having the meat steeped the over-night, then well scalded, and afterwards stewed in fresh water, with rice, yams, sweet potatoes, peas, or broken pieces of bread, we form various changes of nutritive, and not disagreeable pottage.

Having gone through the whole of these ceremonies, which you will believe consume a full proportion of the forenoon, I have to walk back to the barracks, and am frequently so exhausted as to be obliged to throw myself at full length upon my mattress, and lie for a considerable time before I can recover sufficient strength either to bathe my person, or take my breakfast.

In the evening I return again to the hospital, and repeat my visit to the sick as in the morning. Whenever I can command an interval it is employed in writing, for, in addition to my other engagements, I have to make out the necessary returns for the commanding officer, and for head-quarters, also to keep full and correct statements of all accompts, receipts, and hospital disbursements.

Amidst my busy round, I often hear it whispered, that the toil to which I am subjected must soon destroy me; and many of the officers and planters are kind enough to express friendly apprehensions regarding my safety: but, at this hour of need, no personal considerations can induce me to relax in my duty. More than my utmost efforts are required to procure only scanty comforts for the sick, and, under such circumstances, I can neither enjoy rest, nor shun fatigue. Not only an imperious sense of duty, but humanity also calls upon me to contribute every aid in my power, and I cannot but feel that to limit my exertions, or diminish my efforts would be unjust, if not even criminal, towards the unfortunate objects of my care. With respect to disease I feel not the slightest personal apprehension, and even if I did, I should deem it necessary, situated as I now am, to subdue my terrors. A military officer does not shrink from a cannon, although he sees it pointed towards him! nor ought a medical officer to turn from disease, which it is his duty to meet and to combat! I have been always of opinion that the physician, who deserts his post, in the hour of sickness, is not less a coward than the officer who abandons his garrison at a period of danger; or the soldier who turns his back upon an enemy in the field of battle: therefore, however anxious the kindness of my friends and comrades may render them, concerning my safety, I cannot prevail upon myself to lessen my exertions.

From its situation Mahaica might be regarded as one of the most healthy posts in Guiana. It is open to the sea, and freely exposed to the cool breeze. We have no town, nor village near us. The name is given to a certain district about the mouth of (what is here termed a creek, but what is in fact) a considerable river, called by the Indians Mahaica. The fort, in point of strength, offers nothing formidable, but its site is well chosen as a military post, being on the coast between the two rivers Demarara and Berbische, about twenty miles from the former, and fifty from the latter: and immediately upon the border of the sea, commanding the entrance of the river Mahaica, and of a smaller creek which opens nearly at the same spot into the ocean. Next to Fort William Frederic, and Fort St. Andrew, Mahaica is the most important garrison in the two colonies. The barracks at the fort are not large enough to contain the whole of the troops now stationed here; the house and other buildings, therefore, of a neighbouring estate, called Lancaster, are occupied for that purpose. Indeed, to meet the exigencies of the moment, we are compelled to appropriate every room at the fort to the use of the sick; and all the officers and soldiers, who are well, are removed to the plantation Lancaster, which is nearly a mile from the fort, upon the same bank of the river, but on the opposite side of the creek.

Lancaster is a large cotton estate belonging to the representatives of a Mr. Phillips, who is lately dead. It is now under the direction of a manager, subject to the control of an attorney; the former residing on the spot, the latter at a plantation in the vicinity.

This estate is traversed in various parts by double rows of trees, forming a pleasant shade between them; and, bearing a fruit, resembling, in flavour, the Turkey fig, are hence called figtrees. They are rather larger than the orange trees, and their foliage is thick and green. The fruit is about the size of the coffee berry: it is filled with small seeds, and in substance is like the fig.

With respect to provisions, we are less happy than regarding our quarters. Salt meat and the vegetables of the country constitute our almost unvaried fare. Occasionally we procure a Muscovy duck, a chicken, a young kid, or a sucking pig, and then it is high feast. Our standing dishes are pease-soup, and salt pork. The plantain also furnishes a steady supply. We now eat this with creole appetite, and although we, at first, disliked it, we begin to consider it as one of the most pleasant and useful articles of food, which the country affords: roasted, it serves as bread—boiled, it is used as a table-vegetable—stewed, or fried, it is eaten as fruit—and pounded in a mortar, it makes excellent pudding. The yam is also a substantial friend to us; as are likewise the eddoes and cassada. The potatoes of the country are sweet and satiating, and not much esteemed. We occasionally obtain a few which have been brought from Europe in the trading ships: and these we enjoy as a great treat. The officers of the 99th regiment, now on duty here, have kindly received me into the regimental mess, which, by offering me the common supply of their table, happily relieves me from all the trouble and concern of seeking provisions; and is at this moment of hurry and fatigue, an important accommodation.

LETTER VII.

Mahaica, August.

If I were to proceed only upon the knowledge I have of your feelings, I should avoid laying before you a history, which is more direful and afflicting than any arising from the ravages of the much-dreaded fever of this climate; but, when I recollect that it was emphatically your request that I would relate every fact which should present itself to my observation, respecting the slaves, I cannot refrain from telling you, that since my arrival at Mahaica, one of the most shocking instances of barbarity has occurred, which was ever perpetrated, even in a land of slavery.

Two unhappy negroes, a man and a woman, having been driven by cruel treatment to abscond from the plantation Lancaster, were taken a few days since, and brought back to the estate, when the manager, whose inhuman severity had caused them to fly from his government, dealt out to them his avenging despotism with more than savage brutality. Taking with him two of his strongest drivers, armed with heavy whips, he led out these trembling and wretched Africans, early in the morning, to a remote part of the estate, too distant for the officers to hear their cries; and, there, tying down first the man, he stood by, and made the drivers flog him with many hundred lashes, until, on releasing him from the ground, it was discovered that he was nearly exhausted: in this state the monster struck-him on the head, with the but end of a large whip, and felled him again to the earth; when the poor negro, escaping at once from his slavery and his sufferings, expired at the murderer’s feet. But not satiated with blood, this savage tyrant next tied down the naked woman, on the spot, by the dead body of her husband, and with the whips, already purple with gore, compelled the drivers to inflict a punishment of several hundred lashes, which had nearly released her also from a life of toil and torture.

Hearing of these acts of cruelty, on my return from the hospital, and scarcely believing it possible that they could have been committed, I went immediately to the sick-house to satisfy myself by ocular testimony: when, alas! I discovered that all I had heard was too fatally true; for, shocking to relate, I found the almost murdered woman lying stark-naked on her belly, upon the dirty boards, without any covering to the horrid wounds which had been cut by the whips, and with the still warm and bloody corpse of the man extended at her side, upon the neck of which was an iron collar, and a long heavy chain, which the now murdered negro had been made to wear from the time of his return to the estate. The flesh of the woman was so torn, as to exhibit one extensive sore, from the loins almost down to her hams; nor had humanity administered even a drop of oil to soften her wounds: the only relief she knew, was that of extending her feeble arm in order to beat off the tormenting flies, with a small green bough, which had been put into her hand for that purpose by the sympathizing kindness of a fellow slave. A more horrid and distressful spectacle can scarcely be conceived. The dead man, and the almost expiring woman had been brought home, from the place of punishment, and thrown into the negro hospital, amidst the crowd of sick, with cruel unconcern. Lying on the opposite side of the corpse was a fellow-sufferer, in a similar condition to the poor woman. His buttocks, thighs, and part of his back, had been flogged into one large sore, which was still raw, although he had been punished a fortnight before.

The following day we witnessed the preparations for the funeral of their murdered brother, by his fellow slaves. It was conducted in their usual manner, not with the afflicting solemnity of the Christian rites, but with all the mirthful ceremonies of African burial, forming a scene of gaiety, which consisted of music, dancing, singing, and loud noise. They all seemed to rejoice more in his escape from pain and misery, than to sorrow for his loss.

The body being put into the coffin, and every thing made ready for proceeding to the grave, the corpse was taken out of the sick-house into the yard, and placed very carefully upon the heads of two robust negroes, who carried it as far as the house, and then, halting under the window of the manager’s room, they set the coffin upon the ground, and the whole gang of slaves danced and sang, and played their music around it, in loud gambols, for nearly two hours; beating at intervals, with great violence, against the door and window-shutters, and threatening vengeance upon the murderer of their companion. The manager expecting that they would break into the house to massacre him, and feeling that he merited death from their hands, was seized with sad alarm; and, bursting from his hiding-place, he ran abruptly to the mess-room, to implore the protection of the officers, looking a ghastly figure of terror. I could not but remark the effect of his sudden appearance among us. Not one officer opened his lips in reply to him. The general feeling seemed to say—“a wretch so cruel can deserve no compassion.” After a short suspense, the silence, which must have been more severe than the bitterest words, was broken, by one of the gentlemen referring him to his feelings, and demanding whether he conceived himself to merit either pity or protection. His fears had magnified the danger; for although the slaves were clamorous, we did not notice among them any symptoms which evinced a disposition forcibly to break into the house. They at length concluded their dance, then replacing the coffin upon the heads of the two negroes, and observing much ceremony as to the position of the corpse, they proceeded towards the place of interment. On leaving the courtyard, they used the precaution of going round the house, in order to avoid carrying the body across the manager’s window, not, as you will suppose, from any sense of delicacy towards him, but from some superstition regarding the spirit of the dead slave. As they moved on, two women tapped gently at the sides of the coffin, as if to appease the corpse, or soften its wrath while passing the murderer’s abode. The manager felt highly relieved by their departure; but they had not gone far before the whole party suddenly faced about, and came running back to the house, the two negroes who were bearing the corpse turning round and round, with it upon their heads, a number of times in the yard, while many of the gang beat and kicked against the door, and the window-shutters of the manager’s room, shouting and crying aloud for vengeance: upon which one of the book-keepers, an old man who had been long upon the estate, went out to join in the crowd; and exerting his influence to appease them, led them away, when they proceeded, dancing, singing, and beating their music, to the place of burial. After a short time the gang returned again into the courtyard, having left the remains of their companion in the peaceful grave. The busy dance was now resumed, and they hooted and hissed at the manager, and beat loudly at his door and window, continuing their shoutings and clamour until dark, when they all retired quietly to their huts.

A few days after the funeral, the attorney of the estate happened to call at Lancaster to visit the officers, and the conversation naturally turning upon the late cruelty of the manager, and the consequent injury derived to the proprietor, we asked him what punishment the laws of the colony had provided for such horrid and barbarous crimes; expressing our hope that the manager would suffer the disgrace he so justly merited; when, to our great surprise, the attorney smiled and treated our remarks only as the dreams of men unpractised in the ways of slavery. He spake of the murder with as little feeling as the manager had perpetrated it, and seemed to be amused at our visionary ideas, of punishing a white man for his conduct towards slaves! To the question whether the manager would not be dismissed from the estate, he replied, “Certainly not,” adding that “if the negro had been treated as he deserved he would have been flogged to death long before.” Such was the amount of his sympathy and concern! The laws of the colony, he said, were intended to prevent any person from chastising a slave with more than thirty-nine lashes, for the same offence; but by incurring only a small fine, he could, at any time, punish a negro with as many hundred lashes as he might wish, “although the governor and the fiscal” were standing at his elbow.

I was careful to observe the progress of the hideous wounds inflicted upon the poor woman, and to watch her recovery; and you will be shocked to know that her sufferings were severely increased, by the inhuman neglect which succeeded to her punishment. One morning, upon hearing the loud cries of a female, I was led to look out at my window, when I saw some negroes carrying this unfortunate woman from the sick-house into the yard, where they laid her down in the dirt, upon the bare ground, amidst a heavy shower of rain, then, kneeling at her sides, they proceeded to examine minutely into her wounds; and you will scarcely hold it credible, when I tell you that they were employed a full half-hour picking maggots out of her sores!!! The ulcerations had penetrated to a great depth, particularly with-inside the thighs, where the lashes of the whips had cut round, and torn the flesh in a frightful manner. The ulcers were very raw and considerably enlarged, by the gnawing of the maggots which had been bred within them. I cannot describe to you the horror I felt at this deplorable sight. I had often heard of maggoting sheep, but this was the first instance I had met with of maggoting a human being, and I felt additional distress in finding the subject of it an unhappy female, whose punishment had been already severe, and in whom the occasion for such a beastly process might and ought to have been prevented, if the common dictates of humanity had been observed. The poor afflicted wretch groaned heavily under her sufferings, and the operation, which in itself was severely painful, was rendered so in a still greater degree by the roughness of her untutored surgeons. During the whole of the time, she was exposed naked to the rain; also to the eyes of slaves, officers, soldiers, and all who chanced to pass that way. It was a spectacle, equally offensive to humanity, and to delicacy!

On representing the diabolical cruelty of this case to the surgeon, he remarked to us, that the sores, from punishments, did not usually fall under his inspection, but were left to the care of the negro doctor who had the charge of the sick-house; and that nothing was more common than to see the wounds filled with maggots. “Indeed,” said he, “it is often our greatest difficulty, in the practice of surgery in these climates, to prevent the breeding of insects in the sores.”

I am sorry to remark that the Lancaster plantation has been distinguished for some time past, on account of the inhuman treatment of the slaves; in fact, it seemed as if cruelty had become contagious upon this estate, for we learn, from the most respectable authority, that a former proprietor was so hardened in his savage conduct that, frequently, when an unfortunate negro was bound down to the earth, and groaning under the severe pain of two heavy lashes, he would strike him a blow upon the head with the butt end of his whip, between each of the strokes given by the drivers; and that, carrying his barbarity still further, he would sometimes order the teeth of the slave to be torn out with a pair of iron pincers, and would himself stand by to see the torture inflicted.

I can anticipate your sentiments upon reading the history of these shocking punishments, for they afford lamentable examples of the horrors and injustice of slavery; and you cannot but think, with me, that the system which gives to an individual the power of lording his worst passions, over a fellow-being, uncontrolled, admits of no defence. It is a violation of nature, in which humanity is outraged, and our species degraded!

LETTER VIII.

Mahaica, August 22.

I am exceedingly sorry not to be able to give you improved tidings concerning the health of the troops upon this station. They are still very sickly, and it is distressing to know that the number of patients increases more rapidly than our means of accommodation. I remain quite well, amidst the general sickness which surrounds me; indeed, I am now the only medical officer of this expedition who has not experienced an attack of fever, but it would be too much to expect that I shall wholly escape its visitation. My best hope is, that I may not be seized, while my services are so essential to the relief of others.

In addition to the many duties which press upon me, I have now to perform the melancholy office of priest. From having no clergyman at Mahaica it falls to my lot to go through the afflicting ceremony of reading the funeral service over my lost comrades. This is a severe task to me, and I am sometimes fearful lest my spirits should become too much depressed to support me through the various claims of my present calling; but I am well aware, that if I were to yield to the distressful apprehensions which I see exhibited by those around me, who are not medical men, the situation of the sick must be more dreadful even than it is, at present; I am therefore resolved, if my strength continue, to meet with firmness all the necessities of this urgent period.

We have recently lost a pleasant and amiable companion in the decease of Captain Heritage. He suffered serious alarm on account of the death of the acting surgeon, and we found it impossible to rouse him from the desponding impression. On the 6th instant, he followed poor Ramsden to the grave, and from terror fancied that he perceived a “smell of the disease;” but I remarked, while I was reading the service over the body, that he had placed himself at a considerable distance to windward, holding a handkerchief, the whole of the time, to his mouth and nose. During the two following days he went about, as usual, among his comrades, without complaining of being ill, but still expressing his fears, and occasionally speaking of slight head-ach. On the morning of the 9th I was called to visit him as a patient, when I found him in bed. On the evening of the 10th he died. He had no strongly marked symptom of disease, nor any sign of great pain or suffering; but an experienced eye might discover from his general appearance, at the first moment of my being called to him, that there was no hope of his recovery. Extreme languor, with a peculiar change of feature, not to be described by words, might be said to constitute the disease, while they were correct indications of its dangerous nature. Soon, every thing he swallowed was thrown from the stomach without effort—the prostration of strength became excessive—he grew helpless—sunk into a state of listlessness—made no complaint:—low delirium supervened—he turned yellow, and ... fell to the earth like an autumnal leaf.

You will not be surprised to know that rumour has been busy on the subject of the prevailing sickness, and its fatal tendency: or that the prejudices of the inhabitants have led them to imagine that if it were treated by “the colonial doctors” the disease might be easily subdued. In consequence of such remarks, and in order to satisfy my own feelings, by trying every means which it was in my power to obtain, for the relief of the sick, I have solicited the aid of the medical men of the country, both English and Dutch, and asked them to oblige me by attending frequently at the hospital, that I might avail myself of their talents and experience to the improvement of my own practice, and the consequent benefit of the afflicted: several of the gentlemen have, accordingly, been good enough to favor us with occasional attendance; but I find that here, as at Berbische, the disorder is treated in the same manner as the common remittent fever of the country, and nearly the whole reliance confided to the bark—that great sheet-anchor of West India practice. This was prescribed in ample quantity, and in various forms, but it entirely failed of success.

At the time of poor Captain Heritage’s attack I particularly requested the assistance of one of my colonial brethren; and perceiving that it was beyond my own power to relieve him, I begged of Dr. —— to use his utmost endeavours to save him, when, without appearing to entertain the same apprehensions of his danger as myself, he advised a copious use of the bark. After visiting Captain H. this gentleman went with me into the hospital, where I selected four other recent cases, which seemed likely to terminate fatally, and intreated the doctor to take these likewise under his care; to command the resources of the hospital department; and to exert his best means of restoring: them: but he declined the charge of attending them, as his patients, although he consented to accompany me in my visits, and to consult with me regarding them; which afforded me infinite satisfaction, as I earnestly hoped to profit by his practice for the benefit of others. The bark was prescribed for them all, and most liberally administered, but in vain; for not one of them recovered! The doctor was greatly disappointed at the unhappy result of these cases, and, declaring that there was “something different” in the fever which prevailed among the troops, from that which usually attacked the colonists, he wished me better success, and withdrew his attendance.

It is scarcely requisite to mention that the trade-wind is lighter and less steady, during the decline of the wet season, than it becomes in the time of the dry season: so necessary, and salutiferous is it esteemed at all times, and particularly at the present period, that, on the breeze setting in, it is common for the people of the country to exclaim, “Here comes the doctor,” hailing it as the best medical friend of the colony. If it be not so powerful now as it is in the dry season, still it may be said to be always free at Mahaica, although it does not prove successful in preventing the wide ravages of disease.

Frequently I have long conversations with “Doctor Bob,” the resident black physician at the negro hospital, and sub-medical attendant of his brother slaves, who is very communicative, and furnishes me with many facts and remarks; and notwithstanding they are not always of sterling value, they are occasionally interesting and important. A few days since, on finding that his sick list had increased in almost as great a degree as my own, I asked Dr. Bob how this happened, when he replied, “It always so, Massa, at this time o’ year, because him weather change from wet to dry.” Seeing a negro boy, at the same moment, in a high paroxysm of fever, his case became the subject of our conversation, in the course of which this sable doctor made the following remark: “Him fever shall go, when him water come low;—him always come hot, when him tide high:” a fact which we very frequently observe at the hospital, although not so generally as to authorize an unqualified opinion, that the febrile accessions strictly connect with lunar influence.

The present moment may be said to be the high season of yellow fever. It now rages in its utmost violence, and with sorrow I remark, that great numbers perish from its malignity. Until the partial rains of the present period shall have ceased, and the dry season be well set in, it is said that we have to expect a continuance of sickness: nor does it appear to be within the power of man to prevent it. Of the cure, perhaps in many cases, I might speak in similar terms, for although we can frequently remove the disease, interrupt its course, or lessen its violence by combating it in an early stage; still, when the more malignant symptoms have appeared, it seldom happens that any medicine can arrest their progress. Bark, mercury, bleeding, bathing, and a variety of other remedies have been amply tried: but in vain, for all have proved equally ineffectual.

A painful alarm obtains among the troops; the medical officers are falling victims to their fatigue; and many circumstances combine to augment the melancholy gloom of this distressing period. At Mahaica the numbers admitted into the hospital form a very large proportion of the garrison; the same is the case at Stabrock. At Maiconuy and Awbarry, two smaller posts between Mahaica and Berbische, although much of sickness prevails, the disease assumes an intermittent or remittent form, and is less fatal: while here, and at Fort William Frederic, it attacks with all the destructive violence of a continued fever.

In my walks to and from the hospital, I sometimes fix myself at the side of the sea, or on the border of the river, and contemplate, in solitude, the awful, and peculiarly critical situation in which I am placed! I behold the responsibility of an important department pressing upon me—crowds of sick lifting up their dying eyes to me for relief—officers watching, in earnest solicitude, my slightest complainings—soldiers looking towards me with anxiety for my safety, and all who are near me regarding me with the most lively concern—each seeming to express himself sensible how much his health, and even his life, may soon depend upon the care and exertions of an individual!

Anxious to lessen the evils of this afflicting season, I lately obtained the consent of the commanding officer, and prevailed upon a party of soldiers to place themselves under my direction, in order to try what might be the effect of some prophylactic means, either in keeping off the attack of the disease, or in rendering its symptoms milder; but, after only a few days observance of the plan I advised, some of the men happening to feel a little uneasy from the medicine, they all swore they would not be killed, while they were well, to oblige either the captain or the doctor, and, refusing to persevere, completely frustrated my endeavours, and prevented me from ascertaining what might have been the fair result of the trial.

Our diet-table at the hospital is of late very much improved, in consequence of the planters, of the neighbouring estates, having agreed to supply us, each in his turn, with fresh provisions for two days in the week. It is not usual for Englishmen to esteem plain beef or mutton a luxury; but such we really find it here, and, when we obtain it, we feast upon it with high and particular enjoyment.

LETTER IX.

Mahaica, Sept. 1796.

A considerable proportion of the officers’ mess, from the Lancaster barracks, have lately been to dine with Major Prauél, a pleasant inhabitant of this coast, whose plantation is only a short distance from the fort. The dinner was plentiful, and handsomely served in a large cotton logis, which had been prepared for the purpose, and, being spacious and cool, was far preferable to the house. As we returned in the evening, we witnessed a very grand and brilliant scene from the burning of a part of the forest, in order to clear an estate for cultivation. The trees were consuming with great rapidity, and from the fire increasing in brightness as the evening closed, it formed a most splendid and imposing spectacle. The major observed to us that this improvement of the picture was not the mere effect of viewing it through the surrounding darkness, it being a fact very generally known in this country that when any part of the wood is set on fire, it burns with more rapidity during the night than in the day-time. From the greater strength of the breeze between the early hours of the morning and evening, this might seem improbable: but your chemical reading will furnish you with an explanation of the fact, from the known tendency of light to preserve oxygen in its gaseous state, and to prevent the decomposition of the atmospheric air, which is so essential to combustion. The fire appeared very beautiful, and might be seen to the distance of many miles. It arrested our attention for a considerable time, and we contemplated it as an object of grandeur and novelty.

The officers kindly wishing to divert me, in some degree, from the severe fatigue and anxiety which I have lately undergone, and which, they insist, will destroy me, have prevailed upon me to accompany a party of them on a visit to Mynheer Bercheych, one of the most eccentric and remarkable characters residing upon this coast—an old gentleman, who by uncommon industry has formed a cotton plantation at the most remote point of the colony, where he lives, amidst negroes and wild Indians, almost secluded from the world.

We first rode the distance of some miles, across rich plains of cotton, to the house of Mr. Graham, situated immediately upon the bank of the river, about midway between the fort and M. Bercheych’s. Here we found a party of slaves in waiting, with a large handsome canoe, sent by M. Bercheych, for the purpose of conveying us the remainder of the journey. The tide serving, we made no delay, but taking Mr. Graham into the canoe with us, proceeded forthwith on our route. After an hour and quarter of hard paddling up the river, we turned into a narrow canal, and were pulled a considerable distance further, by the slaves, running upon the bank with a rope fastened to the canoe. This canal leads to the house, and serves as the boundary of M. Bercheych’s property. It is continued from a deep savanna at the back of the dwelling, and goes along the border of the plantation to the river, into which it conveys its waters, and prevents the inundation of the estate. At one spot we were obliged to quit the canoe, whilst the slaves dragged it over land, in order to pass a bridge and a sluice which interrupted our passage. On the other side of these we resumed our seats, and proceeded towards the house, which is at the further part of the estate. On seeing us approach, M. Bercheych walked out to meet us; and, on coming near, he hailed us with a most reverential salutation. We immediately left the canoe, and walked with him upon the bank of the canal to the house.

His person and address were strongly impressive, being at once graceful and dignified, although such as to convey an idea of the rigid precision of a formal old ’squire. Much had been reported to us of the situation also of the man, whose eccentricity is become proverbial in the colony. Our visit, therefore, was one of high curiosity, and we did not return without experiencing very ample gratification.

M. Bercheych is a remarkably fine man. He is robust and well-built, of hale countenance and sturdy form, very erect in his carriage, and possessing uncommon activity, together with great bodily strength, and vast energy of mind. From his figure and the formality of his address, he appears to be stern and unbending, but in reality he is affable, jocose, and communicative, and has nothing of the cold reserve of his country about him. He met us dressed in coat, waistcoat, and breeches of nankeen, all cut in the true antique; a very large and almost cardinal hat, of white beaver; shoes well squared at the extremities, and fastened with a pair of plain small buckles; a long staff in his hand, and his knuckles ornamented with deep ruffles. As he walked, his staff and right hand ruffle made an extensive sweep, describing a wide circle; his step was firm and decisive, the tail of his coat moved with an important swing from side to side, in unison with the majestic sway of his body—his general air was commanding and dignified. On arriving at the house, he welcomed all the party individually, going through the ceremony of deliberately taking each by the hand, and bowing to him with the profoundest politeness: showing at the same time, every mark of respect and hospitality to the whole body. Wine was immediately set before us, for our refreshment after the journey, and we took our seats in a cool romantic little cottage, which, in appearance, and in the simplicity of its structure, might have vied with the dwelling of a hermit. Its walls were built with the caudices of the leaves of a fine species of palm, called Eta, which in substance are lighter than cane. These were placed together perpendicularly, and resembled a number of well-arranged columns or small pillars, which were divided and supported, at intervals, by others of the bamboo, somewhat larger; nor were any of them concealed or defaced with paint, paper, or stucco, but all were exposed in the naked simplicity of their original form. The partitions dividing the rooms were of similar structure; the floors were of brick; the windows, simple openings in the walls; and the furniture, of plain wood, unadorned. In point of situation too, this native little cottage might have been a hermit’s fit abode; for it is placed at the border of a wild savanna, overhung with heavy and impenetrable forests, and far removed from the busy tumult of the world.

The estate is at the greatest depth from the sea, being the most distant that has yet been cultivated upon the Mahaica creek, consequently it is nearest to the forest, and its naked inhabitants. Deep and unexplored woods approach almost to the door; before the windows grow cotton bushes and bananas: a small canal passes by the side of the cottage: and the only extensive view is over a large savanna, carrying the eye to its utmost reach, in unbroken range between the rude forests.

Here dwells a man of refined manners, and a most active mind, cultivated by education, and improved by having lived in polished society. M. Bercheych is one of the oldest inhabitants of the colony of Demarara, having resided in this settlement when it consisted of only two plantations; but since that period he has passed fifteen years in Holland, where he lived in considerable splendour, spent his time amidst the best society, and entered into all the gaiety and dissipation of the Hague. After his return to this coast, he occupied himself in cultivating a large estate called Gorcum, and, personally, engaged in all the toil and fatigue of a planter. At that time his great amusement, and the chief relaxation from his labours consisted in domesticating fishes, and the wild birds of the forest, in which he succeeded to the astonishment of all who visited his abode.

By whistling when he fed them, he trained the fishes not barely to rise to the surface of the water at his call, but even to leap from the pond, and eat out of his hand: and from taking the eggs of the birds and breeding up their young, or taking the young, and breeding them in the house, then suffering them to hop out and in at pleasure, and to fly to the woods as soon as they were able, he taught them to return freely for food; in which visits they were sometimes accompanied by others, who came to partake of their fare; and thus by constant feeding and attention, he, at length, brought many of them to be so tame that they would fly in at the window of his room, and sit upon pegs, fixed up for the purpose, to warble a song: or, at his time of dinner, they would come in, and perch upon his head or his shoulder to participate in his meal.

You will grieve to hear that after he had built the house, cultivated the fields, and ornamented the garden—after he had trained the fishes into acquaintances, and taught the birds to be his companions—in short, after he had adorned this delightful residence, and fashioned it to his taste, he was compelled, by hard necessity, to dispose of the heart-loved abode which his hands had formed, in order to defray the incumbrances its improvements had created.

Being deprived of his favorite Gorcum, his active mind, ever fertile in resources, sought new employment in the cultivation of the rude spot which forms his present home, and which is now so improved as to yield a large produce in cotton. Until very recently he lived at a different part of the estate, where he had erected a house, and near to it formed a garden which yielded a plentiful supply of choice fruits and vegetables; but from the plantation becoming extensive, he finds it expedient to establish his residence at a more central part of it: he has therefore built this romantic cottage, to serve as a temporary home, from whence he may conveniently superintend the erection of a more spacious, and more permanent abode, at a spot already marked out for that purpose.

Of his mode of living the shortness of our visit allowed us but little opportunity to judge. If not sumptuous, it was at least liberal, for his garden and estate afford a very ample store of plain and wholesome provisions. His flocks and herds were numerous, and his plantation exhibited a more abundant stock of cows, sheep, and poultry, than was common at other estates. For dinner he gave us both mutton and beef, each very excellent of its kind. The dessert consisted of eggs and some uncommonly fine figs. Madeira wine was our drink. This and water form the whole list of liqueurs at the home of the hospitable Bercheych. Neither rum, brandy, Hollands, nor any other kind of spirit does he ever use: beer is not seen at his table: punch he never drinks, and he remarked that he had, therefore, no occasion for sugar, which is accordingly unknown in his family as an article of consumption. Not being in the habit of using any, he does not buy it, nor is a grain of it to be found in his house. But what will be deemed still more strange, is that, although a Dutchman, he never smokes; nor has under his roof either pipes or tobacco.

We were served only by females of colour, of whom M. Bercheych has the finest assemblage I have yet seen. We learned that it was one of the peculiarities of our host not to suffer a male to inhabit his house. His attendants are all of the feminine gender, and, from their hands, both himself and his guests receive the offerings of his bounty. His habits are social: but men are only admitted as visitors. In other respects also he differs from those lonely beings to whom, from its retirement and simplicity, his neat little cell might have belonged. He is not a solitary recluse, nor does he deny himself the enjoyments of life. For the beau sexe he has strong attachments, and he does not hold it needful to forego his gratifications. His cottage is a rich seraglio—himself the sultan. A more choice collection of half-naked belles it were difficult to meet with. They consist of Indians, negroes, mulattoes, and a finely formed race between the inhabitants of the woods and the blacks. One of the mulattoes, from her dress and ornaments, appeared to be the reigning sultana of the day. The number of females about the cottage was sixteen or seventeen, all well selected, and the most beautiful of their race. Six or seven of them are of an age to acknowledge the kind smiles of their lord; the others are advancing towards womanhood, in succession, so that each in her turn will probably become the favorite slave of their majestic seignor. A Turkish sultan, gleaning from his best dominions, might not boast of more inviting forms, or of more obedient and devoted slaves than these of the stately Bercheych; who has all the advantage of seeing the virgins of his harem grow up under his own eye, knowing them to be his sole and absolute property—not merely the slaves of his passions, but also of his caprice and his fortune.

Among the female property of M. Bercheych we saw an uncommonly handsome family of negroes, consisting of three generations, very strongly resembling each other in feature, from the grand-daughter of three years old, to the grandmother upwards of sixty. They were all well formed, and in face very unlike the common race of negroes, having neither the thick lip, the large mouth, nor the wide flat nose. Their lineaments were regular, their noses prominent, and slightly aquiline, and their teeth and eyes peculiarly fine. The old woman was strong and healthy, of active upright figure, and without any marks of advanced age. The daughter was the cottage-cook, a tall clean-looking woman about thirty years old, whose countenance and person were strikingly handsome. Four of the grand-daughters were present—all pretty, and the very images of the mother and grandmother: the eldest was about sixteen years of age, and both in face and form by far the loveliest nymph we had seen of her colour—so beautiful indeed as to dispute the palm of the seraglio. No doubt the good old grandmother will have early occasion to witness the further diffusion of her semblance in the fourth generation. The whole family were peculiarly neat in their persons, and highly respectful in their behaviour towards others. Although slaves, they were as respectable, and observed as much of propriety and decorum in their conduct, as the best regulated domestics of Europe: they did honor to the excellent regulations and discipline of their owner.

The old gentleman is strict and imperative towards his slaves, but his government is so tempered with kindness and humanity, that he is obeyed more from esteem, than from fear or compulsion. In the observances of politeness Mynheer Bercheych descends to the correctest minutiæ. From his appearance, his manners, address, and stately carriage, he might pass for an old English baron. The formal system of bowing, he supports with the tenacity of a Dutchman. Not a true-born son of all-bowing hat-lifting Leyden, could be more precisely polite. He requires and returns a ceremonious salutation every time that he is met by any of his slaves; not one of whom dares to go by him without being uncovered. A negro belonging to another planter attempted to pass him, without offering the necessary salute; he immediately gave him a stripe with his cane, observing that if he did not know good manners he must be taught; then turning to us, he said, “Gentlemen, if the lowest slave bow to me, I take off my own hat in return, because I would not suffer a negro to show more of politeness and good manners than myself; but if he walk by me without proper observance, I always deem it right to instruct him that respect is due to the whites.”

The afternoon glided away very pleasantly, the conversation being enlivened by the sprightliness and vivacity of our host, who entertained us with a fund of anecdote regarding a variety of subjects, such as the negroes and Indians—his own situation and pursuits—his talents in shooting, as well with the common arrow, and the poisoned arrow, as with the gun and the pistol—his industry in cultivating new land—his perseverance in domesticating birds and fishes—the treatment of his slaves—his conduct respecting his son, and many other topics. We found him a well-bred intelligent man, and were pleased to remark, that although he lives in a manner secluded from the world, amidst wild men and slaves, and uncultured beings of various crosses and complexions, giving loose to his favorite passion, and indulging his appetites in all their native freedom, he still preserves the dignity of a gentleman, and displays all the superiority of a well-educated and enlightened mind. From his manners, and his years, he is highly respectable, as also from his talents, and unwearied industry. The first impression, arising from his figure and address, is that of a stern justice of the peace, or a rigid country esquire of the old English school: but the reserve of his exterior is soon removed by the ease and affability of his conversation. He is particularly well versed in the history and policy of these settlements, and we derived much instruction and amusement from his remarks. Indeed we found him altogether so interesting as to wish the hours we spent in his society could have been lengthened into days, and were grieved when the moment arrived for taking our departure.

Nothing could exceed the neatness of arrangement which displayed itself about his little cottage home. Plainness and simplicity prevailed throughout, but a palace could not be cleaner, nor maintained in greater order. A small dairy, of exquisite contrivance, was most delicately fitted up, and appeared delightfully fresh and cool; a little poultry-yard, enclosed with a fancy paling, was a perfect model of taste; and every thing around exhibited some mark of excellence—some testimony of having been improved by the ingenious hand of its industrious and eccentric owner.

Surrounding the cottage is cut a deep wet fosse, which forms a protecting barrier, and prevents any person from approaching his residence, except by passing over a narrow plank placed across the ditch, directly in front of the dwelling; and so extremely rigid is he in his exclusion of male-beings, that not even a negro is allowed to cross this plank without expressly obtaining his leave. In the plan of the new house which he intends to erect, is an encircling ditch or moat of fourteen or sixteen feet wide, which he expects will be a complete defence to his retired seraglio.

From living so much among the Indians M. Bercheych is well acquainted with their manners and customs, and feels himself quite at home amidst them. He amused us by shooting with the bow and arrow, and we were surprised to observe with what accuracy he was able to hit his mark. He very kindly presented me with some specimens in natural history; also some of the simple productions of Indian manufacture, and very obligingly offered to procure me a model of their dwellings, made by the Bucks.

Delighted with the cottage, and still more interested with the man, we let the evening close in upon our reluctant departure, and had to avail ourselves of the moon, as a guide in our return down the river. We walked some distance at the side of the canal before we came to the canoe; and were accompanied to the place of embarkation by M. Bercheych, followed by two of his fine cottage nymphs, who were directed to attend with some wine-glasses and two bottles of Madeira. One of these was to be emptied to the success of the new home, on reaching the place, where it was to be erected: the other was to supply the parting glass on our stepping into the canoe. These ceremonies were accordingly observed in due form, and after seeing us safely seated and afloat, the friendly Bercheych bade us cordially good night, earnestly intreating us soon to repeat our visit. He then bowed to us as profoundly as on our arrival, and placing himself between his two tender supporters, trod back his path in sultanic step, to his sequestered retreat.

The tide being again in our favor, the slaves paddled us with great speed down the river as far as Mr. Graham’s; where, quitting the canoe, the major and myself took our chaise, and the other gentlemen their horses, and we finished this delightful day by a pleasant moonlight ride across the cotton fields to our quarters.

LETTER X.

Mahaica, Sept. 4.

An opportunity now offers of addressing you by a conveyance which holds out every probability of my letter reaching you in safety. The 93d and 99th regiments being draughted into the 39th, the officers are about to return to England, and I commit my letter to the care of one of these gentlemen, who will be good enough to see it delivered. I wish I could propose any means equally secure of my receiving tidings from you! But I am sorry to observe, that all our uncertainties continue. We are still in the same state of suspense; placed between the two staffs of the Charibbee islands and of St. Domingo, as if belonging to neither: expecting daily to be ordered to Hispaniola, yet without any intimation when we are to be relieved. Under these circumstances, I can only say as before, continue to address to me at the head-quarters of the St. Domingo army: I may then have the hope of meeting some day or other all your remembrances.

Of news you will expect but little from this region. We hold quiet possession of the colonies which surrendered to us, and the cultivation and commerce is prosecuted with as much industry as if we were resting in the bosom of peace. Great numbers of slaves have been imported, since our arrival, and British property is embarked to extend and improve the settlements, with no less ardor than might be expected if these valuable possessions were confirmed to England by a definitive treaty, guaranteed by the strongest powers in Europe.

I lament exceedingly that it is not in my power to announce to you, by the present occasion, some progress in the health-improvement which we are led to anticipate: we observe that the men are most frequently attacked during, or immediately after exposure to great heat or fatigue. The more robust and plethoric—those occupied as cooks, or blacksmiths, boat parties, men engaged in fishing, non-commissioned officers, sentinels, and those who have acted as servants to officers, have been most subject to the disease. In particular a boat party, employed to fetch water down the river for the use of the hospital and the barracks, have been so invariably attacked in a kind of succession upon that duty, that it has been found necessary to procure a crew of negroes expressly for this purpose. It has also been deemed requisite to abandon the comfort derived from the occasional supply of an article of fresh provision, in consequence of the men whose business it was to draw the seine for fish, being found peculiarly susceptible of the fever.

The speed with which the attack succeeds the exposure to great heat and fatigue is no less remarkable, in many instances, than the rapidity with which, in these or other cases, the disease runs on to death. Only yesterday morning, in returning from the hospital to my breakfast, I was accosted, on passing the soldiers’ barrack, and requested to visit the drum-major, whom I found dangerously ill with fever; although on my way to the hospital, but a short time before, I had seen him walking in the cotton-field apparently, and to his own belief, as well as any man in the regiment. At the same time I was desired to look at a soldier, who was lying at the side of the drum-major, and was said to be complaining. This man also proved to be in a dangerous state of fever, and I learned that he had been attacked the day before, immediately after hurrying nearly a mile to fetch some porter. I likewise saw two or three others, in the same barrack, who had been suddenly taken ill on guard, and were now about to increase our crowded list at the hospital.

A few days ago, on my passing by the guard-house, I observed a soldier, named Chapman, sitting among the men who were upon guard, seemingly unwell; and on my asking him if he felt ill, he answered in a firm strong voice, that he felt “a little poorly with head-ach, but not ill;” still I perceived that he had more of indisposition about him than he was aware of, and I was particularly led to notice any symptoms of disease in this man, from his having been repeatedly an object of conversation and remark, in health. He was a hardy robust grenadier, and, from having been much exposed on fatigue-duty, in Ireland, during the time of the sickness which the troops had experienced at Spike Island and at Cove; from having supported much of similar duty on the passage; and also a considerable share since his arrival in the West Indies, without suffering from it, the officers had pointed him out to me, as a person who was “secure against even yellow fever and the doctors.” He was sitting in his usual clothing, talking to the men of the guard, sensible only of slight head-ach, and lassitude; but as I saw evidently that it was an attack of fever, I hinted, without mentioning this to him, that it would be better he should go to the hospital, if he were at all unwell, in order that he might have the benefit of medical attendance, and of such remedies as his case required. He instantly expressed great alarm, and said, “I am not ill: if you take me to the hospital, I shall catch the fever and die.” On my stating the impropriety of his remaining among the men in health, and not using the proper means of recovery, he replied, “I am not sick, and only want an appetite to be quite well;” and when I urged him further to go into the hospital, he answered with quickness, “Indeed I am not bad, and if I were, I would rather stab myself at once, than go where so many are dying every day of yellow fever.” Poor fellow! he was wholly unconscious, that the disease, he so much dreaded, was upon him; and as I found that his terror of the hospital was quite insurmountable, I did not augment his alarm, either by insisting upon his being carried thither, or by telling him that the fever had already seized him; but in order that he might be removed from the guard-room, I gave directions for a hammock to be put up under the piazza of the house, where he might be in quiet, and alone. This being done, without delay, I prevailed upon him to go directly, and lie down, and was glad to see him safe in bed; for, in my conversation with him, I had discovered enough to cause strong apprehensions lest he should die, before we could have him removed! Although he felt so little of illness, and those around him were so wholly insensible of his peril, there was an indescribable something about him, particularly in his countenance, which bespake extreme danger; and from which an experienced observer might see that he was soon to die! After having him placed in the hammock, and prescribing for him such remedies as were necessary, I instructed the medical gentleman, who had lately arrived at this post to give me assistance, to pay particular attention to his case, remarking, that from his present appearance, I should not be surprised if, in the course of an hour or two, I should learn that he was dead. The event verified my suspicions: a convulsive tremor quickly seized him, and at noon he was a corpse! Such are the fevers of this climate! Often a man is well in the morning, and at night is no more: nor is it possible for any one, who has not seen many cases of the disease, to judge of the degree of danger which threatens those who are attacked. Chapman had been one of the party employed to drag the fishing-net in the sea, and I have been the more minute in relating his case, because, in him, the circumstances I have mentioned were strikingly exemplified. He was a man who possessed great strength of constitution; he had been exposed to the heat of the sun immediately previous to the attack; and was very rapidly destroyed by the disease.

But you will tell me not to dwell on tales of sadness and distress; I obey, and hasten to lead you to a scene of gladness, in which I am sure your heart will cordially participate. I had ordered the convalescents to be assembled, from all the different wards and hospitals, and paraded upon the beach, that I might carefully inspect them, in order to ascertain the number fit to be removed to a distant post for change of air and place; and to give room at the hospital for the better accommodation of the sick; and the pleasure which I witnessed upon the countenances of these poor men, and which throbbed at my own heart, on the occasion, was far greater than words can tell. A very considerable number of pale, feeble, and emaciated beings were brought together, and, being drawn up, on the parade, they hailed each other, in cheerful greetings, like men raised from the dead. Joy gladdened every eye; the comrade hailed his friend as one returned from the grave; all were happy, and the delight of again seeing each other, shone in every face. The meeting was an exhilarating cordial to them. Mirth and liveliness spread around; wit and rapartee prevailed; and they addressed one another in quaint jokes, and comic gratulations, descriptive of their late dangers, and their present escape. This effect of bringing them together gave me great satisfaction: seeing so numerous a body saved from the very jaws of death, I was no less gratified than the happiest of the party. Their appearance was distressful, and their pallid ghastly visages, and wasted figures, to men less conversant with the more direful examples of disease, might have conveyed the idea of speedy dissolution, rather than of approaching health: but, to those who had themselves been in a far worse state, and who had long been lying, surrounded with the sick and the dying, nothing in their looks could be dispiriting, whilst they and their comrades were able to support themselves upon their legs.

We are told by the planters, that since the arrival of the English in these settlements, the people of colour are grown unusually disobedient, and even insolent; which is attributed to our being more lenient towards them, than their Dutch masters were. Whether or not this he admitted as the cause, several recent instances have occurred in proof of the fact, and which have made it necessary to use means of correcting their presumption. Consistently with the rules of the fort, the officer on guard is instructed to examine every vessel that passes; but some boats going from Mahaica creek, worked by people of colour, have resisted the orders of the guard, and, in defiance of the sentinel, attempted to pass without bringing to.

We are informed that a system of smuggling was carried on to a great extent upon this coast, previous to its falling into our possession, and that a very considerable proportion of the produce found its way to the English market, notwithstanding the watchfulness of the Dutch local government: possibly it was from this adventurous traffic that the slaves acquired a disrespect of orders, rather than from the lenity of the present rulers of the colonies.

LETTER XI.

La Bourgade, Sept. 12.

The delayed departure of the officers whose regiments have been draughted, affords me an opportunity of addressing to you some additional notes by the same conveyance. They have been detained in the expectation that some of them might have remained with the 39th regiment, in order to have increased its strength in officers, in proportion to its increase of privates; but the Commander in Chief not acceding to this arrangement, they are all ordered to embark, without loss of time, for England, and to take with them the sergeants and drummers; yet, on account of the extreme urgency of this sickly period, and the very limited number of assistants we have for hospital duty, we are allowed to detain the surgeon and mate of the 99th regiment; without whom, indeed, we must have been reduced to the greatest distress; for the surgeon of this corps has been my best support from the time of our arrival, being the only commissioned medical officer I have had with me, during the whole of our busy service.

Respecting the destination of the other gentlemen of the hospital staff and myself, I have nothing new to add. Incertitude is still the order of the day. We remain without receiving either pay or allowances, and subsist almost wholly upon our salt rations. Fortunately this is one of the few countries where but little money is required, or I should rather say, where if a man had much, it might be difficult to spend it. Fruit and vegetables are abundant, but the riches of Crœsus could not procure a regular supply of fresh animal provisions for our table. For my own part I am become so much a creole, and so fond of plantains, that I should experience but little hardship if these were the only food.

You will perceive from this letter, that I have again changed my home. After I had separated the happy group of convalescents from the sick, and removed them to distant quarters upon the coast, I left the patients then remaining at Mahaica under the care of Mr. Ord, acting surgeon to the 39th regiment, and returned to take charge of the hospital, at our greater depôt at La Bourgade. With infinite satisfaction I feel myself able to inform you that the high malignity of the disease begins to yield to the approach of a more benign season. Since my return hither, several patients have been admitted, in whom the fever appears under an intermittent type. If it were possible to divest myself of the regret I feel on account of the poor men’s sufferings, and from our sick list being, by any cause, increased, I might truly say that I received these cases with pleasure, hailing them as a pledge that our worst foe has run his career; for, if the fever should assume a remittent, or an intermittent course, we shall know how to oppose ourselves to its progress, and to prevent it from repeating the devastations it has committed in its continued form.

Still the hospital is sadly crowded, and, from the return made to me of the last week, the proportion of casualties does not seem to be yet diminished; but they now proceed less from cases recently admitted, than from the lingering remains of more violent disease. At the same time I may remark, that it is only from receiving a considerable proportion of intermittents, at once, that we are led to hope the fever is changing to a milder type, for repeated examples occurred, at Mahaica, of different patients being brought to the hospital at the same period, with the disease under all the varied forms of intermittent, remittent, and continued fever, yet each of them were occasionally converted into the most malignant “yellow fever,” and rapidly terminated in death.

Amidst all the afflicting histories of this destructive malady, I should rejoice exceedingly if it were in my power to report to you more favorably of the patients under surgical treatment in our hospital; but, unhappily, at the moment of our greatest pressure and anxiety regarding the fever, our services are most called for by the patients with sores and ulcers, who likewise feel the sad effects of climate and of season. In speaking upon this subject, I ought to add that the attention of Mr. Blackader, the surgeon, has been unremitted; and that his abilities are not less eminent than his zeal. His patients have been watched with a tender care, and he has been indefatigable in his endeavours to relieve them; the more so from their sufferings having been peculiarly the subject of our conversation. We are willing to hope that the unhappy difficulties he has met with, in his practice, may be more the effect of season than of climate, and that as the fevers grow milder with finer weather, the wounds and ulcers will also assume a more healthy disposition.

Whether from a wound, a scratch, the bite of a musquito, or the simplest excoriation, the progress of the sore has been the same. It seems, at first, to go on kindly, gradually advancing in a healing state, but before it is quite well, the patient loses his appetite, feels sickly, or is attacked with a febrile paroxysm, and sinks into a state of relaxation and debility; with the skin and muscles flaccid, the countenance pale, and the whole frame languid, and weak. The ulcer partaking of the general change grows black and foul, and, sloughing away, becomes wider and deeper than it was at first. After a time, the patient recovers his lost strength, and by the aid of bark, wine, and tonics, the part again assumes a healthy aspect, florid granulations form, and the healing process is renewed. Proceeding now as before it often reaches that state, which creates the daily hope of a new cuticle forming over it to complete the cure: but a febrile exacerbation again seizes the patient, and the whole disastrous round is repeated. The disease extends itself still wider than before, and the energies of the system being further impaired, it is longer ere it throws off its foulness, to take on a clean and healthy appearance. Yet this does follow, and the now wide and ragged sore again begins to heal. The patient likewise recovers a degree of strength, but remains considerably weakened. The healing of the wound advances, though slowly, and again holds out fair prospects to the miserable sufferer; but, before it has cicatrized with new skin, he relapses, the ulcer blackens, becomes foul and offensive, and the parts around slough away to a frightful extent; the patient sinking far below his former debility. He next recovers but a slight degree of strength; and the sore only clears itself to widen its ravages; the appetite is destroyed; extreme lassitude prevails; cough, and hectic fever supervene; and the patient lingers out a few wretched weeks, until death kindly offers him relief. Often the event is more rapid; but it happens not unfrequently that the patient is deluded three, four, or more times with the fairest prospect of recovery, then, suddenly and without any apparent cause, is thrown back, growing more and more feeble from each attack, until every energy of the constitution is exhausted.

Having witnessed, with extreme pain, the cruel sufferings of this class of our patients, we are particularly happy to avail ourselves of the present return of the officers, to put a party of sick, from the surgical wards, under their protection to England, where they will have the chance of speedy recovery, and of soon returning to their duty. As our hospitals will be thus considerably relieved, I shall be the better enabled to spare the services of Mr. Beane, one of our most useful assistants, whom I have placed on board to take charge of them upon the passage. I should remark that the season proves almost equally sickly among the Dutch troops as the English, although far less fatal. With the Hollanders the fever has been milder, and of a remittent type, giving way to the common treatment used in what is termed the bilious remittent fever of the country. The Dutch surgeon-major, who has been many years in the colony, is now upon the sick list; but, in him, the fever appears as an intermittent. On calling to visit him, I found him in a regular paroxysm of ague, the form which the fever very commonly assumes among the creoles, and the negroes.

We have lately had the misfortune to be deprived of another of our assistants, but his loss was the effect of accident. He was stationed at Maiconuy, where he was in the habit of bathing frequently in the river. One evening, as he was taking his favorite exercise of swimming across to the opposite bank, he suddenly disappeared, and was seen no more. We do not learn that any one was in the water with him at the time, but those who have since been here, from that post, inform us that it was generally attributed to an alligator seizing him, and suddenly dragging him down.

The return of our comrades to England gives me an opportunity of sending you the first copy of a new periodical paper, just published in this colony, called the Demarara Gazette. You will find from the composition no less than from the printing, and the paper, that it is quite an original.

But what will you say of our growing importance when I tell you, that we have not only a newspaper established, to afford us all the advantages of a speedy circulation of intelligence; and a strong regiment of black rangers, raised for the defence of the colony; but that we have also a colonial corps, formed from among the respectable part of the inhabitants, for the mutual protection of each other’s property, and for the general defence of the settlement.

LETTER XII.

Demarara, Sept. 30.

Alas, my friend! the unwilling expectation is at length fulfilled, and I now lift my pen with a hand trembling and enfeebled, almost beyond the power of supporting even a feather! The disease which has committed such devastations amongst us, has dealt me a blow, which all, who witnessed it, believed to have fallen from the hand of death; and, indeed, the shock had nearly brought me to the still home from whence there is no return. But let me not trespass upon your friendly sympathy by dwelling upon the dark shade of the picture: let me rather hasten to tell you, that the danger is past—that I am a convalescent from a severe attack of the “yellow” fever, and am looking towards returning health.

You will expect the particulars: I proceed therefore to lay before you the history of the case, whilst all the circumstances of it are fresh in my recollection, although, in truth, I feel them too deeply engraven ever to be effaced. In perusing them, you will discover that the invasion of the disease was not less insidious, than its progress has been dangerous. On Saturday the 17th inst. excepting only the time occupied in my morning and evening visits at the hospital, I sat the whole of the day in my room, busily employed in writing. In the evening I felt an aching sensation in the middles of my thighs, which I attributed to sitting so many hours upon a rough wooden chair. At tea-time I joined the gentlemen of the hospital mess, and afterwards invited the surgeon to accompany me in a promenade, hoping to walk away the uneasy weight which I felt in my limbs; but the exercise failing of success, I bathed and went early to bed, not suspecting the enemy that lurked in my veins. But I was again disappointed; for, instead of being relieved by sleep, a severe head-ach and pain of the eyes, with great thirst and dryness of mouth, supervened, and I passed a disturbed and restless night. Awakened suspicion now taught me that I was attacked by an evil much more formidable, than the wooden stool; I therefore took some medicine, and remained in bed until noon: yet from having, several times, experienced similar symptoms, and nearly equal in degree, whilst I was on duty at Mahaica, I was willing to believe that it might be only a false alarm. The medicine produced some benefit; I sat up during the afternoon, and in the evening made my visit, as usual, at the hospital: but feelings of languor and general indisposition were hovering about me, and I returned to my pillow at an early hour, again hoping that sleep would bring me a cure; but a most wretched night unveiled the delusion. All the symptoms of disease were highly aggravated, and I was assured that I had now to oppose, in my own person, the insatiate foe, whose ravages, upon others, I had so frequently deplored. No time was to be lost. All the powers of my body seemed to have deserted me; but the faculties of my mind were unimpaired.

The disorder now rushed upon me with accumulated force, hurrying on towards rapid destruction. The light was intolerable, and the pulsations of the head and eyes were most excruciating, feeling as if several hooks were fastened into the globe of each eye, and some person, standing behind me, were dragging them forcibly from their orbits, back into the head; the cerebrum being, at the same time, detached from its membranes, and leaping about violently within the cranium. A wearying pain occupied my back and limbs, and in particular the calves of my legs, as if dogs were gnawing down to the bones; while a tormenting restlessness possessed my whole frame, and prevented even the slightest approach to ease or quiet. The skin was burning, and conveyed a pungent sensation when touched: the pulse was quickened but not very full: the tongue was white and parched, with great thirst, and constant dryness of the mouth, lips, and teeth. I know not from which I suffered most, the severe pain, the insatiable thirst, or the unappeasable restlessness; for each was equally insupportable, and might have sufficed to exhaust the strongest frame. Combining their tortures, they created a degree of irritation amounting almost to phrensy; and which, but for the means used to alleviate it, must have destroyed me in a few hours. No ease was to be found: not even a momentary respite was granted from this excessive torment. It was under these symptoms that I requested the surgeon to take twelve or fourteen ounces of blood from my arm, and to give me a strong dose of calomel. This was on Monday morning the 19th inst. the attack having commenced on the evening of Saturday the 17th. The pain of the head and eyes was considerably relieved by the bleeding; the restlessness was also in a slight degree diminished; but the thirst, with heat and dryness of skin, still continued. I drank copiously of mild diluents, and the calomel acted freely as an evacuant: still I had no rest, but passed a third night in extreme suffering. On the 20th the pain was less severe, and the light less intolerable; but the other symptoms of fever remained, together with an increased degree of languor and debility: I therefore avoided further evacuations, and took a saline medicine with camphire. The night was, again, most painfully restless, sleep was wholly denied me, and I felt myself sinking into a most perilous exhaustion.

In the morning of the 21st I was free from the high action of fever; the heat and pain had subsided, the pulse was less quick, and I was in a copious perspiration: but the whiteness of tongue remained, with an irritating and unquenchable thirst; and in proportion as the more violent symptoms abated, others, equally distressing supervened. My strength and voice were gone; an indescribable uneasiness affected my whole body; I was attacked with an exhausting diarrhœa; felt a most annihilating sensation at the scrobiculus cordis; and sunk into an inconceivable degree of languor and prostration.

The day and night were passed in a wearisome and distressing manner; and with my bodily powers so rapidly declining, that I was more and more enfeebled every hour. On the 22d scarcely a hope remained of my recovery. Every energy of the system seemed to be subdued; debility had reached its extremest degree; and it appeared to require only a sigh to sever the thread of life.

I was now so reduced as to be no longer able to support myself upon my side, in bed; but lay supine, and prostrate, with my flaccid limbs stretched in full extension, and which, if they were lifted from their place, fell lifeless upon the same spot. A weakening diarrhœa continued, and a still more debilitating vomiting was superadded. Upon the slightest motion I fell into syncope, and was so exhausted as to faint if my head were raised from the pillow. My fauces were parched and dry; I had extreme thirst, together with a feeling of languor and sinking at the epigastrium, and a degree of restlessness over my whole frame, which it is utterly impossible to describe.

Thus situated, I contemplated the probable event, and having calmly reconciled the thought of dying, I endeavoured, in broken whisper, to utter a few words to the surgeon, for him to commit to paper as my will; to which, with his guidance, a feeble and trembling hand traced my signature, but in characters which I now find to be scarcely legible. This ceremony was executed with the greatest composure of mind; for I was never more collected, or more tranquil. Death seemed to look me full in the face, at the time; but I received his commands without a disturbed emotion. In soft and tender regret, indeed, I lamented that I could not see my friends in England; nor cast a look of grateful affection upon my beloved mother, before I departed; but these privations, deeply sorrowful as they were, yielded also to what seemed to be the will of Heaven; and, in tranquil resignation, I breathed a dying blessing to you all. Still I felt that I ought not to reject such means of relief as my profession offered, whilst even a possibility remained of being saved; I made myself understood therefore, by Mr. Blackader, and expressed a wish to have large quantities of bark and opium, with wine, and the cold bath. Colonel Hislop, the commanding officer, actuated by the most amiable feelings, very kindly expressed a wish that I should be visited by some of the medical gentlemen of the country. This was a proposal to which I could form no possible objection; although my own sensations had dictated the remedies which I meant to employ. Two of the most eminent practitioners of the colony were accordingly requested to see me, and it were ungrateful not to express the acknowledgments I owe them for their friendly attention and advice. Happily their opinions coincided very much with my own, respecting the means to be used in the stage of the disease under which they saw me; and they approved of every part of my prescription, the cold bath only excepted. I was wholly incapable of conversing with them, but their remarks to Mr. Blackader did not escape my ear.

The fierce ardor of fever, the painful throbbing of the head and eyes, and the pungent dryness of skin, were very much diminished, and the pulse, though enfeebled, was not much quicker than in health. The prescribed remedies were used with great freedom. Happily the opium quickly arrested the retching, and also the diarrhœa; which allowed the bark and wine, and bathing to be employed with less reserve; and I persevered with such effect, that in the course of only a few hours, I had no less than six ounces of the powder of bark (swallowed and otherwise administered) and a bottle of sound old hock remaining in my stomach and bowels.

Of the wine and bathing I know not in what terms to speak, for language has no power to express the delightful sensations which these most grateful remedies conveyed to my exhausted frame. I was more refreshed by them, more revived, and more relieved, than words can tell. To the bark and opium I was perhaps quite as much indebted, but their effects were less immediate, and less sensible. For many years I had not tasted wine; now I was to take it as a medical potion; and, in order to rank it high in this character, the commissary had kindly sent me some very choice old hock, which, in great truth, was both food and medicine to me! The peculiar and exquisite sensations I experienced, when the first glass of it wetted my parched lips, and cooled my burning stomach, will be remembered to my latest hour.

The bathing was scarcely inferior to the wine, for at a moment when ineffable languor was rapidly sinking my weakened body to the grave, I was lifted out of my bed, into an empty bathing-tub, and cold sea water was dashed upon my naked person, with an effect which exceeds all description. Not only were the sensations of the moment inconceivably refreshing and delightful, but the more durable and important benefits were equally striking. Previous to bathing I fainted, on my head being only lifted up from the pillow; but after being taken out of the bathing-tub, I was able, with due support, to sit up for nearly ten minutes, while three persons, with rough cloths, rubbed me dry.

Although I was not delirious, I perceived a peculiar sense of confusion, or horror about me at various times during this day, and lapsed occasionally into a sort of stupor, approaching to coma, but it did not proceed to such a degree as to deprive me of consciousness; the powers of memory and volition were still at my command; and, when I was roused, it was remarked that my mental faculties were unimpaired: and, as a proof that I was not insensible to what passed in the room, I may tell you that I felt, with full force, all the probability of the remark, and was too well aware how strongly appearances might justify it, when I heard some of the officers exclaim, as they turned away, after silently looking at me through my musquito curtain, “Ah, poor doctor! we shall never see him again!”

This had been my worst day: the feelings of the night I cannot attempt to describe! All was horror, horror, restless deadly horror! The sickened mind became unsettled as its troubled mansion, and, like the body, was only sensible to disease and wretchedness.

The dawn of the next day seemed like an introduction to a new existence. The indescribable and distressing sensations, which had so cruelly afflicted me, were in some degree diminished, and the violence of the other symptoms was slightly moderated:—an important change indeed! But, however happy, it was such as no man need be anxious to experience. Circumstanced as I then was, to me it had all the semblance of a change from death to life: but with such extreme misery and horror was it accompanied, that, could these have continued many hours longer, life would have been bought at too dear a purchase, to have regained it at such a price. The mind was crowded with confused and incoherent ideas, painting the world as new, and altogether different from that which I seemed to have so lately left; indeed, so distorted and unnatural did every thing around me appear, that I felt a kind of hesitation whether to accept of my return to life, or proceed onward to the grave, which I saw wide open before me. This was the sixth day. The morning was dark and gloomy, and highly calculated to favor the sombre impressions of my mind. The whole day, and a sad long night were dragged out in all the tumult and distress of regaining an existence, which only a day or two before, I could have given up almost without a sigh.

After I had escaped from these distracting incoherences, I perceived the symptoms of the disease gradually declining, and, by persisting in the use of my remedies, I am become better reconciled to the world, and again recognise it as the same which I had so quietly resigned. I continued to drink most liberally of old hock, and took the bark in unmeasured quantity, the extent and frequency of the dose being limited only by the power of the stomach and bowels to retain it. The bathing was also repeated with inexpressible comfort to my languid and trembling frame. I took also copious draughts of bottled porter, which I found to be an exceedingly grateful and refreshing drink, as well as one of my most effectual remedies.

The thirst and dryness of the mouth, lips, and teeth continued to annoy me until the eighth day. Great languor and prostration of strength were still present on the ninth; as were likewise, at intervals, the distressful sensations of horror and wretchedness. On the tenth, the return of strength was perceptible, although I had much dizziness, and faintness, and was afflicted with a troublesome deafness, which is still the companion of my convalescence. Since the tenth day my recovery has been very rapid. The debility is not so great as might have been expected, and my appetite is strong and craving. Dainties in eating are not to be had, and fortunately I do not require them; for no turtle feast was ever enjoyed with greater relish than I now take, at noon, my plain English fare, of a crust of bread, with a morsel of cheese, and a deep draught of bottled porter.

Many apologies are due for troubling you with this tedious detail of self; for sadly tedious I fear you will find it, notwithstanding my having confined my pen, as much as possible, to a bare narration of the feelings I experienced, and the perils I had to encounter. During the whole course of the disease, I have not had any mark of yellowness—that symptom from which the fever has been, erroneously, named.

LETTER XIII.

Plantation Hope, Mahaica, Oct. 21, 1796.

If I had not already endeavoured to do justice to the universal hospitality which prevails in these colonies, I might enumerate, in proof of it, the many instances of friendly attention which I have experienced during the convalescence from my late attack of fever. Every table was at my command, every house my home, and every planter my friend. If it were not an injustice to particularize, I might mention to you the signal obligations I owe to Captain Mac-Rae, one of the gentlemen of the colony, now holding a company in the corps of South American rangers, and to his brother, from whose house I have now the pleasure to address you. The captain made me daily visits, and watched me with all the care of fraternal solicitude, during my sickness; and as soon as he saw me able to be moved, he not only proposed that I should make his brother’s house my convalescent abode, but, without any trouble or concern on my own part, provided me the means of conveyance, and himself accompanied me hither; where I have been received with the most cordial welcome, entertained with unaffected urbanity, and, I may say, nursed with sincere and affectionate attention by his brother; for not only have all the accommodations of the house been mine, but the friendship of this generous man has led him to procure also the best restoratives of the neighbourhood for the re-establishment of my health, and the recovery of my lost strength.

Since my arrival here, I have felt very strong symptoms of relapse, but, by the powerful aid of bark and Madeira wine, the threatened return of fever has been successfully resisted. I had been strongly cautioned, by the gentlemen of the colony, to “beware of the springs,”—implying that the disease would be likely to renew its attack at the full of the moon: I was prepared, therefore, to meet the first uneasy sensations with the appropriate remedies. On the 14th instant my head was in pain, my limbs ached, and I had general feelings of languor and restlessness; when, recollecting the remark so often made to me, and which had been in some measure confirmed by my own observations in the hospitals, I turned to the almanack, and found that the moon was to be at the full on the sixteenth: without delay, therefore, I had recourse to the bark, and drank a twofold portion of wine, but the symptoms continued to menace me with a renewal of fever until the eighteenth, after which they subsided, precisely as I had been assured would happen, with the decline of the spring-tides.

I am extremely sorry to inform you that, since my last letter giving you an account of my own illness, Mr. Blackader, to whose unwearied attentions I was so essentially indebted during my confinement, has received a rude visit from our common enemy: at the same time it gives me sincere pleasure to add that he is recovered, and that the disease has been slighter, and his sufferings less severe, than in my own case; which I think we are justified in attributing to the attack being less insidious, and his having been twice blooded within the first twelve hours of the disease. We were both of opinion that if I had used venæsection earlier I should have suffered less, and it is probable that if I had not been blooded at all, I should not have held the pen to you now: accordingly we employed our means with more boldness and promptitude, when Mr. Blackader was seized, and thereby prevented the consuming action of the fever from producing the still more destructive symptoms of exhaustion. Others, I am aware, might tell you that the extreme languor and prostration of strength, which sunk me so near to the grave, were induced by the bleeding; although I feel but little doubt that they proceeded from the neglect of it, and were the effect of the exhausting symptoms which prevailed at the commencement of the disease; but which might have been moderated by an earlier loss of blood, and prevented from throwing the system into a state of debility, which rendered my situation nearly as hopeless as it was alarming. After all, I lament that this is only matter of opinion, however much experience may have confirmed it, in my mind, as an established fact.

It is now said to be the short dry season; but within the few last days we have had many heavy showers of rain, and more wet has fallen than is common in this month. Still the weather, and our muddy roads are greatly improved, and what is more important, we have far less of sickness. On my removal, from La Bourgade to Mr. Mac-Rae’s, I resumed my attendance at the Mahaica hospital, and I have great satisfaction in being able to remark that the number of patients is not one-sixth so great, nor their diseases by any means so malignant, as when I was here before.

Since my arrival at my friendly convalescent quarters, at the Hope, two circumstances have offered to my notice, which afford very striking examples of the character of slaves, and which you would not excuse me if I were to omit noting. A French privateer, which, for some time past, had been lurking about the leeward coast of these colonies, had captured a considerable number of small vessels, and, in particular, several which the planters had been in the habit of sending down to Essequibo to fetch plantains, as provisions for the slaves. Among these, two boats lately fell into their hands, belonging to Mr. Kendall and Mr. Green, the latter of whom resides not far distant from the Hope; but on account of the privateer not having hands enough, on board, to man all her prizes, the negroes of Mr. Kendall’s boat were put on board that belonging to Mr. Green, and three or four sailors sent from the privateer to carry them into Trinidad. On the passage the Frenchmen talked much to the negroes about liberty, equality, and the rights of man, in all the common jargon of the revolution; holding out to them the high enjoyment of gaining their freedom; and assuring them that they would be carried from Trinidad to Guadaloupe, where they would be released from their slavery, become fellow-citizens, and remain in future their own masters. But these poor blacks, having been treated with great kindness and humanity by their owners, and not having been bred in the modern Gallic school, could not be made to comprehend the fascinating doctrine of equality. They rejected therefore the proffered French liberty; and instead of rejoicing, as it was supposed they would, to accept their freedom from the hands of these revolutionists, they concerted a plan to rescue the boat, and take it back to their masters; in which attempt they met with complete success; but unhappily it was attended with that savage inhumanity which characterizes the Africans. A little before they came within sight of Trinidad they seized an opportunity of rising upon the Frenchmen, and, not satisfied with subduing them, they murdered every one of them, and threw their mangled bodies into the sea: then, like faithful slaves, put the boat about, and made the best of their way up the coast, returning, much pleased, to their owners, and to their task of slavery. The party consisted of five negroes belonging to Mr. Kendall, and three (two men and a boy) belonging to Mr. Green. On my asking them why they did not bring the Frenchmen on shore as prisoners, instead of killing them, their reply spake one of the unhappy truths of slavery, and proved that the lives of these unfortunate Frenchmen were sacrificed to an unjust law always operating against the negroes. “Ah Massa,” said they, “we ’fraid ’em tell lies upon us, and him people always believe backra man sooner as negro ... so we tink it best for kill ’em all.” These poor slaves were aware that against the evidence of a white man, whether it were true or false, they could not be heard; therefore, to prevent the possibility of any incorrect reports of their prisoners operating to their prejudice, they deemed it wise to secure themselves the privilege of giving their testimony in the cause of truth, by destroying those whose voices might have prevented it.

The other circumstance was likewise one in which the blacks were equally true to each other, and equally acted in concert; but it was in a widely different case. Two negroes who had stolen a trunk from their master, containing clothes, a brace of pistols, and a pocket-book, with notes and bills to the amount of 2000l. submitted repeatedly to severe punishment, and would probably have suffered death, rather than have broken the faith which they had pledged to one another: but a wily old slave, by means of a well-devised stratagem, obtained a confession of the theft from each of them, separately; and prevented the necessity of extorting it, by a further infliction of the chastisement.

LETTER XIV.

La Bourgade, Nov. 17, 1796.

For some time past we have been anxiously looking for news from England. Papers are at length arrived, and we read, that instead of drawing nigh to a peace, we are only now entering upon a wide-spreading war.

By inspecting the map you will find that our situation upon this coast is now rendered peculiarly interesting. The Spaniards are on our left, to leeward; the Dutch and French to windward, on our right; close in our rear are heavy and impenetrable forests, inhabited by wild and naked tribes; and our whole front is bounded by the open sea. Our new foes, the Dons, will have more cause of alarm from us, than we can possibly have from them: being to leeward of us, we shall be able to run down, at any time, and surprise them at Trinidad, or the Caraccas: whereas it might require a voyage of many days for them to make their passage, against the trade winds, far enough to annoy us with any effect: further, the superiority of our fleet gives us so entirely the command of the coast, that the Spanish vessels may be expected to afford a plentiful harvest to our sloops and privateers.

An express, announcing the arrival of a reinforcement of medical officers from Martinique, called me, somewhat suddenly, from my hospitable quarters, at Mahaica. On hearing that these gentlemen were come, the suggestion naturally occurred, that it was a detachment from the hospital staff of the Charibbee islands, sent to relieve the division of the St. Domingo staff, and to set us at liberty to proceed to our original destination: but, so far from this being the case, the reinforcement consists only of a garrison surgeon and a mate; and instead of orders being sent us to set off for St. Domingo, I have received copies of hospital papers, and instructions for my guidance, in directing the duties of the medical department of these colonies.

I now feel it a severe mortification, that I should have so long arranged for my letters to be sent to St. Domingo; but I hope to be more fortunate in saying ... write to me at Demarara.

Of myself I need not speak, for my strength is so rapidly returning that I scarcely belong either to the list of sick or convalescents. My comrade, Mr. Blackader, is also growing strong, and forgetting his invalid feelings; but Mr. Jordan, one of my assistants, has suffered a late attack, from which, after much danger, he is only slowly recovering. Having before mentioned to you the circumstance of the relapses of fever corresponding remarkably with the periods of the moon, I may now tell you, that the fact was particularly noticed in the case of this gentleman. He suffered a relapse during his early convalescence, and it was remarked that, on the same day, four of the patients in the hospital had a renewed attack of the fever. This coincidence led us to look at the almanack, when it was found to be the day previous to the change of the moon.

Mr. Blackader with our recovering assistant and myself, all in different stages of convalescence, having met together a few evenings ago, it happened that the conversation turned from yellow fever, and other ills, to the many comforts of dear England. If you could know how gratefully our minds were absorbed on this inexhaustible subject, and the high delight which we were led to contemplate, in returning to the tranquil enjoyments of that happy and salubrious home, you might almost envy us a long absence, and the danger of never seeing our native island again!

The reports from Martinique, Grenada, and St. Lucie, respecting the ravages of disease, I am sorry to find, are not more favorable than our own. The great scourge of the climate has made sad havoc in those islands, and the medical officers have suffered in full proportion. Of the physicians who were attached to the windward expedition, four have already fallen victims to disease, viz. Doctors Riollay, Story, Clifton, and Suttleworth. With sincere grief I likewise hear of the death of poor Colonel Gammell, who so lately left us in robust health. In his loss the service has to lament a most valuable officer. The removal of this gentleman and his comrades of the 93d regiment from these colonies, instead of being accompanied with all the comfort which attached to the prospect of returning to England, seems to have been only the signal of unhappy events. Whilst they remained together at Berbische, under Colonel Gammell’s excellent rules of command, the whole of the officers were singularly healthy, but the suspension of the regular system which he had maintained, and a total relaxation from duty, together with the hurry of embarkation, and, perhaps, the liberal glass at parting from other comrades, while they have unfortunately removed the happy exemption from disease, which those gentlemen had enjoyed, have also proved the high utility of a rigid and correct discipline in these destructive regions.

One of the officers of the 93d died at Demarara, whither he had arrived from Berbische, preparatory to going on board the ship in which he was to have proceeded to England: now, we hear of the death of Colonel Gammell at Martinique: a third officer, of the same regiment, was prevented from embarking with his comrades by an attack of fever, which nearly deprived him of life, and which still detains him among us. The Colonel left Demarara at the time I was lying dangerously ill, and was one of the friends who, on turning from my bed-side, shook his head, and despaired of ever seeing me again. Alas! I grieve to find him so correct in the fact, although his apprehensions did not go to the event precisely as it occurred; for, little did he expect that it would be my lot to live, and thus soon deplore his death!

At the La Bourgade hospital, as well as at Mahaica, we feel the effect of the present dry season, the numbers on our sick list being considerably less than for several months past; yet the sad remains of expiring disease have lately afforded us too frequent opportunities of prosecuting the comparative examinations I before mentioned to you; and we have availed ourselves of them to a considerable extent. Among the advantages arising from the late dry weather in these colonies, no one is more conspicuous than the improvement which it has effected in our deep and muddy roads. Hitherto they have been intolerably bad; indeed, on account of the great depth of wet and stiff clay, almost impassable. At present they are dry, and, from being upon a perfect level, and the clay being hardened and worn smooth, they are as fine roads, for travelling, as the very best in England.

Since the weather has been settled, we find the thermometer rise occasionally at noon as high as 86 or 87: usually it has been from 82 to 85. This climate is perhaps one of the most steady in the world, the range of the thermometer, upon the cultivated part of the coast, being only from 11 to 15 degrees. Most commonly the mercury is at 73 at six o’clock in the morning; and at noon 84. The lowest I have seen it, at any time, was 72; and the highest 87. From living in constant heat and relaxation our bodies become highly sensible to cold, and I sometimes feel my fingers chilly, as in an autumnal morning in England, although the thermometer be as high as 74.

Since the arrival of the garrison surgeon and assistant, our department has been further strengthened with the addition of a deputy-purveyor, and some hospital-mates. These gentlemen are come in good time to enjoy the evening shade of our toils. We have supported the severe labour and fatigue of the sickly season without them, and they now find us well seasoned in our duty, and with our hospitals far less crowded. When we most wanted them, their services were most required in the islands, and now we have less occasion for them, they can best be spared. However, I am busily engaged in making up the returns, and all the necessary accounts and hospital papers, from the time of our arrival in these colonies, and shall hope soon to be relieved from one branch of my late duty, by resigning to our newly arrived deputy-purveyor the business of his department.

Rumour has lately threatened us with an attack from Surinam, but we feel no alarm on this subject; having an adequate force to meet the enemy at sea, and troops enough on shore, to resist any detachment which the Dutch might be able to send from that colony.

On my way down the coast lately from Mahaica, I observed among the slaves, what to me was a novelty; although I was told, by a gentleman of the colony, that it was by no means uncommon. In one of the fields we passed a gang of negroes employed at their labour, with a female driver carrying the whip at their backs. On my remarking that it was not a becoming duty for the beau sexe—that the nature of the lady might be too tender to admit of her correcting the strong; and her arm too feeble to enable her to chastise the idle; my companion replied, that I was much mistaken, for, on the contrary, the “women drivers” were sometimes peculiarly severe, and often corrected the stoutest slaves with no feeble arm.

The following anecdote forces upon my mind a fact which is perhaps universally observed, viz. that where the population is thin, the society confined to a few, and the intercourse with other places bounded by narrow limits, trifles gain importance, and occurrences which, in themselves, are insignificant, become subjects of conversation, and of interest.

From the great heat of climate, and the consequent rapidity with which dead animal matter tends to resume its gaseous form, it is become a custom here, for the butcher, when he is about to kill beef, to secure the sale of the whole carcase, before he slaughters the animal: for which purpose he sends round a ticket or notice informing the inhabitants when the beef is to be killed, in order that each person may write down what part, and what quantity he may wish to have. It is likewise a practice among the Dutch people to give notice when any person dies, inviting the neighbours to the funeral, by means of a paper which is commonly superscribed, in conspicuous characters, “doed brief.” A Dutch officer having died, the burial-ticket was despatched in due form, when a lady who had lately arrived from Barbadoes, reading the words “doed brief,” put down her name for “twelve pounds and a half of the buttock.” The messenger proceeding throughout the town with the notice, the mistake was quickly known in every house, and the gloomy solemnity of the occasion was interrupted by the various witticisms, upon the English lady bespeaking twelve pounds and a half of the Dutchman’s buttock.

LETTER XV.

Demarara, Nov. 30.

How shall I tell you the high delight of this happy week! Need I say more, than that three letters have reached me from England, being the first that I have received since leaving my home and my friends! A small packet was sent to my quarters by the commandant, having come with his letters from Martinique; and it would require a long absence, from those you esteem, to enable you to judge of the transport I felt, when, on fixing my eye on the superscription, I discovered that they were letters from England. They had been put into the army bag at the war-office, and being addressed to the head-quarters of the “army in the West Indies,” were fortunately sent to Martinique instead of St. Domingo, and from thence forwarded hither.

I have again to announce to you a change of season in these regions. During the latter part of this month, we have had frequent returns of rain, and the weather is by no means so clear and fine as it was in October, and the beginning of November: but we are told that the short wet season is setting in, which will continue five or six weeks; and that we are afterwards to expect a long dry season of three or four months.

I remarked to you before, that in consequence of St. Domingo being far to leeward, we very seldom receive any news from thence, except by way of England; but a vessel is now arrived at Demarara, which was some weeks ago at St. Domingo, and I am sorry to observe that the captain brings a very afflicting report of the sickness which prevails in that colony; such, alas! as renders all that we have suffered, here, comparatively light.

It has again occurred to us to witness a striking coincidence of both the attack and relapse of fever, with the period of the spring-tides. Yesterday four of the convalescents in the hospital relapsed into ague, and to-day five new patients were admitted with the same disease, all of whom were likewise attacked yesterday, only a few hours before the change of moon.

I can scarcely excuse myself for committing what I know will be a trespass upon your feelings; yet I cannot avoid remarking that an immense field has lately opened to my contemplation—that a huge and frightful volume has been laid before me, upon the important subject of army economy; and that I grieve to discover how much the high sentiments of honor which ought to attach to every military employment, are sacrificed to personal interest, and a mere traffic for pecuniary gain. It is lamentable to see how grossly the sacred laws of morality are outraged; and to know in what various instances the confidence reposed in the servants of the public is abused. To such an extent is it carried, in some instances, that a man of integrity and correct principle is regarded as a noxious weed, which, not kindly taking root in the corrupt soil where it is planted, many would desire to pluck up and cast from among them.

What think you of a person holding a commission in his Majesty’s service gravely recommending to another officer to “lock up his conscience in a strong box before he comes out with the army again, and resume it on his return?” The reply to his friendly advice, was such as to diffuse a blush, where, I much suspect, none had been seated for a long time before; and, I apprehend that, in future, he will be more cautious of avowing his very honorable sentiments. I wish it could be remarked that the opinions and conduct of this man are singular: but, alas! there are too many proofs that they are far, very far from being uncommon: although but few may be hardy enough to declare them.

LETTER XVI.

La Bourgade, Dec. 20, 1796.

With a becoming attention to the health and well-being of our new corps of Rangers, it has been deemed expedient to remove them from their encampment, and place them in barracks, in order to protect them from the rains of the short wet season which now prevails: but unluckily for the peace and quiet of our neighbourhood, a large building has been fitted up for their accommodation, close to the quarters of the medical officers, and we have all the noise, hurry, and confusion of the whole regiment constantly before us. The scene amidst which we are placed, by this arrangement, exceeds all conception, for it is of all degrees, and all varieties: but whether gay or serious, trivial or important, sombre or ludicrous, it is always noisy and turbulent. The activity and exertion which are required, to bring such recruits into habits of method and order, are almost beyond belief. Where the whole, from being bred up in ignorance and constant toil, are very much upon a parallel with oxen taken from the plough, you will imagine what the most stupid of them must be, who form that select body termed the “awkward squad.” Upon beholding them, when they first assemble, it might seem nearly as practicable to train a party of mules to carry arms.

The colonel, zealous for their improvement, and desirous to make soldiers of them as speedily as possible, is indefatigable in his attentions towards them; and their drills are so frequent as to keep them in almost perpetual motion.

Frequently the “awkward squad” is led to drill, with a proportion of non-commissioned officers nearly equal in number to the privates, each giving the word of command in the most authoritative manner, holding a short pipe in his mouth, scarcely extending to the point of his nose; and each busily marching his party to the right and left, backward and forward, and in every variety of direction, pushing, pulling, and cuffing them about, as if they were machines, totally devoid of sensibility.

Even the Indians, whose gravity seldom allows a smile to appear, have been diverted at the drilling of the black “awkward squad.” A party, from the woods, came in one day, at the time the regiment was under arms, and forgetting their usual reserve, expressed symptoms of amazement on seeing a body of negroes drawn up in a line, with firelocks in their hands, and clothed in uniform; but their attention was soon diverted from the great body of the battalion, by observing the awkward squad, whose blundering evolutions seemed to afford them more amusement than any other occurrence we had witnessed. Indeed it was the first time we had been able to mark the expression of surprise or curiosity upon the Indian countenance. The bucks pointed with their arrows to the unseemly group, making remarks to the buckeen, who, like the men, were so roused from their indifference as to smile, and seem diverted.

It happened lately that two of the British soldiers who were employed at the hospital, having been guilty of irregular conduct, were ordered into confinement; and, from its being near, they were taken to the guard-room of the rangers, where, upon recovering their sober senses, they felt extremely shocked at their degraded situation, being prisoners under the bayonets of negroes, whom they had perhaps buffeted as slaves, or mere beasts of burden; and were quite indignant on recollecting that the very men who were now put over them, even since their arrival in the colony, had toiled all day in the field, goaded as horses or oxen. The reflection may perhaps serve as an useful lesson to them, and teach them to avoid similar disgrace in future; but I wish that no unpleasant jealousies may arise among the different corps of soldiery. Possibly a strict discipline, and the good conduct of the officers, may divert any invidious feelings that may be excited, into a generous and laudable spirit of emulation, and make the varieties of colour and country subservient to useful and honorable purposes: but it will require no inconsiderable address to preserve a perfect harmony among blacks and whites, Dutch, English, and Africans! Still the discordance, alluded to, is not all that is to be apprehended from training the slaves to arms. It is a measure which unquestionably provides a strong defence for the present exigency; but it admits of a question whether it may not be employing a temporary convenience to establish what may hereafter become an extensive evil. May it not teach the slaves a fact which will not readily be forgotten: may they not learn that they are not only the most numerous, but, also, the strongest party: in short, may it not instruct them that they are men; and that a single step might ensure to them the rights of their common nature? Compared to slavery the restrictions of military discipline are as exquisite freedom; and the negro who has once tasted it cannot be expected to return quietly to the yoke, and again expose his back to the whip.

Should the slaves once feel sensible of their power, the effect of this assurance will not be retarded by any religious or moral consideration. As my pen is led to this remark, it may not be inappropriate to follow it by a word upon the total neglect of sacred ordinances which prevails in these colonies. Knowing that the established religion of the Dutch is Calvinism, you will be much surprised to learn that all the ceremonies of the Sabbath are utterly disregarded. No church or temple is to be found in the settlements; nor have the inhabitants even appropriated any house, or other building, for the performance of divine service. Neglecting their own duties to the Deity, they have used no means to inculcate a sense of religious awe, or of moral conviction, among the slaves, but have confided the government of these degraded beings solely to terror, and the whip. Sunday, it is true, has been set apart as a day of rest, but no solemn ceremony marks it as the Sabbath. Idleness and merriment alone distinguish it from the other days of the week. It is a holyday to the negroes, but no part of it is devoted to their moral or religious improvement: not one hour is appropriated to instruct them, in the duties we all owe to the Creator; or to teach them the principles which ought to govern the conduct of man towards man.

Since our arrival a laudable attempt has been made to remedy this unchristian-like neglect, but such is the force of habit that, hitherto, the prospect of success cannot be considered as very auspicious. A place has been appointed for the performance of the duties of the Sabbath, and, due notice being given, the military chaplain attended to enter upon the service; the governor likewise made his appearance; but after waiting for a considerable time, and finding that no further congregation assembled, they walked quietly home, postponing both prayers and sermon to a future occasion.

The diminution of sickness affording sufficient room for their accommodation, the sick soldiers of the Dutch corps in our service, and those also of the South American Rangers are now received as patients into the hospital, together with our own troops. This arrangement will afford us an opportunity of witnessing more precisely the effect of disease, not simply upon the subjects of different countries, but upon those who are recently arrived from a colder climate; those who from the residence of a few years are become in a certain degree acclimated; and those to whom the heat of this latitude is altogether congenial.

With each change of season our desperate foe seems to fight under an altered face, or, chameleon-like, to assume a new skin. Very seldom do we now see the fever attended with that remarkable yellowness by which it was so commonly distinguished in the months of August and September. During the late dry season it lost the continued, and took on a remitting or intermitting form, and the latter type still continues to be very frequent; but among the recent cases, we have more now that are rapidly fatal than we had in the finer season of October and the beginning of November: yet even these rarely exhibit that yellowness of surface, which has been held so peculiarly characteristic of this destructive malady.

Many of the sick now fall into a state of coma, and without betraying any other striking mark of illness—without uttering a complaint or a groan, sink very rapidly into the arms of death. The countenance becomes pale; the skin assumes a clay or lead coloured hue; a stupor supervenes; the patient lies in a state of tranquil insensibility; and, without yellowness, or the other common marks of the fever, in the course of only a few days he sleeps to wake no more! Sometimes a few hours complete the course of the disease, as in a late instance, where almost the only symptom was a profound coma, and the soldier died within the short space of twelve hours. If this were a solitary case I am aware how soon scepticism would convert it into a different disease; but without disputing for a name, I need only remark that it is far from a rare instance, for, alas! we have too many examples in proof of its being a very common mode in which the fever attacks. In others of the cases which prove fatal, we find hiccough the predominant, and most distressing symptom: it continues in opposition to every remedy, and, in a few days, the patient is exhausted, and dies!

Neither public nor extensive libraries were to be expected in these colonies; but if I had much time for reading, I might sadly lament this deficiency. After examining with great care and attention all the late authors that I could collect, I think myself fortunate in meeting with the publication of Père Labat, a Jesuit, who, so long since as in the year 1701, wrote a tour through the West India islands, in which he describes very correctly the epidemic fever of these regions, and gives an accurate account of his own sufferings under the disease; in the treatment of which he was twice blooded, venæsection being, at that time, used as a sovereign remedy.

Amidst our changes of season, I should be highly gratified if I could report favorably of the improvement in our surgical wards; but of wounds and ulcers I have still only gloomy tidings to offer: and it is remarkable that the distress occasioned by these is wholly confined to the Europeans; for, while the soldiers from England continue to suffer dreadfully from their sores, the wounds of the Africans, who are lying in the adjoining beds of the same wards, heal with surprising rapidity, and are completely cured. Indeed the recovery from sores and ulcers in this climate is as peculiarly successful among the blacks, as it is the reverse among the Europeans; the examples in proof of which are abundant: but not to tire you with tedious histories of cases, I need only mention one, which has been recently related to me by a most respectable medical practitioner now in Demarara[1]; and by whom the treatment of the case was conducted. A negro, being detected in the act of robbing a plantain-walk, was taken into confinement by the watchmen, who, in the struggle to secure him, wounded him very desperately upon the head, neck, and shoulders with a cutlass: which, at one of the blows, passed through the bones of the scull and the membranes, into the substance of the brain. In the course of the cure, it happened that the dressings one day fell from this part, and, the flies gaining access to the sore, maggots were bred in great numbers within the brain. These were removed by the professional attendant, who, in picking them out, was employed for a considerable time, at each of three successive dressings: still the negro rapidly recovered, and is now alive and well.

I have lately been much diverted with hearing the detail of an intended publication, for which the writer assures me he is busily collecting materials. It is to be entitled the “History of Guiana,” and is to be composed by a person who has neither the advantage of education, nor of talents. You will judge of the merits of the work, when you learn that it is in the author’s plan to describe minutely the sources, and the junction of the rivers Oronoko and Amazons, without having travelled twenty miles from the sea-coast; and to give a full and accurate account of different races of people, not one of whom he has ever seen.

A fact has recently occurred to my knowledge, displaying a custom which I am sure you will regard with astonishment. It is usual, in these colonies, for a person to take a negro, or more frequently a mulatto, or mestee woman as housekeeper and companion; and, if he have children by her, and cannot afford, or does not choose to be at the expense of sending them to Europe to be educated, he derives no dishonor from breeding up the sons as mechanics, and giving out the daughters, in keeping, to his friends; and so commonly is this practice established, that no feelings of remorse seem to attach to it: on the contrary, it is deemed the best provision the parent can make for his daughter, to place her with a respectable man as his bonne amie; but it is necessary to understand that these are never whites, nor children born in wedlock: they are daughters of women of colour, who, like themselves, have felt honored in being chosen the companions of their lords; and who do not aspire to the dignified character of wife. Neither father nor daughter feels any sense of shame, in yielding to this general usage of the country; her ambition soars no higher, for she is bred up with no other expectation; and the indelible disgrace which would attach to marrying a woman of colour leaves the parent no hope of providing for his daughter, by placing her in the more honorable state of wedlock. Still the practice is so utterly repugnant to European sentiments, that it must require a long residence in this country to reconcile it to the father; for, whatever may be the distinction between wife and mistress, it cannot be supposed that the feelings of nature in the breast of the parent can be thereby diminished. The child is equally his offspring, and, from being less protected by the laws, is, even in a greater degree, the object of his care: it must therefore occasion him many severe pangs to submit to this insecure and perilous disposal of his daughter. If the protector die or leave the country, the protegée returns to her father, until another suitor offer her his home.

You will be surprised to know that, until very lately, I have not had an opportunity of purchasing a horse, but you would be much more surprised could you see what a miserable animal I have, at length, procured for the sum of nearly forty guineas. Horses are very scarce, and of high value upon this coast. No more are kept than are required for absolute use, and a spare one is rarely to be met with. They are mostly imported from North America, and, like ourselves, they are subject to a seasoning disease, which equally cuts off man and horse.

We are again looking forward to dry and fine weather, for notwithstanding the present wet season has only been set in a month, it is supposed, from the circumstance of most of the rain now falling in the night, that it may be already declining. I forget whether I before remarked to you, that we have not even in what is termed the rainy season, any thick and foggy days like those of an English November. The wet season is a rapid alternation of dark cloud, with a clear atmosphere, and bright sunshine. No misty damps succeed the rushing torrents: the black cloud, from which they fall, pours forth its streams, exhausts itself, and passes away, leaving the rays of the sun again free to reach the earth; and all is light and fair between the heavy peltings of the storm.

LETTER XVII.

December 26th.

In tracing the date of this letter, I am reminded of the freezing season under which you are shivering in England; while the thermometer is here, at noon, about 83; and, from using only moderate exercise, I am so bestreamed with perspiration as to make it necessary to change my clothes four or five times in the course of the day: even at this moment, from only the slight exertion of writing, the drops fall so rapidly from the backs of my hands, as to spoil my paper, and render my letter almost illegible.

On the subject of Christmas, I should tell you that it is not less a period of festivity, here, than in England. The planters make parties, and the merry feasting of the season goes round, unchilled with its frosty coldness. It is likewise a holyday to the slaves, who usually receive some indulgence of food, and some present of clothing to augment the happiness of the festival. We have seen new hats distributed among the men of a whole gang, and a bit of coarse canvass for a petticoat given to each of the women; and never were children more delighted with toys, than these poor beings were on the joyous occasion of receiving these humble, but to them splendid offerings. Some fresh meat was also served out to them as a high feast for dinner, and in the evening, their loved African dance crowned the holyday. Parties of them go from the different plantations to spend the mirthful hours with their more particular friends or acquaintances of the neighbouring estates, and it is a happy meeting of relatives, lovers, and fellow-passengers, who made the voyage together from their native land. The whole country exhibits one moving scene of dancing gaiety. Cheerful crowds are met in every quarter, dressed out in all the gaudy trappings they can collect, with their hair cut, and fashioned into multitudes of whimsical shapes, representing various figures of helmets, wigs, crowns and the like; and decorated with a profusion of beads, bits of riband, and other tinsel ornaments.

I must not neglect to tell you that Christmas is here the high season for oranges. They are now ripe, and in their greatest perfection. You will be surprised to hear what quantities I am in the daily habit of consuming. From six to twelve, pulled fresh from the tree, make my usual allowance before breakfast, and commonly I take as many in the evening, besides eating great numbers in the course of the day. Indeed fruit and vegetables form almost the whole of my diet, and I now suffer no distress on account of our scanty supply of animal provisions. As was predicted to me, I am become so fond of plantains as scarcely to require any other food, and I am persuaded that if they could be had in all climates, they would be found, without exception, the most valuable production of the earth. Roasted, they serve as bread; fried, they are as meat and as fruit; boiled, they are a substitute for potatoes, and beat into a paste, they form excellent pudding.

A very distressing case has been related to us within these few days, exposing the sad hardships, and the shameful abuse of power to which the people of colour are sometimes subjected. A young man, a mulatto, under the agitation of extreme distress, presented himself before the officers at Mahaica, complaining of the cruel severities which he had experienced from a Dutchman, holding an office of high trust in the colony of Essequibo. Having been called upon business to Barbadoes, he had left a sister at home, to whom he was affectionately attached; and during his absence, this arbitrary magistrate took an opportunity of seducing her. From the poor man not letting the subject pass so tacitly as the Dutchman might have wished, on his return, a feigned cause of complaint was preferred against him, and he was thrown into prison, where he has been lying ever since, under the sufferings dictated by this man of command. He at length effected his escape, and is now in concealment. His application to the principal officer at Mahaica, was to implore him to interest the commandant of the colonies in his behalf; remarking that if he should not succeed in obtaining some powerful intercession, his life must inevitably be sacrificed; for whenever he should be discovered, a prison would again be his lot, and he would be exposed to cruelties, or left to languish under privations that would soon destroy him.

On my way lately from Stabroek to Mahaica I slept at the house of a gentleman who detailed a very striking case of intermittent fever, under which he had laboured for three quarters of a year, and which, during the whole of that time, had regularly returned at the periods of the spring-tides. He commonly felt unwell on the third day previous to the full, and the new moon; and the fever was at the worst on the day of the change, after which it decreased, and on the second or third day of the decline of the spring-tides he was again well, and felt himself secure for the next fortnight. If he had any particular business to transact, or any important engagement to plan, he regularly consulted the almanack in order so to arrange that they might not interfere with his periods of sickness. He remarked that he could at any time interrupt the return of the fever, by taking a large quantity of Peruvian bark, but added, that he had such an utter aversion to medicine, that rather than have recourse to it, he should have supported the disease still longer, if it had not begun to prey upon his constitution, by rendering him feeble during the periods of intermission.

You know how much promotion in the army is said to alleviate the grief arising from the loss of a comrade; but you would be surprised to find how lightly men on service can treat the dangers which surround them, and how little they regard sickness until it reaches themselves, notwithstanding many of them would tremble more to go into an hospital than to face the enemy’s cannon. It commonly happens, that a few days after the funeral, the clothes and baggage of a deceased officer are disposed of by auction, when, frequently, the jokes and witticisms, which pass among the purchasers, betray the slight impression made by the loss that occasioned the sale. For instance, on a pair of boots being held up for a bidding, one officer said to another. “You had better buy these boots, they will just suit you.”—“No,” replied the other, looking down to his comrade’s legs, “it is your turn next, and yours will fit me better: I shall have them in a few days.” So it happened, and true enough, the boots then on the legs of his friend, soon, alas! too soon, were his!

You will believe that after such a conversation, he could have no satisfaction in wearing them: nor was such the object of his making the purchase. He was actuated by a more amiable motive: the boots are carefully preserved in memory of his comrade, and of one of their latest meetings.

LETTER XVIII.

Demarara, Dec.

I have lately had an opportunity of repeating my visit to the eccentric Bercheych. Having slept on my way at Mr. Graham’s, I rode from thence in the morning to take my breakfast tête-à-tête, with this solitary yet social and intelligent recluse. Although unexpected, he instantly addressed me by name, and received me in the most friendly manner, telling me that he was mindful of his promise, and that some Indians were at work upon the model of a house and furniture, which he had offered to procure for me.

A most ample breakfast was quickly set before us, served with great neatness and order. I was delighted, as formerly, with his conversation and remarks, and was particularly gratified with the account he gave me of that singular animal the great Ant-eater, which he had had frequent opportunities of seeing both dead and alive, his people having shot several of the species. The weight of this peculiar quadruped is commonly from 150 lb. to 200 lb. He has a very small head, covered with hair as soft as velvet; his tail is immensely large and flat, and beset with long hair, which is stiffer than the bristles of a hog. His feet are armed with long claws, forming very strong offensive weapons, By means of his claws, and his tail, he is able to defend himself against even the tiger; and in some instances he has been known to conquer that fierce and powerful animal. When attacked, he fights with his claws, protecting his head by wrapping it up in his broad tail of bristles, which the tiger cannot penetrate. He has a tongue of uncommon length, which is moistened with saliva of a saccharine flavour. As the name implies, ants are his food, and his mode of procuring it is by thrusting his deceitful tongue into a nest of these insects, when, allured by the taste of the saliva, they settle upon it in great numbers, and the animal, by drawing it in, swallows up whole hosts of them at once. The high relish, no doubt, excites an increased secretion, and with his tongue again sweetly baited, he entraps new victims, repeating the slaughter until his appetite is satiated with the myriads of slain.

Walking lately with one of the gentlemen of the hospital department, down to the bottom of a coffee estate, which leads into the woods, our attention was arrested by the singular appearance of multitudes of the trees at the entrance of the forest; many of which had pensile bodies, like common cabbage-nets, stuffed with straw, hanging from the extremities of their lofty branches; and others, huge black masses, conveying the idea of large animals, adhering to their trunks. Upon approaching nearer to them we discovered that the former were the nests of birds; the latter, of ants!

The bird-nests were the fabrication of a species here termed the mocking-bird, but unlike that of imitative note so named in the Northern States of this continent. Both the construction and situation of these nests are peculiarly ingenious. They are not built upon, nor within any part of the tree, but are fastened to the outermost twigs of the remotest branches, as if tied to them with strings; and it is extremely difficult to imagine how, in this pensile form, the building of them can be effected; for it might seem, from the manner in which they are suspended, that they must have been first constructed, then carried up whole, and hung upon the twigs which support them. They are deep and cylindrical like long nets or purses, from which figure, together with the ready flexibility of the tender branches which bear them, they are in no danger of being overturned by the breeze, nor of having their eggs, or young, tossed out by sudden gusts of wind. The appearance of them, as they hang waving in the air, is very remarkable: some of the trees are so thickly covered with them that, at a short distance, it is difficult to distinguish which are most numerous, these nests or the leaves. The situation of them is admirably chosen for the purpose of protection against the various species of monkies, which infest the woods; none of these marauders being able to support themselves upon the slender twigs from which the nests are suspended. Buffon would tell us that an unerring instinct had taught these birds thus to shelter their eggs, and their young: Darwin would attribute it to reason and experience. But the fact of the younger birds selecting the same situation, and constructing their nests, even the first season, with as great dexterity as their parents, seems to offer an insurmountable objection to the opinion which refers it to a reasoning faculty. Nothing of progressive advancement is displayed, all is perfection from the beginning, and experience begets no superiority; for it is not seen that either age or repetition affords the usual advantages of improved intellect—the youngest bird being equally ingenious, and equally perfect in his architecture as the oldest.

The ant-nests are immense masses of black earth, built upon the trunks of the trees; many of them so high, and of such extraordinary bulk, as to render it matter of surprise, how even the combined industry of these minute insects could have carried up, and worked together such prodigious accumulations. One of the nests very much resembled a large black bear clinging round the tree; nor was it till we came near enough to examine it closely that we could believe it to be the masonry—the dwelling-house and castle of these diminutive artists.

I thrust the end of my cane into several of the nests, breaking through the outer walls of the mansions; when instantly hosts of ants issued forth from the openings. Upon breaking-down a part of one of these buildings to examine it more particularly, I found that although the exterior surface was smooth and uniform, the interior was formed into cells somewhat of a regular figure, and very much resembling the honey-comb of bees.

We find that these nests are converted to an useful purpose, being given as food to little chickens. Frequently the trees, upon which they are built, are cut down for the sole purpose of obtaining them. The mode of using them is by breaking off a portion of the cellular earth, from the great mass, and sticking it upon a pole, or otherwise placing it over the lattice-work of the pen in which the hen and her brood are confined, in order that the young ants may fall out of their cells to the ground; where they are instantly devoured by the chickens.

On the day after my breakfast visit at the cottage, hermit Bercheych, as he is often called, came, in great state, to dine with us at the barracks. He was paddled down the creek in his large canoe, by six fine slaves, and it was pleasing to observe what profound attention and respect were borne this old gentleman by his negroes, who comported themselves with a degree of regularity and decorum worthy the best ordered domestics of Europe.

Our party was small, and we sat down to dinner in the presence of a group of naked Indians, who that day made us a visit from the woods. It was not in our power, even with our best assiduities, to make a sufficient return for the many marks of hospitality we had met with at the hermitage, but our guest expressed himself happy, and was lively and entertaining as ever. The few hours we had of his society passed very pleasantly, and we regretted extremely that the tide, and the approach of evening took him from us early after dinner.

Absorbed with the civilities due to the accomplished and methodical Bercheych, we were less regardful of our strangers from the woods than usual; but we have lately been visited by another party of the bucks, to whom we earnestly devoted our attentions, during the short time they remained among us. We made it a settled experiment to endeavour to rouse them from that fixed apathy and indifference which forms so striking a feature of their character. By signs we attempted to lead them into a sort of conversation. We gave them rum to drink; brought out bows and arrows to shoot with; played the German flute to them; beat the drum, and piped the fife—but all in vain! Nothing of mirth or vivacity was excited. Rum possessed the only charm: of this both the men and women drank glass after glass as quickly as it was given them.

Cynics have said that the gift of speech is a blessing seldom denied to the ladies; but we remarked that these naked wood-nymphs were peculiarly taciturn. They seemed even more tranquil and incurious than the men. They sat two upon a chair, the whole time, with their backs towards us, and were not inspired, by any thing that occurred, to move a single feature or a muscle; nor were the men much more animated: one of them, who appeared to be very old, had in his hand a piece of a large and coarse reed, nearly two feet long, with two or three holes cut in it, like a flute. With this we did prevail upon him to blow a few harsh and simple notes; and these he seemed to consider very superior to all the varied sounds of the German flute, which was played to him by one of the officers; for, he refused to accept the flute in exchange for his reed. After trying various other means to rouse them, we caused the drum and fife to be played, unexpectedly, below the window, where they were sitting. This seemed to strike the ear, and they for a moment appeared to listen, but nothing of impulse was betrayed—nothing of vivacity overspread their features: nor did an individual of them so far forget his gravity as to rise from his seat to look out at the window.

LETTER XIX.

La Bourgade, Jan. 8th, 1797.

You will comprehend the sentiment which associates your image with the sadness of the present hour. It is one of those periods when the sickened mind turns from all common objects, and clings to the remembrance of those we hold most dear. Having just returned from the funeral of one of my comrades, who died in the adjoining chamber this morning, and whose remains I have this evening followed to the grave, I find that the heavy depression of my spirits admits of no relief from the immediate circumstances around me: I take up my pen, therefore, to seek alleviation in an appeal to the bosom of friendship and of sympathy. I had before experienced the impressive solemnity of a military funeral, but the awful gloom, connecting with the procession, had not weighed upon me with all the affliction of the present moment. Of six gentlemen who accompanied me from Barbadoes, as assistants in the hospital department, three had died, one was sent to England with invalids, and the other two had, for some time past, resided in the same house with myself. Early this morning I was called from my bed to visit one of these, who had been a very short time ill, and was taken worse in the night. You will believe that I lost not a moment in putting on my clothes, and hastening to his room; but, on reaching his bed-side, I found him a corpse! The case of this young man shows the very perilous situation of Europeans in this climate, and proves with how much truth it may be said that to-day we are well, to-morrow in fever, and—next day in the grave! Nor do health and vigour give any security; for he who to-day boasts the greatest strength, to-morrow, perhaps, is stretched in his coffin.

Most of the officers of the garrison attended the funeral, and, when following the corpse in slow and doleful procession, with the band playing the dead march, and the minute-drum beating in hollow sound, the agonized feelings of the occasion became still more poignant from the conviction that, perhaps, before another day had passed, others of us might be extended at the side of the comrade, whose loss we now deplored.

I have before remarked to you, that from the strong tendency of such awful ceremonies to spread dispiriting apprehensions among the living, it is desirable that the parade of military funerals should be dispensed with, in a climate where the troops may, at all moments, be under feelings of alarm from the peril of disease; yet may it be a question, with some, how far it would be politic to deprive the soldier of this last and honorable mark of distinction; the sentiment attaching to which is, no doubt, one among the many causes which lead to noble and heroic conduct.

Among the soldiers of our own battalions, its disuse has been found both wise and necessary; for if it were to be employed on all occasions, in this climate, it might call those in health too often to the performance of a distressful duty, and become a painfully frequent memento to the sick; the effect of which, added to the common apprehension with respect to disease, might produce a degree of depression, which no means could remedy. Still among the Dutch troops the practice is continued; for it were easier, perhaps, to overturn the Alps, than to do away the prejudices of the Hollanders. Questions of expediency yield to questions of usage, and it must be proved to be a glaring injury, indeed, to the living, before a Dutchman could consent to forego an established observance to the dead.

It is remarkable, that among the papers of our deceased comrade, we find an unfinished letter, begun only a day or two ago, to his father, in which he speaks of being uncommonly well, and gratefully offers thanks to the Deity for the blessing of such excellent health.

Soon after he expired, a man called who had some business with him, and on being told that he was dead, would not leave the house, but insisted that we were deceiving him, saying that he had seen him in the town perfectly well “only a day or two before!”

It is a long while since we received news from your side the Atlantic; but a single paper is now brought to us by the captain of a ship from Glasgow, and you will not be surprised to learn that it is worn to shreds, by passing through the hands of the whole garrison.

After being for some weeks without fresh animal provisions, it has happened that the hospital has been supplied with them several times within the last few days: but, unhappily, their action upon the bowels of the sick, has more than counteracted the benefit which they might have derived from them. Aware that this was not an unfrequent occurrence, we had endeavoured to guard against it by issuing the fresh meat only in small portions at a meal, yet, from their stomachs having been so long unaccustomed to it, and from the debilitated state of the patients, the laxative effect was very considerable, nearly the whole of the convalescents having been attacked with a troublesome diarrhœa.

LETTER XX.

Demarara, Jan. 21.

We have again had abundant occasion to remark the fact regarding the coincidence between the returns of fever in this climate, and the periods of the spring-tides. Only a few days ago, at the time of full moon, Mr. Beete (the commissary), Mr. Mulheran (one of our assistants in the medical department), and six of the convalescents in the hospital, were attacked with a relapse of fever, or what is here called “the tides.” Three were cases of continued fever; five of intermittent: but it is not in the paroxysms of intermittent, and the relapses of fever, only that the disease appears to be influenced by the recurrence of the spring-tides; for we now find that the primary invasion of the disorder is more frequent, and the number of fever-patients admitted into the hospital greater, at these periods, than at any other time.

The case of Mr. Beete is peculiar; and places the fact in a very striking light. He has been long resident in the West Indies, and from having withstood all the late perils of disease at Grenada, might be regarded as, in a great degree, secure against that particular form of the fever which is so fatal to newly arrived Europeans: but very soon after he came from the islands to Demarara, he was attacked with it, in the form which it more commonly assumes among the creoles, and those who have been long on this shore of the Atlantic, viz. as an intermittent, yet not returning as a quotidian, a tertian, or a quartan, but as a quindecimana, and so regularly observing its type that, if referred to its place in a system of nosology, it might justly be ranked among the species of intermittent fever, under the title of quindecimana. It has continued ever since, returning at intervals of a fortnight, with the exacerbations correctly obeying the periods of new and full moon, but he has always the power of interrupting it, and averting the paroxysm by a copious use of the bark for only a day or two previous to the time of spring-tide, and his friends very earnestly hope that he will soon, so far subdue his aversion to the taking of medicine, as to employ it in sufficient quantity to eradicate the disease. In the four other cases of intermittent, the fever assumes the ordinary quotidian, or the tertian type. In the cases wherein the disorder appears in its continued form, the relapses are, frequently, not less severe than the original attack.

The 18th instant being the Queen’s birth-day, it was honored in public and private rejoicing, and as our days of festival are few, you will believe that justice was done to the occasion. In the morning we had a general review of the troops; afterwards a large party dined, and drank her Majesty’s health with the commandant: and, in the evening, the officers gave a splendid ball at the fort.

The review afforded great satisfaction to the inhabitants, by placing before them a fine body of troops, armed in the defence of the colony. They were of different nations, different colours, and in different uniform; yet from the excellent discipline instilled among them by the unwearied attentions of the commandant and the officers, their appearance in the field was highly military, and their manœuvres executed with order and correctness. The line, if not formidable, was very respectable. On the right were the British troops, and the corps of Demarara volunteers, in scarlet uniform: on the left were the Dutch, in blue: in the centre the fine battalion of South American rangers, in white: and, on each wing a party of the royal artillery.

At the dinner, the board was enriched with all the dainties of the country, and the appetite provoked by choice wines and cheering music. The governor, the fiscal, most of the officers, and many of the principal inhabitants of the colony, were present. A military band enlivened the banquet, and merry toasts and songs caused the bumper glass to move in quick time. I left the table early, in order to make my round of duty at the hospital, and joined the party again at the ball, where, in a group of about seventy persons, we met all the beauty and fashion of the colony. In the whole party, the number of ladies did not exceed sixteen, so that many of the gentlemen, at an early period of the evening, had to lament the deficiency; yet such was the prowess of the fair, that, before the dancing ceased, each had fatigued her third companion; and it fell to their lot to complain of the want of partners. The exercise used by the ladies was truly astonishing, and far surpassed all that I could have believed them capable of supporting; but, call it pleasure, and the body is strong. If such excess had been recommended, as necessary for any other purpose, it would no doubt have been regarded as dangerous and destructive. Some of them, with only the interval of supper-time, danced from nine o’clock until daylight, in a room where the heat, probably, exceeded 90 degrees.

At supper, few as the ladies were, it happened to be my fortune to be placed between two of them: of one, only, I have now to speak; but let me first remark that the colony was ransacked to supply the table; which was most sumptuously and profusely spread. On my noticing the uncommon crowd of dishes, an officer dryly replied, “Perhaps you are not aware that the party to be entertained is Dutch.” I thought it fully sufficient for five such parties, whether Dutch, English, or French; but if all had eaten like the fair one in question, I must have been egregiously deceived.

The lady at my right elbow, was very large, and of true Dutch figure. Her person may be well described in two words—broad and bulky! By some accident she had sprained her wrist, and this formed a ready apology for appealing to my particular attention, which, from not being in the habit of eating supper, I could the better devote to her service: but I almost fear to note the fact I have to relate, lest you should imagine that I assume a traveller’s privilege, and indulge in the marvellous at the expense of a fair associate guest. Let me therefore premise, that in what follows, the boundaries of sober truth are not outstepped a single iota; for I not only helped the lady to her meats, and poured forth her wines, but was further called upon to cut her food, into small pieces, ready for the fork, by which I had the opportunity of observing, literally, every mouthful.

Scarcely had we taken our seats, before my fair neighbour requested me to help her to a glass of claret, of which I found a full bottle standing between us. The ceremony of a gentleman drinking, at the same time, was not deemed essential; consequently I tasted but very lightly: yet it somehow happened, and without the bottle being once removed, that, before the supper was at an end, the gentle lady was compelled to have recourse to a glassful or two of sound Madeira, to supply the deficiencies of our empty bottle! With this, her eating was in no degree at variance, for she commenced by forming a solid stratum of two heavy slices of fat ham, after which I helped her from no less than fourteen other dishes, of each of which, to my surprise, she partook with appetite! Such a supper I had not before seen swallowed by man or woman! Although satiated, not satisfied, she afterwards desired me to reach towards her several of the dishes of fruit, from each of which, after liberally tasting, she privately gave a portion to a female slave, who was standing at her back; and when she rose to leave the supper-room, I observed under her chair a loaded plate of fruits and sweets, which, without doubt, the negress had received instructions to carry home, for the purpose of regaling her mistress on the morrow. This, by the by, is a custom, which I have more than once seen practised by foreign ladies, both Dutch and French!

But what will surprise you most is, to know that after this light supper, the lady briskly resumed the merry dance! and, when I retired, at five o’clock in the morning, she remained tripping it away as gaily as if it had been only the commencement of the evening.

It affords me real pleasure to be able to remark that we have entered the more cordially into the late festivity on account of the improved state of our sick list, and from the happy circumstance of the last weekly return of the hospital not containing even a single casualty. This is a subject of great and peculiar satisfaction to the medical officers; it being the first week, since our arrival in these colonies, that we have had the opportunity of making out a weekly return, without marking some one in the fatal column. But the healthy season is now setting in, and we are taught to expect nearly four months of dry weather, with a salubrious breeze, which is to waft away all our maladies. I have been too much in the habit of busy employment to feel any desire to sit down in idleness; yet, upon such terms, I could be very happy to continue without professional duty.

LETTER XXI.

Demarara, Feb. 11, 1797.

A considerable time has now passed since our arrival upon this coast, and, having remained so long without any interruption, we had almost believed that the many foes upon our borders meant to leave us in quiet possession of the colonies we had taken; but we have, at length, been assailed from the quarter, whence we least expected it, having had a skirmish with the Spaniards to leeward, instead of the Dutch or French, who in more imposing aspect, threatened us from windward. Fixing upon a favorable moment when they expected that the garrison might be sunk in repose, after the festivities of the Queen’s birth-day, a party of Spaniards crossed the river Oronoko in the night of the 19th inst. and made an attack upon our out-post at Moroko, the remotest point of the colony of Essequibo. To their disappointment our troops were upon the alert, and they were observed before they landed. Quickly the whole force at the post was under arms, and at stepping on shore the Dons met a very lively reception. The firing was returned on the part of the Spaniards, who boldly rushed forward, expecting to subdue the garrison, but, after the contest had continued a short time, they were defeated, and, some being killed, some wounded, and others driven into the river, those who were able to make their escape, precipitately took to their boats and retreated. Happily not one of our men was killed, but the commanding officer and nine of the soldiers were wounded, some of the latter, we fear, mortally. This is the first rencontre we have had with the enemy since our arrival in Guiana; and, from the result, it is probable that the next assault will not be from the quarter of the Oronoko.

Very much to their honor, this gallant defence of our out-post was made by Captain Rochelle and a party of the Dutch troops, who had surrendered on our taking the colonies, and afterwards entered into the service of his Majesty. They fought with great bravery, and gave a satisfactory proof that they merited the confidence reposed in them, in appointing them to the charge of this important station.

Two of the Bucks were despatched from the post, to bring us the news of the action, and they, with the zeal and punctuality of more regular couriers, reached Stabroek on the 23d, four days after the battle. According to my custom, I engaged these men of the woods, each evening during their stay, to join in my favorite exercise of shooting with the bow and arrow.

I have lately taken frequent opportunities of entering into conversation with different negroes, both male and female, endeavouring to ascertain what were their sentiments with regard to the subject of freedom and slavery; and, when I tell you that I was careful to select those who were the most intelligent, you will be surprised at the very limited extent of their knowledge. Their utmost ambition does not go beyond the procuring of food, with the little clothing they wear, and medicine when sick; nor in any other view do they seem to comprehend the advantages of freedom: being assured of these, from their masters, whilst they remain slaves, they have a terror at the idea of being made free: yet I have remarked that some of the women speak in raptures on the topic of obtaining their liberty; but, upon further questioning them, I have always discovered that it was not from any just sense of independence; but from the mere desire of becoming the sultanas of white men, and being placed by them above the ordinary slaves of the house.

I give you the following conversation, literally as it passed; from which you will be able to form a more correct judgment of the sentiments which dictated the replies.

Would you not like to go to England?

No! Backra country no good! In neger country they no flog ’em, and dat better dan backra country.

Do you not wish to be free?

O yes! O yes!

And if you were free, where would you live, and what would you do?

Live wid dem dat buy me free.

Well! and would you not go with them to England?

No! me ’fraid for go where ’em all backra. Me love for see neger here and dere; me ’fraid for see all backra.

But if those, who bought you free, should go away and leave you?

Den me live wid one backra man, and hab one slave for work for me.

And if this backra man should die?

Den me live wid one other backra man.

This was the utmost extent of all she desired on earth. She would remain with any family who might make her free, but if they should leave the colony, she would go and live with a white man, and prevail upon him to buy her a slave; and if this protector should die, then she would seek for another backra, and go and live with him; and so on, from one to another, as often as they should die, or leave the colony. It was a very common reply from many of them to the question, “What would you do if you were free?” “Live wid de backra man dat buy me free, wash him linen, and keep him clean!”

Among those who condemned freedom was a very fine negro, who was born in the colony; and who speaks better English, and is more intelligent than nine-tenths of the slaves who have been imported. This man insisted that he would not accept his freedom, if it were offered him, but that he would prefer to remain a slave. If free, he said, he must work for his food whilst he was young, and when he should be old; whereas if he remained a slave, his master would give him food for his labour while young, and let him eat, in rest, when he grew aged. Also if sick his master would let him have provisions, and find him a doctor; but if he were free, he could not work for food when old, or sick; nor could he have a doctor, because he should be unable to pay him. This country, he said, was good for him, he was born in it, and he would not like to go into any other. If he should have “the misfortune” to be made free, he would learn a trade, and work at that to procure him food and clothing.

He had acquired some idea of a future state, and described it as a great and general principle among the negroes, to cherish any of their own colour who were advanced in years, and were in want, and to feed and compassionate them, if they were free, and unable to work; for which he observed they should “go to heaven.” He had no doubt of being taken thither himself, and told me that he was ready to die that minute if any one would kill him, adding, that he would rather die than live! On being asked why he did not kill himself, he replied, “Dat no good, if I sall do dat, me go to hell.” Lying, swearing, and drunkenness, he did not regard as crimes: suicide, and giving poison to any person were, in his estimation, the greatest, and almost the only sins. These he considered as certain of preventing any one from being received into heaven, of which, his ideas were extremely vague, and unintelligible. Hell he described as an immense caldron of liquid fire, into which the wicked were to be plunged.

You may, probably, have heard it questioned whether a person can be attacked with the yellow fever more than once; I may tell you, therefore, amidst my unconnected notes, that to the mortification of those who have already suffered it, as well as of others, we know too well that it may and does attack the same person, not only a second time, but many times[2]. An instance of this I may mention to you, together with a genuine blunder produced on the subject, by one of the gentlemen of the hospital department, whose home lies a little to the west of Holyhead.

The patient was the sergeant-major of the rangers, a man who, from the nature of his appointment, was subjected to much duty and fatigue. He had twice been a patient at the hospital, in yellow fever, and had both times recovered, after being in a state nearly to be despaired of. On his returning to us a third time, we were lamenting the severity of his sufferings, and the hard trials he had to encounter, when one of the hospital-mates exclaimed, “Faith, and it’s no wonder he should be attacked so often, for he is constantly exposed to the heat of the sun, night and day.”

Sometimes, without any feelings of actual disease, the eyes and skin of those who, from their employment, continue in the greatest degrees of heat, become as yellow as in the worst cases of the yellow fever. This happens to bakers, cooks, blacksmiths, and the like. A few days ago, in one of my walks, I met a man who had, some time before, been a patient in the hospital, and observing that his skin and eyes were of a strong yellow colour, I asked him if he felt again ill; when he replied in the negative, adding that, on the contrary, he continued so well as to be employed as a baker, at the commissary’s, and further remarking, that he had himself noticed the tinge, which he had been told was owing to the heat of his business.

Notwithstanding the severity of disease, among those who are recently arrived in the West Indies, we remark that the creoles, or creolised, are generally much greater invalids, than those who are but lately from Europe. This fact we see particularly exemplified in the corps of South American rangers; the officers of which have been appointed, some from the regiments newly arrived from England, and the others from among the colonists: while the latter are feeble and ailing, and often unfit for duty, the former are active and robust, far less complaining, and seldom indisposed, except when attacked with violent and dangerous disease. The creolised have a degree of languor and lassitude about them, and are subject to head-ach, and febrile sensations, which render them inactive, and less capable of exertion than the others: they are also very liable to fever of a remittent, or intermittent type, which either invades them at irregular periods, or returns in severe annual visitation.

LETTER XXII.

Demarara, February.

Although it is commonly remarked that gratitude is not a prominent virtue among the slaves, I may mention to you an additional fact, in proof that they are not destitute of this amiable quality. On the morning of January 13th, a well-looking robust negro unexpectedly presented himself at my door, tendering his services, and begging that he might be allowed to work for me. Upon my going out to speak with him, his countenance gladdened with joy, and looking animated and cheerful, he said he would “do ebery ting to ’blige Massa, wait upon Massa, clean Massa’s horse, and do all de work Massa tell him.”

Not immediately recollecting his features, I asked who he was, whence he came, and how it happened that he addressed himself to me? when he replied, “Ah Massa, if you no remember Prince, Prince no forget dat Massa tell ’em soldiers for break one great iron collar off Prince’s neck, and gave him for gnyaam when Massa at Mahaica!” This brought him to my recollection, and I recognised an unhappy slave, whom, in one of my walks at Mahaica, I had met wandering in a cotton-field, bearing a heavy iron collar upon his neck, with three long spikes projecting from it, terminating in sharp points, at the distance of nearly a foot and a half from his person; and with his body flogged into deep ulcers, from his loins to his hams. In this state, and almost starving with hunger, he appealed to my feelings. Humanity pleaded in his behalf, and without a very scrupulous inquiry into the whys and wherefores of the punishment, its dictates were obeyed. The poor man followed me to the fort: the soldiers grew indignant on seeing his naked sores; and the impulse of their feelings not being opposed, his neck was quickly freed from its load, and the massive yoke and its spikes were as speedily converted into pot-hooks for the benefit of the mess. Thus made happy, the thankful slave had now found his way to my home at La Bourgade, in order to make his further acknowledgments, and to tender me his services. Shall it be said that Africans know not the divine sentiment of gratitude?

I before mentioned the great difficulty we meet with in obtaining labouring mechanics, and you will be surprised to know the very high price at which they are paid in these colonies. Inconvenience sometimes arises from the scarcity of workmen, and those whom we have among us, being sensible that their number is small, and that others cannot be procured, demand most exorbitant wages, and commit their extortions without any sort of reserve. Only a few days ago the labouring carpenters threw down their tools, and refused to work, because a board, appointed to regulate the price of wages, refused to allow them four dollars per day, instead of three, at which extravagant rate they have been paid for some time past.

The weather, upon this coast, is now pleasant, and the roads are delightfully good. We are advancing gradually into the dry season. Occasional showers still refresh the fields, but our deep and muddy roads are become quite smooth and dry, and are at this time, perhaps, as fine for travelling as any that can be found upon the face of the globe. The kindly breeze is steady and powerful, and the thermometer, at noon, seldom exceeds 82; a temperature that we are able to support, without feeling those heavy sensations of languor and weariness, which are so extremely oppressive in the sultry days of an English summer.

Another very great comfort, not peculiar to this season, but which we commonly experience in this climate, is the total freedom from that lassitude and yawning, so common in England, at the hour of rising in the morning, and which is not only troublesome and unpleasant, but frequently causes us to steal another hour from the already too shortened day. Here, it is but one thing to awake, and to get up. The instant our eyes are open, the slumbers of the night are completely gone, and we have no feelings of heaviness or drowsy languor to oppose our rising; but in wakeful emotion we at once quit the pillow, and are ready to engage in the active pursuits of the day.

The decline of the wet season, although pregnant with manifold advantages, has brought us acquainted with a new trouble, in the scarcity of water. In consequence of the increased number of persons requiring to be supplied, the tanks, or cisterns built for preserving the offerings from the clouds, are found very inadequate to the consumption. These being emptied very soon after the heavy rains had ceased, we have now, for our supply, to depend upon the unwilling toil of a party of negroes, who are employed to go many leagues in boats, in order to fill the casks from the river at a distance beyond the influence of the tides. Owing to the several interruptions necessarily arising from this mode of procuring it, our supply of fresh water is not, at all times, so regular as might be wished, and there have been moments when we could have almost lamented the absence of heavy rains. Not only on account of sickness, but from the necessity we are under of using a considerable proportion of salted provisions, an ample supply of fluid is rendered indispensable at the hospital. Fresh animal food is again become a great dainty among us; the sick, therefore, and their attendants are often compelled to satisfy themselves with a diet of salt meat, and the vegetables of the country.

Letters have lately reached us from Barbadoes, in which is mentioned a striking example of the fatal influence of climate upon newly arrived Europeans. One of the regiments, which left that island upon the expedition to St. Lucie, in the month of April last, is already returned, a mere skeleton, consisting of only a small body of invalids; and the proportion which fell in battle is said to be very trifling, compared with the greater destruction caused by a foe, whose ravages are far more direful than those of the sword.

LETTER XXIII.

Demarara, March 9, 1797.

You will consider it as an additional smile bestowed upon me by fortune, when I tell you that I have been invited to another river excursion, and again had an opportunity of becoming a traveller in the wild woods, and uncultivated regions of this coast.

This journey was, in some of its features, unlike the former. It was made with different persons, and fitted out with more regard to comfort; but the other was more completely a marooning enterprise, and perhaps exhibited, in stronger lineaments, the characters and circumstances which presented themselves to our observation.

In our expedition up the river Berbische, we were all strangers, trespassing upon the bounty of those we met; and, without any acquaintance or introduction, depending upon the hospitality of persons wholly unknown to us, for the means of prosecuting our journey: whilst in the excursion up the river Demarara all the party, except myself, were colonists, who were accustomed to the country, acquainted with places and persons, and provided with stores, and other accommodations for the occasion.

Our reception by the planters upon the borders of the rivers was, in both cases, so liberal, that it might be difficult to mark a distinction: perhaps I might say that in the one instance we were cordially hailed as expected friends—in the other generously greeted as welcome strangers. That it should have fallen to my lot to have gone up both the rivers, is matter of singular gratification to me; for they were not merely journeys of idle curiosity: a strong interest attached to them, both regarding our species, and the face of the globe we inhabit; and the impression they have made upon my mind will be remembered with pleasure, to the end of my days.

The leading objects were to procure some roots and cuttings of plants and trees, principally of the wild fruits of the forest, for the purpose of raising them upon the estates of my fellow-travellers near the coast; and to explore the river, as far as the falls, which is the utmost extent we could reach in a boat.

I was only an appendage—a mere stranger among the group. Every thing was planned and provided by my companions, and I was invited to join them, only from the very liberal sentiment that it might afford me pleasure. The gentlemen, to whom I am indebted for so handsome a compliment, were Mr. Mackenzie, Mr. Fraser, Mr. L. Cuming, and Mynheer Heyliger.

We loitered on the way, like well-accommodated travellers, and made it a tour of eleven days, having taken our departure from Stabroek, at noon on the 25th of February, and returned on the evening of the 7th of March. No party, equally numerous, had been known to pass to so great a distance from the coast, although individuals had, occasionally, journeyed as far as, or even beyond the falls of the river.

We had no means of marking the distance, except by the Dutch method of making it synonymous with time: according to which, I might say that from Stabroek to the Falls is thirty-six hours; or, from the mouth of the river, to the part where it ceases to be navigable, nearly thirty-six hours and a half. But in this I cannot profess even an approach to the correctness of Dutch measurement, which gives, with tolerable accuracy, four miles to the hour; for, although we were thirty-six hours upon the water, between the town and the falls, I dare not venture to calculate the distance at four times thirty-six miles; as the hour might be sometimes eight or ten miles, and sometimes not a third so many, according as the breeze, the tide, or the current, chanced to aid or impede our progress; or, as feelings of strength, or fatigue, were indicated on the part of the slaves. If I should fix the average at four miles an hour, agreeably to the Dutch calculation, the distance, thus given, would still be very incorrect, as we were prevented from pursuing the direct course of the river, by our frequent calls at the different plantations en route.

During the morning, previous to our departure, I felt very unwell, with symptoms of fever, which being increased by heat, and the hurry of preparation, I was so ill at the time of going into the boat, that nothing but the most ardent desire not to forego the excursion could have induced me to have ventured from home: I have since felt, more sensibly than I did at the moment, how extremely perilous it was to embark upon such an undertaking, in this climate, with the sensations I then experienced; but, at that instant, nothing short of actual confinement could have detained me. Happily the threatening indications subsided, and, recovering as we proceeded, I became quite well upon the journey.

We made our first call at an estate named “Golden Tent,” belonging to Mynheer Meertens, where we were received in a very friendly manner, by Mr. Reid, the resident manager, who keeps the house and premises in such high order, that the general neatness of the home, together with the square grass-plats before the door, and other decorations around the building, give it more the air of an European dwelling, than any place I had seen in the colonies.

We reached a plantation called Hermitage in time for dinner, and there took up our abode for the night, being most liberally welcomed by Mr. Selles, who, with great hospitality, devoted the best supply of his house and table to our accommodation.

During the next day’s journey we passed several islands, lying in the course of the river, but, from being flat and covered with wood, they offered nothing more novel or interesting, than the mere break they occasioned in the naked view of the stream. The first is called the Land of Canaan: the second, Fort Island, being the spot where a fort was originally erected, and a military post established for the defence of the colony; which was then settled higher up the water, than it is at present: the next is simply named the Third Island. At the entrance of a creek called Kamonuy, we found a fourth, which was the last we met with in our route. It was about two o’clock in the afternoon when we reached the Kamonuy creek; upon entering which we perceived a striking change of scenery. Instead of moving upon a bold and spacious river, studded with islands, we were now conducted into a confined channel of deep black water, leading into the heavy gloom of the forest, and overhung with trees, whose dark foliage, meeting from the opposite banks, formed an umbrageous canopy, which, even at mid-day, enveloped us, as it were, in the still shades of night.

Having yet a great distance to make before we could arrive at our next place of rest, and fearing lest, as the evening advanced, we might mistake any of the turnings of our channel, and be led into the uninhabited depths of the forest, we took our dinners in the creek, without stopping the boat, and, in order to avoid every delay, rested the negroes by turns, during the time of supplying them with the necessary support of their toil.

In the bed of this dark and narrow stream were many broken stumps of trees, which endangered the bottom of our boat; but we escaped with only slightly rubbing against some of them as we passed.

From the Kamonuy we were led into the Woratilla creek, which was still narrower and darker than the former; and out of the Woratilla, we turned into another creek, called Mabeira, which was so contracted as totally to prevent the negroes from rowing: they were, therefore, obliged to stand up in the boat, and drive it forward by pushing with the ends of their oars against the banks at the sides. Soon after entering the third creek we were conducted into a wide and open savanna, at the remotest end of which we could just discern the lonely home of Mr. Edmonstone, whither we were bound, and at which it seemed we might quickly arrive. A small cannon was accordingly fired from the boat to announce our approach. But before we came near to the house, the windings of the creek took us back into the deep shades; and after proceeding in the dark for some time, we again found ourselves in the savanna, and were as before deluded by a seemingly rapid advance to the house; but again, and again, the numerous bendings of the channel reconducted us into the dark bosom of the forest.

It was fortunate that we had reached the entrance of this very narrow stream before the night set in, or we might have passed the turning, and have been carried into the woods, widely astray from our course: for during the time of our slow moving along the Mabeira creek, we were overtaken by the most impenetrable darkness; in the midst of which an accident occurred, which we feared might prove fatal to one of our slaves, who from not being able to see the bank, missed the land with his oar, and fell overboard. Happily, from the habits of the negroes, they are in a manner amphibious, and this man had no sooner reached the bottom, than he rose again to the surface, and swimming after us, quickly climbed into the boat; when, on being asked if the water was deep, he replied in the true negro dialect, “Deep like a hell, Massa!” then shaking his skin, resumed his toil as if nothing had happened.

Before we had recovered from the anxiety caused by this accident, we were again brought into the savanna, when we perceived the lights of the house to be very near to us. The cup was now at our lips, but we were still to be tantalized, and were again carried into the deep gloom of the woods, where we continued to pursue the tedious windings of the creek, until the open savanna had grown nearly as dark as the close shades of the forest, and we could scarcely perceive Mr. Edmonstone, when at length, he hailed us, at the front of his dwelling.

Our journey had not been enlivened with much of variety, even in the course of the river; and from the time of our entering the creeks, we were shut in sombre solitude. In the forest a death-like stillness prevailed. The scene was cheerless as confined: o’ercast with solemn darkness, the woods seemed uninhabited, and scarcely did a bird or an insect chirp a note to disturb the silent shades.

From the landing-place up to the house we ascended by a rising path, which by our feet we distinguished as a peculiarity, having so long been treading a flat soil interrupted only by dykes and ditches. A short time after our arrival the table was spread with ham, pepper-pot, laba, and other dishes, of which our party partook with travellers’ appetite. Soon afterwards we retired to rest, my fellow-travellers in their hammocks,—myself upon a mattress.

LETTER XXIV.

March.

At Mr. Edmonstone’s tranquil and solitary home, we passed the hours of darkness in sound repose, undisturbed by the tormenting musquitoes, which we had found excessively annoying at the Hermitage the night before.

In the morning Mr. Edmonstone placed himself at the head of our corps, and, attended by four or five negroes, together with a venerable and sagacious Indian, we set out upon an expedition into the woods, in search of the plants and scions, which had formed the leading objects of our journey. Some heavy showers having fallen in the night, we found it unpleasant walking; but we persevered in our pursuit, and toiled far into the woods, remaining upon our legs from nine o’clock in the morning until two in the afternoon, and, to my surprise, without experiencing any fatigue. An ample collection of rare specimens of plants and fruits was the reward of our labour; and we had the further gratification of witnessing, in the course of our perambulation, a variety of scenery, which cannot be met with in the flat and more cultivated parts of the colony. We traversed thick and wild forests, crossed rivulets and limpid streams, climbed up rude hills, and descended into deep gullies; which created a novelty that animated our attention, and banished all sense of weariness.

For the most part, our road was only a narrow path cut by the Bucks, and so closely bordered, as to confine us to the Indian file. At times the forest was thinner, and we could see to a distance betwixt its shades, or walk two or three abreast, under the trees at the sides of our path. Twice only we came to open spots, which had more the appearance of plains than of thickets, and were mere patches of arid and sandy soil, which refused every thing of nourishment to the vegetable world. All the other parts were more or less covered with shrubs and forest trees, the latter of which are of immense height and bulk. They are usually perpendicular in their growth: their wood is heavy, and of uncommonly hard texture, approaching, in some instances, to the solidity, weight, and even the sound of metallic substances.

It occurred to me as remarkable, that in this long walk through the woods, we saw no decayed remains of trees, either standing like the hollow shells we often see in England, or lying upon the ground, sunk with age. Neither did we meet with prostrate trunks, which had been broken down, or uprooted by the winds. All appeared in the fulness of health and vigour, as if their erect and stately pillars had, through many ages, been growing side by side, and were never to surrender to all-destructive years. Most of them were without branches, except near to their summits, where their thick foliage commonly forms a canopy which is not easily penetrated by the sun or the rain.

Among a variety of specimens, we collected some fine plants of the Tonquin bean, the Souwarrow nut, the wild orange, and a species of the medlar. Of birds and four-footed animals the woods appeared to contain but few. Two wild hogs, some parrots, and parroquets formed nearly the list of all we saw; nor did the forest seem to abound with insects, for scarcely had I passed a day, since my arrival upon the coast of Guiana, so entirely free from the annoyance of these minor objects of creation. We noticed only two or three musquitoes, of feeble growth and feeble wing, in the woods; and at Mr. Edmonstone’s not one appeared.

After our return from the forest, we partook of a most plentiful dinner, and in the evening strolled about the environs, either separately, or in divided parties, according to our several inclinations. In this ramble it happened that I trod my way into an Indian hut, where I found the family, consisting of a man, two women, and three children, employed preparing their pepper-pot and cassada for supper.

The next morning I rose at an early hour, and returned to the spot, intending to repeat my visit to this group of Indians; when, lo! I found only the empty hut! Probably they had a better reason for moving, than my disturbing them by an abrupt evening call; but, whatever occasioned it, they had packed up the furniture and utensils of their humble abode, and taking all with them into their canoe, decamped in the night, into the woods.

From the Indian hut I walked into the forest, and, having a small thermometer in my pocket, I suspended it, for some time, in the damp and heavy shade of the woods; when it fell to 72: I, then, immersed it in the open water of the creek, and it rose to 73½. In the house it was at 73; at noon on the day preceding, the mercury was at 81.

Before I take you from the forest-embosomed abode of Mr. Edmonstone, I should tell you that in a small garret of this sequestered home is living a very extraordinary character, in the person of an old Scotsman, an antiquated and eccentric being of the school of Loutherbourg; and who is, here, regarded as a literary phænomenon—a literal one he certainly is! He had formerly known better days; but having been reduced to poverty, he is become an exile from his country, and in this profound seclusion, passes his declining days in the dull and harmless round of reading an old Hebrew bible, and two or three worm-eaten volumes of Greek and Latin. His person is plain, his figure meager, and his visage pallid. In manner, he is formal and pedantic. His wardrobe and furniture vie with the antiquity of his library, and both apparel and apartment well accord with his limited occupation. His wants being few and easily supplied, he lives contented and happy. We found him teaching Mr. Edmonstone’s children to read: and this we understood to be a duty of relaxation—a kind of remission from his converse with the musty old volumes, in the perusal and re-perusal of which he finds the solace of his cares, and the gratification of all his remaining ambition.

We loitered away the forenoon at Mr. Edmonstone’s, sending our boat round by way of the creeks, and the river, to meet us at an estate called Sand-hill, in the evening. We likewise despatched a smaller boat down the river, with the specimens of plants, roots, and cuttings we had collected in the woods; and, after making an early dinner with Mr. Edmonstone, he very kindly took us on, in his large canoe, to prosecute our journey. We returned down the Mabeira creek; but, instead of going north, when we opened into the Woratilla to proceed to the Kamonuy creek, and the river, we took the opposite course in order to penetrate deeper into the woods; and, when we had paddled, to a short distance, up the southern channel of the Woratilla creek, we were set on shore upon its eastern bank, and from thence took our route, on foot, through the forest to the Sand-hill.

This was a walk of two hours over rude hills, across deep gullies, and through woods, which to an European seemed impenetrable. The forest lies, as it were, in waves of alternate ridges and valleys, and the trees stand so close together, that a person unaccustomed to such travelling could have no hope of making his way through it. At best our path was only that of the Bucks, which compelled us to follow each other in the unsocial single line, and, at several times, this obscure track was not discernible to us: but an experienced old negro, whom Mr. Edmonstone had selected as our guide and conductor, seemed to know every tree and twig we had to pass; and directed our steps, with as much accuracy, as if a broad turnpike road had been all the way before him; although it often happened that we had to form a path by pulling away the branches and brambles with our hands.

A short time previous to our arrival at the Sand-hill, we suddenly escaped out of the deep shades of the forest, and one of the most varied and beautiful scenes, which can be found in the colony, opened before us. Suppose yourself in a country where flat waters, and heavy woods form one unbroken sameness, and imagine that after a walk of two hours, through the obscurity of almost impenetrable forests, you, unexpectedly, rush forth upon an extensive plain, where the eye immediately fixes upon a handsome house, together with a bold curve of a large river, winding its course, at a great depth below you, and the view stretching far over the woods of its opposite bank, then you will have a tolerably accurate picture of the scene which presented itself before us, at the Sand-hill. It was highly novel, being more open, varied, and extended than at any other inhabited spot of these boundless forests.

Correctly speaking, the land which appeared to us as a plain, was a hill of sand, whose flat surface was elevated at least a hundred feet about the river, and overhung the water in a bold precipice; but the opposite shore was low and flat, being scarcely raised above the level of the river, which caused the uninterrupted summit of its thick woods to appear before us, like a verdant field of unlimited extent.

We advanced to the house, quite enraptured with its commanding situation: but,—shall I tell you? ... it was the abode of inhospitality! Shall I say that this house, “erected on the rising ground,” was, perhaps, the only one in the colony, where a stranger would have found an unwelcome home! We were greeted with a forbidding coldness—a freezing formality; and were entertained with a miserable penury, of which I had not believed the coast of Guiana could furnish an example; and I feel penetrated with grief and disappointment in marking the Sand-hill as an exception to the general hospitality, which I had found to prevail so eminently in these colonies.

I will not attempt to decide how far the conduct of the lord of this domain might be influenced by climate, but there was much of semblance between the coldness of his manner, and the chilling air of his place of residence; for, on our entering upon the plain of the Sand-hill, when we came out of the forest, we had all felt shivering with cold, and were glad to put on our coats, which we had thrown off in our walk through the woods. Between five and six o’clock the next morning I found the thermometer at 67; and, at noon, it was only 80.

It consisted with the tides of the river, and with our convenience, in waiting the leisure of Mr. Edmonstone, to make this repulsive home our resting-place for the night, and until the afternoon of the following day; but the ungracious reception, we met with, caused the hours to pass very heavily: as soon, therefore, as the tide served, and Mr. Edmonstone was ready to accompany us, we took our departure for the “Loo,” quitting, without regret, the most delightful situation in the colony.

LETTER XXV.

March.

The Loo is a plantation belonging to Mr. Haslin. The slaves were employed four hours in rowing to this estate from the Sand-hill. At the time we arrived, the manager was from home: but, nevertheless, we took possession of the mansion, spread the cloth, and, placing our ham and the other provisions of the boat upon table, sat down without ceremony to supper. On his return the manager unexpectedly found, in his chamber, a party of seven, seated round the social board; and in our suite were no less than fifteen slaves, making together a body of twenty-two persons, who with provisions, hammocks, and baggage, nearly filled the house so as to prevent its master from entering: but, like a true colonist of the country, and unlike the repulsive lord of the Sand-hill, this gentleman hailed us with cordial greetings, expressed himself happy to see the whole party, and even apologized for, what he was pleased to term, his misfortune, in not being at home to welcome our arrival. Immediately all the best things of the larder were added to our supper, and our bountiful host further intreated us to suspend our appetites, and allow him to dress fowls, eggs, and all he could prepare, to improve the meal. In short, his conduct was consistent with the prevailing urbanity of the colony, and in the generous attentions of the Loo we forgot the arid and inhospitable Sand-hill. The evening passed away very pleasantly, and our hammocks were conveniently slung for the night. Early in the morning we resumed our seats in the boat. Coffee was served to us at the time of rising, and we set off, without delay, to prosecute our journey to “the Falls.”

The mercury in the thermometer was this morning at 72, being five degrees higher than at the same hour of the preceding day, at the more elevated situation of the Sand-hill.

After rowing for about three hours and a half up the river, we felt some calls of appetite, and finding ourselves near to a plantation, we, in the true marooning spirit, went on shore in search of breakfast. Our reception was friendly, and we were welcomed with much civility by the manager, whom we found to be a petit-maître, whose fondness for the decoration of his person was very conspicuous, and afforded us some diversion. An Adonis in the woods was a great novelty; and, notwithstanding his politeness and liberality towards us, we could not but smile at the gaiety of his apparel, particularly the depth of his frills and ruffles, which, full-flowing at his wrists and bosom, almost enveloped his meager person. Amidst the undressed Africans, and the still more naked Indians, about his home, he of course was unrivalled, and possessed the superlative gratification of standing alone, the rara avis of the forest.

But to the honor of this solitary beau, his foibles in no degree interrupted his better feelings. He was correctly au fait with respect to the hospitable attentions due to strangers; and he entertained us with the utmost cordiality. Nor did he confine himself barely to receiving and accommodating us with civility, but, further, expressed much regret that we were come for so short a visit, and urgently invited us to prolong our stay. At breakfast he provided us with a high feast, by giving us some hot rolls and fresh butter, together with a dish of fine oranges and other fruits.

After pursuing our journey about three hours further up the river, we came to the cottage of a wood-cutter, where we met with a very active and intelligent negro woman, who welcomed us to her master’s home, and adding a laba pepper-pot to our boat-provisions, quickly set before us a very neat and plentiful dinner.

We afterwards made a visit to a mulatto man, named John Hill, an eccentric character, well known to the gentlemen of the colony; and who had here built himself a small house, in which he was settled as a free inhabitant, living in a sort of independence upon the wood-cutter’s estate.

In the course of our walk, I had the opportunity of observing a species of negro-labour that was new to me; having met a party of sixteen naked slaves, male and female, in the act of dragging the trunk of an immense tree out of the forest, with ropes. They were conducted by a driver with his whip: and pulled on the load by mere strength of arm, having no assistance from any machinery, and only availing themselves of the simple expedient of placing small billets of wood under the tree, at short distances from each other, in order to prevent it from sinking into the dirt, and doubling their toil.

Finding that it would be a long and fatiguing journey, to make the whole of the distance, from the wood-cutter’s to Mr. Mutz’s, the Post-holder’s, on the morrow, and learning that there was a tolerable building on the way, where we might hang up our hammocks for the night, we rowed two or three hours further in the evening, borrowing an old negro woman to take with us as a guide, lest, in the approaching darkness, we might pass the hut without observing it.

The scenery sensibly improved, as we advanced up the river. During this day’s journey we saw some lofty, irregular hills, which formed a very pleasing and picturesque variety, and relieved the dull uniformity of smooth water, and flat woods, so peculiar to this coast.

About eight o’clock we arrived at the dwelling which had been pointed out to us as a convenient resting-place for the night. Its exterior was not very inviting, and we found both house and accommodations the most comfortless of all that we met with throughout our expedition. The rooms were small and confined, but neatness happened not to be a predominant passion of the possessor. We felt no inducement to banquet away the night, but took a glass of simple grog, and very soon after our arrival, retired supperless to our hammocks; some in a close unpleasant chamber; the others, like the Bucks, under an open hovel.

We rose with the sun, and, being glad to escape from the house, made the boat our dressing-room; then, according to the Dutch custom, defended our stomachs from the morning damp, by a cup of coffee, and, without further delay, proceeded on our way to Mr. Mutz’s, the remotest European residence in the colony.

In this part of our journey, the whole scenery became strikingly changed, and, after the insipid monotony of flat woods and water, the objects which now presented themselves were so novel and varied, that all around us seemed calculated to excite a strong and peculiar interest. Many of the inhabitants of the forest were moving upon the river in their canoes; some alone, some in families, and some in larger bodies: cottages and Indian huts occasionally opened to our view in the woods: high banks sometimes bordered the river; and, not unfrequently, hills and lofty summits crowned its shores.

From the Bucks, whom we met in their canoes, we purchased a few parrots and Amazonian parroquets, called Keiz-keiz, together with some bows and arrows, war-clubs, and various specimens of Indian implements, and household apparatus; and feeling anxious not to pass, unnoticed, any thing that might afford us gratification, we went on shore to make short visitings at the several huts and cottages which caught our observation in the woods, or upon the banks of the river.

At one of these places of call we found a Dutchman named Hasmond, who had recently taken up his abode in this sequestered part of the colony. Upon our remarking that he had very much the air of an old soldier, we were informed that he had been many years in the army of the Prince of Orange, and having retired from the service, had now built himself a small house, and settled here to seek his fortune, as a wood-cutter.

At another of the cottages we met with an aged Spaniard, named Pezano, perhaps the most eccentric character, and the most remarkable personage of the colony. This man had formed to himself a little cottage-abode, and was living at this secluded home in the woods, the friend and associate, and a kind of chief among the Bucks; although more than sixty years old, he had made his selection from the forests, and had taken, unto himself, no less than four Indian wives; who were handsome, and some youthful, the youngest being only eleven years of age. Thus you find disparity of years, between man and wife, is not peculiar to polished circles, or opulent cities: neither is the spirit of intrigue, for Pezano’s wives are not said to rival the chaste Penelope.

This Spaniard was originally from Oronoko: but he had passed twenty-eight years, as a manager upon different estates in the colonies of Demarara and Essequibo; and had now appropriated to himself an abode amidst the great family of the woods; where, from cultivating the friendship of the Bucks, he induces them to assist him in felling timber to sell to the colonists; by which means, together with the produce of his gun, and the planting of roots, and other culinary vegetables, about his dwelling, he procures a sufficiency of food for the support of himself and his women. In colour Pezano is scarcely fairer than his Indian associates. He is low in stature, of spare habit, and decrepit figure, but is lively and animated, and possesses great energy of mind, with far more of bodily activity, than his figure seems to indicate. Anticipating much of information and amusement from his conversation, we were desirous to have the old Spaniard as our guide, from the Post-holder’s to the Falls, and therefore invited him to accompany us in the boat to Mr. Mutz’s. He expressed a willingness to oblige us: but Pezano might not move in obscurity! He was here a king, and must proceed in state. He would take his leisure, and, attended by his proper retinue, come at another hour. Having obtained his promise, we were satisfied, and, leaving to his choice the mode in which he should travel, we took our departure, and proceeded, without further delay, to Ooest Vriesland, the abode of the Post-holder; where we arrived about three o’clock in the afternoon.

This is the remotest dwelling,—the furthest from the coast and the sea, possessed by Europeans, in the settlement. It forms the link of connexion between the bay natives of the woods, and the white inhabitants of the colony, being established by the latter as a post of communication for the purpose of administering friendly offices, and cultivating an amicable intercourse with the Indians.

A short time after we arrived, Pezano and his suite were descried, paddling up the river, in two loaded canoes. Upon their reaching the landing-place, we discovered that the venerable Spaniard was attended by three of his wives; also by a party of the Bucks, under command of an old Indian, who was appointed their captain, and decorated with a broad laced hat, carrying in his hand, as a further token of distinction, a tall silver-headed staff, with which he preceded his troop in all the stateliness of his office.

Next to king Pezano, the bearer of these insignia felt himself the mightiest prince of the forest, and affected an air of dignity, not less consequential, than is sometimes assumed by greater men, upon being invested with a wand, or a riband.

The house of the Post-holder is rather small, but arranged with much neatness. It is pleasantly situated upon rising ground, and commands a fine bend of the river, which flows before it in a clear and limpid stream. We found it an interesting and agreeable resting-place. The door was opened to us with a cheerful welcome. Our reception was strictly hospitable, and we were entertained with a liberality as unbounded, as it was unaffected.

From Mr. Mutz we learned that, by making a long day of the morrow, we might complete our journey to “the Falls,” and return to his house in the evening. This was pleasant as unexpected intelligence; for beyond the Post-holder’s dwelt neither European nor colonist: nor was there any place of call whatsoever. The forest was possessed only by its wild inhabitants, and for every accommodation, we must depend upon the limited resources of our boat. Relying therefore upon Mr. Mutz to make the necessary arrangements for the remainder of our voyage, we left it to him and Pezano, to plan our proceedings for the following day.

The Post-holder is married to a Dutchwoman, but we had not the pleasure of this lady’s society. She was in ill health, and had been sent into the woods, to the Bucks, to be cured. I could not learn what were the remedies used by the Indians for her relief: but I procured a few specimens of gums, and nuts, employed by these inhabitants of the forest, in their practice of medicine.

Mr. Mutz pleaded the absence of his lady in excuse for treating us with, what he was pleased to term, “such homely fare.” But we could discover no cause of apology whatever, for a general neatness prevailed, and an ample plenty spread the generous board.

We had also the great luxury of pure spring water, clear as crystal. I need not tell you how much more highly this was prized, than if it had been the finest wine. It was the first I had tasted in the colony, and was an uncommon treat to me; for, although I continue to take wine, as a convalescent, water is still my usual drink.

Whilst the dinner was preparing, we amused ourselves, in company with Pezano and a party of Indians, shooting with the bow and arrow. The afternoon passed very delightfully, in hearing the conversation and interesting remarks of the Post-holder, and the old Spaniard. In the evening, we again strung the bow; some of us also enjoyed the pleasure of bathing in the very inviting and pellucid river.

About nine o’clock we went to our hammocks, some in chambers, some in the passages, and some under the house, which was built upon pillars, a considerable height from the ground. It will be seen from this, how little difficulty occurs in lodging large parties of friends or strangers, in a warm climate. Neither extensive buildings, nor a number of rooms, nor even beds, paillasses, or mattresses are required. A few cleets, or iron hooks, fastened up in different parts of the house, for the support of hammocks, are all that necessity demands. From this facility of arrangement for the night, the ceremony of invitation is not always held requisite, and it is often seen that marooning parties, consisting of no inconsiderable numbers, make their visitations unexpectedly, yet find convenient accommodations even in the smallest houses, and the most retired situations.

LETTER XXVI.

March.

The next morning we rose at three o’clock to prepare for our last day’s journey up the river. At a little before five we went into the boat, accompanied by Pezano, and attended by a venerable Indian in his canoe. We were six hours and a half rowing to the falls. On the way we saw, within the woods at the sides of the river, several houses of the Indians, some of which we visited; but we met fewer of the Bucks moving in their canoes, than we had seen the preceding day. In one of the houses we found Mrs. Mutz, the wife of the Post-holder, lying in a hammock suspended over a fire, according to the Indian mode of sleeping.

This part of the country was diversified with hills; some of which were more lofty than any we had passed in the course of the river, and at one spot we observed, for the first time upon the coast of Guiana, a naked rock of stone, hanging in huge form, over the edge of the water. It being the only mass of the kind, I might almost say the only stone, that I had seen in the colony, I took away a piece as a specimen of the mineralogy of the country.

At half past eleven o’clock, we arrived at what are called the falls—a term which had conveyed to my expectation the idea of a cascade, perhaps something like the falls of Schaffhausen, or the great body of the river pouring down from a vast height in one immense column, forming an example of very grand, or highly picturesque scenery: but you will judge of my disappointment, when you are informed that instead of a second Niagara, these falls were merely the shallow water, gently rippling in broken stream, over some irregular rocks of whinstone, which here crossed the river from side to side, and that they more resembled the running of an ordinary brook, than the rushing torrent of a loud-roaring cascade. Nothing could be more tame and unimpressive. We were able to row in the boat up to the very rocks, and even to step upon them, in the middle of the current that was passing over them, without wetting our shoe-tops. In no part were the falls two feet in height. The Indians are in the habit of carrying their canoes over them, and proceeding in their course up the river: or, in the rainy season, when the stream is more rapid, they make a path in the bordering woods, and carry their canoes through the forest, until they have passed the falls, and then resume their voyage upon the water.

After inspecting all that we wished to see, and breaking off some specimens of the rock which caused the falls, we took our dinners in the boat, and concluded our expedition up the river by marking its date, together with each of our names, upon a piece of paper, which we inclosed in a glass bottle, and having corked it securely, left it fastened up in one of the trees, upon the bank of the river.

I wish it were possible to convey to you a just idea of the joy and happiness expressed by the negroes, upon putting about the boat to return. From rowing a heavy load always against the current, and sometimes against the tide, together with feeling no interest in the voyage, nor in any way comprehending the object of it, the journey, to them, had been very fatiguing, and they were totally at a loss to conjecture why we should have undertaken it. Each seemed to say by his looks, “What have ye journeyed hither to see?” and one of them even ventured to ask, “For what Massa come so far?” when on being informed that it was to see the country, and the river, he exclaimed, “Country, where country? River, wa’ river?” then, all of them uttering a loud, and most significant laugh, they plied their oars with redoubled vigour, to conduct us back towards the sea. At the very turning of the boat all sense of fatigue was banished, and with unurged exertion they rowed Us to the Post-holder’s within three hours and a half; notwithstanding a considerable delay, produced by our going on shore to ascend one of the hills at the side of the water, which we conjectured to be about 200 feet above the level of the river.

We remarked that upon this hill the woods did not appear so thick and crowded as they are commonly found to be upon the lower lands, nearer the sea; but the trees were of stronger growth, and formed pillars of uncommonly majestic stature, being, both in height and diameter, immense. Towards the bottom, they throw out several flattened projections, which, making so many parts of the trunk, stand round it, like the supporting buttresses of an old cathedral, and form, between them, deep recesses, into which it would be possible to retire for concealment, or for protection, against the heaviest storms of rain; and in some instances ten or twelve persons might find shelter between these projections, within the superficies of a single tree.

We arrived at Mr. Mutz’s between six and seven o’clock, just as it was growing dark, and found a plentiful supper, prepared by the bounteous Post-holder, for our refreshment.

The society of Mr. Mutz and Pezano afforded us another very pleasant evening, and I could gladly have sat until morning listening to their anecdotes and observations; but, at an hour, which to me seemed early, as indeed any hour would, under such circumstances, we retired to our sleeping-births, placed as on the preceding night.

At six o’clock we again left our hammocks, when, from the chilliness of the air, all the party complained of cold, and on placing the thermometer at the outside of the door, the mercury fell to 66; which was one degree below what it had been at the same hour at the Sand-hill, and as low as I had seen it, in any situation, upon this coast.

Having effected the leading objects of our excursion, it only remained to us to return with all speed, and exchange the wild scenery of rocks, hills, and lofty forests, for the muddy coast, and flat fields of sugar and cotton. Accordingly we made our acknowledgments to Pezano and the Post-holder, and, as soon as we had breakfasted, took our seats in the boat to proceed down the river. Early in the afternoon we arrived at the wood-cutter’s, where we had been so hospitably received by the intelligent black woman of the house. Unluckily the master was again absent, but we were liberally entertained, as before, by his kind Wowski and Mr. John Hill, the mulatto, who very quickly added to our boat-supply a pepper-pot, some cassada, and such other provisions as the situation afforded.

Hill had been into the woods in the morning, and killed a fine laba, which, immediately upon our arrival, was scalded to remove its coat, and within a few minutes it was cut in pieces, and put into the kettle with cassada juice, pods of red pepper, and various vegetables, for the purpose of being stewed into a most excellent pepper-pot, which in a little time was placed on the table.

The negroes took their meal of rice, and after giving them sufficient rest to fit them for their further toil, we proceeded upon our journey, purposing to sleep at the Loo; but it grew late before we reached this estate, and the tide being for some time against us, it was a day of severe labour to the slaves, yet they supported it with great cheerfulness; and, in their willing exertions, evinced the high satisfaction they felt on returning towards the coast and the town. Exclusive of delays and stoppages we were fourteen hours on the water. Towards the end of the journey we felt extremely anxious on account of the fatigue of the negroes; but upon one of the gentlemen saying that “surely the Loo must have run away,” they replied with animation, “Neber mind Massa, if he run to de Sand-hill, we catch him dere:”—the Sand-hill was sixteen or seventeen miles further down the river.

The evening was peculiarly still. A dampness hung over the water, and although the thermometer fell only to 74, the air felt chilly; but the moon shone bright, and upon the whole it was pleasant; we felt glad, therefore, of the opportunity of making a tranquil moonlight journey, upon the silent river, amidst these wild and endless woods. At one spot we heard the sound of paddles upon the water, and on listening to it, found that a canoe was pursuing us. Presently it came up with us, and we were accosted by some negroes, who had been despatched by the proprietor of an estate which we had passed, to invite us to return and spend the evening at his house. At this moment we thought ourselves nearer to the Loo than we really were, and declined the invitation: but afterwards, on account of the slaves, we were sorry that we had not accepted it. It was half past ten o’clock when we arrived at the Loo, and all the family were in bed; but they quickly roused from their repose, and, in a short time, a supper of grilled chickens, and various other dishes was set before us. At midnight we very willingly sought our hammocks, having suffered nearly as much fatigue from sitting still so many hours, as the negroes had experienced from the labour of pulling the oars.

The next morning all the party had their ears and noses actually pinched with cold, and on observing the thermometer, we found that it had fallen to 65¾, being ¼ of a degree lower than at the Post-holder’s. Some of the gentlemen even complained that they had been kept awake in the night, from the severity of the cold, which was a very unusual occurrence, and such as I had not before witnessed in this climate.

Coffee was served to us at the hour of rising, and we afterwards sat down to a most copious breakfast, consisting of cassada-bread, ham, fresh butter, roasted potatoes, plantains, tea, coffee, &c. &c.

We embarked at the earliest moment of the tide, in order to make a long day, and, if possible, to reach an estate called the Garden of Eden at night; which with great toil we did effect at half past ten o’clock: the whole day being spent afloat. About dinner-time we found ourselves opposite the Sand-hill, but, recollecting our former unwelcome reception, we contented ourselves with resting upon our oars, in the middle of the river, to take our dinner of bread and cheese, and cold ham, without going on shore.

This day was even more severe for the negroes, than the day preceding, but they still laboured with great willingness, being impatient to reach the town, besides knowing that, upon the way, there was no other convenient resting-place for the night, and that from being longer absent than we had expected, we were all anxious to arrive at Stabroek as speedily as possible. But, however willing the exertions of the slaves, strong signs of fatigue were evinced, long before we came to the Garden of Eden; and it was only by great encouragement, and a well-devised stratagem, that we were prevented from being detained all night on the water. Observing that they rowed with languor, and that we made but little progress, the cockswain was desired to exchange the helm for an oar, and to enliven his comrades with a song, encouraging them to join in chorus, and to pull together in musical time. This operated with magic effect. Every slave seemed to be inspired, and forgetting all sense of weariness, they laboured with renovated spirit. We were not more pleased with the result of the expedient, than amused by the ready ingenuity with which our wizard cockswain composed his appropriate song, and gave it all the effect of enchantment. Resigning the helm to the weakest slave, he placed himself amidst the crew in the centre of the boat, and plying his oar more vigorously than the others, he invented extempore lines for a favorite African tune, finishing each stanza with “gnyaam gnyaam row, gnyaam gnyaam row,” in which all were to join by way of chorus; and we found that “gnyaam gnyaam row” never failed to give additional force to the oar, and consequent head-way to our pinnace.

The names of the slaves, their wives, their food, drink, and all their pleasures were introduced in song, and tuned to the stroke of the oar; likewise the names of each of the party whom they were rowing, their professions, qualities, and occupations, and their several intentions towards the crew, all made a part of this inspiring air, which, however ridiculous in the words and music, in its effect succeeded even to a wonder. The tugging of the oar, the directing of the helm, even the position of the slaves, and the compensation each might expect, as the reward of his toil, were all adroitly included, and “gnyaam gnyaam row” accompanied and invigorated every stretch of the oar. Led on by these persuasive themes, each seemed to emulate the exertions of the all-animating cock swain, and throwing off the heavy marks of fatigue, they conducted us merrily and speedily to “Garden-Eden.”

LETTER XXVII.

March.

Garden-Eden is an extensive sugar estate, belonging to Mr. T. Cuming, a rich planter of much merit, and of great influence in the colony. It is under the management of a Mr. Boyce, by whom we were received with greetings worthy the prevailing hospitality of Guiana, treated with an excellent supper, and Falernum wine, and accommodated in comfort until morning.

Previous to our departure from this estate, I was requested to make a visit at one of the huts in the negro yard; where, it was said, I might witness a phenomenon, and be “convinced of a fact which overturns all the sceptical reasonings of medical men,” regarding the influence of imagination upon the conformation of the human frame, and its power of conferring or altering the figure of the fœtus in utero.

The subject of our visitation was a mulatto man * * * * * twenty-eight years of age, who is said to have been born with all his bones broken, in consequence of his mother having been present at the infliction of a horrible punishment. Perhaps, as one of the medical tribe, I may be allowed to maintain my scepticism, even with this example before my eyes; still, as the appearances of the object, and the circumstances of the case, were peculiar, and some of them well authenticated, I cannot, consistently with the plan of our correspondence, omit noting to you what I heard related of the history, and what I observed with regard to the figure of this very singular mulatto.

The father was a strong and healthy Dutch soldier: the mother a robust, well-formed negro woman. They had four children, all of whom are now arrived at the age of puberty: three of them are athletic and handsome mulattoes, and remarkable for the symmetry of their figures; the fourth is the subject in question.

The father is dead, but the mother is still living; and was brought to me, that I might witness the form of her person, inquire into the state of her constitution, and ask her any questions which the case before us should suggest. She assured me that both herself and the father had enjoyed general good health, and had considered themselves as having been blessed with a happy exemption from disease: but that when she was recently pregnant of this son, she had unfortunately gone to see the execution of a man who was condemned to be broken upon the wheel; and that upon witnessing this dreadful torture, she was so struck with horror, as to be taken extremely ill, and was scarcely able to return to her home. She represented the sensations of the moment as very distressing, but was unable to convey any accurate description of her feelings. For some time afterwards it was expected that abortion would follow; but that not having happened, she was delivered, at the usual period of gestation, of this broken and disfigured offspring. Her having been present at the execution, and being so frightened as to be suddenly taken ill, were confirmed by one of the gentlemen of our party, with whose family she then lived. The circumstance of her recent pregnancy, at the time, was likewise proved by the fact of her delivery afterwards; but the precise period of it, at the date of the torture, I could not accurately ascertain. She is now of advanced age, and somewhat lame, but has still the remains of a well-formed person. Upon examining her I observed an eruption of the cra-cra about the point of one elbow, and a small irregular tumor upon the sternum; but these were explained to be of late origin. In all other respects she seemed to possess health and strength in proportion to her years.

The figure of the son cannot be described by words. His person appeared as if it had been composed by throwing the materials into a bag, with a loose congeries of broken bones, and shaking the whole together until they assumed a shape approaching to that of a human being. It was not the tortuous construction usually occurring from scrofula, or the rickets. He had not the crooked twisted bones of disease. They appeared as if they had literally been broken, and some of them badly united, some not united at all. The common marks of a sickly constitution were absent, and he enjoyed a state of general health fully proportioned to the structure of his frame: indeed, from the minutest examination, I do not feel myself authorized to consider this very peculiarly deranged conformation as the effect of disease, but am rather inclined to regard it as an extraordinary lusus naturæ.

His head was the only part that was well formed, and this, although of natural size, appeared very large, owing to the great disproportion of the body and extremities, which, from their distortion, had not grown in due course with the head.

With regard to his mental faculties nothing peculiar was noticed. He answered the questions which were put to him expertly, and was considered in point of intellect to be quite equal to the generality of the people of colour.

I placed my elbow at his side, when he was sitting as upright as his figure would admit, and extending my hand upwards, found that his height, from the seat to the crown of his head, was not quite equal to the length of my forearm, from the elbow to the extremities of the fingers.

Every rib, and every limb seemed as if it had been fractured. The long bones of the arms, being divided in their middles, were loosely held together by membranous or ligamentous unions. Those of the legs appeared as if they had been broken, and the two parts (or rather the four parts of the tibia and fibula) afterwards placed together in a direction parallel with each other, and thus united into one broad flat bone, the end of which projected considerably forward in the middle of the leg, thinly covered with integuments, while the lower part of the limb was thrown backwards, with the heel up towards the thigh, so that if he had been placed in the erect posture, the points of the toes would have been brought to the ground, instead of the flat part of the foot.

He had not the power of moving from his seat without assistance, except in a very slight degree, by a writhing, twisting, and most unseemly motion, wholly unassisted by his limbs. During the day he remains always in the sitting posture, and, from the distortion of his lower extremities, these are brought into a position somewhat resembling those of a tailor at his work. With some difficulty he could make the lower arm reach the head, but this was effected more from a kind of flexure, at the ligamentous union in the middle of the bone of the upper arm, than from a direct motion of the shoulder joint, the action of which was extremely limited, from the want of the fulcrum commonly afforded to the muscles by the bone of the arm.

Having breakfasted, and made our visit to the poor broken-boned mulatto, we took a long walk into the sugar-fields of the Garden of Eden, in order to employ ourselves during the remainder of the time, whilst we were waiting for high water; and as soon as the tide served, we went into the boat to complete our expedition. Some beef and a roasted chicken were added to our store of provisions by Mr. Boyce; and without stopping to go on shore, we took our dinners upon the water, in order that we might have the advantage of the whole tide, which, in this part of our passage, was very strongly the friend of our cheerful and willing slaves. Early in the afternoon of March 7th we arrived at the landing-place (or Sterling) at Stabroek, having been absent eleven days, during which time we had traversed the woods, visited a variety of estates, and made an excursion of nearly two hundred miles.

No accident, nor disaster, had occurred to interrupt us. We travelled with great convenience. The utmost harmony and satisfaction prevailed; and we returned in good health and spirits, highly gratified with our expedition. The journey was arranged and executed precisely as I could have wished; and I am gratefully sensible of the politeness of my kind companions, while I cordially thank them for the peculiar pleasure it has afforded me.

Having made a similar excursion up the river Berbische, I frequently hear it remarked, that I have seen more of the country, the forests, and the waters of these colonies already, than almost any of the inhabitants, although many of them have been here a greater number of years, than I can yet count of months.

I took an opportunity before, of noting to you, the great stability of temperature which prevails upon this coast; and I may now observe that this is not much interrupted even at the distance of 200 miles from the sea. In the cultivated part of the colonies, upon the immediate margin of the ocean, the range of the thermometer has been mostly confined between 72 and 85 degrees: at the remotest estates up the river, it at no time exceeded 84, for, notwithstanding we felt an occasional closeness in the atmosphere, still the wind was never entirely absent, and its deficiency was made up by the greater dampness and evaporation from the woods, so that the heat, at the falls, was not greater than in the full and open breeze of the coast: but, in point of coldness, the variation was more considerable, and we felt more sensibly affected by it. At the Sand-hill we bad chilly sensations, although the mercury fell only to 67 degrees. At the Loo, it was as low as 65¾, when the cold was quite piercing, and I may now add, that the greatest range in high situations up the river, far from the coast, has been from 65¾ to 84 degrees, while the utmost variation upon the flat and cultivated territory near the sea, has been from 72 to 87.

The river is spacious, and not only an ornament of the colony, but highly useful to it, in a commercial point of view. It is navigable for vessels of considerable burden, nearly as far as the falls. Its lower part, to the distance of many miles above the town, is muddy, and strongly impregnated with the salt water of the Atlantic, but from the Sand-hill to the falls it is less impure and remarkably clear. We found by the thermometer that it was, at all times, a slight degree warmer than the superincumbent air. In point of width, it varies at different parts, not growing regularly broader as it approaches the sea. At the falls the channel is so narrowed, that, unaided by a sling, I was able to throw a stone across it. At the Post-holder’s it was much wider, and it was only with great force, that I could shoot an arrow over, from an Indian bow of middle size: at several places between these two points, it was of greater expansion. Beyond the falls it was also broader, than immediately at that spot.

The following rude sketch will convey to you some idea of the distance, from the opening of the river to the falls. It is according to the Dutch measurement, and the most accurate I could obtain:

From | To | Hours.
The Town of Stabroek | The Plantation Garden-Eden | 4½
Garden-Eden | The Sand-hill | 5¾
The Sand-hill | Mr. Bower’s estate | 3¾
Mr. Bower’s | The Loo | 1¾
The Loo | Mr. Lunck’s | 2¼
Mr. Lunck’s | Amelie’s Waard | 2¾
Amelie’s Waard | Mr. Mansfield’s | 2½
Mr. Mansfield’s | The Post-holder’s | 6½
The Post-holder’s | The Falls | 6½

| Total Hours, | 36¼

I should remark that this is the time required in journeying up the river, with the tide, occasionally, against the boat. To return towards the sea, with the advantage of tide and current would require less time, by six or seven hours; which shows the extreme inaccuracy of this mode of calculating distance, except upon still canals, such as those of Holland, where the traveller, in more than a common degree, escapes the influence of adventitious circumstances.

The upper part of the river would be very interesting and diversified, were its heavy forest thinned, and the banks enriched with cultivation; but, from being closely bordered, on all parts, with crowded trees, it exhibits a degree of sameness which becomes excessively fatiguing to the traveller. At various points are inlets of smaller rivers, or creeks, which form so many dark channels, into the still darker woods. In passing up the river these are not seen to any extent of their course, but they commonly appear only as deep black holes, at the edge of the forest.

The Indians very seldom erect their houses upon the immediate banks of the river, and whenever they happen to fix upon a situation near to it, they are careful to leave some of the bush standing, for the purpose of concealing the building. More frequently they establish their dwellings upon the borders of the creeks, or within the woods at some distance from the river. From being mere sheds, their habitations are readily constructed, at any spot where they may chance to take up their abode: in the selection of place, concealment, and convenience of embarkation, seem to be the grand desiderata: the latter would appear to be essential, as they often pack up every thing that belongs to them, in the family canoe, and suddenly depart to seek another home.

On the subject of scenery, but little occurred worthy of remark. From the uncultivated state of the country it exhibits a rude sameness. No rich, nor striking point can be found: no varied prospect presents itself from any quarter. The palm of pre-eminence lies in a manner undecided, while water, and crowded woods form the universal scene. Whether in a valley, or upon the hills the view is still the same, being confined by the trees immediately around. No opening, no luxuriant nor extended landscape is discovered; all is river and forest: or, if you chance to open upon a plain, it is only a flat and wide surface—a vacant savanna, still surrounded with the bush, and wholly devoid of picturesque variety.

The Sand-hill was, perhaps, the only exception to this languid scenery. There, the prospect was somewhat more animated, and from one bank of the river being much elevated, and divested of trees, it commanded a view across the water, to a considerable distance over the woods of the opposite shore: still it comprehended merely the smooth water, and the level green surface of the unbounded forest.

If I speak of the soil, it can be only in vague and general remark; but it appeared to us that after the land became hilly, and irregular, it was poor, and not such as seemed capable, under all the circumstances of climate, &c. of being cultivated to much profit. In some parts it was rocky; in others sandy; and, in all, very unlike the rich exuviæ which form the flatter lands of this fertile coast.

I might notice it as a happy exemption that, during our excursion, we were almost free from the tormenting annoyance of insects. In the deepest woods their absence was remarkable. To me the musquitoes constitute, perhaps, the greatest evil of the climate, and my bitten limbs were peculiarly sensible of the respite they obtained during this expedition. After we had passed the estate of Mr. Selles, where we spent the first night, I observed only four of these insects.

It is remarked that neither in the rudest, nor in the best cultivated parts of these countries do insects most abound. A state of the soil, between high improvement, and wild neglect, or that sort of climate created by partial cultivation, is most congenial to these noxious tribes; and thus does the pestiferous atmosphere of half-cleared woods, and half-cultivated fields seem to be at once the poison, and the pabulum of animal life: operating with a twofold power, it generates the minor, while it destroys the higher objects of creation.

On reaching the town we were hailed most cordially by our friends, who, in our protracted return, had anticipated all the evils of sickness and misfortune; and it seemed matter of surprise that so large a party should have concluded such an extensive excursion, all in good health, and without having met with any kind of accident or disaster. To some of the gentlemen, the change from their ordinary habits and mode of life, was great, and it would not have been surprising if, in this climate, under such circumstances, troublesome effects had ensued; but, happily, from the time of my losing the threatening sensations which oppressed me at the period of our embarkation, not an individual among us suffered any indisposition.

We derived much gratification from the expedition, and although our collections from the animal, and mineral kingdoms, were but inconsiderable, we profited of the vegetable world very amply; and it is probable that the remembrance of our excursion will be perpetuated: for, in the course of a few years, its effects will become conspicuous, from a valuable assemblage of the plants and fruits of the forest enriching the sugar estates, and cotton fields of the colonists.

Of the animal world a few monkies and Amazonian parroquets constituted the whole of our collection; and of minerals all we had an opportunity of procuring were two or three coarse specimens of common whinstone, which we broke from the bed of “the Falls,” and the rocks in their vicinity. Of the implements and apparatus of the Indians we obtained a liberal store.

Much had been said of the multiplied perils of the forest, and we had heard of fierce tigers, enormous snakes, poisonous serpents, runaway negroes, ferocious savages, and various other dangerous inhabitants of the woods and the waters, but it did not happen to us to be interrupted by any of them: although tigers, serpents, Bush-negroes, and wild Indians, doubtless, exist in these regions, the peril to be apprehended from them, bears no proportion to the extravagant alarm pictured by the fearful imaginations of stay-at-home travellers. In many parts the profound stillness of the forest conveyed the idea of a lifeless solitude; indeed from the utter silence which prevailed, it might have seemed that we had wandered beyond the limits of animated creation.

LETTER XXVIII.

Demarara, March 18.

At my return from our late excursion the first object that attracted my attention, upon approaching the barracks of the hospital department, was a string of negroes singing out in the sailors’ cry,——Yeoh-yeoh, yeoh-yeoh, and hauling at a long rope, towing something heavy round the corner of the building. Curiosity arrested me, for a moment; when, alas! I discovered at the end of the cord, the body of my poor horse! who, in the last night of his master’s absence, had fallen a victim to the fever, which spares neither man, nor the patient steed. He was now being dragged away to his grave, and the pause I made brought me only the sad gratification of casting a look upon his remains.

This is a serious loss to me, less on account of the exorbitant price of horses in these colonies, than from the extreme difficulty, or perhaps the impossibility of finding another, at any rate whatever. I had long waded through the mud before an opportunity offered of providing myself, and by mere chance, had, at length, been well suited; but I had scarcely brought my horse into condition fit for riding, before he was snatched from me, by what is often termed——the seasoning!

It happens, however, that I shall not long feel this privation, as letters have, at length, arrived from head-quarters, containing orders for my removal from the coast of Guiana to St. Domingo. This is the arrangement to which I have been looking from my earliest arrival in these colonies; but on account of its being so long delayed, and my having received instructions for continuing here, I had begun to expect that the hospital staff, already at St. Domingo, had been found sufficient for the duties of that station, without recalling the detachment of the medical department serving upon this coast: but, by the letters which have now reached me, I learn that the direful malady of these regions has been sadly fatal among the hospital officers at St. Domingo; that, although the number of troops is considerably decreased, the medical attendants have suffered so extensively, that strong reinforcements are necessary, to enable the hospital department to do justice to the yet remaining multitudes of sick.

In so far as this change of station will afford me an opportunity of seeing more of the Western World, I shall hail it with satisfaction; but my heart sorrows at the thought of treading in the steps of my lost brethren and colleagues,—men, with whom I have lived in habits of intimacy, and close friendship—partaking of the same perils, eating from the same dish, and reposing in the same cabin; and notwithstanding I neither regard the fever as contagious, nor feel the slightest personal apprehension of disease, still I cannot but experience a mournful depression, on being called to execute the urgent duties which I may have to encounter, upon the very spot where my comrades have fallen. Nor will it be without regret that I shall quit the hospitals of my own creating, which, after nearly twelve months of anxious exertion, I have brought into a state well fitted for affording the necessary accommodations to the sick.

LETTER XXIX.

Demarara, March 29.

I might have told you in my last letter that the eighth inst., the day after our return from our river excursion, was the Stadtholder’s birth-day, and consequently a day of festivity at Demarara. It was commemorated, by the Dutch officers, in our service, giving a splendid ball and supper at their barrack in the evening: all the best company of the colony was assembled on the occasion. The ball-room was extremely crowded; and although it was so intensely hot that it was matter of astonishment how any person could support the fatigue of dancing in it, still the ladies, feeble and languid as they commonly appear, so much enjoyed their favorite amusement, as not to retire to the supper-room until nearly two o’clock in the morning. The supper was elegant, and very handsomely served. It consisted of nearly 150 dishes, and was composed of the choice fruits and dainties of the colony. Unhappily the harmony of the festival was interrupted by the perverse conduct of one of the party, a soi-disant patriot, who, in the violence of his politics, opposed himself to the general will of the company, and refused to stand up to drink the health of the Stadtholder. The officers were highly incensed, at meeting with such an act of rudeness and insult, from one of their guests, and some of them proposed to toss the “patriot and his chair” out at window.

We read with great satisfaction, the arrival of the ship Cotton-Planter at Portsmouth, after a passage of a hundred and eight days from Demarara. Not having sooner heard of her, we had many anxious conjectures regarding her safety. She is one of the heavy Dutch vessels which fell into our possession on the capture of these colonies; and being a large ship, commodious for conveying troops across the Atlantic, we put a party of invalids, with ulcers, on board her, to be carried to England, under the immediate care of Mr. Beane, one of the mates of the general hospital; and subject to the command of the Hon. Captain De Courcy of the 93d regiment. Both from her form and bulk, we had expected that she might make a tedious passage; but, even with all the delays of our late ill-fated expedition in remembrance, our anticipations had not led us to imagine that, without some great disaster, the voyage could have been protracted to a period of nearly sixteen weeks.

I have again been led to attend one of those humiliating scenes—a sale of human merchandise; where I saw, what is here termed, a prime cargo of three hundred men and women, from the Gold Coast of Africa, all beings of our own species, exposed to public vendue, even as the herds of sheep and oxen in Smithfield market! But, notwithstanding I had been more than a year in the West Indies, I found that my European feelings were not so blunted, as to allow me to witness such a scene without experiencing the painful sensations, which naturally arise in the breast of an Englishman, upon seeing his fellow-creatures so miserably degraded.

The poor blacks were not exposed to view upon a high stool, in order to be first examined, and then knocked down at the hammer, as at the sale at Berbische, but were divided into three great lots, according to their value; and, the price being fixed, the purchasers were left to select from whichever division they might prefer. Boys, from eleven to fourteen years of age, sold for 600 or 700 guilders: the price of the women was from 700 to 800; and of the men from 700 to 900; but a few of the strongest were valued somewhat higher. The agent who conducted the sale is a liberal man, possessed of humane sentiments, and a cultivated mind, but it is, unfortunately, his calling to deal in human flesh. He very justly remarked to me, that, in following this occupation, it is necessary to give an opiate to the finer feelings of nature.

The coarse airs, and indecent vulgarity exhibited by a negress (who had probably been herself exposed in a similar manner), and a mulatto woman, her associate, towards some of these poor African girls, were equally striking and disgusting. Each of these cloudy nymphs had wheedled her lord to grant her the privilege of choosing a slave, to be the immediate attendant of her person; and in making their selection they used as little delicacy in touching, turning about, and trying their fellow blacks, as a butcher would in examining a pen of any other sort of cattle in an open market. Common decency was outraged in these proceedings, which grossly aggravated a scene that is at best cruelly humiliating.

Shocked at what I had witnessed, and led into painful reflections upon the sadly chequered lot of our species, I made my retreat from this market of human woe, where not only the laws of decorum are openly invaded, and the rules of propriety set at defiance, but where all the social ties of our nature are broken down and bartered for gold.

Amidst a scene, every way repugnant to humanity I was pleased to remark that a general sympathy was excited towards one particular family, whose appeals to the compassion of the multitude were not less powerful than their claims. This family consisted of a mother, three daughters, and a son. The parent, whose days of youth were past, was still a well-looking woman; the children appeared to be from fourteen to twenty years of age: they were very like the mother, and still more resembled each other, being all of distinguished face and figure, and decidedly the handsomest negroes of the cargo. Their distress, lest they should be separated, and sold to different masters, was so strongly depicted upon their countenances, and expressed in such lively, and impressive appeals, that the whole crowd were, impulsively, led to commiserate their sufferings; and, by universal consent, they were removed from the three great lots, and placed in a corner by themselves, in order that they might all be sold to the same master.

Observing their extreme agitation, I was led particularly to notice their conduct, as influenced by the terror of being torn from each other, when I may truly say, that I witnessed a just and faithful representation of ... the distressed mother! and such as might bid defiance even to the powers of a Siddons! for the fears of the parent, lest she should be separated from her children, or these from each other, were anxious and watchful beyond all that imagination could paint, or the most vivid fancy portray. When any one approached their little group, or chanced to look towards them with the attentive eye of a purchaser, the children, in deep sobs, crouched nearer together, and the tearful mother, in agonizing impulse, instantly fell down before the spectator, bowed herself to the earth, and kissed his feet; then, alternately clinging to his legs, and pressing her children to her bosom, she fixed herself upon her knees, clasped her hands together, and, in anguish, cast up a look of humble petition, which might have found its way to the heart of a Caligula! Thus, in Nature’s truest language, did the afflicted parent urge her strongest appeal to his compassion, while she implored the purchaser, in dealing out to her the hard lot of slavery, to spare her the additional pang of being torn from her children—to forbear exposing her to the accumulated wretchedness which would arise from forcing those asunder, whom the all-wise Disposer of events had bound together by the most sacred ties of nature and affection.

I mentioned in my former letter, when speaking of the phenomenon I had seen, in the person of a twisted and broken mulatto at Garden-Eden, that he was the property of Mr. Cuming, our very hospitable neighbour at the plantation Kitty, near to Fort William Frederic; where, I may now tell you that, since my return from “the falls,” I have had an opportunity of seeing two other singular aberrations from the common characteristics of our species, in the persons of a white negro, and a piebald negress. These are very uncommon objects, more particularly the latter, and it is remarkable that the three most striking examples of natural curiosity in the colony, or perhaps in the West Indies, should happen all to be the property of the same individual.

The white negro, as he is denominated, is a boy about twelve years of age, who was born on board a ship, on the passage from Guinea, of perfectly white skin, although both his father and mother were jet black. He is even whiter, but I know not if I should say fairer, than Europeans, for it is a dull chalk-white, without the agreeable relief of the fine blue veins, and ruddy tints of an extra-tropical, or more especially of a British skin. In form and feature he strictly resembles other negroes, having the head and face long, with the hair short and curling like wool, the mouth large, with thick lips, and the nose broad and flat. His eyes are blue, the eyebrows and eyelashes white, as is likewise the hair, which from being slightly tinged with yellow, assumes, in a small degree, that particular hue, which is, more commonly than correctly, termed red. On looking at a strong light, his eyes are affected with a twinkling motion, such as is observed in the Albinos or Nyctalops; and from the axes of the eyes not accurately converging, a slight degree of squinting is perceptible. It would seem therefore that it is a variation which stands much in the same relation with respect to the negroes, as the Nyctalops with respect to ourselves. His skin being more than usually irritable, is highly susceptible of injury; it rises quickly into blisters, if he be exposed to the open rays of the sun.

The case of the woman is even more singular than that of the boy; her peculiarity being the effect of an extraordinary change, and not of original conformation. She is about thirty years of age, and, until the last six or seven years, was of completely sable skin, differing in no respect from other negroes; nor do her form or features now offer any thing remarkable, but, from the profoundest black, her surface is growing perfectly white. She is of good figure, has been always regarded as having a strong and healthy constitution, and, for many years, has been employed as a washerwoman in Mr. Cuming’s family.

No probable cause is known, or even suggested, for the change, but about five or six years ago, some white spots appeared upon her extremities, and, from that time, she has been gradually losing the natural blackness of her surface.

This uncommon change commenced in the parts most remote from the great organ of circulation, and is slowly, though regularly, proceeding towards the parts nearer to the heart. The feet, hands, legs, and arms, have already lost their sable hue, and are even whiter than those of an European. Her nose and ears are also white, and some patches are spreading upon the face, neck, and bosom; but her body yet remains entirely black; and although this extraordinary conversion seems to be progressively advancing, if it proceed as slowly as it has hitherto done, it may be still several years before the whole of the dark colouring be removed. Her hair and eyes retain their original blackness, and have not yet any appearance of participating in the change.

It is remarkable that the cuticle of the parts which have grown white, like the pale skin of the boy just mentioned, is very subject to rise into blisters upon being exposed to the sun, while no such effect is produced upon the parts which continue dark.

The woman is still in good health, and appears to be quite free from disease; as she was, at the time this peculiar change began; but she is extremely low and dejected concerning this event, which she regards as the severest evil that could have befallen her. She has a great dislike to be seen, or to have questions asked her, more particularly by strangers, When sent for, that I might look at her, she came to me with reluctance, exhibited strong marks of agitation while she remained, and went away in tears. She is the wife of one of Mr. Cuming’s slaves, and has had several children, who differ in no respect from the offspring of other negroes.

LETTER XXX.

Demarara, April 19, 1797.

You will not be surprised to hear that, although we are removed from the busy metropolis of England, and all the gay scenes and adventures indicated in the jeux d’esprit, bon mots, doubles entendres, and the many idly amusing histories which daily swell the columns of the newspapers, we are not without our little cabals and intrigues, and anecdotes, and particular heads of news, which, in the absence of more weighty occurrences, often acquire a degree of importance they do not merit, and become the subjects of general conversation and remark. At present the prevailing topic is not devoid of interest. It relates to a mulatto woman called Princess Changuion, regarding whom a degree of concern has been excited, in consequence of a proclamation which has lately appeared in the Essequibo Gazette, and which has called forth a sense of compassion, and of party feeling in her behalf.

She is a free mulatto, and was lately the favored dulcinea of a person high in office: circumstances having rendered her name the general theme of the day, her crimes, her merits, and her sufferings are warmly canvassed in every society, and even those who never saw, nor heard of her before, would appear, from their confident remarks, to be intimately acquainted with every particular of her history and conduct. It has been thought that in consequence of having committed an offence, which certainly would not appear to be of the first magnitude, the arm of power has been too severely extended towards her; and from the sentence seeming to imply prejudice, it is even hinted that private, or party pique, has had its influence in deciding the quota of punishment: indeed, if loud whisper may be credited, her persecutors have been exasperated against her, in proportion as others have betrayed towards her situation feelings of compassion.

As the tale is told, some dispute had arisen between a Dutch dame, and this yellow princess, in which the white lady alleged an unjust accusation against the mulatto, and otherwise so ill treated her as to provoke her to hold up her hand in a menacing manner; for which most heinous offence, the poor Changuion has been subjected to an arbitrary confinement, and sentenced to be further punished with a severe flogging—burning in the forehead—the loss of an ear—and banishment! This you will readily perceive, was dealing out, to a person in freedom, the cruel treatment practised upon slaves, and for no better reason, than because nature had given a yellow tint to her skin. The undue severity used towards her has had the effect of animating the benevolent exertions of those who regard her as a victim of prejudice, and it being known that in some countries not only law and justice, but even despotic authority might be softened by gold, due inquiries were made, and it was understood that a thousand guilders, properly employed, might mitigate, if not efface the decree. But, from the influence of a power opposed to the party, who thus interested themselves in the cause of humanity, the chastisement was ordered to be inflicted, at the very moment when the thousand guilders were expected to be taken as the price of her release. Still it happened that the iron arm of despotism was disappointed of its blow; for, in the course of the night, preceding the morning when this unhappy female was to have been led out to punishment, she contrived to effect her escape from confinement; and it is whispered, in a certain circle, that she will probably find a place of concealment, until she can meet with an opportunity of executing the latter part of her sentence by self-banishment.

You will be pleased to know that the climate upon this coast has lately become quite salubrious, and that our sick list has rapidly decreased, in consequence of great numbers of patients being discharged, and but few admitted. I may also remark that we have found the month of March the most pleasant, as well as the most healthy season of the year: not only has the weather been drier, the breeze stronger, and the air cooler, but we have been less subject to prickly heat, and less annoyed with musquitoes. Happily the wings of these tormenting insects have not been able to support their light bodies against the increased strength of the breeze. The roads have likewise been dry, and peculiarly pleasant for travelling, which in these colonies is no trifling consideration; for, in consequence of their being low, and flat, and muddy, only a moderate fall of rain leaves the highways deep in wet, and almost impassable.

Although the month of March has been the driest of all the twelve, some parts of October, November, and February were likewise very fine, and the muddy roads were then, also, dry and smooth.

After long waiting, I may at last announce to you that a ship is come in, direct from England; by which we are furnished with an ample supply of hospital dresses, bedding, and other stores, for the accommodation of the sick. The arrival of these things is rather late, it must be confessed; but it will afford me the satisfaction of leaving the department well provided, and free from the many inconveniences, to which it has been, necessarily, exposed while under my direction.

A copy has also reached my hand of the new regulations, for improving the situation of regimental surgeons, by doing away their medicine-money, and other perquisites, and consolidating their pay into a regular and specific sum: likewise for establishing their rank, and putting them upon a footing with military officers, in respect to quarters and field-allowances. This is an important and well-advised arrangement, and does honor to its projector. Indeed it is matter of surprise that the system of granting medicine-money, and other perquisites, should have been so long continued, since it not only offered an inadequate reward, but held out encouragement to a neglect of duty, by lessening the emoluments of the surgeon, in proportion as he supplied the requisite means to the sick.

But I am sorry to remark, that the new regulation, excellent as it is, from being limited to regimental surgeons, stops short of its effect. To have rendered it complete in its operation, it should have extended further, and have defined the rank of the different officers of the hospital staff: thus it might have become a general, and standard rule for the whole medical body; and have prevented many cavillings, and unpleasant occurrences on service; while it would have given the department the respectability that is due to it, and have fixed its importance among military men. As it now stands, it is manifestly defective, from giving to a regimental surgeon a degree of rank, of which it leaves him again divested, upon his receiving promotion to the staff. The regulation might also have gone still further, with additional benefit, and have fixed the title as well as the rank of the various medical appointments, for, at present, without a due regard to the military system, the department is branching out into multiplied divisions, devoid of the appropriate distinctions of rank and duty.

It would perhaps be a task, which might puzzle the whole war-office, with the army medical board included, to discriminate between the endless ramifications and subdivisions which are made to display themselves in the army medical code; more especially with respect to the higher appointments, under all the various degrees of physicians and surgeons, and deputies and assistants, and heads and principals—such as, “physician-general, surgeon-general, inspector-general of regimental hospitals, inspector-general of hospitals, deputy inspector-general of hospitals, assistant inspector-general of hospitals, director of hospitals, inspector of hospitals, assistant inspector of hospitals, field inspector of hospitals, head of hospitals, principal medical officer of hospitals[3], &c. &c. &c.”

By a late arrival from head-quarters, we learn that the commander in chief has sailed, with the expedition recently fitted out at Martinique, and is supposed to be bound to Porto Rico. We hope soon to ascertain its destination, by receiving happy tidings of its issue.

LETTER XXXI.

Demarara, April 23.

On this day last year my foot first pressed the soil of South America; and when I take a retrospect of all that has passed; review the trials which I have had to sustain; and reflect what numbers have perished around me, I feel highly sensible how much I have cause of thankfulness, in being still blessed with health and strength, to perform the various duties of my appointment.

With much anxiety I look to St. Domingo, and it would be a peculiar satisfaction to me, could I know that my comrades upon that station have arrived as happily at the end of the first year as myself: but, from reports of the dreadful fatality in that quarter, I tremble for the fate of my friends; and, being now upon the eve of joining them, the idea that they may have fallen among the many victims of that inhospitable region, weighs upon my heart in accumulated heaviness.

The date of my letter also reminds me, that at this time, last year, the wet season was setting in upon the coast of Guiana. This year, we had a considerable fall of rain, about the beginning of the present month, from which many imagined it to be commencing; but the showers proved to be only those of a lunar period, and the weather has since been dry and pleasant.

The rainy season usually begins somewhat earlier in these colonies, than in the islands: in the dry months, also, this coast is more frequently refreshed with showers. These mostly occur about the periods of spring-tides, and are not wholly suspended even in the arid month of March: so that instead of suffering from long-continued drought, no part of the year can be considered as a dry season, otherwise than comparatively with those months which are almost incessantly wet.

With only the same proportion of rain, the coast of Guiana, from the flatness of the country, and the nature of the soil, will appear to be less dry, than the islands, where the land is more hilly and irregular, and so disposed as to favor either the percolation, or the passing off of the water. Here we have one wide and level surface of clay, and the water that falls lies upon the roads, and the fields, until the thirsty atmosphere drinks it all up again; hence the wet, from every shower, continues to be visible long after it has reached the ground, or it remains to be increased by new torrents.

From this circumstance, strangers arriving here from Europe, or the islands, particularly if they should expect a total absence of showers during the dry months, might be led to imagine that, in these colonies, there is only one continued wet season throughout the year.

Of late I have been honored with visits from several of the medical gentlemen of the colony, with a view of ascertaining the effect of the remedies used in the military hospitals, and particularly of mercury, in the yellow fever.

Among them was Dr. E. from whose conversation and remarks I derived peculiar gratification. He is a man of talents and observation, and has profited of an extensive experience. In speaking of the yellow fever, he said that the medical men, who reside in the interior of the islands and settlements of the West Indies, have scarcely a better opportunity of knowing the real character of that disease, than those “who practise medicine in the country villages of England.” He considers those only to be well acquainted with this dreadful malady, who have the opportunity of seeing it among Europeans, or Americans newly arrived within the tropics. It had been his lot to witness it but too frequently, from being employed among the sailors of the trading vessels upon the river; and it appeared that he had observed with accuracy, and made himself well acquainted with the nature of the disease.

The doctor’s experience had taught him to place very little reliance upon bark, mercury, or any of the remedies commonly employed; but he thought that he had witnessed the most decided benefit from the Indian method of using hot and cold bathing; and he stated, that, where the hot bath could not be conveniently provided, he had found equal advantage from ordering the head and neck to lie washed with hot water, and immediately afterwards dashing three or four buckets of cold water upon the patient. “The very sudden relief obtained from this remedy,” added the doctor, “is often equally astonishing and effectual.”

I have lately taken a ride to make some visits at Mahaica, and at various estates upon the coast; and, in the course of my excursion, I waited upon Mr. Mackenzie, one of my fellow-travellers upon our late expedition up the river; at whose residence I had the high gratification of exploring a rich garden of herbs, plants, flowers, and fruits.

It may surprise you to know that in a country where vegetation is so rapid, and so much under control, as upon this prolific coast, a well-cultivated garden should be so extremely rare, as to appear quite a novelty: but it too commonly happens that those who court the smiles of fortune, by planting the tropical fields, attend only to the cultivation of sugar, coffee, and cotton, which are often seen growing up to the very doorway, or almost creeping in at the windows of the dwelling, not the smallest spot being reserved for garden, pleasure-ground, or orchard. But the intelligent and accomplished proprietor of Lusignan has a mind superior to the little penuriousness which, neglecting the agreeable and ornamental, devotes only to the lucrative, and sacrifices the common comforts of life to the sole purpose of amassing a few additional dollars. Here the cotton is kept at a proper distance from the house, and the immediate environs are laid out in gardens, or enriched with fruits, shrubs, and other useful, or decorative trees. Around the dwelling luxuriate, in a generous soil, the fruitful bread-tree, the cucumber-tree, the cocoa-nut, the stately mountain-cabbage, the grenadillo, the water-lemon, grapes of different species, mangos, figs, cherries, almonds, star-apples, pines, and a multitude of other fruits; together with a great variety of the more rare, and beautiful plants and flowers of these regions.

All the advantages of an European garden it was here proved may be equalled, or far exceeded in this bountiful soil, which so rapidly, and abundantly returns the labour bestowed upon it. A long walk, finely shaded with grenadillos, the fruit of which hung in profusion over our heads, had been planted only a few months before. The young shoots of figtrees, whose parent branches are cut away every year, were quite loaded with fruit, and the grapes hung, in heavy clusters, from single stems; all the other parts of the vines being pruned away. Indeed, so prolific are the plants, and so luxuriant their growth, that to ensure an abundant produce it seems only necessary to commit seeds and shoots to the earth, and to cut out, from time to time, the greater part of the wood of the trees.

Amidst the flowers I observed many that were of far more pleasant odour than those I had commonly met with in this country, and which had led me to believe that nature had very sparingly scattered her perfumes, among the plants of this coast: if, therefore, I had not chanced to see the garden I am speaking of, I might have left the colonies, impressed with an idea that the flowers of Guiana were wholly devoid of that delicious fragrance, for which those of Europe are so highly esteemed.

LETTER XXXII.

Demarara, April.

The commandant having required me to wait the reply of the commander in chief, to a letter upon the subject of our recall from this station, I have availed myself of the interval, to make out a complete set of the returns and accounts of the whole hospital department, from the date of our arrival upon this coast; and having toiled at official papers for several weeks, with all the application of an office clerk, I feel that I cannot better devote my remaining leisure, than in transcribing for your eye a few notes which I have collected, from time to time, upon the general subject of these colonies.

To an intelligent and inquiring mind, like yours, every thing that concerns mankind, and the countries we inhabit, must be strongly interesting: the general appearance of the territory—the salubrity of the air—the common productions, and the returns of produce—the price of provisions—the wages of labour—the laws and form of government—the distribution of property, and the administration of justice, cannot fail to be questions of importance; and hence, although I have not had an opportunity of acquiring minute or extensive information upon these subjects, I offer no apology for laying before you the few observations which I have been able to make, assured that you will not deem them wholly devoid of interest.

An unfavorable prejudice has been imbibed respecting the climate upon this coast; and a general opinion prevails, as well in the West India islands as in Europe, that these settlements are very unhealthy: but, however the fact may stand, upon a comparison with the genial climate of a portion of Europe, it is certainly incorrect with respect to the neighbouring islands. Probably it is a prejudice that dates its origin from the earliest cultivation of the colonies; being formed either from a superficial view of the peculiar surface of the land; or in consequence of sickness having prevailed among the settlers, at the time of first clearing the soil.

Low and flat countries are usually unpropitious to the health of man; but the insalubrity does not result as a necessary consequence of this form of the land: other circumstances are required: for, unless these conspire, or, having conspired, if they be removed, the fact no longer exists. A level country badly cleared, not well drained, and only partially improved, will, no doubt, be unhealthy: but a district so well cultivated as Demarara, will not be sickly, only because it is low. A broken or mountainous territory may preserve its salubrity in great measure from its form, or the particular exposure of its irregular surface: but a flat soil ever demands the aid of industry; and can only be made healthy by unceasing toil: and, herein, is afforded a beautiful and striking example of the all-providing care of Nature: she has made labour necessary to the well-being of man; and she causes the earth to bestow health as the consequence of his toil; but if he neglect the salutary exertions required, she compels the very fields, not only to reproach his indolence, but to punish him with sickness. She has gone even further; for, these fields which, bereft of his health-inspiring toil, will destroy him, she has particularly empowered to reward him with plenty and riches, if he deny them not the attentions which she dictates for the preservation of his health.

You will have collected some knowledge of the general appearance, and the state of cultivation of this coast, from the desultory remarks I have already sent you; but as I find a few words upon these subjects, among my general notes, I shall transcribe them, with the others, and you may read them, or not, as suits your leisure. I have told you that on approaching these colonies from the sea, the land is not visible, until you come very near to the shore. The tops of trees only are seen; which appear to be growing out of the ocean. Before the coast was brought into a state of culture, the forest reached nearly to the verge of the water, and from the land being low, it was frequently overflowed by the tides. Now, there is a cultivated territory, a mile and a half in depth, between the ocean and the forest; but this is so entirely flat, as to escape the eye, and on sailing towards the coast, the trees still look as if they were growing within the margin of the sea.

Perhaps none but the plodding industrious Hollander would have attempted to clear such a country: where wood and water concealed every appearance of the land, and seemed to bid defiance to all the powers of cultivation. Nor indeed were the early labours of the first settlers directed to this part of the coast. They sailed far up the rivers, and established the settlements upon their more elevated banks, at a distance remote from the sea; not venturing to devote their industry to the immediate borders of the ocean, until they were prompted to it by the enterprise of more adventurous planters from the British islands.

The whole of the territory now brought into cultivation upon the coast, is made-land. It has been placed—I had almost said created, by the hand of man; and is preserved to his use, only by constant toil. Numerous ditches and canals are cut to drain the water from the common surface; and the land that is planted, is merely the mud and clay thrown out of these channels.

An estate, or plantation, usually consists of a long piece of flat land, about a quarter of a mile in width, and a mile and half in depth, running back from the sea to the woods. It is bordered by wide ditches, traversed by numbers of others, and thus formed into many separate divisions, somewhat resembling an assemblage of beds; such as are usually made in our English gardens, for the planting of asparagus.

A deep bank of earth, called a dyke, is thrown up in front, to defend the estate from the encroachments of the sea; and a similar bank is raised at the back, to prevent it from being inundated by the waters, which overspread the flat surface of the forest. The ditches unite by frequent intersections, and form ready communications with the sea. It is one of the regular duties of the estate, thoroughly to scour out these trenches every year; when the mud that is removed, makes a coating of manure, and serves to raise, while it enriches the soil; which from cultivation, from the falling of heavy rains, and from the flowing of the tides in the numerous channels around it, were it not for this supply, would soon wear to a level, and be again a prey to the waters.

From a number of these estates lying contiguous to each other, the coast is formed into an open, though narrow, territory; and the border of the sea is seen spreading into one splendid cotton-field, a mile and half deep, and of nearly seventy miles extent. The surface being quite level, this immense tract of cultivated land opens at once to the eye, and the scene is not less rich than novel. Perhaps a plain so spacious, a soil so fertile, and a produce so abundant, cannot be met with in any other country.

Like the earth in cultivation, that which forms the public roads is only the mud and clay procured from the ditches which skirt them. They are of course flat, like the rest of the territory, and running at the bottom, or along the sides of the estates, they form straight lines, and right angles, throughout the whole extent of the plantations, interrupted only by the wooden bridges which cross the numerous ditches and canals.

In allotting the land, a certain width of it between each two estates, is, with much wisdom, reserved to the settlement, in order to form what are here termed colony-paths. These not only serve as common ways, from the front to the back of every plantation, but in each of them is cut a public canal, which runs from the sea, throughout the whole depth of the cultivated land, to the forest. By this provision many useful purposes are answered; general convenience is promoted; and each individual planter is benefited.

The colony-path not only offers itself as a common road, from the sea to the Bush, but preserves a free communication for any future settlers, who may engage in the culture of land at the back of the present estates; while the canal, by means of flood-gates, lets off to the ocean, the water that lodges in the forest, and prevents it from overflowing the cultivated fields; bringing at the same time, a supply of fresh water, for the use of the negroes and the cattle; and affording to the planters a ready means of conveying the produce of their estates to the sea.

Although the general face of the colonies be such as to convey an unfavorable impression, the peculiar mode of cultivation protects them from the ills, which, upon a first view of the soil, might seem to be threatened. From the frequent use of the hoe, in clearing the crops, scarcely a weed is left to grow up and decay; from the numerous channels, which intersect each other, the rain that falls is carried off, without becoming stagnant; from the flowing of the tide, every thing noxious, brought to the ditches, is speedily removed; and from an annual scouring, the channels are kept peculiarly free from impurities: hence, notwithstanding its flatness, the land which is brought into cultivation is not suffered to grow swampy; no offensive accumulation is formed; nor does the mud-impregnated water of the ditches remain to grow putrid, and emit unhealthy vapours. The earth is always fresh; the channels are free; and the waters frequently renewed; it consequently follows that the evils, which commonly proceed from low and neglected ground, are in a great measure prevented.

When I mentioned as one of the advantages of the public canals, that they furnish a supply for the slaves and the cattle, I might have added, that the paucity of good water is one of the greatest inconveniences that is known in these colonies; for although the canals bring in plenty that is fresh, it is so strongly impregnated with infused leaves, and other vegetable matters, in consequence of coming from the forest, that it is very unpleasant, both to the eye and the palate, and as the negroes express it, “no good for backra,” although these poor beings are, themselves, obliged to share it with the cattle.

The river water is brackish to the distance of many miles from the coast: springs there are none; and what might be procured by wells could not be used. Under these circumstances, the expedient of preserving the offerings from the clouds naturally suggested itself; and accordingly, tanks, or cisterns, have been constructed for this purpose at almost every estate. Some families put the rain-water into large earthen jars, in which, with much care, it is kept good, during the whole period of the dry season. Those who are not possessed of either jars, or cisterns, are obliged to content themselves with the strongly macerated infusion of the forests, called “bush-water;” or to send parties many miles, with boats and casks, to obtain fresh water from a remote part of the river, or from some of its tributary streams.

From the nature of the land, the crops upon this coast are very abundant, and are far more regularly productive, than in any others of our settlements in the West Indies. These colonies likewise possess the great advantage of being free from hurricanes and earthquakes, and from that mischievous insect, the borer, which in the islands so often destroys the canes. They are also exempt from great droughts, which are so frequently injurious to the islands, and, in consequence of being open to the breeze, they are less liable to frequent and sudden changes of temperature: neither hills, nor rocks, nor woods offer any impediment to the trade winds, which come to them from the ocean, and are scarcely ever absent throughout the whole annual circle.

The year is commonly divided into two wet and two dry seasons. The long wet season begins in April, declines in August, and ceases in September. The roads are then dry, and the weather fine until the middle of November; when the short wet season sets in, and continues till January. From the middle of that month until the latter end of April, the weather is dry, the atmosphere clear and pure, and the climate genial. The roads are then good, the breeze is powerful and steady, the air comparatively cool, and the temperature subject to little variation.

In these colonies laws are made, and acts passed by the governor and council; the governor having two votes.

The members of council are chosen by keizers, or electors; these being appointed by the inhabitants; each inhabitant, possessed of property, to the amount of six hundred guilders per annum, being entitled to a vote.

To qualify a person for being elected a member of council, it is requisite that he be a freeholder, and a protestant: that he shall have resided three years in the colony; and that he understand the Dutch language.

The council framing laws, is called a court of policy: this court is of a mixed form, resembling a combination of the house of assembly, and the governor and council of the British colonies.

The court of justice, like the legislative and executive, is composed of the governor, and of counsellors elected by the keizers. This court takes cognizance of all civil and criminal causes, and admits of no appeal, except to the sovereign.

A commissary court is established for the adjustment of petty offences, and for the decision of all questions of property below the value of 600 guilders. This court consists of two members of the court of justice, who are appointed in rotation, the governor nominally presiding. The fiscal is the active officer of this court. It is his duty to announce, or impose the fines; but he has no power to levy them. If they be resisted, he serves the parties with a citation, and they appeal to the commissary court.

The fiscal is the great law officer, and may be considered as the attorney and solicitor general of the colony. His powers and privileges are very considerable, and his influence, of course, extensive.

The country is divided into a certain number of districts, with a burgher captain appointed to each, on whom devolves the more immediate execution of the public regulations, whether made for the particular convenience of the respective districts, or for the common benefit of the colony at large.

It is a regulation—or law of the colony, that each planter shall keep in repair that portion of the public road, together with its bridges, which crosses or passes at the end of his own estate. But instead of overseers, or surveyors of the road being appointed, it is made the duty of the fiscal, to travel throughout the colony, twice in every year, for the express purpose of inspecting the roads and bridges, and imposing fines upon the owners of such as are not found to be in good repair.

In these tours of inspection the law requires that he shall be accompanied by a burgher officer, and a clerk from the government secretary’s office; the former to approve, the latter to witness such approval, and to note the fines imposed. This control seems to be highly necessary, as certain proportions of these fines become the perquisite of the fiscal, and serve to enrich his own purse.

The planters, upon receiving notice of the fines, thus levied, have the privilege of resisting the payment of them: in which case the fiscal refers the question to the commissary court, and himself pleads the cause, as the principal law officer of the colony. But it frequently happens, that by offering a third, or a half of the fine, the affair is compromised—the fiscal silenced—his pocket satisfied; and all further appeal to the court of justice prevented.

The regulation has, however, the effect of keeping the public roads in very excellent repair; for, knowing how very improbable it is, that the least defect can escape the penetrating and interested eye of the fiscal, each planter is particularly attentive to the highways and the bridges[4].

All grants of land, in these colonies, are made from the States General of the United Provinces; and they commonly consist of lots, either of 250, or 500 acres, laid out in the abovementioned regular form, which is favored by the situation, and flatness of the land. In front, towards the sea, each estate is about 1200 Dutch[5] feet in width; and in length, back from the sea into the forest, or Bush, 9000 feet. In Berbische many of the grants are 1800 feet wide, and 12,000 feet deep. On granting the land it is stipulated that the plantation shall be advanced to a certain state of cultivation by a given period, under the penalty of being forfeited at the expiration of that term, if not improved to the extent specified; and by way of encouragement to the planter, a second depth, further into the forest, of equal extent, and immediately at the back of the other, is usually granted to the person who holds the first depth from the sea, so soon as it shall be certified, by the two neighbouring planters, that two-thirds of the first grant are brought into good cultivation, and that the new grant will not be in anywise injurious to them. Some gentlemen are now in possession of these double plantations of 18,000 feet; but, for the most part, only the single estates of 9000 feet are yet made obedient to the hoe.

Thus you will perceive, that these rich colonies are merely a narrow strip of land, upon the margin of the Atlantic Ocean, bounded by a deep forest, which extends across the whole continent to the Pacific Ocean.

Until within the last twelve or fifteen years, scarcely any plantations were formed upon the coast. It is since this period that English enterprise has taught the plodding Hollander that he had overlooked his best interests, in not bestowing his industry upon the immediate verge of the ocean; and the seashore already exhibits one rich and fertile field, throughout nearly the whole extent, from the river Demarara to the river Berbische.

It is probable that, in the course of a few years, the borders of the rivers will be totally abandoned, and, instead of being enriched with coffee and sugar, will be left to relapse into their primeval state. In such event a very short time would efface every mark of human industry, and it would be difficult to discover that the arm of man had ever extended thither; for so rapid is the progress of vegetation, that the land is only held subservient to useful purposes by the unremitted toil of slaves, which being once withdrawn, it would speedily revert to its original wildness, and again become a part of one vast forest.

The colony of Berbische was the first settled; but that of Demarara has proceeded with far the most rapid improvement. The estates now in cultivation upon the sea-coast, from the Demarara river to the boundary of the colony of Berbische, are one hundred and sixteen; all producing cotton, except the “Kitty” belonging to Mr. T. Cuming, which has been recently planted with sugar[6]. This part of the colony is divided into four districts, the burgher captains, presiding over which, are all British planters, viz. Mr. Lochland Cuming, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Telfer, and Mr. Sutherland.

It is scarcely necessary to remark that coffee, cotton, and sugar are the great, and almost only commercial productions of the colony. The average produce of the 80 best cotton estates, is calculated at from 50,000 lb. to 60,000 lb. weight, each, of cotton per annum. In the cultivation of this plant one prime negro is considered as sufficient stock for two acres of land. The average number of cotton bushes, planted upon an acre, is six hundred. Each bush is calculated to produce eight ounces of cotton; and the average price of the article, sold in the colony, is estimated at fifteen stivers per pound.

The requisite proportion of stock, for an estate cultivated with coffee, is two negroes to three acres of land. The number of coffee bushes usually planted is four hundred and fifty per acre. Each bush is calculated to produce 1½ lb. of coffee; and the average price, when sold in the colony, is from seven to eight stivers per pound.

The cultivation of sugar, is the most expensive, and requires considerably the greatest proportion of stock, one prime negro being necessary to every acre of land. The average return of an estate, planted with sugar, is 50l. sterling per acre, being 2000 lb. weight of sugar at four-pence per pound, and rum in proportion.

The domestic fowls and animals seen in these colonies are the same as those of Europe; but we find that the Moscovy duck, and the Guinea fowl are much more commonly used than in England. Very few of the birds, or beasts of the surrounding woods, have yet been domesticated, and these, not for the purpose of utility, but amusement: the monkey and parrot tribes being almost the only species seen about the houses. The horse, the sheep, the dog, and the other animals which are usually associated with the family circle, and made subservient to man, are not the native inhabitants of these forests; but, possibly, there may be others which might be brought into social habits, and made to contribute to our wants. Domestic birds it is known there are; for we occasionally see, in that state, the native ducks of the rivers, and what is here called the powys, or turkey of the woods, which is a more stately bird, and nearly as large as the common turkey of Europe.

With respect to the natural history of the country, a wider field seems to be opened in botany and zoology, than in mineralogy; for while the animal and vegetable worlds are abundantly stored, scarcely a stone or a pebble can be found in any part of the colonies yet cultivated. I lament exceedingly that my occupations will not allow me more time to devote to these subjects; and, on this ground, I have particularly to regret being separated from my baggage, having left on board the Lord Sheffield two boxes of books, the loss of which I feel very severely.

Delightful as the study is, perhaps no extensive progress can be expected to be made in the different branches of the natural history of the country, so long as it shall continue to be visited only from views of pecuniary gain. Even the enthusiasm which attaches to new discoveries, can induce but few to toil in such a climate, in the mere pursuits of science; and, accordingly, we see that it is the object of those, who do hazard their persons, to devote themselves to the means of acquiring a competent fortune, to enable them to retire, as speedily as possible, to enjoy the fruits of it in a more temperate atmosphere.

It is not only with excessive heat and disease that those who visit these regions have to contend! The extreme annoyance, from insects and reptiles is still more severe, to many persons, than the exhausting warmth of the climate. In truth I may say it is so to myself; for the general buzzing, the biting, stinging, creeping, and crawling of these tormenting objects, distress me far more than the temperature, or any apprehension of disease. We are bitten, stung, or overrun by day and by night, and exposed to incessant pain and discomfort, unless constantly upon the watch, or carefully protected by some defensive covering; being perpetually beset with myriads of flies, ants, musquitoes, cockroaches, lizards, Jack Spaniards[7], fireflies, centipedes, &c. &c.; which, in addition to their bites and stings, fly in our faces, crawl about our persons, and make an intolerable buzzing in our ears. In an evening, and particularly after rain, the confused noise of these humming hosts is peculiarly disagreeable. It conveys the idea of breathing in an atmosphere of sounds, or amidst a great and animated hive, where every created insect joins in full chorus—the enormous frog of the country croaking the bass, in a voice which resembles the loud bellowings of an ox.

From the great fertility of the soil; from the uninterrupted regularity of the crops, and their abundant produce; and from the immense extent of territory capable of being brought into cultivation, these colonies may be regarded as the most valuable capture which has been made during the war, and perhaps that which it might be most to the advantage of England to preserve, to herself, upon the return of peace.

The number of slaves, at this period, in the united colony of Essequibo and Demarara, is about fifty-five thousand[8]. The greatest number possessed by an individual is nearly 2000. These are the property of Mynheer Boode, a planter living upon the western coast of the Demarara river; a man of immense fortune, who is said to have been originally a drum-boy, in the Dutch service, and to have come to this colony from Surinam, where he had arrived with the troops from Holland. Here, by a steady perseverance in successful industry, he has been enabled to acquire a fortune, which is represented as princely indeed; it being said to amount to nearly 50,000l. sterling, per annum.

Of the wages of daily labour it is difficult to speak, with any degree of accuracy, in a country where the work is done by slaves. I have already mentioned an instance of the exorbiant price of wages among the labouring class of carpenters, and this may serve as a specimen of the rate of hire given to others. The lower ranks of white people are mostly mechanics, or artisans, and these obtain high and extravagant wages in all parts of the West Indies. White labouring peasants, or husbandmen, are here unknown. The mulattoes, like wise, are for the most part bred to some handicraft employment, and very few of them are seen to toil their daily round in the field: the cultivating of the land, therefore, and all the menial, and lower degrees of labour, are performed by the negro slaves, who are themselves, equally with the implements of their toil, the sole and disposable property of their masters; wherefore, in order to ascertain the wages of labour, it would be necessary to calculate the cost of the slave, his provisions, and clothing, the price of the tools he uses, the risk of sickness, and of casualties, and the interest of money; and thence to draw the ratio of expenditure, or the sum invested to procure his daily toil.

But it sometimes happens that persons buy slaves, who have neither land for them to cultivate, nor any other means of employing them: they let them out therefore to hire, by the month or the year. Some even purchase negroes expressly for this purpose; and lay the foundation of their fortunes by selling the toil of Africans, who are thus made to sweat drops of gold for their owners, under the lash of other masters. The profit obtained from the labour of a slave, who costs about eighty pounds, is usually from twenty to twenty-two guineas per annum, all expense of food, and of medicines when sick, being defrayed, throughout the term for which he is engaged, by the person who hires him.

Upon making minute inquiry I understand that the hire of a negro may be fairly estimated at about two guilders for a single day; if engaged for several weeks, at one guilder per day; and when hired for a longer period, it may be rated at about 250, or nearly 300 guilders per annum.

The compensation of professional labour bears a due proportion to the high profits acquired by the merchants and planters. From the population being very limited, and the inhabitants not yet crowded into towns, the medical practitioners are seldom rewarded with regular fees for their attendance; but are commonly allowed an annual salary for their services, thus establishing a kind of fixed income, which depends upon the number of estates under their inspection, and not upon the number of sick, whom they may have to visit.

PRICE OF PROVISIONS
IN THE COLONY OF DEMARARA.
| Dollars. | Bits. | | £. | s. | d.
Bread (rarely to be purchased) | | 1 | per lib. or | 0 | 0 | 5
Pork | | 2½ | do. | 0 | 1 | 0½
Beef or mutton (seldom to be procured) | | 3 or 4 | do. | 0 | 1 | 6
Milk (worse than in London) | | 1 | per pint | 0 | 0 | 5
Cheese (brought from England) | | 4 | per lib. | 0 | 1 | 8
Salt butter | | 4 | do. | 0 | 1 | 8
A turkey | 5 or 6 | | | 1 | 5 | 0
A duck | | 12 | | 0 | 5 | 0
A fowl | 1 | | | 0 | 4 | 8
Ham (brought from England) | | 4 | per lib. | 0 | 1 | 8
Loaf-sugar (coarse) | | 6 | do. | 0 | 2 | 6
Tea (green) | 4½ | | do. | 1 | 1 | 0
Apples (brought from America) | | 4 | per doz. | 0 | 1 | 8
Onions (do.) | | 1 | do. | 0 | 0 | 5
Small tarts (such as are sold in England for a penny) | | 1 | each | 0 | 0 | 5
Madeira wine | 1 | | per bottle | 0 | 4 | 8
Claret | 1 | | do. | 0 | 4 | 8
Porter | | 6 | do. | 0 | 2 | 6
PRODUCTIONS OF THE COLONY.
| Dollars. | Bits. | | | |
Plantains | | 1 or 1½ | per bunch | 0 | 0 | 5
Yams | | 1 | per gal. | 0 | 0 | 5
Eddoes | | 2 | do. | 0 | 0 | 10
Sweet potatoes | | 1 | do. | 0 | 0 | 5
Oranges (brought to the door) | | 1 | per doz. | 0 | 0 | 5
Pines do. | | 2 | for three | 0 | 0 | 10
Indian corn | | 3 or 4 | per 100 heads | 0 | 1 | 6
Grass (fresh cut, of which a horse will eat 5 or 6 bundles in a day) | | 1 | per bundle | 0 | 0 | 5
Cotton | | 3 | per lib. | 0 | 1 | 3
Coffee | | 1½ | do. | 0 | 0 | 7½
Sugar (fresh made in the country) | | | do. | 0 | 0 | 4
ARTICLES OF COMMON USE.
| Joes. | Dollars. | Bits. | £. | s. | d.
A coat (ready made, and of very common cloth) | 2½ | | or | 4 | 13 | 4
A shirt (ready made and coarse) | | 6 | | 1 | 8 | 0
A hat | 1 | | | 1 | 17 | 4
A pair of boots (American, and of very bad leather) | | 7 | | 1 | 12 | 8
A pair of shoes (very bad) | | 3 | | 0 | 14 | 0
A saddle (plain) | 3 or 4 | | | 7 | 7 | 0
A bridle (plain and neat) | | 17 | | 3 | 19 | 4

Cabinet wares, and household furniture are extravagantly dear. All articles of iron, or polished steel soon become spoiled, in consequence of the erosive property of the sea air; hence it is common to have the hardware tinned or plated: even keys, knives, cork-screws, and the like, whether left in the room, or worn in the pocket, are soon covered with rust, and without constant care, are rendered useless.

LETTER XXXIII.

Demarara, May 1797.

The commandant received the reply of the commander in chief on the 25th ult., and I am directed to take my departure from the coast of Guiana by the earliest opportunity. This may, therefore, be the last letter I shall address to you, from the continent of South America.

Anticipating these instructions I had prepared cases for my collection of Indian specimens; which I have now packed up, and embarked on board the ship Homer, for London, hoping some day to meet them again in the neighbourhood of Bedford Square. Fortunately after long expectation, the model of an Indian house, which the friendly Bercheych had promised to procure me, from the inhabitants of the forest, arrived just in time to be enclosed: as it is complete in furniture and utensils, I shall look forward, with much pleasure, to the period, when I may have the opportunity of explaining to you, in England, the appropriate uses of all the little apparatus which you will find attached to it.

I am also indebted to the commandant, Col. Hislop, for the model of an Indian house, brought to him by the Bucks, which you will likewise find in the collection embarked on board the Homer.

It has happened, for some weeks past, that we have again been very particularly indebted to the king, for our allowance of daily food. Unable to procure fresh provisions in the colony, and none having been imported, the hospital mess has been wholly fed with the salt rations issued from his Majesty’s stores; and, no alternative remaining, we have been compelled to satisfy ourselves with a diet of salt beef and pease-soup, improved with only the occasional variety of pease-soup and saltpork.

I should stand accused of neglecting our contract, were I to omit telling you that, in a late provision-hunting excursion, our party met two Dutch ladies upon the road, travelling, with great state, in a chaise drawn by six naked slaves, instead of horses. This was a scene of novelty, it being one of the toils of slavery which we had not before chanced to witness; nor indeed had we heard that it was practised.

It is matter of much concern to me not to be able to improve the report of our surgical patients, before I quit the hospitals, which have been so long the objects of my anxious care, but, so far from this being the case, it is deemed necessary to embark another body of these unfortunate sufferers on board the ships now going to England.

Next to fever, ulcers have been the severest scourge of the troops, and in both of these maladies we have noticed multitudes of instances, in sad proof of the fatal influence of climate upon our patients: while an European has been cut off in a few hours, by the yellow fever, a colonist has experienced a slight attack of the bilious remittent, and a negro had to support the simple paroxysm of an ague: or, while an English soldier has lingered, and died, from only a slight scratch or excoriation, the African, and the creole, have rapidly recovered from the widest and most perilous ulcers.

If I state to you the result of twelve months experience, as it now appears before me, in a return which I have prepared for the commander in chief, it is not with a view of increasing your terrors, respecting the fatality of this climate, but rather of counteracting, in your mind, a prejudice which I have said prevails too extensively, regarding the insalubrity of Demarara, and indeed of the whole coast of Guiana.

I observed before, that the commonly accepted opinion, that these settlements were more unhealthy than the West India islands, seemed to be incorrect; and, if I now remark that in the course of a year our loss has amounted to nearly 350 men, the returns from even the most favored of the islands, I have much reason to suspect, will sanction me in considering the assertion as decidedly erroneous: for we are taught to believe that few, if any, of the detachments of the very numerous army, under the command of Sir Ralph Abercromby, have escaped with so little loss, as the division serving in these colonies. In some of the islands we know that the mortality has been frightfully greater: in few—perhaps in none, has it been less. Yet, alas! it is, at best, but a melancholy consolation, that we should find cause to rejoice in having lost only one-fourth of our number!

In the course of last week, and particularly on the 26th and 27th of the late month of April, we had many heavy showers of rain, accompanied with much thunder and lightning, also with the loud croakings of hosts of enormous frogs, and the distressful visitings of thick clouds of musquitoes; all of which are regarded as strong indications of a returning wet season. That the thunder and lightning have been less frequent, the musquitoes fewer, the breeze stronger, and the loud bellowings of the frogs less annoying, during the dry season, than they had been during the wet weather that preceded it, is a fact, to which the eyes and ears of all here can bear testimony: but how far these circumstances recurring with the showers of a lunar period, may be indicative of the returning invasion of the long wet season, I am not able to pronounce with equal certainty. Probability might seem to favor the opinion: yet the rains have again diminished, and the best observers do not positively declare our pleasant dry season to be at an end; therefore, as the wet season is commonly later in the islands, than upon this coast, I do not altogether despair of reaching Martinique in time to see that island during the continuance of fine weather.

LETTER XXXIV.

Demarara, May 5.

The ship, which is to convey our surgical invalids, not having sailed, I gladly embrace the opportunity of offering you a word of kind adieu, before I take my departure. To-morrow I am to embark from this coast, together with such of the gentlemen of the St. Domingo hospital staff, as have been spared from the grave. The vessel, in which we have taken our passage, goes only to Martinique; how, and at what time we may proceed from thence to St. Domingo will, in all probability, depend upon circumstances, not within my control: but, for many reasons, I shall be anxious to reach the island, whither we are destined, hoping, there, to hail my comrades; to meet large packets of long-expected letters from my friends in England; to regain my books and baggage; and to become settled in a regular routine of professional duty. When you may hear of me again, or from whence, is among the uncertainties with which I am surrounded; but I shall continue to mark occurrences in the usual manner, and if your correspondent shall not have been too faithfully observant of your dictates, you may perhaps be troubled as heretofore: but I am fearful lest I should draw more “Notes” than you may be willing “to accept.”

Adieu! adieu!

LETTER XXXV.

St. Pierre, Martinique, May 13.

Pursuant to the instructions which I had received, as mentioned in my late letters from the coast of Guiana, I took the earliest opportunity of proceeding from Demarara to head-quarters at Martinique, accompanied by Messrs. Mackie, Jordan, and Fleming, the only surviving assistants of the St. Domingo hospital department, who still continue with me, to rejoin that staff.

We embarked on Saturday, May 6th, on board the Shark schooner, a small vessel deeply laden with cotton, and fitted up with little attention to the accommodation of passengers. Lieutenant D’Arcey of the 39th regiment, was of our party, and we had another cabin passenger in the person of an aged planter from Essequibo, named Jordine, who, notwithstanding he had been many years absent from Europe, still discovered, by his accent, that he had originally sailed from the north of Tweed.

We made the passage in five days, and arrived here on the 11th instant. Knowing the total discomfort which I never fail to experience when at sea, I give you all the pleasant tidings you will expect, regarding the voyage, when I tell you that ... it is ended!

Scarcely were we under sail before we found ourselves in trouble. Our crew had dipped so deeply into the parting glass, that they were quite incapable of working the vessel. No sooner, therefore, had we passed the bar into heaving and restless water, than we were compelled to let go the anchor, and lie pitching up and down at the mercy of the waves and the tide, until the sailors became sobered by sleep, They left their hammocks on the morning of the 7th, at an early hour, to get the vessel under weigh. Nearly as soon as the sails were unfurled I was seized with a violent sickness, and driven to my pillow, where I remained until the evening of the 8th, when we passed the island of Trinidad, leaving it several leagues to leeward.

On the 9th the breeze moderated as the sun retired, and the schooner becoming more steady, I took my seat upon deck, and directed my eye towards the island of Tobago, which was visible at about ten leagues distance.

Early on the morning of the 10th we were called from our births to see St. Vincent and St. Lucie, which were then distinctly in view, the former to leeward, the latter directly a-head of the vessel.

St. Vincent appeared a high and rocky island, with its aspiring mountains rounded into a kind of regular form; while St. Lucie, which was nearer to us, presented a number of rude and craggy summits, formed into towering pyramids of naked rocks and broken precipices. At the S.W. point of this colony were seen the tops of two mountains particularly elevated, and from their form called “the Sugar-loaves.” It being in our course to sail close under them, their appearance was rendered very grand and awful; they seemed to hang suspended from the edge of the shore, as if threatening to fall upon the vessel, and crush it to atoms.

Scarcely had we proceeded beyond the “Sugar-loaves,” when the breeze forsook us, and we were becalmed directly under the lee of the island, near Souffrée, which was formerly the capital of the colony. This town is situated at the border of the sea, a little beyond the mountainous point, in a confined bay, surrounded by lofty hills. After lying a considerable time, with the sails loose, the breeze was renewed, and carried our schooner pleasantly along the coast, affording us a most favorable opportunity of viewing the leeward part of St. Lucie: but as we were proceeding smoothly under the shore, a vessel hove in sight, directly a-head, making full sail towards us. Believing her to be a privateer, we instantly tacked about, and stood for the harbour of Souffrée; but she outsailed us, and we were in danger of being cut off from the land before we could reach near enough to be within the protection of the battery. Unfortunately, too, the breeze forsook us, and just as we approached near to the harbour’s mouth we found ourselves immoveable, with the additional mortification of seeing the ship that was chasing us coming up with full sails. Every thing was put in the best state for our defence, but at the moment when we expected the enemy to commence the attack, we observed that his vessel was also rendered motionless by the calm.

The breeze was soon renewed, when our sails speedily filled, and we were carried into the bay. Upon seeing us take shelter in the harbour, our pursuer sailed across its mouth, making a signal implying that she was an English cruiser, and that we might proceed on our passage! But we presently discovered that this false alarm would be the loss of an entire day to us. We endeavoured to reconcile the delay by the opportunity it afforded of obtaining a better view of the island, which appeared to be a rugged mountainous waste. At the sides of some of the hills, and in the narrow valleys, were a few scattered houses; but most of them were abandoned, or in ruins. Only very small spots, at different points, were in cultivation, the greater part of the fields, which had formerly been obedient to the hoe and the spade, being neglected, and exhibiting one wide scene of desolation; indeed, the whole of the coast bore strong marks of having been a prey to the anarchy of the times, and displayed a gloomy example of the effects of that levelling and revolutionary engine—“egalité.”

On the approach of evening we came within view of the Pigeon Island, Morne Fortuné, Morne Duchasseau, the Vigie, the Carenage, and all those places which, about twelve months before, had been the great scene of action. Here the cultivation was equally neglected, as in the other parts which we had passed. From the sterile prospect which met the eye, an unhappy impression was forced upon the mind in the recollection that these barren rocks had so recently been purchased at a melancholy expense of the blood and treasure of our country.

In the whole line of coast, from Souffrée to Morne Fortuné, we did not observe a single battery, a circumstance which accounts for the temerity of the commanders of French privateers, who frequently capture our defenceless trading vessels close under the shores of the island.

Just before sunset Martinique was discovered about ten leagues a-head; and we went to our births anticipating the delight of breakfasting at St. Pierre the next day.

On the morning of the 11th the captain called us up, between five and six o’clock, in order that we might not lose the very favorable opportunity which then offered of viewing the island. On quitting our hammocks we found that we were sailing along the coast, close in shore, between Fort Royal and St. Pierre, standing toward the latter, and commanding a fine prospect, including Fort Royal harbour and the shipping. We were prevented by frequent returns of calm from getting in at breakfast-time, but the disappointment was amply compensated by the gratification of beholding distinct landscapes of several very pleasant parts of the territory.

Martinique is mountainous, but less rude and craggy than St. Lucie. The hills are of more regular form. They also exhibit more of vegetation and improvement, and do not so often terminate in heavy masses of naked rock. The valleys are also wider, and better cultivated. These two islands, however much they may have been formerly allied in feature, appear from the sea to be the direct reverse of each other: while Martinique offers an animated scene of culture and richness, St. Lucie may be said to sleep under an extended and almost general sterility.

We observed several small villages on the beach; and saw many fishermen employed in their boats or repairing their nets at the edge of the water. Canoes were passing in various directions; batteries appeared at short distances from each other, manned with soldiers; and all about the coast formed an active, busy scene.

The approach to the town of St. Pierre presented one of the finest pictures that can be imagined. The breeze freshened as we came into the bay, and we were detained beating on and off until noon, which gave us the advantage of seeing the town, with the finely cultivated hills and fields of its environs, from different points.

Imagine yourself at sea, near the coast of a most beautiful island, and sailing into an expansive bay, with a handsome town directly before you, encompassed with hills richly planted with coffee and cassada, fields spread with luxuriant verdure, and valleys loaded with sugarcanes: add to the scene a crowd of shipping, appearing like a forest below the town, and fruitful gardens and orchards hanging upon the hills above it; then place in the back-ground lofty mountains, clothed with thick woods, or crowned with dark majestic clouds, and you will have a correct representation of the splendid picture which was before us, as we approached the town of St. Pierre.

Nor is the appearance of the place itself less striking. Unlike the towns of the English colonies, it resembles in structure those of Europe, particularly some of the old cities of the continent—the houses being high, the streets paved and very narrow, and the shops open, with the goods lying exposed for sale at the door and the unclosed windows. From its form, together with being placed directly under the hills, and on the leeward side of the island, you will perceive that the temperature of St. Pierre must be excessively high, and that convenience, more than health, has been consulted in marking the site of the capital. Happily a current of water finds its course down the middle of each of the principal streets, from a spring at the side of one of the hills, which serves as a stream of health and life to the inhabitants: without this, the air of the town must have been dreadfully oppressive, and the heat insupportable.

We remarked, as a further novelty upon landing at St. Pierre, that the inhabitants, compared with those we had been lately accustomed to meet, were of uncommonly fair complexion. Nor is this peculiarity confined to those who have arrived from the distant shores of the Atlantic: it extends equally to the white creoles, and the people of colour, appearing even in those who are only a single remove from the negroes; perhaps it may be attributed to their living in a more confined heat, and closer shade, than those whom we had recently left in the more exposed colonies of Guiana.

Not in its structure and appearance only, but in its accommodations likewise, St. Pierre more resembles the towns of Europe, than any of the places where we have lately resided. It is the capital of the Charibbee islands; and may be regarded as the metropolis of the windward colonies. It is now the head-quarters of the army, and consequently the great mart of stores and provisions, and the centre of general commerce. It offers the convenience of regularly established taverns and hotels, where strangers or travellers immediately find an appropriate home. Public walks, clubs, billiard-rooms, and a handsome playhouse, also crowded streets, overflowing shops, and a busy traffic are found at St. Pierre: these, together with the active movements of a military throng, create a mixed and interesting scene of war, pleasure, and business, each, in its turn, predominant, yet all prevailing together, and pursued with equal ardor by their separate or their common votaries.

Coming from the quietude of Guiana, the change is peculiarly striking, and excites an impression very similar to that which is experienced, in England, upon removing from the stillness of a rural abode, to the noise and hurry of London. At present we live at an hotel, kept by a mulatto woman, where, by means of money, we have the power of procuring accommodations, and amply supplying our wants: which was not always the case at our late abode in South America. Our beds are good, the table is well served, and of the attendance we cannot complain. For dinner we pay two dollars each, for breakfast three quarters of a dollar, and for a bed the same. Madeira wine is a dollar and a quarter the bottle, Claret a dollar and a half, and other things in proportion; so that the whole expense of living in the plainest manner (although, from our late change, we might regard it as sumptuous) may be stated at an average of a joe each day. This, it may be remarked, can ill consist with the limited pay of many of the officers: but a well-regulated mess may be provided at a cheaper rate, though not upon terms so reasonable as in Europe, as you will readily perceive when I tell you that a thin half-fed calf is sold in the market at the price of fifteen or sixteen joes, a chicken for more than two dollars, and a turkey for seven dollars.

The commander in chief being absent, with the expedition to Porto Rico, at the time of our arrival, I have not yet had an opportunity of acquiring any correct intelligence respecting our further destination: he returned to Martinique yesterday; I may hope, therefore, to give you some tidings, concerning our movements, in my next letter.

Adieu.

LETTER XXXVI.

Fort Royal, Martinique, May 16.

Sir Ralph Abercromby having taken up his quarters at Fort Royal, instead of St. Pierre, I have changed my home, in order to avail myself of the opportunity of laying before His Excellency a full statement of the returns, accompts, and general proceedings of the hospital department lately under my direction: and I feel much satisfaction in being able to inform you that the reports which I have presented have been honored with the full approbation of our respected commander in chief, who has confirmed his approval of the services of the branch of the St. Domingo hospital staff, lately stationed in Guiana, by issuing his warrant for all deficiencies of pay and disbursements to be made up to us before we leave Martinique.

As a military position, Fort Royal is much stronger than St. Pierre; but, the town is smaller, less pleasant, built upon flatter ground, and, in point of situation, even less salubrious. Still it is peculiarly convenient as a residence for the commander in chief, on account of the vicinity of the harbour, and the ready communication, which it offers, with the admiral and the fleet. The forts and batteries raised about it, for the defence of the town and the shipping, have been constructed at an immense expenditure of labour and money. They are very formidable, and of imposing aspect; particularly Fort George, which is built upon a high and distinct tumulus, so steep as to be difficult of ascent; and commands the town, the bay, the Carenage, and the other batteries below, while these form the more immediate protection of the shipping.

Such indeed is the strength of the hill on which Fort George is constructed, that, if it were duly garrisoned and provided, it might resist the attack of almost any force that could be brought against it.

The harbour is extensive, and, from the safe anchorage which it affords to a very large fleet, it renders this island particularly important in a time of war.

We came from St. Pierre to Fort Royal in one of the passage-boats of the island, which of all the modes I have yet experienced of journeying by sea, I found to be the least unpleasant. It is a large canoe rowed by three negroes, a fourth sitting at the end and steering with a paddle. A light awning is raised over the sternmost part of the vessel, and the deck is neatly spread with matting, upon which the passenger may sit, or lie down at his ease, and view the rich coast of the island as he passes. Being narrow and very long, this little bark is pulled on with great rapidity, the motion being so slight as scarcely to be felt. Sometimes, when going to leeward, the negroes, in order to save themselves the trouble of rowing, venture to hoist a sail: but this is always dangerous, the canoe, from its lightness, being liable to be upset by any sudden gust of wind, which might proceed from the small bays, or round the points of any of the rocks, at the moment when it should happen to be passing.

The distance, by sea, from St. Pierre to Fort Royal is seventeen or eighteen miles; but the time required for the passage will of course vary according to the state of the wind, and the period of the tide. We performed it in three hours.

There is a nearer way by land, but the road is rugged, and leads across rude and broken hills; the passage-boat is, therefore, the more common conveyance between the two towns.

In addition to the excellent sight of the luxuriant borders of the island afforded us by this little voyage, the beauty and interest of the scene were greatly enhanced by our falling in with the expedition returning from Porto Rico; consisting of about forty sail of ships, standing along the coast, towards Fort Royal harbour. The breeze was light, the water tranquil, and the horizon so clear that we could plainly see every ship; while the fertile shores of the island, the fine bay of Fort Royal, and a wide expanse of ocean were all distinctly before the eye.

Either we have been unfortunate in our quarters at this place, or the accommodations are very inferior to those of St. Pierre; and in proportion as they are worse they are more extravagant. For a bad breakfast the charge is a dollar—for a very poor dinner, at the table d’hôte, two dollars and a half—for supper, two dollars—and for a bed, in a dirty ill-furnished room, a dollar.

The general hospital, or great depôt of the sick, is established at St. Pierre; and is a permanent institution, conveniently adapted to its purpose. It is termed La Charité, and was used by the French, as a colonial hospital, before we took possession of the island, being under the superintendence of Le Père Edouard, an aged French physician, who still resides as a medical practitioner in the town of St. Pierre.

In point of cleanliness, order, and general regulation this hospital does much credit to the Inspector-general, while it holds out a high and parental example to all its detachments. The edifice is handsome and spacious, but its situation is ill-chosen, it being erected close under a hill, with other buildings near to it, more elevated than itself, whereby the free circulation of air is much impeded. Upon a piece of ground, at a short distance in the front, are planted rows of trees, whose cool shade may in some degree compensate the want of breeze, although they combine, with the rude precipices of rock behind, to cast a gloom upon the building, which gives it the solemn aspect of a sepulchre. Adjoining to the hospital are apartments for the officers and attendants, and a large public mess-room, together with other offices and out-buildings, which are necessary to the completion of a permanent, and well-ordered establishment.

Several other places are fitted up, within the town of St. Pierre, as occasional wards, to prevent the necessity of over-crowding La Charité, which, although very spacious, has not been found sufficiently extensive for the accommodation of the immense numbers thrown into it, during the late pressure of sickness. Upon a lofty hill, in a very delightful situation above the town, is established, likewise, a temporary hospital for convalescents; to which those who are recovering are removed from La Charité, not only with the benefit of pure country air, and a cool temperature, but with a further advantage of being separated from the sick and the dying, and placed where their convalescence may be more speedily advanced, by taking gentle exercise upon the hills, amidst a varied and cheerful scenery.

I am happy in being able to inform you that the extreme violence of the fever has subsided at Martinique, as well as upon the coast of Guiana. The seasoning, as it is commonly termed, has been dreadfully severe; and it is our best hope that those, who have had the good fortune to withstand it, have become sufficiently creolised to resist its future attacks. In this island the disease has proved extremely fatal. It assumed the same character as in Guiana, but with even additional malignity. Of the mode of treatment I do not learn any thing very decisive: bleeding and mercury are not in repute at La Charité; but the medical officers have been so little stationary, that no precise method of practice has been regularly pursued. The means employed by one, have not, perhaps, been deemed the most advisable by the next; so that amidst the fluctuating opinions upon the subject, each remedy has had its advocate, and no settled plan of cure has been established.

Great mortality has occurred among the officers of the hospital department. Of ten physicians belonging to the staff of the Charibbee Islands, five have died since the month of February last year. You will perceive from this unhappy fact, that, although it be not the duty of medical officers to march up to the cannon’s mouth, theirs is not a service free from danger.

LETTER XXXVII.

St. Pierre, May 30.

Again I address you from the pleasant town of St. Pierre—the London of the windward colonies; whither I was glad to return as soon as circumstances would allow. Finding that we may be detained here some time longer, we have taken private apartments, where we have very good accommodations, and are patiently waiting for an opportunity to proceed to St. Domingo. We learn that the large hospital, La Charité, has been used as a general depôt of sick, not only for Martinique, but also for the neighbouring colonies; whence it must necessarily result that the weekly reports, from this island, can afford no just criterion of its healthiness or insalubrity. Numbers of the medical and surgical cases borne upon the Martinique returns, having been brought hither from other stations, the proportion of sickness and death will consequently be diminished in those places, while that of this island will be increased; and the returns will be a very inaccurate standard for ascertaining the casualties by disease in the several colonies: still, upon a general computation, I cannot but observe the correctness of a remark lately expressed to me by Sir Ralph Abercromby—viz. “that the coast of Guiana has been less destructive than the islands!”

I may now remark that the general face of this colony differs not less from the coast of Demarara, than the town of St. Pierre does from the town of Stabroek. The combination of grand and beautiful scenery, with richness and fertility, renders Martinique one of the most pleasant islands, not only of the West Indies, but, perhaps of the globe. I was much delighted with the fine views, and the picturesque hills and fields and woods of Barbadoes, but Martinique out-rivals them all—its valleys are richer, its mountains higher, and its forests more deep and extensive; nor does it bear about it the same marks of exhaustion and decrepitude, but seems to luxuriate in all the vigour of youth and health.

A few days since, I made an excursion into the country, when scenes of rude nature and fertile cultivation presented themselves in the most pleasing variety at almost every step of my path. My visit was to Mr. Dornford the commissary of accompts, whom I found residing in a cool temperature, at a most romantic cottage, upon a high mountain, about three miles from St. Pierre; whither he had retired in search of the health, which he had lost in the heated town below.

Leaving St. Pierre, with its fine bay, and the wide ocean, the ascent is by a steep path, between hills planted with cassada and coffee, leading to mountains still higher and higher; some covered with rich tropical productions, others clothed with wild woods, and the loftiest of them festooned with dark majestic clouds. At one part of the ride the path runs along a narrow mountainous ridge, whose steep declivities, on each side, are formed into fields of coffee and cassada. On the left, the deep vale below is loaded with sugar, and enriched with the silent meanderings of a river, which in its course through these (literally) sweet fields, wanders to the foot of a most rural village, and thence winds its passage onward to the sea. On the right, the more extended and equally productive valley is bordered by other hills, beyond which appears the broad expanse of the ocean: so that within the immediate view is comprehended all the variety of hill and vale, prolific fields, rugged mountains and wild forests, the roaring sea, a gentle river, a quiet romantic village, and the busy public town of St. Pierre. Were a spot to be chosen, it would be difficult perhaps to find another which so amply combines all that might be wished for in the most exquisite panorama.

According to the custom of the West Indies, I was attended by a running footman, in the person of a young slave, who kept close to his duty by holding fast to the mane, or the tail of the horse.

While I was at the cottage a storm came on, which was followed by heavy torrents of rain; and the many beauties of the scenery around, were improved by the fine varieties of light and shade: but the wet increased the difficulties of my path; and on my return, I found it expedient to dismount, and commit my steed to the care of my attendant, in order to avoid falling over his ears.

Within the distance of an evening promenade the environs of St. Pierre present a great diversity of interesting prospects, which are commonly closed by a magnificent back-ground of stupendous mountains.

In no particular does the novelty of Martinique strike the observer more forcibly than in the great number of females who are seen at the doors of the houses, or parading about the streets and public walks. At Demarara it was a subject of common remark, that after the British troops arrived, the males far outnumbered the females; but at Martinique, notwithstanding the military battalions, the proportion is greatly in favor of the other sex. On my noticing this fact, two causes were assigned in explanation of it—1st, the general policy of the French, who have usually imported a greater proportion of female slaves, than either the English or the Dutch; 2dly, the late influx of female emigrants from Guadaloupe, and the other French islands. Amidst the crowded numbers, are also many more European ladies than we had been accustomed to see in the colonies of Guiana.

The creole pallor of countenance, common to West Indians, prevails also at Martinique; yet we meet with many females at St. Pierre, and some, even, among the people of colour, whom we now regard as handsome; but I speak only comparatively with those of other tropical places, for, amidst the fresh roses of our English beauties, the prettiest of these would seem pale and faded.

Their figure and carriage are graceful, and they have all the vivacity of the European French women: (a proof that this part of the Gallic character is not the effect of climate.) It is remarkable that many of the handsomest women now at St. Pierre, are emigrants from Guadaloupe, which colony seems to be the Circassia of the West Indies; for, almost uniformly, when we have noticed a woman whose figure and face had more than common attraction, we have been told “C’est une emigrée de la Guadaloupe,” or “C’est une Guadaloupienne.”

We made an excursion, a few days ago, to eat fish at a village called Chasse-pilote, upon the border of the sea, a short distance from St. Pierre. Here we observed likewise that the streets were crowded with women; and that scarcely a male was to be seen among them. A venerable French lady invited us into her house, and treated us with fruit, paying many compliments to the character of the British troops, and speaking in high terms of the English nation, in general. Near Chasse-pilote we found the Cassia fistularis planted in extensive groves, and under the trees were lying heaps of the pods which might have served to make lenitive electuary for a year’s consumption for all England.

On the occasion of a late funeral at St. Pierre, we had a farther opportunity of noticing the great disproportion of females which is so remarkable at Martinique; they having contributed in excessive numbers to the crowd. The whole of this scene being novel, I may mention to you some of the leading circumstances regarding it.

It was the burial of a child of colour, who had been made a Christian according to the forms of the church of Rome. The procession was deeply thronged, and conducted by the dark-hued race in their highest style of African parade. The corpse was placed in a coffin, but instead of being fastened down, it was only lightly covered with a fine sheet of linen, which served as a pall. Two mulatto women, clad in white, preceded the body, supporting the two corners of the sheet: two negro women, clothed also in white, followed, holding the two other corners. Six men supported the coffin upon three white napkins, the two first and the two last dressed in dark clothes, those in the middle in white. Immediately behind the corpse were several negro and mulatto women, mostly in coloured apparel; and behind these was a great crowd of nearly three hundred women, negroes, mulattoes, and mestees, all neatly and uniformly attired in white; walking nine or ten abreast, and almost filling the street from side to side, and from end to end. The female costume was a high white turban, a chemise with very large, loose, short sleeves, pinned together across the back, and a short white petticoat. The whole being very clean and neat, the black face, neck, and limbs relieved the general whiteness of the dress; and, together with the yellow and pallid countenances, which were intermixed, produced a peculiar and striking effect.

We have also witnessed another degree of the pomp of Catholic obsequies, in the funeral procession of a white inhabitant of St. Pierre. On this occasion, nineteen men and boys led the way, clothed in red and white, and bearing numbers of crosses, vases, candelabra, and tapers. Following these were twelve men, dressed in black, carrying similar ornaments and apparatus, and chanting in sonorous strains. Next came the corpse, supported by six men, with four others at the corners, clad in sable, and having bundles of enormous candles in their hands: then succeeded a deep line of mourners, some wearing the aspect of unaffected sorrow, some with features of the greatest indifference, heedlessly carrying large torches, and others with vacant countenances howling out purchased grief, to the great annoyance of the Protestant inhabitants of the streets through which they passed.

In order to witness the mode of proceeding in the French, as well as in the Dutch and English colonies, I have been induced again to attend a sale of a cargo of slaves. They were exposed to public bidding, in an open square, at the end of the town of St. Pierre; but, as the business was conducted by Englishmen, and according to their usual method, it offered nothing new regarding this degrading traffic in our species. It will give you pleasure to hear of a circumstance respecting the cargo, which, though direful to the enemy, does honor to the captain and his crew, by showing that they must have treated these poor Africans with kindness and humanity, during the passage from their native country to their place of bondage. On their voyage to Martinique the vessel was captured by a French privateer, and a prize-master was put on board to carry the ship and cargo into Guadaloupe: but, before they reached the harbour, the negroes rose upon the captors, and killed the French prize-master, together with all his people; then, liberating the English crew, restored to them their vessel, and gave themselves up to be conducted to Martinique, where they were to be sold as slaves. You will probably anticipate the information, that those negroes, who were the leaders in recapturing the ship, were purchased on the part of government, and received as soldiers into the black corps of the island.

Consistently with the desultory style of these Notes, I may conduct you from the painful ideas of slavery to the pleasurable scenes of the theatre. The playhouse stands prominent among the places of amusement at St. Pierre. It is a well-built edifice, handsomely fitted up, and liberally supported. The performances are given by a company of French comedians, whose talents, if not such as to obtain plaudits from the audience of Drury Lane, or Le Theatre François, may claim their rank in the station of mediocrity.

In point of size and decoration, the building is superior to the majority of playhouses in the provincial towns of England, and scarcely inferior to the Haymarket theatre, of London. Probably such an establishment might not find support in any of the British colonies of the West Indies; yet, at the little island of Martinique, the house is not only well attended, but often thronged, particularly on the Sabbath night; for, Sunday being a gala day, multitudes crowd to their favorite amusement, and the theatre commonly overflows.

The audience is sometimes very brilliant—indeed exceedingly splendid; for the influence of fashion extends to these regions, and dress has its charms, even where so little is required. The ease and gracefulness of French manners have also reached this spirited colony. In the manners, the persons, carriage, and attire of the females, there is likewise a peculiar air of taste and magnificence. They appear with naked elbows, and waists extremely short, according to the prevailing mode in Europe.

The high twisted turbans, glittering trinkets, and nodding plumes enrich the general elegance of the apparel; and, being intermixed, throughout the theatre, with the many-coloured uniforms of the officers, the whole produces a variety and brilliancy of effect scarcely to be equalled in the more spacious realms of Drury Lane, or Covent Garden. A dollar is the price of admission into the boxes; half a dollar into the pit, the gallery, or the parterre.

The weather has been dry and pleasant ever since our arrival at Martinique; nor have we yet any marks of the approaching wet season, although it was supposed that the rains had set in, some time since, upon the coast of Guiana. We find the heat greater here than at Demarara; but this is probably the effect of locality. The town of St. Pierre may be hotter than the town of Stabroek, though the general temperature of the colony, especially upon the hills, be lower.

LETTER XXXVIII.

Martinique, June 1797.

Many persons here are flattering themselves with the prospect of a speedy peace. The rumour has probably arisen from the circumstance of the commander in chief having given directions for a partial diminution of some of the establishments which is perhaps only an economical regulation, in consequence of the present tranquil state of the army, and its reduced numbers. This arrangement being extended to the medical department, the services of some of the supernumerary assistants, who were engaged in the islands for a temporary purpose, during the severe pressure of sickness, are now dispensed with. From the decrease of disease, and the diminished number of troops, some of the other classes of medical officers are likewise left without employment, and may, consequently, return to England; but this, in no degree, authorizes the expectation of an approaching cessation of hostilities.

I grieve to tell you that our much-valued commissary of accompts has not experienced any benefit from his retirement at the delightful mountain-cottage, which I mentioned in a former letter. He is now returned to St. Pierre for the convenience of medical attendance. Père Edouard, the venerable French physician, under whose care he was placed in the early stage of his illness, considers him to be convalescent, although in a feeble state; but his friends have many anxious forebodings respecting the event of his case; and wish him safe in England.

Mr. Dornford made me acquainted with Père Edouard, not only that I might meet him in consultation on the subject of his own illness; but also with the obliging intention of giving me an opportunity of hearing his remarks regarding the fever of Martinique, and tropical diseases in general.

The Père is a polite and accomplished man, very much of the old French regime, and quite a methodical member of his profession. He was the principal officer of the medical department at La Charité, before the island was captured by the English. Desirous of acquiring information from his experience, you will imagine that I listen with eagerness to his observations, and that I am much gratified in finding him affable and communicative. Educated in the continental schools, he has imbibed their tenets, and, according to the doctrine of former days, he esteems venæsection the great and leading remedy in all fevers, particularly at their commencement. The only difference in his treatment of the yellow fever, and the bilious remittent, of hot climates, consists in the extent to which the bleeding is carried. In the latter it is seldom repeated beyond a second, or a third time; recourse being then had to the Peruvian bark, and other tonics: but in the former the blood-letting, aided only by laxatives and diluents, is continued throughout the whole course of the disease.

Père Edouard remarks, that the English physicians have a strange abhorrence of a slow convalescence; and, from the dread of debilitating the patient, they do not bleed him sufficiently to subdue the disorder: but the French physicians, being less fearful, regarding a tedious recovery, take away blood more freely, in order to overcome the immediate danger from the disease, which he considers to be effected “by decreasing, and altering the offending fluid” so considerably as to prevent the recurrence of febrile action. With this view he holds it necessary sometimes to repeat the venæsection as many as ten, twelve, or (as in his own case) fourteen times.

As an elucidation of his practice, the Père maintains that it is not sufficient to reduce an Englishman, who may be attacked with fever soon after his arrival in the West Indies, down to the standard of an Englishman in health; but that he should be bled down to the standard of a French creole; and then supported through a slow convalescence upon a diet of bread and water, ptisan, or thin sago. He feels no apprehension from the excessive debility which must necessarily ensue; nor, on account of any of the maladies which might result from the depleting treatment being carried to an extreme degree.

On the fourth inst. we were enlivened by reviews of troops, hoisting of flags, firing of salutes, and other marks of rejoicing, in honor of his Majesty’s birth-day; and on the evening of the fifth the governor gave a grand ball and supper at St. Pierre, on the occasion; when we had an opportunity of witnessing a crowded assemblage of the beauty and fashion of Martinique.

According to the custom of the West Indies the ladies danced a long time without fatigue, in defiance of oppressive heat, and in a room so thronged that it was almost suffocation, even to remain in it. Without the exertion of dancing I felt the heat so distressing that I was obliged to seek relief by walking frequently down a cool avenue of grenadilloes and jasmine, which led from the door of the house, to a pleasant garden.

Many genteel and graceful women were present at the ball, and there was a greater display of handsome females than is common in the West Indies: but there was no example of that lovely freshness of countenance which so distinguishes the fair of our country. It has often occurred to me to observe a striking difference between the foreign ladies, and those of England, and particularly between the English and the French, which, however difficult to describe in words, is, to the eye, very perceptible. More acuteness, more of vivacity and brilliancy are commonly displayed in the features of French females: but I never witnessed, in the women of any other country, that sweetly appealing softness—that modest gentleness—that tender and inviting loveliness of face, which prevails among the genuine daughters of the British islands. The smooth and flowing line of beauty is more correctly preserved in the English countenance than in that of other nations. There is a blooming delicacy—an expression of tenderness and retirement which, to our sex, seems to say ... Protect me! while the harder lines and more prominent points, together with the quickness and animation of the French mien, bespeak a confidence almost masculine, and appeal only to our ... participation!

But I am wandering from the birth-day and the governor’s fête. Let me return, and do justice to the ladies I left in the ball-room, by telling you that the French excel, in dancing, equally in the West Indies, as in Europe. Nor is this confined to the whites; for the French people of colour are infinitely superior, in the agility and gracefulness of the dance, to the dark-hued race of the Dutch and British colonies.

Card-tables were set in two smaller apartments, adjoining the ball-room; but they were thinly attended, and did not seem to constitute one of the favorite amusements of the evening.

At midnight a very elegant supper was served in a long saloon, which opened into the garden, and nearly a hundred ladies sat down to enjoy the refreshment of a cool room, and a liberal repast; but, instead of being permitted to partake in comfort and quietness of the plentiful collation before them, a rude freedom of manners (or an unbecoming foreign habit) created a scene of scrambling and confusion, which, in England, would have disgraced a market-day ordinary.

Perhaps it was polite for the gentlemen to place themselves behind the ladies, professing to attend, and procure them what they wished for—perhaps it was kind in the ladies to give a bone, or a tart to their favorite partners; but the scene, thus introduced, was sadly vulgar and indecorous. The gentlemen crowded about the ladies, pressing upon their chairs in rows three or four deep, almost forcing them upon the viands; when some of the fair (with more kindness than delicacy) handed over their shoulders, to those near them, a leg of a duck or a chicken, a slice of ham, or some other part of the repast. This seemed to be regarded as the signal for a general scramble. Pies, tarts, pigeons, ducks, chickens, ham, fruit, salad, or any thing the ladies could give, or the men could reach, were now snatched off the table, and torn to pieces, without knives or forks, or spoons or plates, and devoured, as if by a den of ravenous wolves, who had been long deprived of their prey. Here stood one gnawing a bone, there another swallowing fat ham; the next was tearing asunder the joints of a duck, or a chicken; the fourth gobbling up a pie or a tart. A tall officer, with his filthy black whiskers reaching to the corners of his mouth, was cramming down a bowl of salad with his fingers; another was devouring a plate of fruit, and the next greedily consuming a dish of cakes and sweets: in short, the whole group were voraciously gnawing, tearing, and swallowing whatever provisions chanced to be nearest them, equally regardless of cleanliness, decency, and good manners. Nor did the fluids of the feast escape better than the solids: for wine, porter, noyeau, and all the liquors of the table, were seized in the same lawless manner, and numbers were seen standing with bottles between their knees, drinking and serving out the contents to their friends with a spoon, a tureen-ladle, a butter-boat, or any other unseemly utensil within their grasp.

It was intended that all should eat, and the governor’s hospitality had most amply spread the board; but, alas! when those who had waited, without joining in the scramble, quietly took the seats from which the ladies retired, they found scarcely any thing remaining upon the table, for, in addition to the craving appetites with which the supper had been devoured, it was remarked that some of the ladies, like certain animals, had auxiliary pouches, which served as reservoirs, to administer to their stomachs a future supply.

Having noticed the superior style of dancing which prevails among the French people of colour, I may remark that I have had a recent opportunity of witnessing it, upon the mirthful occasion of a negro-wedding; when the slaves of the estate and their visitors were indulged with a grand ball in order to celebrate the happy alliance. They danced, in large groups, upon a spacious green, in front of their owners’ dwelling; and never was a happier crowd assembled. Great agility was displayed, and, compared with the rude motions and savage gestures of the slaves in the Dutch and British settlements, their steps might be considered as graceful.

Besides the happy party upon the green, the inferior orders of the gang were seen at the negro-huts of the estate, footing it merrily, to the simple sound of the banjar; nor even among these, did we observe those disgusting attitudes and movements which constitute so great a part of the common, hideous dance of the Africans.

When I mentioned, in a former letter, the many beauties, and the pleasing variety of scenery of Martinique, it would probably occur to you that they must have appeared peculiarly striking to us, from being so strongly contrasted with the country we had lately left. That you may better judge of this, I will now place before you a concise view of some of the remarkable points of difference, between the coast of Guiana, and the island of Martinique, such as they present themselves to our early notice; cautioning you to regard them only as simple facts, given, without favor or prejudice, merely as they meet the eye and the observation of a stranger.

MARTINIQUE. | DEMARARA AND BERBISCHE.
Mountainous: varied and picturesque: rich valleys, rivulets, green fields: plantations of sugar, coffee and cassada. | An extensive flat—one continued field, richly spread with cotton, intersected with great numbers of wet ditches.

Roads hilly and rough, hard and almost always dry—some paved with stone.

Roads of the common soil, or clay: in the dry season flat and smooth: in the wet season deep in mud, and almost impassable.

Bold rocks, and romantic shores bordering the sea. | The sea at high water above the level of the land—kept from overflowing the country by artificial banks of mud or clay.

The principal town large, regularly built, and, in form, like those of Europe: streets long and narrow, and well paved: houses built of stone, and covered with tiles. Many small villages.

Scarcely any towns yet formed. The capital of each colony in its infancy. Streets not paved: houses built of wood, and covered with wood. No villages.

A playhouse; coffeehouses, and taverns; tables d’hotes; public promenades; public baths; card-clubs. | None.

Rich stores; well-furnished shops; trades and the various kinds of employment branching out into numerous divisions, as in Europe.

No regular shops: a few public stores: division of labour but little introduced.

Crowded population. People gay and volatile: proportion of females greater than of males. | Population thin. People sedate and reserved. Males more numerous than females.
Various churches, and religious establishments, with great parade of public worship. | No place of worship, nor any signs of an established religion.
Vegetables, fruits, flowers, jellies, soups, liqueurs, &c., publicly cried about the streets. | No public cries of any kind in the streets.
A freedom of intercourse, and a degree of familiarity between the whites and the people of colour. | Extreme distance observed between the whites, and all the various shades of Africans, and their descendants.
Innumerable shades, or degrees between the whites and the blacks. | Gradation very abrupt, a wide chasm, with only few shades, between the Europeans and the Africans.
Slaves decently clothed: the females sometimes in shoes. | Male slaves often naked: females dressed only in a short coarse petticoat.
The loud clang of the whip but seldom heard. | The ear almost daily tortured with the sound of the whip, and the cries of the sufferers.
Mules employed to do the heavy work of the estates. | All the labour performed by slaves.

Amidst the many slight shades, and the mirth and gaiety of crowded numbers, the dark cloud of bondage scarcely perceptible.

The sombre veil of slavery every where manifest.

We find that the French are more in the habit of conversing, as companions, with the slaves, than is common among the English and the Dutch; and that the females, employed in the house, are treated more in the manner of the filles de chambre of Europe. From this circumstance, together with the slight gradations of shade, or the many links forming the chain between the Europeans and the Africans, and from the great number of people of colour, who have obtained their freedom, it is extremely difficult to ascertain where the line of slavery commences. But while the eye and the feelings are less offended by the degrading distinctions of bondage, it is observable that with respect to kicking, cuffing, and scolding, the French are not more tender towards their human property than the owners in other colonies. It is even probable that the less frequent sound of the whip proceeds, in a great degree, from a cause not exclusively founded in humanity.

In words, the French degrade the people of colour into mere brutes, the terms negro and bête being commonly used as synonymous. Amidst the noise of a crowded town, the distressful lash is not so easily heard: nor is it common, at St. Pierre, to inflict the punishment in the same exposed manner as at Stabroek and New Amsterdam; it being a regulation of the police, that any one, wishing to have his slave punished, shall send him to the public bourreau (or executioner) at the house of correction, accompanied with a written charge or deposition against him, and a certain fee. By this arrangement the chastisement is better proportioned to the offence than it might be under the immediate inspection of the enraged master, and is, at the same time, stamped with an air of public justice.

Although it would be difficult, or impossible, from either face or manner, to distinguish many of the people of colour from the creole whites, still, however nearly they may approach in hue, or in conduct, it would be regarded as an irretrievable disgrace to intermarry with any of the race, however distantly descended from the Africans. If, by the minutest scrutiny of pedigree, only the slightest trace of negro blood can be discovered in their veins, it forms an indelible stain, and establishes an impenetrable barrier against such an union.

In Martinique, the descendants of the Africans sometimes observe the regular forms of matrimony among themselves; but the whitest and best educated of their females prefer living as chères amies, with Europeans, or white creoles, rather than marry with any of the other classes; all of whom they regard as infinitely inferior.

The great distinction, between the whites, and the people of colour, is scrupulously observed, also, at public places; for, although in manner, dress, and person, those of the two classes may be strictly equal, still, where the fatal taint of African blood can be traced, the presence of such persons would not be tolerated: they would not be permitted to sit among, or to associate with genuine backras—“les véritables blancs.”

At the house, where I am now an inmate, the family consists of females of five or six different shades of skin; and we see, almost daily, little Miss, the fair daughter of the mestee hostess, tripping along to church, with her darker slave at her heels, carrying the parasol to protect her from the sun, and a small stool for her to pray upon; yet, notwithstanding her being thus attended upon the streets, or to a place of worship, if this young lady were to presume to appear in the pit or boxes of the playhouse, she would be instantly taught, that the gallery was the fit place for persons of African descent.

From these circumstances it will be seen, that the separation formed by colour is of immense magnitude with respect to the general practice of slavery. Its influence is beyond all calculation: construed into a sign of physical inferiority, it describes, at once, the line of demarcation; and fixes the stigma of bondage in a more precise and forcible manner than could have been effected by the most rigorous law of human invention. Nature has legibly drawn the distinctive line. The taint is marked in the countenance; it exists in the blood—is incurable, and descends to the remotest posterity. It is extremely doubtful whether the system which is pursued in the West Indies, could have been continued to the present day—whether the moral laws of our nature could have been, thus long, held at defiance, if the slave-owners had not raised about them an impregnable barrier, by seizing upon this most important physical distinction.

My pen being now upon the subject of slavery, I may relate an occurrence which happened only the day before we sailed from Demarara; and which, I am sorry to remark, stands too prominent in confirmation of the reputed cruelty practised by some of the Dutch colonists towards their negroes.

I took my farewell dinner with a party at the commandant’s; and, in the evening, after I had retired, but while the other gentlemen remained at table, they were disturbed by the groans of some person, who seemed to be in extreme agony. Prompted by feelings of humanity, Colonel Hislop sent one of the officers to the house, from whence the afflicting cries were thought to proceed, in order to ascertain if any person were ill, or if it might be in his power to afford relief; when, to the astonishment of all who were present, a scene of the most shocking cruelty was discovered. Instead of meeting with any one in sickness, the gentleman deputed upon this commission found a wretched slave suffering under a species of torture which could only have been invented by the most diabolical malignity.

The unfortunate man was tied down to the ground, with his limbs stretched out to the utmost extent; the legs being fastened with heavy chains, and the hands with strong cords, which were painfully tightened by being twisted with pieces of wood, placed across the wrists. For the honor of human nature, I hope it is a solitary, although an absolute fact, that this poor negro had been so confined, without being allowed a morsel of food, for three days; and with the additional cruelty of being burnt across the fleshy parts of his person at repeated intervals, with red-hot iron. Could such a mode of torture have suggested itself to any other mind than that of a blacksmith? which was the occupation followed by the depraved monster, into whose fiery hands it was the lot of this unfortunate African to have fallen!

The dreadful tale being reported to the commandant, a file of the guard was instantly marched to the house, with orders to release the sufferer; and quickly, with the irons and cords remaining upon his limbs, he was led before the colonel and party, whose timely humanity had saved his life. His fetters were now removed; food and wine were offered to him; and he was soothed with the assurance that justice should be done to his cause: but his strength was so exhausted as scarcely to admit of restoration! Upon swallowing a morsel of bread, moistened with wine and water, the effect upon his famished stomach was so painful as to produce extreme distress, and he nearly fainted: but, after a little time, he was so much recovered by the kind attentions of the commandant and his friends, as to be sensible of the anxieties of those about him; and, when questioned regarding the crime which had provoked this horrid punishment, it proved that he was utterly ignorant for what fault, or upon what pretence, he had been treated with such savage barbarity!

The hardened wretch, his master, was examined as to the nature of the offence which had urged him to this frightful example of cruelty. Whether his consciousness of the insignificance of the alleged misdemeanor, or the dread of the requital he merited, prevented him from avowing it, I could not learn, but he persisted in the most obstinate silence respecting it, and replied only by confused and hurried appeals, piteously imploring the commandant to pardon him, and beseeching that he might not be subjected to the ignominy of a personal punishment. His agitation was excessive: forgetful how grievously he had debased himself by his outrageous conduct, the apprehension of being exposed to the degradation of a corporal chastisement so entirely possessed his mind, that no direct answer could be obtained from him; every reply being an humble petition for mercy, or an anxious supplication not to be stigmatized with the disgraceful retribution, which he seemed conscious that he deserved.

It was the general opinion that he had been instigated to this act of deliberate cruelty by some trivial fault, which he was ashamed to acknowledge as the cause of such direful malice; but, as I left the colony the following morning, I had no opportunity of ascertaining whether he was afterwards brought to confess what was the real or pretended offence, which the savage had deemed it fit to avenge with such horrid inhumanity.

LETTER XXXIX.

St. Pierre, June.

The whole of May, and the early part of the present month were dry and fine at Martinique; although, last year, at Demarara, we observed that the rainy period set in as early as the middle of April. Here, scarcely any rain fell until the 11th inst. when the clouds poured forth their heavy streams. It is now considered to be the wet season; yet, so slight are the marks of it, between the showers; and so very different was the whole face of the country, in Guiana, during the rains of this part of the year, that, upon comparison, we might still imagine it to be the dry season.

For several months past I have been free from the annoyance of the prickly heat; but, upon this return of the rainy weather, my surface is again covered with it. We have great comfort in perceiving that the insects are fewer here than in Guiana, where the tribes of flying and creeping things constitute as great a plague as formerly in the land of Egypt. The musquitoes, in particular, are far less troublesome than we found them last year. They do not seem to like us so well, nor is the effect of their bitings half so severe. Upon our arrival at Demarara, soon after we came from Europe, these little buzzing tormentors almost devoured us. If we were not well protected against them, during the night, we rose in the morning with our faces so bitten and swollen, that we were scarcely able to see. Now, we sleep upon open beds, without the protection of gauze curtains, or any other defence; and if a chance musquito happen to fix upon us, the wounded part neither inflames nor rises into an itching tumour, as was the case in Guiana.

Perhaps, from this fact, an argument might be adduced in proof of the inflammatory nature of that sad malady of climate, called yellow fever; which, like the musquitoes, assails new-comers in violent and continued attack; but when they have become acclimated, annoys them only in weakened and intermitted seizures. While the European strength and firmness of fibre remain, the bites of musquitoes produce inflammation and painful hardness; but when the frame has become relaxed and enfeebled by long exposure to heat, the same effect does not follow: so of fever—when it afflicts persons recently arrived, and still possessing the rigid fibre, and strong arterial resistance of a milder temperature, it assumes a continued and inflammatory form; but when it invades the languid relaxed creoles, or creolised, a lower degree of diseased action is induced, and the disorder appears under a remittent or an intermittent type.

The eleventh instant was observed at St. Pierre as a day of high religious festival, being what is termed La Fête de Dieu. A splendid procession took place on the occasion, which afforded us a favorable opportunity of witnessing the gaudy parade of Catholic ceremonies. The long and pompous train moved in deep solemnity through the streets, making occasional pauses, for the twofold purpose of giving rest to the attendants, and being viewed by the wondering populace.

A grand altar was raised, in La rue Precipice, at only a short distance from the house where I reside, so that I could observe, from my window, every part of the procession. I noted the order in which it moved, at the moment it was passing before me; and now send you a fair copy, that you may judge of the stateliness and splendour which mark the religious observances of this little island.

The procession moved through the streets in the following order: first appeared

TWO BOYS,

dressed in white cassocks, carrying long rods or staves, richly ornamented, with a picture of the Virgin and child suspended between them. Next came

THREE BOYS,

the one in the middle clad in white, and bearing a silver crucifix; those at the sides, clothed in red, decorated with white crosses, and supporting each a massive candelabrum, in which blazed a huge wax taper. Following these were

FORTY-EIGHT LITTLE GIRLS,

in pairs, very beautifully dressed in white and flowers, with white crowns upon their heads, and carrying green boughs. The next were

THREE PAIRS OF BOYS AND GIRLS,

in red and white flowered tunics, and bearing large tapers. These were followed by

AN AGED PRIEST,

robed in white, with a small silver bell in his hand:

THREE PAIRS OF BOYS AND GIRLS,

habited as the others, succeeded. Then came

FORTY-EIGHT GIRLS,

somewhat older than the preceding, neatly dressed in white, their brows encircled with garlands of flowers, each bearing a large taper decorated with flowers. Next to these was

A PARTY OF SOLDIERS,

under arms, followed by

A MILITARY BAND,

with music playing. Behind the band were

AN OLD NEGRO

and

FIVE PRIESTS,

in white robes, ornamented with flowered crosses, and carrying large tapers. After these came

TWO PRIESTS,

of venerable years, in similar but more splendid attire, also bearing large tapers. To these succeeded

TWENTY-FOUR YOUNG GIRLS,

very superbly dressed, carrying baskets of flowers.

From this point the line of procession was supported by a file of colonial troops, under arms. The first between the military lines, and following the twelve pairs of females, were

FOUR BOYS,

handsomely clad in white, each bearing a silver censer, smoking with incense, and suspended by a long silver chain, to the length of which the censers being simultaneously thrown at intervals, in an elevated direction, clouded the air with perfume. The next were

FOUR YOUNG GIRLS,

carrying silver vessels of different shapes, enclosing incense. To these succeeded other

FOUR BOYS,

each bearing, like the former, a silver censer. Next to these followed

EIGHT FEMALES,

supporting sable plumes, waving on staves adorned with flowers. Behind these came

A MILITARY OFFICER

and

A VENERABLE PRIEST,

immediately preceding

THE CANOPY,

covering a coffin, which was the great and interesting object of the procession. Consequently the canopy was most conspicuous in the costliness and splendour of its decorations. It was formed of crimson velvet, bordered with gold, supported by four pillars, richly gilt and ornamented, at each corner, with plumes of white feathers. In the front of it was painted a wide-expanded eye, as a type to signify the omniscience and omnipresence of the Deity, who sees, rules, and governs over all. Within the canopy were

THREE OTHER PRIESTS,

in splendid copes, each reading a small book, which rested, together with their hands, upon

THE COFFIN,

placed also under the canopy, directly before them.

PARTY OF COLONIAL TROOPS

were the bearers of the canopy, four of them supporting it alternately at the corners. Immediately behind it was

A NUMEROUS BODY OF MEN,

clothed in black; and, following these,

A COMPANY OF SOLDIERS,

under arms, who closed the procession.

A great multitude of people, men, women, and children, of various hues and ages (but mostly coloured females), thronged after in a deep train, pressing close upon the soldiers, and quite filling the streets.

The altar was enriched with profuse decorations of silks, ribands, flowers, silver vessels, trinkets, and burning tapers. It was also decked out with flags, and other species of drapery, and covered with a magnificent awning. The streets had likewise assumed the gay costume of the procession, being enlivened at various parts with ensigns, streamers, and many-coloured ornaments; and the appearance of cool and verdant avenues was ingeniously conveyed, by dressing the fronts of the houses with green boughs.

The part of the procession which preceded the canopy, passed under the awning, and advanced beyond it; but when the hallowed equipage reached the spot where the altar was raised, a sudden pause ensued, the band ceased to play, and a few words were shouted aloud by the old negro, which the priests echoed, in soul-inspiring sounds, from the steps of the altar.

Presently was heard a tinkling of the little silver bell. This acted like enchantment. Instantly a dead silence prevailed; and all the persons forming the procession, together with the multitudes who followed it, fell on their knees, upon the bare street. A solemn stillness continued, until the sound of the bell was renewed; when the crowd as suddenly rose from the ground; the boys, bearing the censers, cast them out, to the extremities of their chains, before the altar, perfuming the air with incense; flowers were strewed around; the band again played, and the procession advanced.

As soon as the whole of the train had passed, the altar was disrobed of its ornaments, the houses were deprived of theirs, and the undressed street resumed its every-day appearance.

But, notwithstanding this seeming conclusion of the scene, the parade was continued daily through the different parts of the town, until the end of the week. On the 22d, which was the close of the fête, the procession again appeared in our street, moving much in the same order as before: but the attendant crowd, particularly the female part of it, was even greater than on the preceding occasion; nor do I remember ever to have observed such hosts of women assembled. Not only was the street closely thronged from side to side, but spectators were likewise collected in every by-lane and avenue, and all the windows were filled with multitudes, pressing forward to catch a farewell view.

Taking a walk in the evening, I met with several new and decorative marks of the fête. In one of the streets was erected, with great taste and ingenuity, a green arbour or alcove, very beautifully formed of coco-nut leaves; with various plants and fruits of the climate. The arrangement was rich and elegant, offering a sumptuous and inviting repast, in a delightfully refreshing shade, while it formed one of the greatest ornaments of the festival. Two banana-trees were fixed at the entrance, and appeared as if they were actually growing upon the spot: every part was green, and all the plants were arranged as if they were then vegetating from the earth, each loaded with its appropriate fruit. It seemed as if a choice assemblage of the most delicious productions of the country had been formed into a sweet and cool bower, wherein the superiors engaged in the ceremony might retire from the meridian rays, to take rest and regale themselves: but, upon inquiry, we learned that this grateful assortment was not intended for such gross and carnal purposes—it was designed for more holy uses. It was not to gratify the flesh, nor to pamper the senses: but was collected together, and placed in this seductive manner, in the way of the procession, in order that the fruits might be sanctified by a passing benediction; and rendered doubly sacred in consequence of the ceremony being performed under the omniscient eye of the canopy. Multitudes of persons had contributed towards this hallowed collection, and, after the holy sprinkling had shed its solemn influence upon them, the blessed fruits were removed by their respective owners, and taken home as an inestimable treasure.

How long shall the sanctity of religion be masked with such idle pomp? How long shall such vain parade mock the simplicity of a pure and Christian devotion?

LETTER XL.

Martinique, July 1797.

Daily experience more and more confirms the observation, that the prominent features of character, seen among the European French, obtain likewise amidst the creole and other residents in their colonies. In England, it is not confined to the vulgar to regard the terms Frenchman and petit-maître as words of synonymous import; nor can it be denied, by the warmest advocate for Gallic pretensions, that an air of frivolity prevails among the French people, as a part of their national character. The same is likewise observable among the inhabitants of their settlements. Various causes probably act in combination to produce this prominent trait among them. It commences with their infancy, and connects with their earliest education.

The French people prescribe to themselves rules of health and of regimen. They seem neither to eat, to move, to act, nor to think according to nature: all is artificial, and le petit remède is as necessary as the pap or the breakfast. From the cradle they are taught de se soigner, de se menager! and habit begets a mode of self-discipline which puts nature to the blush!

But let me return to the circumstance which has led to these remarks. A few evenings ago, walking with some gentlemen of the hospital department, upon the public promenade, we observed a party of French boys, not amusing themselves with racing and rude gambols, like the youths of England, but collected into a group, discussing rules of health, and of diet, with all the zeal of practised nurses, or timid hypochondriacs. The peculiarity of the conversation having excited our curiosity, we were induced to listen to them with attention, and were not less surprised at the acuteness and discrimination of these youthful disputants, than amused at their subject, and the grave manner in which they had been taught to discuss it.

To avoid hurtful excesses, and observe such moderation as may be necessary for the preservation of health, is, at all times, advisable; but to teach children to debate, like pedantic pretenders in medicine, whether oatmeal-gruel be better than rice-gruel—barley-water more wholesome than toast and water—veal-broth than chicken-broth; whether it be best for the health to dine at half after twelve, or at one o’clock—whether plantains produce more humours than bananas—whether it be most proper for the constitution to put a bit of carrot or of turnip into the soup, is to bring them up such ineffable triflers, that they can be fit society only for invalids and aged females. The best mode of preparing a basin of soup-maigre, and which vegetables may be boiled in it with least danger of inflaming the blood, or forming too many humours, would afford conversation for half a dozen Frenchmen, for as many hours; and from the eagerness betrayed in the debate, a person might be led to imagine that they must be occupied upon a subject of not less consequence than apportioning allotments of the Turkish or the Austrian empire.

After we had been amused with the conversation of these boys, upon petit-bouillon, soup-maigre, eau-de-poulet, ptisan, and the like, we sat a short time with a party of French ladies, when soup and sickness, bile and humours, were again made the subject of discourse. An Englishman, who was present, happened to put a knife to a small pine, with the intention of dividing it among the party, when the French ladies all rose, with uplifted hands, to prevent it, exclaiming in broken English, “Eat anane at night!”—“Dat shall you make sick.”—“Cela vous fera mal au ventre.”—“It is no good for eat anane at night.”—“If it you shall eat, dat vill make much humours in de morning! Non! put it away, you shall not you-self kill!”

With all these minutiæ we do not find that they have better health, or live to a greater age, than those of the English who are temperate; the only striking advantage that we observe to arise, from this great attention to little things, is, that the French, both men and women, make most excellent nurses, being minutely assiduous and useful about the sick: and let me do them the justice to add, that I have never found any other people equally kind and compassionate towards persons afflicted with disease, whether their friends, their countrymen, or strangers.

With very sincere grief I have to announce to you fatal tidings of our poor commissary of accompts, Mr. Dornford, whom I mentioned to you in a former letter; and in whose fate I feel the liveliest sorrow. Notwithstanding the opinion of the learned Père Edouard respecting his progressive convalescence, he was advised to proceed, without loss of time, either to Europe or to North America: but, like too many others in sickness, pleading the usual round of negatives, he urged his worldly affairs as an insurmountable obstacle to the means recommended: viewing only the difficulties of absenting himself from his calling, the time necessary for performing a voyage to England or America appeared to him quite an age; nor was it until he was assured, by his own disordered feelings, that he must be soon removed from these and all other duties for ever, if he continued longer at Martinique, that he was at last prevailed upon to adopt the alternative of going to sea, and sailing about from one island to another. But, alas! the event has proved that it was too late for either the greater or the lesser means to be employed with effect.

The commissary-general very kindly accommodated Mr. Dornford with a commodious vessel, which had been fitted up in a superior manner, for his own use. In this he took his departure for Barbadoes, from whence he was to extend his voyage to various other islands. But, unfortunately, he there suffered a renewed attack, became much worse, was unable to pursue his voyage, and returned with all speed to Martinique, in the determination of going directly, with the fleet, to England. But it happened that the convoy had sailed the very morning of the day upon which he arrived. This was a grievous disappointment to him, the increase of malady, which he had experienced at Barbadoes, having generated the most serious alarm, and caused him, at length, to feel assured that there was no chance of his recovery, except from an immediate removal to a colder climate: but his professional attendants saw that it was now too late! They regarded it as a fortunate circumstance that the fleet had sailed, and that he escaped the hurry and agitation of going on board, where he would most likely have died before the ship could have left the harbour.

The alarming symptoms which supervened at Barbadoes, had given a new character to the disease, and proved that the system had suffered more injury than even the most apprehensive had imagined. A purulent diarrhœa and expectoration had suddenly taken place, and the already debilitated frame was rapidly sinking under their continuance. His attendants had only the sorrowful consolation of contemplating a departing friend, and all that remained to them was to watch his rapid decline, soothing the few short hours which might yet be spared him from the grave. On the 26th of June he landed at St. Pierre. In six days after, a final exhaustion ensued; and, on the 1st of July, he was no more.

I was requested to attend the funeral, and notwithstanding the distressful feelings I always experience from witnessing the awful solemnity, I could not refuse myself the melancholy gratification of joining in this last duty to so valued a man. Many officers of the staff and garrison paid the same tribute of respect to his remains, and the splendid, yet doleful procession, from his house to the place of interment, formed one of the most impressive and affecting scenes I ever beheld.

Upon examining the body, it was discovered that a large abscess had formed within the right lobe of the liver; which, from the inflammation having extended to the contiguous parts, had ulcerated into the intestines, and also through the diaphragm into the substance of the lungs; a circumstance which fully explained the symptoms of the few last days, while it proved that no effectual remedy was within the reach of human skill.

LETTER XLI.

Martinique, July.

We are waiting in daily and tiresome suspense the arrival of the packet, or some other vessel by which we may proceed to St. Domingo. For a long time past we have understood that our services have been urgently required at the place of our destination, yet we are still detained in a state of uncertainty, rendered doubly tedious by our being without any regular employment.

In the failure of the expected packets, we had, lately, almost prevailed upon ourselves to accept births on board a slave-ship, going down to Jamaica, with a cargo of negroes from the coast of Guinea: but, upon inspecting the accommodations of the vessel, we found that nothing short of absolute necessity could induce us to submit our persons to a situation so filthy and abhorrent. The best sleeping-birth that could have been allotted to us, was upon the open deck, over the stench arising from a crowd of blacks crammed into the cabin; and, during the day, we must have herded in common with the slaves. This was not to be endured: we accordingly returned on shore, to wait for a better conveyance.

Busy rumour keeps pace with our eager expectations, and each morning brings us tidings of the sailing of a packet from England; the packet’s arrival; or of some vessel having spoken the packet at sea. We listen anxiously to these reports; but, hitherto, they have uniformly disappointed us.

In my letters from these regions, I have occasionally alluded to the sad inaction of mind and disposition, which obtains among that numerous class of people, the slaves: the leading trait of whose character may be said to be indolence, engrafted upon an obdurate and inflexible perverseness: perhaps the necessary consequence of inveterate ignorance and insensibility, and the natural result of the degraded state in which they are held.

An European, unaccustomed to the scenes, and unacquainted with the effects of slavery, cannot have a just idea of the extreme carelessness and obstinacy of the negroes: qualities which become highly vexatious and tormenting to the whites, in their intercourse with them; and which disturb, almost to madness, the irritability of those who are but slightly removed from the Africans.

Only a few days ago I witnessed a strong instance of this, in a lofty mulatto dame, who was provoked to a decree of almost frantic violence by the insuperable heedlessness and apathy of her darker attendants: but I should not have regarded a mere fit of rage, in a lady of a tawny, or a fairer hue, a circumstance worth relating, if her fury had not been succeeded by some calmer effusions, which strictly coincided with what must have been observed by every one who has had the misfortune to be much concerned with slaves.

I found this proud female, foaming in all the high tempest of wrath, bitterly scolding, and loudly bewailing the stupidity of her sable gang, vowing that (notwithstanding she was only a single remove from them herself) she thought them “even more stupid than brutes,” insisting that it was “absolutely impossible to govern them without the frequent aid of the whip,” and declaring that, however often they might be required to do the same thing, it was “invariably necessary still to repeat the order every time!”

My own experience has so fully confirmed the latter part of the remark, and I have so repeatedly felt the annoyance, arising from this source, that I have actually learned to compassionate those whose lot it is to be served by slaves, in nearly the same proportion as I pay these poor degraded beings themselves.

Another leading feature in the character of the people of colour manifests itself in their cruelty to each other; and as our correspondence is not limited to the bare statement of general circumstances, I proceed, according to my epistolary privilege, to lay before you an example in point.

I have already given you specimens of this disposition, as exhibited in the savage fightings of these people: but it betrays itself likewise in their conduct towards their children and slaves, whose submissive forbearance is often not less remarkable than the intemperate severity of their parents and owners; and might be expected to disarm them of their cruelty, if it were not that the gloomy ignorance of slavery supplies neither rein nor curb to passion, but leaves it to expand itself in unchecked ferocity upon the offender.

An old mulatto woman, and her daughter, of somewhat fairer skin than herself, are living in the house opposite to my lodgings, and I frequently find the quiet of my dwelling disturbed by the loud cries of the one, and the boisterous stormings of the other. On a late occasion of correcting her daughter, this unfeeling old beldam exhibited a degree of inhumanity, which, I trust, is peculiar to the regions of slavery.

The daughter is a grown-up woman, and is tall and strong as the parent, who, nevertheless, still exercises the full privilege of chastising her. In consequence of her not submitting quite so patiently as was usual, the old fury snatched up pieces of wood, iron, or any other coarse weapon within her reach, and cut her upon the head until the blood streamed down her face: but, not satisfied with this, she afterwards pursued the punishment by tying her hands with a strong cord, and flogging her with the cow-skin until she submitted without repining, and most humbly implored her parent’s pardon. After receiving the hard blows and lacerations upon her head, the poor girl stood, without offering the slightest resistance, to have her hands fastened, and to endure the lashing of the cow-skin, seeming to acknowledge it a right in the mother to punish her, although she had lived to years of maturity, and had strength enough to have tossed the old miscreant out at the window.

Upon inquiry I learned that this hardened wretch had bred up her daughter in habits of idleness, and now treated her in this barbarous manner because she was unacquainted with the toils of industry.

Among the novel circumstances, which have occurred to our observation, I may mention the mode of feeding mules in this island. Taking a walk into the country a few evenings ago with one of my comrades, we passed the house of a planter, where we saw, in the yard before the negro-huts, a herd of mules, waiting near two large iron sugar-boilers, filled with water, and running from one to the other. These vessels seemed to have been placed as reservoirs, purposely for their use. Both of them were full, and the water appeared to be clear and pure, yet, notwithstanding the mules betrayed strong marks of thirst, not one of them ventured to drink. They put their noses to the liquid, then started from the vessel that contained it, and ran to the other. After smelling of this in a similar manner, they hurried back again to the first, and thus continued going from one to the other, without tasting the water in either of them! Singular as it may seem, the purity of the fluid was the cause of their refusing to take it.

Seeing them reject the water, and yet run first to one vessel, and then to the other in continued succession, as if eager to drink, we were curious to observe how they were to be satisfied. Presently appeared two slaves, bearing large jars of melasses, which they emptied into the reservoirs. Still the mules only put their noses to them, and ran from one to the other without tasting the contents of either. We continued watching in order to discover what further was necessary to make the drink palatable to them. At length came a negro boy with a long stick, and stirred up the melasses, mixing it well with the water, upon which all the mules instantly swallowed it with the greatest eagerness, biting and kicking each other violently in their contest which should reach the deepest draught.

We learned from the slaves, that these animals had been so accustomed to have their drink sweetened, that they would not taste it until the melasses was put into the vessels, and stirred from the bottom, so as to be well mixed with the water. What was the real or fancied advantage of this seemingly extravagant indulgence, these poor ignorant blacks were unable to inform us.

Being a circumstance not familiar to Englishmen, I may tell you that it is common to see frogs brought in baskets, and exposed for sale in the public market at Martinique. One of large growth is usually suspended over the stall by way of signal, implying that his croaking comrades may there be purchased.

Among the peculiarities of Martinique, I may also notice its celebrated noyeau, that delicious liqueur for which the island is in such high repute; and which is so exquisitely prepared at the house of Madame la Grande-maison, whose cellars I have visited, in order to taste this favorite composition in its original purity.

I have also had an opportunity of seeing the noyeau-tree, which, in its wood, its leaf, and its growth, very much resembles a standard peach-tree. Unfortunately, it is not at this season in blossom, or in fruit, so that I could only observe the leaf, which in taste strongly resembles the bitter almond, and might serve instead of the nut, the part commonly used, to give that fine flavour for which this favorite liquor is so much esteemed.

Among the customs which differ from those of Europe, I may mention that of making a high compensation for medical attendance and remedies in sickness. It is not common, here, for those of the healing art to be employed exclusively as physicians. They more frequently engage in all the different branches of the profession; and the whole body of them being termed “Doctors,” they both receive the fee, and vend the medicines: and so liberal is the remuneration, that if a colonial practitioner can preserve his health, and obtain a tolerable share of employment, he may rapidly accumulate a fortune.

In St. Pierre the medical attendant receives, from his patient, two or three dollars for each visit, besides demanding the following rate of charges for his remedies, which he, of course, supplies at his own discretion:

viz. | a draught, or a dose of salts | 6s.
| a mixture | 14s. or 15s.
| a pill | 2s.
| a quart bottle of bark infusion | 25s. or 30s.

powders, boluses, and all other formulæ in proportion.

A medical man from the north of Tweed, who is now in busy employment here, assures me that these are his lowest prices, even to common sailors, who are brought sick on shore, or to whom he is called, on board the vessels in the bay. I was equally surprised and distressed to hear it; for it is evident that, in such cases, the patient must soon die of the disease, or be ruined by the expense of his remedies!

From the fatiguing duties of his occupation, the life of a practitioner in medicine, in these regions, is held upon a very precarious tenure. It is fit, therefore, that he should be handsomely rewarded for his services, in order to put him upon an equality with the opulent inhabitants and successful traders around him; and to afford him a similar chance of acquiring an early independency, that he may return to Europe before his health be destroyed, or he fall a victim to the arduous duties of his calling. But it would be consistent with justice and humanity to discriminate; for it is avaricious and unbecoming to exact the scanty earnings from a less successful adventurer, who, when suffering upon the bed of sickness, appeals alike to the skill and compassion of his professional attendant.

Let the planter, the agent, or the merchant, enriched by rapid gain, contribute amply, and share his profits with the preserver of his health; but let humanity dictate the acceptance of the more honorable reward of a liberal profession from the less wealthy, who reaps not himself the harvest of his perilous toil.

LETTER XLII.

At Sea, Aug. 1, 1797.

From the unsteady ocean, my pen eagerly announces to you that, after our tedious suspense, we are at length embarked on board the Roebuck packet, and proceeding on our passage to Jamaica.

We pay ten guineas each for our births, food, drink, and all other necessaries included. To the credit of the captain, the mess is liberally supplied, being furnished with an ample store of excellent provisions, and various sorts of wines. It is usually a passage of six or seven days, being what is termed “a pleasant run down the trades,” and consequently the finest sailing that is known: but, after all the trials to which I have been exposed, I have not yet discovered that a sea voyage can be made tolerable. To me the heaving water is itself the bane of every comfort: even under this best and smoothest sailing, my afflicted head and sickened stomach cause me to look anxiously for a more settled element; and all my feelings more and more convince me that the only circumstance which can render a passage by sea, in any way, supportable is the anticipation of reaching a desired, and destined shore.

We left Martinique on Wednesday, July 26th. A breeze sprang up in the course of the first night, carrying us steadily on, without shifting a sail, at the rate of seven knots an hour. On the third morning of our passage, a strange sail was descried on our lee quarter, apparently standing towards us, and gaining rapidly upon our vessel. It proved to be a privateer, and we had the prospect of being conducted to a French prison.

Being determined to resist if we should be attacked, the Roebuck was instantly converted into a scene of spirited activity: but it not being the duty of a packet to create delay, by inviting a combat, provided she can outsail her antagonist, and proceed upon her passage, due preparation was made both for running and fighting. Every possible sail was set, the boarding-nets were put up, the sides and quarters deeply lined with hammocks, canvass, and other materials to protect the men from the fire of musketry; the guns were made ready, the swivels pointed, and while every yard was got up, and every inch of canvass stretched, all was cleared for action. The vessel was not manned equal to a privateer; but we were a strong body of passengers, and not feeling it a question of indifference whether to resist or be taken, it was unanimously resolved, that in case we could not escape by flight, the vessel should be fought to the last extremity.

Amidst the hurry, a scene occurred, which was highly ludicrous, and afforded the sailors much amusement. Some of the passengers, with due regard to the rapacity of the enemy, had recourse to an extraordinary method of preserving their property. They ran to their trunks and coffers, upon the first alarm, and took out their valuables in the form of belts, and bandages, and waistcoats, and other articles of apparel, all lined or quilted with gold and silver coins, and, stripping off their common clothing, cased themselves in these metallic garments, covering them with as many suits of their best clothes, as could be drawn one over the other, until their figures assumed the grotesque appearance of Dutch boatmen.

A French gentleman of venerable years, whose limbs had almost lost their motive power, drew on, with the assistance of his sable dulcinea, triplicates of apparel, and thus equipped, sat down and passed an interval of suspense, muttering the expletive Sacre! Sacre! and other Gallic imprecations against the men in the tops, for not sooner discovering the privateer; or, in other words, for not seeing her before she was in sight!

We hauled upon a wind, and stood away more to the north—our pursuer did the same, and still appeared to gain upon us. But about two o’clock the breeze freshened, and the Roebuck sailing best upon a wind, we soon began to distance our enemy. Before dinner-time we were evidently getting a-head of the privateer, and the party sat down in restored composure to their meal. In the evening, we had lost the view of our adversary from the body of the ship, and on the following morning, the vessel was no longer in sight, even from the topmast head; we therefore continued our course. It is now the sixth day of our passage; and at noon we were said to be under the lee of St. Domingo, distant about thirty-eight leagues from Jamaica. To-morrow, if the breeze continue, and we meet with no new disaster, we hope to drop our Anchor at Port-Royal.

Jamaica, Aug.

I resume my pen, in order to finish the letter which I began upon the voyage. Taking up the subject in continuation, I may tell you that the dawn of the first of August opened to us the mountains of Jamaica, and exhibited a picturesque view of the island, throughout an extent of thirty miles, as we sailed along the shore. At the part near Port-Morant we observed the land to be in high cultivation nearly to the water’s edge. It runs back in undulating ridges to a considerable distance, and terminates in gigantic hills, which appear from the seaview to thrust the cultivated fields upon the very brink of the ocean.

Approaching nearer to Port-Royal, a great part of the coast seemed to be rough and ungenial, neither offering the rich fertility, nor the exquisite landscapes we had been taught to look for in the island of Jamaica.

The stupendous range of blue mountains presented an aspect of boldness and sublimity; but upon carefully viewing the shore, as we passed along, we thought it much inferior, in point of picturesque effect, to the delightfully varied, but smaller island of Martinique.

The entrance of Port-Royal harbour, with the view of Kingston, the wide plain on which it stands, and the towering mountains behind it, might have appeared very grand and striking, if we had arrived from a less interesting spot than the bay of St. Pierre; but the recollection of this eclipsed all the fine scenery before us.

On coming to anchor I went on shore at Port-Royal, in order to make inquiries respecting a conveyance to Cape St. Nicholas Mole. Upon stepping out of the boat I found the heat greater than I had felt it, in any climate, before: indeed the scorching rays reflected from the white sand, seemed actually to burn my face as I walked along.

Not meeting with any success, I returned to the ship, and quickly afterwards accompanied the captain and some of the passengers, in a large open boat with sails, to Kingston. This was a run of seven miles. From the breeze being strong, and the water rough, we were very early made to taste the salt sprays of Jamaica; and were more wetted and tossed about, in this petty passage, than we had been during the whole of the voyage from Martinique. A great crowd of people thronged about us, the instant we reached the landing-place, eagerly inquiring for news, no packet having arrived in the course of the last ten weeks.

The general face of Kingston appeared widely different from the pleasant town of St. Pierre. It is not so handsome, nor does it so much resemble the venerable cities of Europe: but it is built with more regard to the climate; the general plan of it being better adapted to a tropical country. The streets are spacious. They run in straight lines, crossing each other at right angles, preserving a regular and uniform figure. The houses are commodious, and, from not being crowded together, a free ventilation is every where preserved. They are mostly of brick, but some are only of wood. They have commonly a shaded gallery or piazza in the front, or entirely round them, which tends to keep them cool within, while it affords to the inhabitants, at all times of the day, a pleasant retreat from the sun. The dwellings have another, and peculiar convenience in being allowed a sufficiency of land about them for the purposes of a yard, stabling, offices, outhouses, and the like. But the streets are the very reverse of the buildings, not yielding any sort of relief or protection. Being spacious is all they can boast, for they are deeply covered with loose sand, and are consequently hot, dusty, and disagreeable in an extreme degree. Those whose lot it is either to walk, or ride along them have no means of escape from these burning sands, which serve to convert a large, and otherwise pleasant town into the semblance of a scorching desert. The piazzas before the houses might have been easily connected, so as to have formed a continued and shaded walk throughout the whole of the town; but they are either railed in as private property, or made irregular and of unequal height, so as to prevent the pedestrians of these heated streets from availing themselves of the shelter they offer. Thus the public is deprived of an accommodation which might be had with facility; and which, in such a climate, would contribute greatly to the comfort and convenience of every individual.

Kingston stands upon more ground, and may be said to be larger than St. Pierre; but the latter is far more populous, and contains perhaps a greater number of houses. After being accustomed to the gay and crowded streets of St. Pierre, Kingston has an air of dull quietude: but I am writing from first impressions, according to the plan I have pursued of noting circumstances as they occur to my observation; warning you, therefore, to make all the allowances which such a mode of communication requires, I proceed to tell you that the few people we meet upon the streets, appear very different from those of the same classes, whom we have been accustomed to see at the island we have recently left. Their dress is not so neat, their manner is less cultivated, and they have not the same air of cleanliness about them. The common people seem dirty, and have a loose neglected appearance which is not observable at Martinique. The people of colour differ, not only from those of the French colonies, but also from those of the Dutch and English settlements to windward. They preserve, in a degree, the costume of their Spanish predecessors. In place of the neat short jacket, or the white chemise and petticoat worn in the windward colonies, the women of colour at Kingston are, for the most part, clad in unsightly yellow petticoats, over which are hung loose and dirty bed-gowns. Upon the head is commonly a handkerchief of many colours, and far from clean—not put on with taste, as a turban, but pressed flat down with an ill-looking kind of man’s hat—the whole forming a very slovenly and unbecoming dress.

The men, instead of appearing in a neat jacket, or a clean shirt and pantaloons, as at Martinique, are mostly habited in dirty, ragged trowsers, with a long shirt, or a kind of loose frock hanging part of the way over them. Upon mentioning these circumstances to a gentleman of Kingston, he remarked that this negligent and unseemly costume prevailed too generally “among the out-door slaves,” but that the house negroes were far neater, and better ordered.

Indeed you will discover from what I have said of the town, that the very streets are unfavorable to cleanliness, for the filthy sand soon spreads itself over every part of a person’s apparel, and becomes extremely annoying to the eyes and the countenance.

In walking through Kingston I observed an example of slavery unlike any that had met my eye to windward—sixteen or eighteen negroes linked in a sort of harness, and forming a regular team, were drawing an immense trunk of mahogany, conducted by a driver with a cart-whip, who went whistling at their side, and flogging them on, precisely as an English carter does his horses. Negroes are also seen working upon the streets, chained together in pairs. This we are told is established as a mode of punishment for slight offences and misdemeanors.

These I beg you to regard as only the hasty observations of my first hours at Jamaica. If I should have an opportunity before we embark for St. Domingo, I will write again, and forward both letters by the next packet.

Adieu.

LETTER XLIII.

Jamaica, August.

The delay in meeting with a conveyance to St. Domingo has afforded me the means of seeing more of Jamaica than I had ventured to hope.

On the sixth inst. Mr. Jordan and myself went to visit Spanish Town, or St. Jago de la Vega, the metropolis of Jamaica. We hired an open chaise, and availed ourselves of the early part of the morning. The distance from Kingston is thirteen miles, and the ride uncommonly pleasant, the road being as good as those in England, and the bordering scenery more like Europe than any I had before met with in these western settlements. A toll-gate is established; regular mile-stones mark the approach to the capital; bridges are built over the brooks and rivulets; carts, waggons, chaises, and horsemen, are seen passing and repassing; and on each hand are enclosed fields, with herds of oxen and sheep grazing in fine pastures.

At the road-side we saw many neat houses; and, dispersed about the fields, numbers of country villas, some of which were built upon wide plains, decorated with trees and thorn-bushes like the finely studded parks of England, the umbrageous branches of the wide-spreading silk-cotton rivalling the picturesque and sturdy oak: the soft herbage and refreshing verdure of the English lawns were indeed wanting, but the arid aspect of the fields was, in a great measure, to be attributed to the peculiar dryness of the season; which has been so remarkable at Jamaica, that, while mild rains have produced the greatest fertility, and richness of appearance in the colonies to windward, this island is scorched so bare, that, at many of the pens or mountain farms, they have been compelled either to kill their cattle, or drive them into the interior, to prevent them from perishing by famine.

We were two hours on the road, and were exceedingly gratified with the journey. Besides the fields, the plains, the valleys, and the cooling streams, many stern rocks, and cloud-capped mountains vary the face of the country, and increase the general interest of the scene.

From the excellent condition of the road, its conveniences and accommodations, the number of passengers, and the busy traffic, it might have seemed the approach to a crowded and opulent city; and, compared with the still coast of Guiana, we might have fancied that we were advancing to another London: but, such an expectation would have proved illusory. Instead of handsome streets and magnificent buildings, the appearance of both was so humble, that when we had arrived in the centre of Spanish Town we imagined ourselves to be only in the suburbs; St. Jago de la Vega neither exhibiting the splendour of St. Pierre, nor the spaciousness of Kingston; nor did the crowd, or business of the place, at all correspond with the general movement and traffic which we had observed upon the road.

We took a very indifferent and badly served breakfast at the only tavern in the place. After resting a short time I waited upon the Governor, Lord Belcarras, and, at the king’s house, had the good fortune to meet with Dr. Lind, who had been with us at Barbadoes, and was now appointed, from the hospital staff of St. Domingo, to the direction of the medical department in Jamaica.

This gentleman kindly insisted upon taking us under his guidance for the day; and obligingly devoting his time to our accommodation, he conducted us to the different parts of the town and its environs, pointing out to us all that was particularly worthy the attention of strangers.

The general view of the place was strongly calculated to confirm the opinion we had formed upon entering it: clouded with the dull marks of its Spanish origin, it might be mistaken for only the fauxbourgs of a more splendid city. The narrow confined streets look dark and gloomy, and the older houses are small, low, irregular, and of mean appearance, consisting only of a single story. Still, although the general face of the metropolis be not prepossessing, handsome improvements are met with in various parts of it. The king’s house, the house of assembly, and public offices, are capacious and ornamental, as is likewise the main-guard. The portico and statue erected to the memory of Rodney are also magnificent, and an honor to the island. The horse-barracks form a handsome pile of building, and are highly commodious for their purpose. Some of the houses, likewise, at the extremity of the town are spacious, and of modern structure.

The land in the outskirts of St. Jago de la Vega is barren and uncultivated, and wears not the rich livery generally bestowed by a populous city. It appears a wide and dreary waste, overspread with thorns and bushes, a striking contrast to the luxuriant environs of St. Pierre, where fields of coffee and sugar, and gardens of rich fruits overhang the houses and very chimneys of the town, and extend themselves from the vales and even the summits of the hills quite to the brink of the ocean.

Near Spanish Town is an extensive flat, which is formed into a course for the purpose of horse-racing. At a short distance are lofty hills and pleasant, elevated fields, where many of the inhabitants have small estates laid out in what are termed pens, for the purpose of breeding and raising sheep, poultry, and the various kinds of stock. At these pens it is common for the proprietors to have villas or cottages to serve as country residences, whither they retire to pass the night in a cool atmosphere, returning to the business of the town in the morning.

As at Kingston, so at St. Jago de la Vega, we met with very few women who were fairer than mulattoes; and among these the same slovenly figure and vulgar carriage prevailed, as among the like classes in Kingston. We expected to have found more of neatness and taste among this order of people at the seat of government and of fashion; but the dull Spanish costume was still predominant, with a seeming disregard of cleanliness and personal adornment.

We returned by moonlight, when the air was delightfully cool, and the ride pleasanter, if possible, than in the morning; so clear, so bright and exquisitely soft was the evening, that, upon our arrival near Kingston, we took the opportunity of lengthening our ride by extending it about the environs, and were highly gratified in seeing, by this mild light, the many agreeable villas and improvements near the town.

Since our visit to St. Jago de la Vega we have repeated our walks about the city and suburbs of Kingston. On the leeward side we found a number of mean and confined streets, consisting of small houses, occupied by Jews; and this quarter, like the dwelling-places of that race of people in the large towns of Europe, is so crowded, filthy, and offensive as to reflect much disgrace upon the arrangements of the police.

On the same side, at a very short distance out of the town, is also an extensive burying-ground, which we were told, by a mulatto man whom we chanced to meet upon the spot, was “for the heathens and the Christians.” We observed that it was separated by a wide ditch into two divisions, one of which we understood to be appropriated to the interment of the soldiers, sailors, and lower classes of whites; the other to that of the people of colour.

Eastward of the town is an extensive common, in the vicinity of which, and upon its borders, are built numbers of gentlemen’s country-houses—most of them very neat, some spacious and handsome. Here the general appearance of all around was very like what is seen in Europe. The excellent roads crossing the common at different parts, the style of the buildings, the manner of fitting them up, the glazed and sashed windows, the neatly paled gardens, and the negro houses scattered over the heath like the happy cottages of our peasantry, all so resembled England that we stood fixed, for a considerable time, contemplating the scene, when the European picture was still further heightened by a party of ladies driving past us in an elegant English carriage. The agreeable coolness of the evening, in consequence of a heavy shower of rain having fallen about an hour before, contributed also to the same effect; and, forgetful of the West Indies, we almost imagined ourselves to be actually viewing a fine landscape in England.

We made a visit to the church and churchyard, and inspected the dates upon the tombstones, as an index of the number of days commonly allotted to the inhabitants of Kingston. In a few instances we observed records of longevity; but the great majority of persons had been snatched away in what is usually considered life’s happiest prime.

We observe in our walks about the streets, that in point of richness and neatness of arrangement, the shops and stores of Kingston are as much superior to those of St. Pierre, as those of London are to those of Paris. Perhaps there are few things in which the English more strikingly out-rival the French than in the art of dressing their windows, and exhibiting their goods to public view. In Paris the shops are devoid of that taste and brilliant display which so commonly attracts the eyes of foreigners in the busy streets of London. A similar distinction prevails also in the colonies of the two nations: the stores and repositories of the handsome town of St. Pierre are small and gloomy, while at Kingston many of them are light and spacious, and dressed out with all the neatness and splendour of Bond Street or Cheapside.

I have mentioned to you already, that, on my first landing at Port-Royal, I perceived the heat to be uncommonly powerful; and I may now add that we find the climate of Kingston hotter than that of Martinique, Barbadoes, or Demarara, although these colonies are many degrees nearer the equator. In the shade, at the distance of a hundred yards only from the water, the thermometer is commonly, at noon, at 86 or 87 of Fahrenheit: between six and seven o’clock, both morning and evening, it is usually from 80 to 83 degrees.

The mornings are exceedingly oppressive. The sea-breeze, which becomes very strong in the course of the day, is scarcely perceptible before ten o’clock, being two hours later than we had been accustomed to have it upon the coast of Guiana.

The fruits are very superior at Jamaica to those we commonly had in the windward colonies, and in far greater plenty: the pines and mangoes, in particular, are of exquisite flavour, and better, beyond all comparison, than any we met with, either in the Charibbee islands, or at Berbische and Demarara.

Various kinds of fruits, likewise, are in use here, which we had not seen in the windward settlements. Among these is the jack-fruit, lately imported from the East Indies. It is very large, and in form and substance somewhat resembles a common sort called the soursop, but is of a different and much superior flavour. If it were possible to convey a correct idea of it in words, I might perhaps describe it best, by saying, that it has the taste of a delicious melon, slightly quickened with the eschalot. Of this production many persons partake with peculiar gratification, after being accustomed to eat of it; but an acquired taste is commonly said to be necessary to its full enjoyment.

A regular meat-market is established at Kingston, and so amply supplied, that beef may be had as plentifully as from the shambles of Leadenhall or Whitechapel. Turtle is also very abundant, and is among the common dishes at every gentleman’s table. Some of these animals are of enormous size. Their shells are used by the negroes for all the common purposes of baskets and barrows. They carry them upon their heads, filled with various kinds of wares; and employ them instead of wheelbarrows for removing dirt and rubbish from the streets.

Although the market provisions are more reasonable, and in greater plenty than in the windward colonies; and notwithstanding the common supplies and conveniences are more extensive, and more like those of Europe, still the superiority seems to be commanded principally, if not exclusively, by the inhabitants; for, if it were fair to speak from the limited experience which I have hitherto had, I should be compelled to admit that the public accommodations of Martinique and Barbadoes are more satisfactory to a stranger, than those of Jamaica.

A breakfast or dinner may be had for less money at Jamaica, than at Martinique; but you are better served and attended, and have more of that indefinable arrangement, which a man feels necessary to his ease and comfort, in the taverns of Bridge-town and St. Pierre, than in those of Kingston or Spanish Town.

Private lodgings are far more extravagant at Jamaica than in any other colony we have visited. For only a very small room it is common to demand seven or eight dollars per week. Amidst the plenty of provisions, two bits (10d. English) are charged for a pint of milk. The hire of a saddle-horse per day is three dollars, and of a mean-looking horse and chaise seven dollars.

I have been sorry to learn, upon conversing with the medical practitioners of Kingston, that the same uncertainty and indecision prevail, at Jamaica, regarding the nature of the destructive fever of the climate, as in the other colonies; and that the difference of opinion, among the medical men, respecting the treatment of this formidable disease, displays itself in a manner which adds to the public fears; and cruelly augments the distress of individuals, who are attacked with this malignant malady.

Two of the most eminent professional characters of the island having adopted opinions directly the reverse of each other, many of the practitioners have enlisted under the opposing banners, and the public, distracted by the discords of the medical body, is deprived of that happy confidence which forms so important a consolation in sickness. One party, considering the fever to be inflammatory, employ venæsection, relying upon it as a sovereign remedy; the other party, viewing it as a putrid disorder, have a terror of the lancet, and put their trust in the Peruvian bark, and other tonic remedies. These discordant opinions afford the strongest testimony, that, in every attack of disease, nothing less than a correct discrimination, and an unwearied attention to all the symptoms and circumstances of each individual case, can be available towards a successful treatment.

LETTER XLIV.

Cape St. Nicholas Mole, August.

Greetings, my friend! We have reached our place of destination, and, in health and safety, I am, at last, enabled to offer you tidings from St. Domingo!

Having obtained the promise of a passage with Mr. Donaldson, it was announced to us on the 8th instant, that all would be ready for sailing on the morrow; and we left Kingston, in order to sleep on board, that we might proceed to sea with the morning tide; but after passing a very comfortless night, we learned that the captain of the sloop had not arrived; we made our escape therefore from the noise and stench of the vessel, and went to take our breakfasts at Port-Royal, where we heard that it was likely we should not sail before the morning of the 10th.

This we hailed as a piece of good fortune, since it offered us an opportunity of seeing the town of Port-Royal, and the public hospital there established, together with the dock-yard, forts, and batteries of this disastrous, but important harbour.

Whilst we were rambling about this awfully-celebrated place, the weather suddenly changed, and we were strikingly reminded of the melancholy history of the spot on which we moved. A thick darkness was spread around; it thundered and lightened; the tearing wind drove the sands and sprays far into the air; the sea rolled in mountainous tumult; and the waters rushed from the clouds in tropical torrents. At the same time the shattered mast of the Thorn sloop of war, which had been lately struck by lightning in a storm, was lying before us, heightening the effect of a scene very singularly calculated to impress upon our minds the disasters which had befallen this unhappy town from the hurricanes and earthquakes of former days.

In the evening we returned to the sloop, and on the tenth I was apprized of the morning dawn by the unpleasant motion of the vessel getting under weigh. It was at an early hour, and the breeze had not set in at Port-Royal; we were obliged, therefore, to pull out of the harbour, and some distance up the coast, by means of the sweeps: but, after a short time, our canvass gradually filled, when the oars were shipped, and we sailed smoothly along, obtaining a most delightful view of the island.

I now felt myself again upon my long continued and often broken voyage of voyages to St. Domingo, whither I had been bound from the time of my quitting London two years ago, when it was expected I should reach this destination, at the latest, in the course of two or three months.

At daybreak, on the eleventh, the east end of Jamaica appeared in view. We weathered this point, standing on toward the little island of Navessah, and the quarter of Jeremie; and the breeze remaining favorable, we had the prospect of making a quick passage.

A fleet of six small vessels, bound for the port of Jeremie, some of them well armed, sailed from Jamaica with the same tide as ourselves; and as this part is commonly infested with swarms of privateers, we were anxious to continue in company as far as possible; feeling it a security in case any of the enemy’s vessels should attack us in concert—singly we had nothing to apprehend from any of them, our sloop mounting twelve guns, and being stoutly manned.

In the course of the night we were hailed by the Hannibal ship of war, and the captain learning that Mr. Donaldson was with us, pressingly solicited him to go on board to drink a glass of wine. He accepted the invitation, but not without reluctance, on account of the delay it might occasion. Upon Mr. Donaldson’s stepping into the boat, to make this visit, I could not but contemplate the wide difference between sailing in these seas and in the boisterous bay of Biscay; where, for many weeks in succession, instead of making social excursions upon the ocean, in open boats at midnight, it had been perilous even for any of the vessels of the fleet to approach within hail of each other.

On the twelfth we were becalmed, and remained the whole day without making any progress.

The calm continued on the thirteenth, and the weather became far more sultry and oppressive, than I had before known it, during my residence in the West Indies. The sheep, turkies, chickens, pigs, and every living creature on board, exhibited marks of disquietude, from the excessive heat, and the total absence of the breeze: even a parrot, a native of these regions, breathed with open beak, and grew extremely restless in search of air.

I do not remember ever to have passed a day of such distress. The languor we suffered amounted almost to annihilation; and no possible relief could be found.

The vessel was crowded, and the cabin small: below it was dreadfully hot, close, and suffocating: upon deck the sun’s rays were scorching and insupportable. No comfort could any where be obtained; whatever part of the vessel we sought, wheresoever we stationed ourselves, still we felt the most exhausting prostration; and it only remained to us to lie about gasping for air, through the unvarying hours of this afflictive day.

The opportunity was peculiarly favorable for ascertaining the greatest heat of the direct rays of a tropical sun, and at noon, by a considerable effort, I roused myself from the languor which benumbed me, and suspended the thermometer to the cordage of the sloop, distant from the mast, and far above the deck, so placing it as to be fully exposed to the sun. Thus circumstanced, and after half an hour’s exposure, the mercury only rose to 96, which, as on many former occasions, I found to be the greatest mid-day heat in these regions; but we often read of climates where the thermometer is at 100, 110, or 120 in the shade! This may possibly be the case in particular situations, such as upon the burning sands of Egypt, or in the heated streets of a close city; but it must depend upon locality, and all above must be the effect of condensed or reflected heat, the direct and open rays never exceeding that degree. In many houses, and in some towns, the heat is conveyed to a thermometer from all quarters, as if it were placed in a furnace; and, in such situations, the mercury will necessarily rise very high; but to give this as the heat of the climate would be very like stating the heat of a town from a thermometer put into a baker’s oven.

During great part of the hot and sultry day, of which I am speaking, the mercury stood at 90 in the shade.

In the evening we felt, as it were, new life, upon a gentle breeze succeeding to the retiring sun; at night the wind freshened, and our associate fleet bearing away for the port of Jeremie, we passed that point of the island, and were left to make the remainder of the passage alone.

Upon quitting our births on the fourteenth, we learned that there had been some wind during the night, and that we were standing on, under a moderate breeze, for the Mole. The morning was beautifully fine, a milder sun smiled upon our sloop, and she was the only vessel observed upon the wide circle of the ocean. But before we sat down to breakfast, we were called from our tranquil prospect, to engage in a hurried and threatening scene. A strange sail was descried astern, which, upon her nearer approach, was discovered to be a privateer schooner in full chase of us.

In the expectation that we might be thus interrupted, Mr. Donaldson, having been thrice, already, exposed to the miseries of a French prison, had manned his vessel with a select crew, and was resolved to fight as long as there was the least hope of saving her.

When all was prepared for action, an appeal was made to the sloop’s company in a short harangue, and we had the satisfaction to find that all the men were brave, declaring themselves eager for battle, and determined to resist to the last extremity.

The enemy’s vessel appearing to be nearly of the same rate as our own, we expected a warm engagement, but from the spirit displayed by our crew, we had no apprehension respecting the result. The privateer outsailed us, and, as she approached nearer and nearer, every one was anxiously looking out to discover upon which side she would begin the attack; but, very unexpectedly, when she had reached almost within gunshot, she suddenly tacked about, and stood away to windward, leaving us to pursue our course unmolested.

We watched her manœuvres for some time, and seeing that she dropped astern, as rapidly as she had before gained upon us, all hands went quietly to breakfast, the sailors muttering their disappointment, at not having an opportunity of “exchanging a few broadsides!” It was conjectured, that, upon seeing our preparations, and the number of hands on board, the privateer had deemed it prudent not to risk an action.

The breeze now grew stronger, and quickly ours was again the only vessel upon the broad expanse around us. Some points of the island of Cuba soon opened to our view; but we did not make the Mole so early as the improving breeze had led us to expect.

In the evening the wind increased to a strong gale; the night became black and dismal; it was the very midst of the hurricane season; and we seemed destined to experience all the varieties of calm and tempest. Loud thunder rolled almost without ceasing, and the broad flashes of lightning were repeated in such rapid succession, as to produce nearly the continued brightness of day. The rain afterwards poured down in torrents, and from our not being able to carry sail, the tearing gusts of wind tossed our little bark over the broken surface of the ocean, like an empty cask. Augmented perils now beset us, and the danger of hurricane was infinitely greater than any we could apprehend from a hostile vessel. To sleep was impossible, and the hours seemed dreadfully tedious until morning; when, escaping from the horrors of this gloomy night, we found ourselves again becalmed, with the mountains of the Mole in sight on one hand, and the island of Cuba on the other.

The whole day (on the fifteenth) was passed in looking at our place of destination, without being able to make the slightest approach to it; our vessel lying like a log upon the still surface of the water. A breeze sprang up, as usual, in the evening, and we again stood on our passage, filled with the hope of being at anchor off the Mole by daylight. On the morning of the sixteenth we found we were still more distant from the land than we had appeared to be the day before, with the additional mortification of being again becalmed, and our sails hanging loose against the mast. Tantalus could scarcely have been more tormented.

Mr. Donaldson now proposed to me to accompany him on shore in the boat; and being heartily tired of calms and gales, the sloop and the sea, I very cordially consented. Four sailors, with the mate and the cockswain, were accordingly ordered into the boat, and we felt assured of being quickly at the Mole: but again we were disappointed, having been greatly deceived in respect to the distance, which, instead of being only three miles (as it had appeared from the vessel), proved to be more than as many leagues. When we had advanced beyond the protection of the sloop, we found that we were far from the batteries of the Mole; and, consequently, exposed to the danger of being cut off by the boats of the brigands, which infested this quarter, often venturing to the very mouth of the harbour.

It was excessively sultry from the absence of the breeze, and we were scorching under the direct and burning rays of the sun. The sailors were most cruelly fatigued. One of them became so exhausted, as to let fall his oar, and if the mate had not promptly taken it up, and encouraged the other men, by assisting to row us into the harbour, we should have been reduced to the peril of lying at the mercy of the enemy’s cruisers until the sloop had overtaken us.

It was between two and three o’clock in the afternoon when we stepped on shore at the Mole, and, upon the arrival of those we had left, we found that we had been forwarded only an hour and a half by our hazardous excursion in the boat; but to me every hour at sea was an age; I therefore felt the time we had gained a full compensation for all the toil and danger.

LETTER XLV.

Cape St. Nicholas Mole, August.

It were futile, as unnecessary, to attempt describing the sensation I experienced on finding myself upon the island of St. Domingo. I had for a long time looked to this colony as a kind of military home, where I should meet my comrades, overtake my books and baggage, and receive a packet of letters, which had been nearly two years accumulating, from many valued friends whom I had left in England.

From the period of joining the expedition, I had been taught to regard this island as my place of service, and in my wanderings from it, I had been exposed to many dangers of climate, disease, the enemy, and the sea. You will feel, therefore, that it was matter of no common gratification, after so perilous an absence, to arrive in safety at my station. But, alas! it remains a solitary consolation; for all my happiest expectations are disappointed! My books and baggage have been sent away, and captured by the enemy; my letters, which I had so long contemplated as a rich fund of delight, have, in the despair of my coming, been returned to England; and my comrades, the companions of my voyage to these baleful regions, are most of them either dead, or gone in search of their lost health to milder climates!

The hope that I was soon to meet the friends who had accompanied me from England, and to read of those whom I had left behind, had constituted my best support, through all my toils in proceeding toward St. Domingo; but, now, the spot which I had anticipated as my happiest residence, offers only disappointment and sorrow. In my round of duty I shall have to tread the very steps which have led to the melancholy fate of my comrades, exposed to the additional affliction of daily passing their graves.

Your heart will swell with sympathy when you read that my esteemed friend, Dr. Cleghorn, fell an early victim to the cruel ravager of European vigour; that my colleagues, Weir, Fellowes, Henderson, and Carroll, have all returned to England, exhausted by disease; and that my respected comrade, Dr. Master, was embarking at the very moment of my arrival, in an almost hopeless state of sickness, for the more temperate region of North America. Fortunately, the vessel did not sail at the time appointed; my friend availed himself, therefore, of the opportunity to return on shore, and we passed a few hours together before he finally took his departure. To you, who can duly estimate such hours, I need not say how highly they were appreciated: they were dear to my feelings, and will ever be hallowed in my remembrance[9].

Having thus lost my friend Master the day after my arrival, and Gen. Whyte, Col. Grant, Dr. Jackson, &c. having taken up their quarters at Port au Prince, I find myself amidst a body of strangers, feeling, as it were, unknown and alone; with the further intimation that I am, already, left in the island the only physician, of the six who were appointed for St. Domingo, upon the late great expedition to the western colonies.

In the absence of Mr. Weir, the direction of the medical department devolves upon Dr. Jackson; but, as he is stationed at head-quarters, I find the hospitals at the Mole under the immediate control of Dr. Scott, who has obligingly accompanied me to wait upon Col. Stuart, the military commandant, and Sir Hyde Parker, the commander in chief of the naval department; yet I cannot feel that I have decidedly joined the staff, or that I am officially upon duty at St. Domingo, until I shall have had an opportunity of reporting myself, at head-quarters, to my friend Gen. Whyte, who has succeeded to the chief command of the troops. For this purpose, therefore, I am preparing to make another sea voyage, and shall embark in the course of a few days for Port au Prince.

Of the Mole I have nothing very interesting to note. It is a valuable port on account of its safe and commodious harbour for shipping; but neither the town, nor the country around it, presents any richness or beauty. The scenery consists of rude and barren mountains, with confined valleys and narrow heated gullies. The town is built at the edge of the water, upon a hot and sandy soil; the houses, as is usual in this climate, are of wood, and exhibit more of convenience than elegance of structure; some of them are provided with piazzas in front; but, as in the other towns of the West Indies, they are less general than might be expected.

Behind the town, in a kind of amphitheatre about it, the rough and steril land rises into huge mountains; upon the sides of which, and upon the smaller eminences, have been erected block-houses, which form a chain of defensive posts, and serve to cover the place, while they strengthen the general position, rendering it, in a great degree, secure against the unpractised enemy, with whom we have to contend, although they might constitute but a feeble barrier against a more disciplined army of Europeans. At the lower extremity, beyond the streets, is a formidable battery, commanding the entrance of the harbour; and upon some hills, separated by a narrow gully from the upper part of the town, have been erected several of the temporary hospitals brought out from England, in which the sick are very commodiously accommodated.

These receptacles of disease are far from being tenanted in the same proportion, at present, as for several months past, during which time the fever raged here with accumulated fury, spreading dreadful havoc and destruction among the troops.

A convenient and spacious house, situated in an open square at the best part of the Mole, is allotted as the quarters of the person appointed to superintend the hospital department. Since the departure of Mr. Weir, this has been occupied by Doctors Scott and Master; and I have, now, at once the fortunate and melancholy lot of succeeding to the apartment lately occupied by the latter.

A mess is established for the medical officers; and, considering the scarcity of fresh provisions at this place, it may be said to be well supplied.

Saltpork, pease-soup, rice, and the vegetables of the country being in plenty, constitute very useful standing dishes, and the table is seldom without some addition of fish, poultry, or other fresh animal food.

From the territory immediately round the Mole being in possession of the enemy, or, to use the more common term, the brigands, stock and other provisions cannot be procured from the country estates or plantations, as in the other colonies; the supply therefore depends chiefly on North America; and in the failure of vessels arriving from the United States, with stock on board, fresh provisions become extravagantly dear, insomuch that at times sixteen or eighteen dollars have been paid for a turkey, ten for a couple of ducks, and six or eight for a pair of chickens.

Of fruit the quantity is also very limited; the most plentiful are melons, grapes, and figs: pines, mangoes, shaddocks, and many other species, which we have been accustomed to meet with in the other islands, are here very scarce.

In the dry and sandy valley which separates the town from the hills, whereon the hospitals are erected, means have been taken to raise vegetables for the use of the sick; and the success of the attempt displays, very amply, how much may be effected, in this climate, by culture even of the most arid and seemingly barren soil. By the aid of a small current of water, a mere gully of sand is converted into a prolific garden.

The vegetable world, in these regions, is in a high degree obedient to control, and the abundance and rapidity with which the growth of plants may be called forth, by only slight attention to the land, is really surprising. The labour employed is very liberally rewarded, for the most steril spots, gratefully responsive to the care bestowed upon them, grant to industry a generous return.

LETTER XLVI.

Port au Prince, August.

My voyage from the Mole to this place was attended with the usual vexations and uncertainties of sea travelling. Wishing to proceed to Port au Prince, I thought myself fortunate in learning that a small fleet of American traders was about to sail for that place, and lost no time in securing a passage on board the Lion, one of our armed ships, which was going as convoy. Owing to erroneous information, respecting the time of sailing, I was left on shore without my baggage, and was under the necessity of pressing a boat with four negroes to carry me after the fleet, which we overtook with much difficulty and exertion. Two frigates, going upon a cruise, left the Mole at the same time as the convoy: but they soon shot a-head of it, leaving nine American merchantmen to the protection of the Lion. The breeze continued until evening, when, as commonly occurs at this season, it was succeeded by a calm, and we remained fixed upon the ocean, at only a short distance from the land, and near to a post occupied by the brigands.

My sleeping-birth happened unluckily to be in a confined part of the cabin, where I was not only deprived of air, but nauseated by the smell of the ship, and cruelly bitten by swarms of cockroaches and musquitoes. Rest was denied me, and from the extreme heat my whole surface was immersed in a deep bath of perspiration. I had before passed many close and oppressive nights; but it had never been my lot to feel any one so entirely comfortless and distressing as this: to move was an exhausting fatigue, and to lie still was equally insupportable.

I made my escape from this wretched birth early in the morning, and removed all my uneasy feelings by the pleasant exchange of a hot bath for a cold one. It was a calm, and we passed an idle day, lying with our little fleet collected in a narrow circle upon the unmoved surface of the ocean.

The cabin party consisted of Captain Lloyd, of the 66th regiment, Messrs. Stewart, Hastie, and Claypole, three or four French gentlemen, as many American masters of ships, and two French ladies. The Lion had lately been employed to convoy some American vessels to the river Delaware; and a number of convalescents from the hospitals had been placed on board for the benefit of the passage. After lying six weeks at Philadelphia, she returned to St. Domingo, with another convoy of American traders, and reached the Mole only a day or two previous to my arrival at that place from Jamaica. Including the six weeks passed at anchor in the Delaware, they had been absent four months, during which time three of the soldiers had died, and two had deserted. The others being still on board, I took the opportunity, during the calm of the first evening of our passage, of requesting Captain Lloyd to have them mustered upon deck, in order that I might ascertain in what degree they had benefited by the voyage. Mr. Beaumont, apothecary to the forces, who had been appointed to attend them down to the coast of America, furnished me with the history of their cases, and assisted in the inspection; but I was sorry to discover that they had not experienced so much advantage from the change of climate as might have been expected. A few had recovered, but considerable numbers were still in only a feeble state of convalescence.

When bed-time returned, I avoided the ills of the preceding night by spreading my mattress upon the table, in the middle of the cabin, directly under the open hatchway, and afterwards made that my place of repose every night during the passage.

On the 22d the calm continued, and I had the mortification to learn, not only that we were in the precise meridian (as well as the high season) of heat and still water, but that, notwithstanding the distance is barely thirty leagues, vessels were sometimes more than forty days making the passage from the Mole to Port au Prince.

Unable to advance on our voyage, we spent the day in walking upon deck, and looking over the popular works of an American author, who, at this time, attracts much notice in Philadelphia and throughout the United States. He publishes under the fictitious name of Peter Porcupine, and is zealously occupied in shooting his quills against the abettors of the French revolution, endeavouring to show the danger of Gallic influence in America, and exposing the frightful horrors committed by the various factions of republican France. Thus he may be regarded as pleading the cause of Britain with that of the United States. Much acuteness and discernment, with great boldness of expression, are displayed in these publications; but they betray a coarseness of language and of personal invective, which would not be tolerated in England[10].

Upon quitting my table couch on the morning of the 23d, I found the convoy had made some way upon the passage, and was very near to the shore, with the island of Gonave on the right, and the high land about Port au Prince appearing far a-head. But the gentle wind of the night had died away, and we were again becalmed. In this situation a brigand boat came from the coast, and hovered round our little fleet, with the design of cutting off any defenceless vessel that might be lying beyond the reach of the armed ship; but the convoy being assembled close about the protecting “Lion,” the enemy deemed it prudent not to hazard a nearer approach.

In the afternoon a slight breeze enabled us to proceed; but it again ceased, early in the evening, and we came to anchor for the night close under the shore, not far from Arcahaye, a post possessed by our troops. A fine valley or plain was seen near this place, as we drew towards the land; and from appearing peculiarly fertile, afforded a striking contrast to the rugged and uncultivated coast which had been constantly before us, from the time of our first making the island of St. Domingo.

The many delays of this tranquil, but interrupted passage afforded me repeated opportunities of hearing remarks upon the colony of St. Domingo, and of witnessing traits of French character. The ladies, and some of the gentlemen, were either natives, or residents of the settlement; others were more recently from France; and by conversing with them, and attending to their frequent debates with each other, I was both amused and instructed, although at times exceedingly disgusted.

Our passengers of the fair sex proved themselves upon all occasions to be truly French. They commented upon the figure, shape, and tournure of the human body, its secretions and excretions, and the various functions of its different organs, with a freedom that betrayed more of ease, than delicacy; and, to the surprise of the English part of the company, they conversed with the gentlemen upon these subjects, without the slightest reserve.

The French pique themselves upon their refinement, and regard the British as abrupt and unpolished; yet, I may venture to assert, that there is not a decent female in England, however slightly educated, who would not think her feelings outraged by the coarse expressions and equivocal innuendoes which are used in the conversation of all orders of the softer sex in France.

That amiable diffidence, which so eminently distinguishes the delicate females of our island, and is too commonly termed mauvaise honte, is often the genuine effect of modesty; and, whether it be the result of education, or of natural feeling, no Englishman, I suspect, would wish to see it removed from the minds of his fair countrywomen, or to have it exchanged for the unblushing confidence of French familiarity: I am Gothic enough to regard many of the refinements of our Gallic neighbours, as indecent and unbecoming, and my English feelings often lead me to think the conversation of French ladies such as ought never to escape from female lips[11].

Among other topics, we were frequently amused with warm debates, between the ladies and the French gentlemen, respecting the advantages possessed by the coloured belles of Cape François, compared with those of Port au Prince, from which it seemed that those of the Cape were most splendid in their dress and equipage, and shared more of the riches of their opulent lords; but that those of Port au Prince outrivalled them in beauty and gracefulness of form; yet, it was allowed by all parties, that with respect to person, the females of Guadaloupe and Martinique were very superior to both.

Soon after we had come to anchor this evening, an officer was sent on board from the port of Arcahaye, to ascertain what convoy it was, and to learn the news from the Mole; and early on the morning of the 24th we were hailed by the Kingston armed ship, which was stationed at Arcahaye, for the purpose of cruising in the bight to protect the merchantmen against the brigands of an adjoining port, whence boats are frequently sent out to cut off any unarmed ships or stragglers from convoys; and so adventurous are the crews of these hostile barks, particularly in calm weather, that our traders maintain their safety only by the most strict watchfulness; but notwithstanding every care, it sometimes happens that a party of brigands will row up in an open boat, and board the outermost vessel of a convoy, plunder her of every thing valuable, then take out her hands and set fire to her, while the protecting ship is prevented by the calm from getting within gunshot of the marauder.

About noon the wind came round from the west, and we were enabled to stand on our course, seeing the town of Port au Prince directly a-head, and expecting that we should complete our voyage at an early hour of the evening; but when we had reached within two leagues of the town, and were nearly under cover of our own batteries on the shore, a heavy storm from the east drove us back, compelling us to stand away for the opposite coast, where we came to anchor, near the spot whence we had sailed in the morning. Two of the schooners beat against the storm, and went into the harbour of Port au Prince. Our ship would likewise have gone in, had it not been necessary to remain for the purpose of giving protection to the heavy-sailing vessels of the convoy.

Previous to being driven back, we had advanced near enough to see distinctly the houses of Port au Prince, with the ships in the harbour, and one of the forts on the shore; we saw likewise, at only a short distance from the town, the out-posts of our troops, and of the brigands, within sight of each other, separated by a plain, which was formerly planted with sugar, but has been converted by the flames of the revolution into a barren waste.

On the 25th, soon after noon, we had a brisk wind from a favorable point, and quickly sailed into harbour, when I most gladly hastened on shore in the boat with the captain, without waiting for the ship to let go her anchor.

After all my wanderings to find myself at the head-quarters of the army, to which I had been originally appointed, was matter of sincere gratification to me, particularly when I recollected the many perils and dangers with which I had been menaced since the time of my embarkation from Portsmouth. In coming from Demarara only, the passage had been made in four hazardous divisions, and performed upon seas peculiarly infested with hostile cruisers. Some of the voyages had been effected, likewise, amidst the hurricane season of the year.

I proceeded without delay to the government-house, to pay my respects to the commander in chief, General Whyte, who, by his cordial reception, kindly evinced that his recollection of me was not impaired by a long separation. After resting myself for some time, and being honored with the friendly assurances of the General, he very obligingly desired his nephew to conduct me to the quarters of Dr. Jackson, the acting director of hospitals. The Doctor was from home, but on his return, I was speedily provided, by his kind assistance, with excellent quarters for the night, where I found a spacious room, an ample supply of provisions, and a bathing-tub with plenty of cold water; which is always the greatest luxury to a wearied traveller just escaped from the noisome birth of a crowded ship.

LETTER XLVII.

Port au Prince, Sept. 1797.

At an early hour on the morning after my arrival at Port au Prince, I was roused by the sound of martial music, and upon looking out from my bed-room window was struck with a general display of military movement: the whole square and all the streets within reach of the eye presented a very animated scene; bodies of troops of various nations and hues, negroes, hussars, British and foreign infantry and cavalry, were assembled, with halberts, sabres, bayonets and firelocks glittering in the sun; colours waving in the air; officers and dragoons galloping through the streets; bands playing, drums beating, and all around uniting in the busy clamour of an active military station: every thing bore a warlike aspect, all was in motion, and the general appearance evinced that the enemy was at the gate.

At breakfast-time I was visited by Dr. Jackson, who afterwards accompanied me in search of my baggage; and having procured it, he conducted me to his quarters, requesting that I would take up my abode with him during my stay at Port au Prince.

A vacant chamber was accordingly allotted me, in which were placed my mattress, a small deal table, and a single wooden chair. I have ever since been an inmate of the Doctor’s quiet dwelling. My room is at the back part of the house; it is still and private; the window opens into a small garden, and all is so tranquil, that instead of feeling myself to be in a large town, and at the head-quarters of the army, I might fancy that I am placed amidst the seclusion of a country village.

When I entered the house in the evening, all within was silent; and the Doctor had retired to his contemplations. I was struck with the stillness and unornamented appearance of the habitation. An impressive gloom overspread the entrance-chamber; a jug of limpid element stood on the table; the floor was of brick, the furniture of the plainest order; and a single female attendant constituted the whole domestic establishment. Being conducted to my bed-room, I gazed at the naked simplicity of my couch and all around it—viewed the bare roof and wooden walls—looked at the sable Leonora, and could have fancied myself in Penruddock’s cottage upon the heath, had not the warlike indications without, reminded me that, instead of the solitary abode of a peaceful philosopher, fortune had thrown me into the tranquil barrack of a philosophical soldier.

The mode of life observed by my esteemed and learned comrade, in this perilous climate, affords a striking example of the benefits to be derived from abstemiousness and well-regulated habits. Ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, and actuated by amiable and philanthropic feelings, Dr. Jackson is industrious, and even laborious, in the execution of his duty. Zealous to procure every possible relief for the sick, and to obtain extensive and precise information concerning the disease which has raged so fatally among the troops, he spares no personal toil. Long accustomed to combine military habits with literary pursuits, he supports self-privations without regarding the endurance of them as a hardship. His wants are limited by his necessities; and he concerns not himself about luxuries, or indulgences. Vegetables are his food, water is his drink, and a bare hammock his resting-place. Disencumbered of all superfluities, he takes the exercise of much daily walking, preserves his health and strength, and is free to march, whenever the service demands it.

You will conclude that our conversations are often directed to the subject of yellow fever; and as you always express yourself anxious regarding this direful scourge of our army, I may tell you that my opinion, as expressed to you from Guiana, respecting the nature of this disorder, is sanctioned by that of my intelligent and accurate friend; and as our inquiries made at so great a distance, and without any communication with each other, have led to similar conclusions, I have much satisfaction in finding my remarks confirmed by those of so able and correct an observer. Dr. Jackson views the disease as only a modification or very high degree of the common fever of the country. He remarks that “it is frequently attended with remissions,” and that if he be called to the patient “at an early stage of the complaint,” he has the power in most cases “of changing its type, and can often convert it into a regular remittent.” He regards early venæsection as a sovereign remedy, and esteems it important to the cure, that the quantity drawn at the first bleeding should be ample.

I learn with much sorrow, that the fever has been even more fatal here, than in the windward colonies; but of late, as in Guiana and the Charibbee Islands, its malignity has abated, and the proportion of sick is, at this moment, very considerably less than it was, during the twelve months immediately subsequent to the arrival of the army; nor is this simply an appearance consequent upon the diminished number of troops; the disease is actually milder in its form, and the men, from becoming seasoned to the climate, are less subject to its invasion: in proof of which I may remark, that the greater part of those who are now sick, are suffering from the chronic remains of former malady, and not from any recent attack of the fever.

Since the chief direction has devolved upon my zealous and active colleague, Dr. Jackson, the arrangements of the department have been new-modelled; general hospitals have been done away, and all the sick are received into the hospitals of their respective regiments; the officers of the medical staff being employed only in the occasional duties of superintendence and inspection.

Like every other regulation projected by my esteemed comrade, this is intended for the benefit of the service; and during a period when the troops are stationary, and the sick but few in number, they may, probably, be accommodated in this manner with convenience, and at a considerably less expense to government than in general hospitals, since the higher rate of stoppages, taken from the men in sickness, may suffice to provide all the necessaries for them, whilst they are under recovery. But in a time of active service, when the troops are exposed to frequent and rapid movements, when the sick list is very numerous, or when any epidemic, or malignant disorder prevails, it is impossible that justice can be done to the sick upon this system, or that it can be continued with any advantage to the service. An important objection against this alteration is, that it deprives the staff officers of all their professional employment, rendering them mere inspectors of regimental hospitals, while it supposes the youngest surgeons of battalions, and even the assistants, who have seen no service whatever, to be equally competent to prescribing, in all cases of disease, as the most experienced physicians and surgeons of the army.

Together with Dr. Jackson, and some other officers of the medical staff, I have been lately employed upon a board of inspection, to visit all the hospitals at Port au Prince, in order to ascertain what number of patients might be invalided, on account of not being likely to recover in this climate; and I am sorry to add, that we have been obliged to mark a long list of sufferers, whom we have thought it advisable to send to England for the chance of regaining their health; for, although the yellow fever is less prevalent, dysentery and other visceral derangements, low fever, extreme debility and atrophy present themselves too generally as the distressing sequels of long-continued heat and disease.

The officers of the hospital staff now at Port au Prince, are, I believe, unanimously of opinion, that the safest and best remedy in the yellow fever is early venæsection, and they have multitudes of cases in proof of its efficacy; one more than commonly striking occurred among the troops of the Dutch or foreign artillery. A party of this corps, amounting in number to ninety-six, arrived at Port au Prince on the 10th of August last, having reached the West Indies from Europe, in the month of July preceding; very soon after their arrival at this place, many of them were attacked with fever, but as they happened to be immediately under the eye of the gentlemen of the hospital staff, venæsection was freely employed in the earliest hours of the disease. During the course of a month only one man died: and it is remarkable that he had been detained from the hospital until the second or third day after the attack.

This is a strong example of the high utility of early bleeding, and it is much strengthened by an additional fact related to me by Mr. Young, who although not a medical practitioner, is a very intelligent and accurate observer. The ship which brought this division of the artillery was the Bangalore: she arrived with all the troops in perfect health, and with her ship’s company, consisting of the captain and twenty-three men, as well as they had been in Europe; but within the month from the 10th of August to the 10th of September, eight of the sailors and the captain had died of the seasoning fever. These unfortunate people had not the same medical attendants as the soldiers; but the captain being particularly careful of his men, sent them on shore to the house of an experienced French nurse, the moment any symptoms of disease were manifested, in order that they might, under her care, be regularly attended by a medical practitioner of the town. Unhappily this gentleman was not of opinion that bleeding was the most efficacious treatment; and, therefore, according to his judgment, employed other means; the result very lamentably evinces which mode of practice was best advised. Of the sailors, more than one third had died within the short period of a month. Of the soldiers, although a greater number had suffered the disease, only one of ninety-six had been lost within the same period; the disproportion is frightful, and becomes melancholy, when we reflect that it must have arisen in a great degree from the difference of professional treatment! The unfortunate captain of the Bangalore was seized on the Saturday, and died on the Monday following.

LETTER XLVIII.

Port au Prince, Sept. 1797.

Seeing, by the map, that I am removed to a station many degrees more distant from the equator, you will not expect that I should find the heat greater at St. Domingo, than I had felt it at Demarara; but it has been remarkable that the temperature has risen progressively as we have proceeded further to the north. At Martinique it was hotter than in the colonies of Guiana: at Jamaica the heat was more intense than at Martinique; and, at St. Domingo, the mercury is higher than it was in Jamaica.

From the bare statement of this fact, it might seem to be at variance with a great general law of nature; but, upon a closer view, it is found to proceed entirely from situation, and other local causes. The settlements, upon the coast of South America, are formed of an extended flat surface of land, at the border of the sea; the towns being small and open, and not crowded: while, in the islands, the free current of air is interrupted by woods and mountains; and the towns, which are closer built, with narrower streets, and a more crowded population, are most unwisely placed under hills, or lofty promontories, where both the direct and reflected rays of the sun are concentrated as in a furnace; or they are erected at the confines of the deepest bays, whither the refreshing breeze can seldom penetrate. Hence you will perceive how it may readily occur as a mere effect of situation, that the temperature should be higher here, than in places nearer the equator.

In the colonies of Demarara and Berbische, at only six or seven degrees of north latitude, the heat, at noon, in the shade, very rarely exceeds 86°: at Martinique, I seldom saw the thermometer above 88°: in the shade of sandy Kingston, at Jamaica, it rose sometimes to 90°: and, at Port au Prince in St. Domingo, about 19° north latitude, it is often as high as 93°. But, here, many of the common causes of increased temperature are strongly combined, while in the colonies of Guiana there are neither rocks, nor hills, nor deep bays, but the broad surface is open to the full influence of the breeze, besides being spread with a luxuriant verdure, and intersected with canals, and wide ditches of water.

At Demarara, the heat of my bed-room, during the night, seldom exceeded 76°. Here I sleep in a climate of 83°; and feel very sensibly chilled if the thermometer fall as low as 75°. Only a few days ago I sat down to write, without particularly noticing the heat of the room, and, upon finding myself unable to proceed, in consequence of an unusual flow of perspiration falling upon the paper, from the back of my hand, I looked at the thermometer and found the mercury at 96°. I removed, without delay, into a cooler part of the house, but, in the course of a few minutes, was attacked with severe head-ach, and excessive thirst; my face became flushed; and, for a short time, my skin felt dry and parched. Perhaps, in a person newly arrived in these latitudes, or in one of a different habit of body, these symptoms would have constituted an accession of fever, which, in the course of twenty or thirty hours, might have proved fatal.

We have been exceedingly inconvenienced lately by a dry land-wind, from the east, which was equally parching, as the distressing siroc of the hot regions of the old continent, and induced, very generally, the painful symptoms of influenza. Almost every person was heard sneezing as he walked along the streets. I was seized with great severity—my head, eyes, nose and throat, were in pain, and the air, as it passed into the lungs, felt hot and dry, irritating the membrane of the nose to an excessive degree. The attack was sudden—its effects continued three or four days, when, upon the wind changing, and the refreshing breeze returning, the malady rapidly dissolved away, in the defluxion of common catarrh. Whites and blacks, and persons of all the different shades of colour, were alike afflicted.

During these days of suffering the thermometer, in my room, was at 82° in the morning, from 93° to 95° at noon, and 84° in the evening.

In selecting situations for establishing the towns in this climate, as in most others, the preservation of health has been less considered than the convenience of commerce. The French colonists appear to have been more solicitous regarding the supply of water, than respecting the temperature, or purity of the air. At Port au Prince, large sums of money have been expended to convey water to the town, by means of aqueducts from the rivers. Several large fountains have been erected, which afford an ample portion for household uses: open courses have also been constructed for the purpose of conducting small streams through the different streets: but these, not flowing rapidly, like those in the town of St. Pierre, are apt to grow stagnant and dirty, insomuch that they frequently become foul ditches. A further evil is likewise felt, from the deficiency of current; for Port au Prince, like St. Pierre and old Edinburgh, offers not the convenience of certain appendages to the houses, which, in England, are esteemed as indispensable as chimnies; but the odoriferous riches are consigned to the open channels of the streets, rendering them receptacles which cause no small annoyance to our unpractised olfactories.

Horses and mules appear to be more commonly employed for the purposes of labour, at Port au Prince, than at any place I have yet seen in the West Indies. Corn, Guinea grass, cane-tops, &c. &c. are drawn about in small carts by five mules harnessed abreast, and driven by a negro mounted upon the top of the load. This is an unseemly manner of guiding the team; but it is pleasing to find the slaves thus relieved from much of their heaviest toil. Kittarines[12], and horses for pleasure, are less in use, than in Jamaica; nor do we here observe the same marks of opulence and splendour, which display themselves among the inhabitants of Kingston: villas, pens, and country-houses, at a short distance from the town, are far less numerous. The merchants do not leave their dwellings, and retire to the country at night, but content themselves with a single establishment, making the house of business their constant and only place of residence.

Dancing, gaming, and the common round of amusements, are more prevalent than in the English colonies, and pursued with greater avidity. The French have a strong passion for play, and would be as dissatisfied without the gaming-table, as an Englishman without his newspaper. It forms a species of intrigue, in which they have the gratification of imagining themselves to outwit each other. Without intrigue of some sort they would be overwhelmed with ennui: give them plays, dancing, and the gaming-table, and they care very little about liberty and equality: deprive them of their amusements,—do away the intrigue of the table, and they will cabal in politics; or run into other wild excesses.

This disposition for gaming has been turned, in some measure, to an useful account, by converting it into a source of revenue to the government. It will surprise you to learn, that the proprietors of one of these banks, in Port au Prince, pay the enormous tax of eight hundred dollars per month, for the license to keep a table; besides sixteen joes per day, as rent to the owner of the house, who, for this sum, engages also to provide the attending multitude with porter, wine, and other refreshments. What must be their profits to enable them to support such an expenditure? The scene which presents itself at these crowded places of resort is equally surprising and afflicting. The anxious throng, pressing round the table, breathe a noxious atmosphere, in a heat almost equal to that of an oven; but, alike insensible to the destructive temperature about them, and the streams of perspiration in which their persons are dissolving, their anxious countenances betray only the passions induced by this unhappy pursuit: joy, disappointment, and despair appear, in all their various shades, amidst the crowd, each painted in rapid succession upon the same brow. Only a few evenings ago, a Frenchman committed suicide, in consequence of having lost all his property, at this infatuating table. This too common effect of gaming is said to happen less frequently among the French, than among the people of other nations. Upon the volatile character of Frenchmen, misfortune makes only a slight impression: their vanity, which they seek to dignify with the character of philosophy, shields them from despair. It is not uncommon to hear them boast of their fortitude in supporting evils, which would cause an Englishman to put a pistol to his head: but their wants are fewer than his, and more easily supplied: they have more resources; and can more readily submit to the humble means of regaining their comforts: besides which, their sentiments of dignity and consequence are, perhaps, less chaste and elevated—whence they have not to contend against so great a host of strong and wounded feelings.

Next to the love of gaming, which we observe among the inhabitants of this place, may be classed their fondness for dress and dancing. In foppery, the young and the aged of St. Domingo imitate their brethren of Paris. At Port au Prince they have a public place of amusement, termed Vauxhall; where they assemble in as great crowds as at the gaming-houses, and notwithstanding the heat of climate, they often dance throughout the night. The mixed assemblage, seen at this place of evening resort, is sometimes highly ludicrous. Frivolity and conceit here prevail in their most conspicuous colours. The women appear in a strange variety of glaring and fantastic apparel; which, intermixed with the different costumes of the military, and the whimsical dresses of the other inhabitants, gives a most gay and tawdry appearance to the group.

Officers in splendid uniforms, exhibiting all the airs of full-bred petits-maitres, are seen tripping about with high turbaned belles in gaudy many-coloured dresses; while others of the men appear in long surtouts, or cotton coats, hanging down to their heels: some pretty youths are laced up like mummies; others, affecting the fierce warrior, tread the mazy dance in heavy boots and spurs, occasionally with their sabres at their sides, and not unfrequently without taking off their hats. The trifling airs, and apish tricks of the greater part of them, are calculated to excite only sentiments of ridicule: but an Englishman cannot behold a robust hussar figuring up and down in weighty boots and spurs, bearing a ponderous sabre in one hand, with a small fan to cool his gentle person in the other, and playing off all the insignificancy of a fop, without feeling a glow of indignation and disgust.

LETTER XLIX.

Port au Prince.

Having been at Port an Prince a sufficient time to make my usual promenade of the city and its environs, you will expect a more particular description of the place, than I have hitherto sent you. It is a large town, built most unwisely, upon an ill-chosen spot, below a range of white calcareous rocks, at the embouchure of an extensive valley, and on the very edge of the water, at the extremity of a deep bay of the sea, combining many great evils—such as receiving all the filthy drainings of the valley, and exuviæ of the ocean, being shut from the purifying sea-breeze, and exposed to the utmost ardour of the condensed, and also the reflected rays of the sun.

In form, Port au Prince much resembles Kingston in Jamaica; the streets being spacious and placed at right angles; but it is not so handsome a town, the houses being small, and the shops fitted up with less attention to neatness and decoration. As is common in the West Indies, the houses are built of wood, and covered with shingles: in general they consist of only a single story with piazzas in front; but these, like those at Kingston, are so constructed as to drive the dissolving pedestrian under the broad surface of a scorching sun, instead of affording him the protecting shade which the climate renders so highly needful.

Some of the streets are improved by a partial pavement; but the others are deep in dust and sand. The upper part of the town is hilly, from being extended along the side of the rock; but the lower part stands near the water, upon a soil so loose and swampy, that it was necessary to drive pillars of wood into the earth in order to form a secure foundation for the buildings. Although it is very inferior to St. Pierre or Kingston, Port au Prince has the advantage of several large squares; also of open spaces, behind the houses, for out-offices, and, in many instances, for small gardens.

The only edifice, offering any claim to particular notice, is the government-house, which, although plain, is one of the handsomest, and most substantial structures that I have seen in the West Indies. If not a palace, it is a spacious and convenient dwelling, and well planned with regard to the climate. It is a distinct building erected at the upper end of a large square, commanding the grand parade and the streets branching from thence into the town: the entrance is by a flight of steps, leading into a wide piazza, which opens into a large anti-chamber, connecting with the inner rooms. By this construction the different apartments are well ventilated, and kept so pleasantly cool, that the temperature of this house is found to be considerably below the common standard of heat in the town.

At Port au Prince, as at St. Pierre, it is usual to have baths annexed to the dwellings: bathing, in this climate, as well as in Europe, being a comfort which is far better understood, and more generally adopted, by the French, than by the English.

Notwithstanding the military throng now in this place, Port au Prince has not the appearance of being so populous as St. Pierre. The same busy commerce does not prevail; nor are the streets crowded with such hosts of females, as were seen at the pleasant capital of Martinique. The higher orders of the women of colour (for distinctions exist even among the descendants of slaves) are neither so numerous, nor so handsome as those of Martinique. They are also less dignified in their carriage, and display less taste in the arts of the toilette; preserving more the air of the same classes seen upon the streets of Kingston. In cleanliness of person and apparel the women of Martinique have likewise greatly the advantage; so that, after witnessing the style and fashion of St. Pierre, all, in this place, seems humble and inelegant.

We had been taught to expect, that we should meet with a distressing scarcity of fresh provisions at St. Domingo, having heard that our comrades were paying so exorbitantly for them, as I mentioned to you from the Mole; but we find that, owing to a tolerable supply having been received by the American ships, this period of high extravagance has passed away, and provisions, if not more plentiful, may be had at a rate more reasonable than at Martinique.

Dr. Jackson and myself have a general invitation to the dinner-table of the commander in chief and his staff. When we are not at the government-house, we dine at a French table d’hôte in the town. The tavern dinners are not in general so good, or so well served as at St. Pierre, but we cannot complain of any deficiency in the supply, or of any excess in the charge; for, in point of quantity, there is plenty; and at half the expense which we had been accustomed to pay at Martinique:—there, our dinners, with wine included, were four dollars each person—here, we pay only two. At Jamaica, likewise, where plenty abounds, the demand was higher than we find it here.

The French, both military and civil, practise a rude custom at the public dinners, which is widely at variance with their boasted politeness. It being usual to place the dessert, the wine, the cheese, &c. upon the table, at the same time with the soup and the meat, displaying at once, all the provisions of the banquet, the Frenchmen, upon approaching the dinner-board, without waiting for the company to be seated, greedily snatch up the fruit, and place it by them in readiness to be eaten after they shall have dined. In like manner they seize a quantity of food, from each of the best dishes, heaping the whole upon their plates, to be afterwards devoured, as if they were afraid that the fowls and other provisions should fly away, before they could swallow their soup. This is a selfishness and want of good breeding, which John Bull, with all his abruptness, would find it extremely difficult to exhibit. A few days ago, seeing two fine melons, which were standing near me, about to be carried off, before any person had commenced eating, I took the liberty of laying an embargo upon the last piece, but it was at the risk of being lamed, by having a fork struck through my hand.

We find the St. Domingo breakfast exceedingly pleasant—various kinds of fruits being served with the tea, chocolate and plantains. At the Mole we had grapes and figs, every morning: at Port au Prince we have melons, oranges, and avagata pears: the latter are of exquisite flavour. The pear is large—its colour either green, or slightly purple. It is not saccharine, like other fruits; the part used is a green pulp, formed between the peel and a large stone in the centre. This pulp, when ripe, is easily taken out with a tea-spoon, by cutting open the fruit, and removing the stone, round which it is formed, without adhering to it. Not unaptly, it has been said to resemble marrow, and has obtained the name of Sir Hans Sloane’s “vegetable marrow:” but you will form a better idea of its substance and flavour, by considering it to be like the inner pulp of the large pea used in England, called marrowfat—a quantity of this collected, free from the skins of the peas, and eaten with pepper and salt, although very inferior to it, would be more like the avagata pear than any other fruit or vegetable that is known in Europe.

LETTER L.

Port au Prince.

Since writing my last letter, I have had an opportunity of attending the Commander in Chief upon an expedition, which remained a secret at head-quarters, until the morning after we left Port au Prince. Having dined at the government-house, we set off, a party of five, viz. the Commander in Chief, Colonel Grant, Major Gillespie, Dr. Jackson, and myself, escorted by a troop of hussars. In the evening we arrived at the Croix des Bouquets, a town situated in the plain of the Cul de Sac, about twelve miles from Port au Prince. Here the General was received by Colonel O’Gorman, and Major le Pine (two of the foreign officers in British pay), at the head of a party of the garrison drawn up at the gate of the fort. We were soon afterwards conducted to the residence of Monsieur le Curé, where the Commander in Chief was provided for the night—the rest of the party finding quarters in the town. Before we separated, orders were given to the escort, announcing that the General would be on horseback at gun-fire in the morning.

Colonel Grant and myself, being quartered in the same house, rose at five o’clock, and hastened to the Curé’s, where we found the hussars drawn up before the door, and the Commander in Chief mounting his horse. We were instantly on the march, and, soon after passing the outer gate of the town, the General mentioned the object of the expedition, viz. to witness the result of an attack, which he had ordered to be made upon a strong post of the brigands, in the mountains separating the valley of the Cul de Sac from the plain of Mirebalais; where they had maintained a commanding position for the last three or four years, to the great annoyance of our convoys, and of all persons possessing any property in that vicinity.

Upon this elevated point they had assembled to the number of eight or nine hundred; and had so strongly fortified themselves as to consider the position secure against any force which the British commander might be able to detach. A body of troops had been ordered to proceed in three columns, with a view of assailing them, in so many different directions at the same time. We advanced near to the mountains, and within sight of the brigand post, without hearing any signal, or seeing any of the troops. We remained therefore only a short time below the hills, and after being three hours on horseback returned to the Croix des Bouquets to wait despatches from the officer appointed to command the attack.

On arriving at Monsieur le Curé’s we found the breakfast-table spread with a copious repast, equally calculated for the hungry trooper, and for him who had quietly slumbered away his morning hours.

The lamentable revolution has robbed the Curé of his appropriate, and more distinguish-home—his late residence having been converted into a fort, and the house into a barrack: but the change, which has placed him in a more humble abode, has not deprived him of his disposition to promote the comfort of those who visit him, whether friends or strangers.

At the hour of dinner the plenteous board again displayed the bounty of the generous host; who provided an ample supply for a party of eighteen; our number being increased by some of the officers of the 21st dragoons, and others belonging to the garrison of the town.

Just as we were seated at table a dragoon arrived, announcing the action to have commenced, between our troops, and the brigands in the mountains; and, on looking out, the post was discovered to be in flames; which augured favorably for the attacking party.

We resumed our quarters at the Croix des Bouquets for the night, and on the following morning, escorted as before, returned to Port au Prince, where the General received despatches, informing him that the attack had succeeded to his wishes—the enemy being defeated, and the place in possession of our troops; but, we have to lament the loss of several brave men killed, and many wounded, the post having been defended with great obstinacy.

This expedition afforded me an opportunity of seeing the plain of the Cul de Sac, to the extent of sixteen or eighteen miles; and I am sorry to observe that it exhibits one vast and melancholy picture of devastation; a considerable part of the town of Croix des Bouquets being involved in the same destructive fate.

Before the revolution this fertile plain was one of the most improved spots in the West Indies, being, at that time, adorned with numbers of highly improved estates, handsome houses, rich gardens, and plenteous crops of sugar. Now it offers only the dismal marks of ruined greatness and beauty—displaying a grievous example of the evils which result from misguiding the passions of the ignorant by the abuse of a popular sentiment. If the people of France and the slaves of their colonies had been first taught to comprehend that true liberty consisted in the privilege of enjoying their own rights, not in the destruction of the rights of others, that enchanting term could never have been so perverted to the misery of mankind. To force unlimited freedom upon slaves, who had always been governed by terror, was to surrender every consideration of justice, policy, and discretion, to a mere pretence—to a high-sounding but hollow humanity. It was to let loose the tiger without having the power of again subduing him, and can only be regarded as the act of a set of madmen.

It is probable that the lately enviable plain of the Cul de Sac will soon revert to a wild forest, bearing no visible mark of its former cultivation; at present a naked chimney, part of a mill, the broken wall of a sugar-house, or some other ruin, lifts its head, here and there, above the aspiring thorn—some remains are likewise seen of the fine roads, the expensive aqueducts, and other improvements which enriched or embellished the teeming valley: but, unless the all-redeeming hand of industry shall resume its sway, the few remaining marks of its former influence will be speedily buried amidst the rapid vegetation of this prolific soil.

LETTER LI.

Cape St. Nicholas, Sept.

You would not expect to hear, thus soon, that I had again changed my quarters; but it has been already my lot to be exposed to another sea voyage, from Port au Prince to the Mole. The disasters commenced with the embarkation; and were not less marked than upon former occasions.

I felt it a fortunate circumstance to have again the opportunity of making the passage in so good a ship as the Lion. She was to sail at an early hour of the morning; I left my abode therefore about sunset the preceding evening, in order to go on board; but in my way to the wharf I was overtaken by one of those heavy storms of which, beyond the tropics, you can form no correct idea. The clouds seemed to burst asunder, emitting broad flashes of light, and rapid torrents of rain which quickly stood in floods around me. Finding it impossible to get on board, I waded back through the sea of the streets to my quarters, guided only by the lightning. It was late before the weather calmed; but I then renewed my attempt to reach the ship, when, unfortunately, one of the soldiers, who had charge of my baggage, not seeing the extent of the wharf, stepped over the edge of it into the sea, with the trunk upon his head. It was between ten and eleven o’clock—the darkness was impenetrable; and the man could not swim. Luckily the ship’s boat was nigh; and the sailors belonging to it instantly plunged into the water in search of the unfortunate soldier, who, by paddling and struggling, kept his head above the surface until they discovered him, and, to our surprise, brought him alive on shore.

These interruptions made it nearly midnight before we reached the Lion; when we found the deck and every part of the ship in a state of hurry and confusion; I waited therefore, only to see our poor sufferer comfortably accommodated, then retired to my birth for the night.

At seven the next morning we got under weigh, amidst a crowded and busy scene which none but sailors could reduce to any order or arrangement—many were hastening away from the ship—others scrambling up her sides to get on board—some of the sailors were heaving the anchor, others were running and jumping from place to place, about every part of the vessel, to work the ropes and sails, while the officers were calling out their orders in loud trumpet sounds: and in addition to the many concerns of his own ship, the captain had to take charge of twenty sail of traders, which were put under his convoy, in order to be protected against the brigands, who were extremely watchful and adventurous at several posts, between Port au Prince and the Mole.

The cabin passengers were twelve in number, of different nations, sexes, and callings; besides whom we had some French nymphs of colour with their sable attendants; so that, together with the ship’s officers, a body of sixty invalid soldiers, and the white and black sailors, the whole formed a numerous and motley crew.

A voyage of this kind is not so pleasant as to induce a wish for its repetition; but the opportunity it afforded of observing the manners and characters among people of different nations and colours well compensated the privation of those little comforts which cannot be commanded in such a situation.

I am sorry to remark that a very shameful abuse is too often practised on board the English ships, regarding the property of the passengers; and that the French part of our company had much reason to lament it on our voyage from Port au Prince. In the ships of their own nation the passengers are treated with great attention and civility, and whatever belongs to them is respected: they complain, therefore, very bitterly of the plunder and dishonesty, which occur so frequently on board the British vessels. Wine, spirits, pickles, sweetmeats, &c. &c. if not secured under your own immediate care, seem to be held as articles of prize property; to be consumed by any who may have it in their power to seize them. Several packages belonging to the cabin passengers on board the Lion, were torn open and their contents devoured. Some of the cases, by way of better security, had been addressed in the name of the commandant, but even these did not escape the too general pillage; they were opened, and the bottles drained to the very dregs.

During the voyage, many opportunities offered of conversing with, and hearing the remarks of the French women of colour, who appear to be far better informed, and more expert in the art de faire l’agréable, than the same classes in the Dutch or English colonies. Here, as in Europe, a conversation may be maintained with almost any order of French women, in a sprightly and agreeable manner; but, among the Dutch and the English, except with those of superior education, a mere social tête-à-tête, divested of particular interest, in either party, is commonly languid and insupportable. Nature has stamped a great variety, among the human species, upon the different parts of the globe; but education and habit often effect a diversity not less interesting or important; although, in some instances, they seem to produce an opposite result, by causing an affinity where nature has marked a vast discordance. In the French colonies, even the African and creole slaves assume the lively manners of their European masters.

But I am straying from my voyage! let me return and inform you, that in the course of the second day’s sailing we passed St. Marc’s, and there exchanged part of our convoy; some of the vessels of our fleet leaving us to go into that port, and others from thence, joining us to proceed under our protection to the Mole; whence they were to be guarded by the British to the United States. During the following night we passed the port of Leogane, one of the posts occupied by the enemy; and at the moment we were sailing by it, a ship coming out of the harbour, stood directly for the convoy. On the supposition that it might be one of the armed vessels of the brigands, some alarm was excited among those of our little fleet who were nearest in shore, and a signal-gun was fired implying the approach of an enemy: but it was soon discovered to be an American trader. She was permitted therefore to join us, and proceed unmolested to the Mole. The property she contained might be French, or it might be American, but good-natured John Bull, in kindness to his transatlantic offspring, protects alike the vessels trading to his own ports, or to those of his enemy: the policy which dictates this proceeding is, of course, well advised; but, should one of the vessels of these, our republican brethren, join a French convoy upon coming out of a British port, it is highly probable that she would not only be exposed to a rigid examination, but captured and condemned as a prize. At the dawn of the third morning we had a view of Cap à Fou near the Mole, a dangerous post in possession of the brigands; and some of the fleet found themselves close under the point of land called the Platform. The breeze was favorable, and if we had not been detained by the slow-sailing vessels, we might have quickly ended our voyage—instead of which, we were compelled to pass the whole day, standing off and on, at the mouth of the harbour. Some of the quick-sailing ships, which were a-head of the Lion, impatient of being detained, very imprudently proceeded without waiting for the convoy.

At an early hour the next morning we were lying upon the still surface of the sea, without the slightest breeze, and, at daylight, found ourselves farther from the Mole than we had been the preceding evening. This was the more vexatious, as we were in the precise latitude of calms; and at the very spot, where our delays had been so annoying on the passage from Jamaica: but we considered ourselves far from unfortunate, when, in the course of the day, a light breeze sprang up, and, with the aid of the current, carried us slowly into the harbour.

On approaching we observed some of the headmost vessels of the convoy standing in, very near to Cap à Fou, and the guns firing from the batteries on shore, which led us to apprehend that the enemy’s barges were in chase of them; but they were too far advanced for us to ascertain the fact, or afford them any assistance. It was discovered, afterwards, that these vessels had been lucky enough to escape from their pursuers; but that two of those which had attempted to get in the preceding evening had been captured. The brigands, however, suffered for their temerity; for at the moment these traders were compelled to surrender off the very mouth of the bay, the Lively sloop happened to come in, well armed, from Jamaica; when the Admiral, with great promptitude, ordered an officer of the navy, and some additional sailors on board, and sent out this vessel against the enemy, accompanied with some men of war’s boats, and assisted by a party of troops detached by land. By this active little expedition, one of the brigand boats was captured, with ten or twelve of her crew either killed or wounded; and the two vessels of our convoy were retaken.

LETTER LII.

Cape St. Nicholas Mole, Sept.

As you assure me that every syllable respecting the prevailing disease of this climate is read with eager interest, I may mention two striking cases, which occurred upon our late passage.

The morning after we left Port au Prince, the wife of one of the soldiers, a robust healthy woman, was seized with a severe febrile attack; the symptoms running so high as to threaten yellow fever in its most dangerous form. Early intimation of her illness was conveyed to the medical attendants, and we had the opportunity of taking away blood very soon after the invasion of the disease. An active medicine was likewise administered; and it was found necessary to repeat the bleeding in the evening. The next morning the fever had greatly abated, and, upon visiting her the day after, being the third day of the disease, I found her busily engaged at the wash-tub. The fastidious may seek objections, pretending that this was not a case of yellow fever; but, from the nature of the attack, and from all the experience I have had, I am persuaded that this poor woman would have been rapidly destroyed, under the most malignant symptoms of that disease, if it had not been prevented by the early use of the lancet.

Only a short time after I had been called to this patient, we were hailed by the master of one of the American vessels, asking the captain if he had “any doctors on board,” and soliciting medical aid for one of his sailors, who, he said, was “seized with a violent fever.” A boat was hoisted out without delay, and I desired one of the hospital assistants to go and visit this American sailor, directing him, in the event of his finding the symptoms such as we had witnessed in the case of the soldier’s wife, to take from him twenty or thirty ounces of blood, to administer what other remedy should appear to be necessary, and to tell the captain to let us hear of him as early the next morning as he might have an opportunity of speaking the ship. The attack was found to be very similar to that of the woman: venæsection was consequently employed, and an evacuating medicine prescribed; but we heard nothing further from the sailor during the voyage. On sending to the vessel to ascertain how he was, upon completing the passage, our inquiries were met by the poor man’s grateful thanks, with the pleasing intelligence that he “recovered immediately after the bleeding.”

The day we arrived at the Mole, the Drake and Pelican brigs of war came into harbour from a cruise—the Pelican having on board some French or brigand sailors to place in the naval hospital. By the humane exertions of the British, these men had been saved from a sinking privateer, which had ventured to attack the Pelican, in the hope of making her a prize. Scarcely could the crew have been more unfortunate than in attempting this vessel, for she is equally celebrated on account of carrying an uncommon weight of metal, as for having fought many brave and successful actions during the war. In less than half an hour from the commencement of the fight she drove the privateer to the bottom of the ocean. It is melancholy to know that not less than eighty hands were on board, and that with all the best exertions of the Pelican’s company, only a small number of them could be saved, among whom were some so frightfully burned that they were horrid and miserable figures to behold.

Upon conversing with these men, in the hospital, I learned that they were actually blown out of the ship into the sea, by the explosion of the privateer, before she went down, and that by this accident alone they escaped the fate of their companions. Some of them were scorched and blistered from head to foot, and were lying in agonizing tortures. Among these wretched sufferers I observed two men and a boy who, from the appearance of the small portion of skin which remained upon them, must have been either Europeans, or the offspring of European parents. It is not incurious to witness the medley of different colours, and different nations assembled in this asylum of the sick. Regardless of all the contentions and jealousies of war, our hospitals are the general receptacles of the afflicted. Friends and foes are equally admitted, and relief is impartially administered to all. Here are associated Africans, French, Spaniards, Creoles, English, Scots, and Irish, sharing, in common, the soothing balm of humanity. Being disabled, notwithstanding it be in the field of strife, enmity is banished, and they participate, as friends, the cares and duties which are indiscriminately dispensed to those who are sick, or wounded.

In our walk through the hospital, we found one of the wards filled with inhabitants, still less to be expected than any of the foregoing; viz. a crowd of enormous turtles. These had been brought to the Mole by one of the ships of war for the use of the sick. They were placed upon their backs, each having its head supported by a large stone. In this situation they were kept alive by wetting their eyes every morning with sea water. They are used for the patients in the hospital by being cooked into a plain nutritive broth; and in this humble form they constitute a very valuable supply of wholesome food, amidst the paucity of fresh animal provisions.

Many of the sick, in the naval hospital, are afflicted with scurvy; many also with dysentery, and, in these cases, the turtle broth forms an excellent support. The convalescents, likewise, from fever, and from wounds, find it a very nourishing diet.

On my first arrival at the Mole I mentioned to you the very barren aspect of the surrounding territory, and I may now remark, that it does not improve upon acquaintance. In my rides to the hospitals, barracks, and outworks, at short distances from the town, I find the general face of the country dreary and sterile almost beyond example. Never did mountains exhibit a more naked and unfruitful appearance. They seem to be so entirely arid and unproductive as to afford no provision for man or beast, nor scarcely for bird or insect. Still the immediate scene around the town must have been much worse before the place was captured by the English; for, since it has been in our possession, several barracks, hospitals, and block-houses, have been erected upon different eminences, placing so many objects in view, and giving a degree of animation and diversity to the picture.

In a cool, elevated situation, above the town, is an extensive barrack, which was the remotest position established by the French. The part built by them is of stone; and, by a wooden addition, we have most unwisely converted the structure into a close square—perhaps the worst form that could be contrived, in this country, for any habitation intended to be occupied by a crowded body of people.

This building is now unoccupied, in consequence of the number of troops being diminished, and the line of defence extended to a greater distance up the hills, by a chain of new barracks and block-houses, sufficient to accommodate all the present garrison. The height of the rocks, their steep and rugged form, and the general rudeness of their barren surface, seem to bid defiance to the approach of an enemy; and, as defended by the late improvements ordered by General Whyte, the Mole, if adequately garrisoned, might probably be secure against any force which the brigands, or the republicans now in the island, could bring against it: but with the enemy in possession of the surrounding territory, and acquainted with the weakened state of the garrison, we cannot feel ourselves quite safe against an attack.

In the days of our pleasant mess on board the Lord Sheffield, it was the favorite anticipation of our party, that if we should chance to be serving in the same colony at the conclusion of the war, or at the time of our being recalled to England, we should contrive, if possible, to visit the United States of America, together, on our way home. The idea was then so grateful to me that I have never abandoned it, and notwithstanding my then happy, and social comrades are widely separated by death, or other causes, I still look with hope to this excursion as a journey not only of high gratification, but of faithful devotion to the memory of a party of congenial friends, who can never meet again.

My desire to visit the northern, is further strengthened by the opportunity I have had of residing in the southern part of the American continent; and whenever it shall be my lot to return to England, I shall earnestly endeavour to make the voyage by way of the United States.

LETTER LIII.

St. Domingo, 1797.

You tell me that you are anticipating the perusal of a summary account of the slaves, and state of slavery in the West Indies; but, with every desire to meet your wishes, I feel myself incompetent to the task of directing my pen, upon this subject, in such a manner as may gratify your expectations. I can only offer you, therefore, a few general remarks, which may serve as a recapitulation of the desultory notes, which have been already transmitted to you as circumstances chanced to fall in my path.

You know already that the blacks are purchased upon the coast of Africa, and brought from thence, to the West Indies, in trading ships, fitted out expressly for that purpose. These vessels are the property of individual merchants; and the profit or loss of the adventure rests upon the same chances as in other articles of traffic; but the number, or quantum of the cargo is now regulated by act of parliament, and cannot exceed a given proportion according to the ship’s tonnage. In addition to the common feelings of humanity, it is made the interest of all concerned, to treat these poor Africans well upon the voyage; consequently ill usage and unnecessary severities are carefully avoided, and the cruelties which we read of are no longer practised. They are kept upon deck in the day-time, and induced, by the cheering sound of their favorite banjar, to dance and jump about, by way of exercise. Many of them are taught to pull the ropes, and assist in working the ship; and it is often surprising to observe their expertness, and the progress they make, during the voyage, in performing the sailors’ duties.

The men and women are separated from each other, by a boarded partition, placed across the vessel. They are fed with rice, or Guinea corn, the pounding and preparing of which afford them a source of exercise and employment. They have a great amusement in collecting together in groups, and singing their favorite African songs, in which the energy of their action is more remarkable than the harmony of the music. They sleep between decks, upon the bare boards of the empty cabins—the men below the middle hatchway, the women in the aft cabin. In these births they are necessarily much crowded, only twenty inches of board being allowed for each person; and, notwithstanding every care being taken to preserve a free ventilation, still, from being thus stowed together, the heat and fœtor of the place become intolerably offensive. But they are removed at an early hour in the morning, and great attention is paid to cleanliness, by daily washing the cabins, and leaving them as open as possible to the sun and the breeze—the purification being effected with greater facility in consequence of neither furniture, bedding, nor clothing being allowed.

Like the cargoes of any other species of merchandise, the slaves are regularly consigned to an agent for sale; and, in the course of a few days after their arrival, having acquired their best appearance, by resting from the fatigue of the voyage, and being well rubbed and cleaned, or even oiled, and blacked, and polished so as to have sleek and healthy-looking skins, they are exposed by auction or otherwise, and unreservedly sold to the planters, merchants, and other inhabitants of the colony,—each becoming as exclusively the property of the purchaser as his ox, or his ass, or any thing that is his!

After the sale they are conducted to the respective homes of their new masters; the separating from each other, often becoming their severest trial—their heaviest and most bitter affliction: but, to the credit of the parties concerned, it is contrived, as much as possible, to sell those who are of one family, to the same purchaser, in order to spare them the pangs of parting: still this cannot, in all cases, be accomplished, and the scene of separation is sometimes truly melancholy and affecting. Having reached the abodes of their several owners, they are soothed by meeting with their countrymen; and some of the old negroes are instructed to cheer and console them, by talking to them in their own language, and representing that, by good conduct, they may ensure good treatment, and make themselves happy. Next they are designated with appropriate appellations, each having the name assigned to him placed round his neck, written upon a card, or a piece of wood. Commonly the christening and marriage form but one ceremony—the men being desired to choose their wives at the time they are named; and they are paired off accordingly.

The present price of a healthy negro is from fifty to eighty pounds sterling, according to his age, and strength. The creoles, particularly if cooks, or mechanics, such as tailors, carpenters, or the like, are valued at twenty or thirty, or even sixty pounds more than the untried Africans; who, besides requiring to be taught, may prove to be subject to some malady, or may fall a sacrifice to the seasoning. Women, and boys sixteen or seventeen years old, are considered to be of nearly equal value; but they are somewhat cheaper than the men.

For a considerable time after their arrival it is usual to put them only to light work, treating them with gentleness, and making their employment more an object of amusement than of fatigue. Thus they are gradually trained to the common round of toil, which, after all that is said and written upon the subject, is not so severe or oppressive, as general opinion in Europe represents it. It is compulsory, and therefore performed with reluctance: but the labour is not more heavy, nor the day longer, than that of the poor in other countries. They are not required to toil during more than twelve hours of the twenty-four; and due intervals are allowed for taking rest and food. The climate is undoubtedly more exhausting than that of Europe, but the quantum of work performed is proportionate. The labour of an industrious English peasant, or mechanic amounts, perhaps, to three or four times as much, within the twelve hours, as is accomplished, within the same period, by a slave. Besides which, it should be taken into the account, that the temperature is congenial to the negroes; in proof of which, I have observed it to be a common practice among them, instead of retiring into the shade, to eat their dinners, and bask away the whole hour allotted them, in the open field, exposed to the direct rays of the sun.

It is always the interest of the master to be kind and considerate towards his slaves; for, if they become sickly, and unfit for labour, they will be only an useless expense to him. Among the planters, who possess large bodies of them, their hours of rest and toil are regular and proportioned: they are fitly clothed, and amply fed, and are less frequently treated with severity. It is among a different class of owners whose bread is earned by the toil of a smaller number, or who have only a single slave, that the unhappy blacks are ill-fed, hard-worked, and often punished.

From much, and careful observation, I am authorized to remark that the planters in general are humane and merciful, and do not exact immoderate toil: with them the slaves have a certain round of duty, which cannot be regarded as excessive or severe, being such as may be performed without any hurtful exertion. Still, humanity is shocked that hosts of our species should be brought to public market—sold like sheep or pigs—and driven to work, like cart-horses, with whips at their backs; and upon this ground it is, that the whole system of slavery must be condemned; for, notwithstanding the great majority of owners may be duly careful of their negroes, it must be eternally unjust, and repugnant to every proper sentiment, that any individual, possessing the common frailties of our nature, should have absolute, and unlimited control over others of his fellow-beings.

A man may be generally humane and considerate, and may recollect, upon all common occasions, that it is equally consistent with his duty and his interest to be tender toward his slaves; but it is too certain that there are moments of ungovernable feeling, when no consciousness of interest or propriety can prevail; and, when the individual, however kind in his usual conduct, should not be left, unrestrained by the laws, to wreak his vengeance upon another; for, no man, however just, honorable, and correct in his ordinary dealings, can be, at all moments, fit to be intrusted with the fourfold power of accuser, witness, judge, and executioner!

And, if periods may occur, when even good men may be so led away by their passions, as to interrupt the general consistency of their characters, and conduct themselves with inhumanity, how dreadful is the reflection that those, who, even in their best moments, are not governed by the same amiable feelings, should, upon all occasions, possess the same absolute authority!

Stupidity, obstinacy, and revenge, constitute the more prominent features in the character of slaves—forming the cruel mark, stamped upon them by the very nature of their situation; for, the man being degraded, the mind naturally becomes debased. Sunk in the darkest ignorance, they are wholly devoid of principle: having no sense of moral duty, they thieve, lie, and cheat without restraint, considering the crime to consist only in being detected: governed solely by fear, they scarcely comprehend the doctrine of right and wrong. They are depressed below all proper sense of shame, or elevation; and, being too imbecile to reason upon what is fit and best, in a general view, they have no consideration beyond self-interest, and the gratification of the present moment. Deep sulkiness, idleness, deceit, and low cunning are among their most conspicuous qualities; and if, from these feelings, they are liable to offend the temper, and provoke the irascibility of those about them, it is evident that it must require great forbearance and self-control not to treat them with severity—hence, the impropriety of their being left at the will and mercy of those, whose power over them is arbitrary and unbounded[13].

As it is the effect of bondage to debase the mind of the slave, so is it the natural effect of governing slaves to render the master inconsiderate and severe: it destroys all the finer feelings, and, by permitting men to indulge, instead of compelling them to conceal their passions, begets inordinate and cruel habits, even among those in whose bosoms nature had not implanted them. The laws of a well-ordered state may have the power of rendering bad men good in effect, by causing them to keep a constant watch over their passions, and teaching them to subdue the worst feelings of their nature: but the governing of slaves produces a directly opposite result, and tends to make the best men bad, by removing all control, and suffering their worst passions to riot in lawless sway.

One master may be severe, and punish for the slightest fault—another may miscalculate, and fancy it his interest to overwork his slaves; and others may distress them, from feelings of ill-will: also, if the master, whose real interest it is to cherish and protect his negroes, be kind and humane towards them, the manager, the overseer, or the driver, who has not the same motives of interest to check him, may be cruel, and inflict great severities, without the owner’s knowledge; for, a slave has no hope of being heard in appealing against a white man; nor would he dare to complain to the master, against those who wield the scourge, lest resentment should multiply the affliction: hence, as every man is frail, every slave must be liable to be ill treated, from one cause or other. It cannot therefore be contended that the system is otherwise than radically bad.

But, with respect to the acute feelings of the slaves, and the anguish they suffer from a sense of the galling oppression to which they are exposed, the case is not so grievous as it is sometimes represented; for, very few, if any of them comprehend the advantages of freedom, or reflect with poignancy upon the vast and bitter distinctions between that condition and the ignominious state of slavery. I have frequently taken the opportunity of leading the negroes into conversation, expressly for the purpose of ascertaining their sentiments upon this head; but I never met with one, either male or female, who knew how to estimate properly, or, indeed, fully to understand the difference. To the plain question, whether it would not be a great happiness to them to have their freedom, they commonly reply by asking, what they could do if they were free—who would give them food—who supply them with clothing—or, who send them a doctor when sick? thus implying that, in their neglected minds, the freedom from care is a compensation for their manifold privations. Many of them have been known even to refuse their proffered enfranchisement; and others, who have been liberated, have voluntarily continued the habits and toils of slavery. It will occur to you that, in these cases, they must have been well treated by their owners.

Although considerations of humanity must silence every syllable that might be urged in defence of slavery, still, upon the ground of policy, and the actual state of West India possession, the subject of emancipation claims the most calm and attentive investigation. It is a question upon which conflicting opinions are entertained; and many persons, on either side, who might give a deliberate and unbiassed judgment upon other matters, are too much under the influence of prejudice with regard to this: but, the very existence of discordant sentiments ought to teach all parties a lesson of the greatest caution. Many well-informed colonists reduce the inquiry to a simple question—whether the cultivation of the settlements should be continued or abandoned? insisting that there can be no middle course! Some, led away by a mistaken philanthropy, contend for a general and immediate emancipation, upon the plea that the colonies might be cultivated, and our West India commerce preserved, without slaves; whilst others, weighing minutely the justice and policy, as well as the humanity of the proceeding, are advocates for a slow and gradual enlargement; but in a matter of such magnitude and importance, a circumspect measure of steady operation must, undoubtedly, be far preferable to a hasty act, which, however well intended, might only multiply the evil it is designed to remove.

The abolition of the importation of slaves, from Africa[14], might be a task of less difficulty than the emancipation of those already in the colonies. To accomplish the former, with equal benefit and humanity, a wise system of regulations should be established in the settlements; and the arrangement should be concerted in conjunction with the other nations engaged in this unnatural traffic. The creole slaves are of higher value than those imported; but, while common calculation shows it to be cheaper to purchase a negro than to breed one up, it is not to be expected that the greatest possible care will be taken, and all the requisite means employed to increase the population of the creoles. It might, therefore, be an act of the highest policy to prohibit the importation, and thereby render it the general and individual interest of the colonists to introduce every useful regulation; more particularly for the better accommodation of the pregnant females, and their offspring: but, as it is doubtful, whether, under a sudden suspension of the trade, any plan could be adopted to insure an increase, or even a continuance of the existing population, it is necessary that the abolition, as well as the emancipation, should be gradually effected. Perhaps, with this view, it might be proper, among other regulations, to allow certain vessels to continue the importation for a limited period, requiring that each of them should bring an increased number of females, in every future cargo, in order that there may be an adequate proportion of women in the colonies at the time of the final prohibition.

LETTER LIV.

In complying with your wish that I should send you a letter exclusively upon the subject of the disease which has committed such afflicting ravages in our army, I shall confine myself principally to what concerns the nature of the disorder, feeling that a minute detail of the symptoms, and mode of treatment would not only be less interesting, but perhaps very tedious to you.

After all that I have been able to observe, with respect to this dreadful complaint, I think that, considering it as a malady of the West India colonies, it may be correctly regarded as the effect of climate, operating upon exotic bodies. It is the fever of the country—an endemial malady, which attacks those, most severely, whose general vigour, and whose firmness, or density of fibre offer the strongest resistance. To look for it in ships and vessels;—to strain the eye across the ocean, in order to fix its birth-place upon the opposite coast of the Atlantic, or to trace its descent from the shores of the Indian seas, would be to overlook the reality in search of a phantom! It needs no foreign parent: the earth is its mother: its father the sun.

When Europeans first take up their residence in the West Indies, it is usual for them, sooner or later after their arrival, to undergo an attack of fever; which in times of peace and tranquillity, when the “new-comers” are but few, is termed a “seasoning fever;” but in times of war, when, from great multitudes arriving at the same period, its destructive effects are more striking, is called a “yellow fever;” but, whether denominated “seasoning” or “yellow,” or marked by any other appellation, it is only the common bilious fever of hot climates: and it appears under an intermittent, a remittent, or a continued form, according to the soil and situation of the place; or the habit of body, and other circumstances of the person attacked. In negroes and creoles it is frequently an ague; in those who are in a degree acclimated a remittent; and in new-comers a continued, or, as it is commonly termed, a yellow fever; preserving, in each case, a distinct type throughout its course; while, in other instances of its attack upon Europeans, it shifts its form, and runs its progress with the utmost irregularity: in proof of which I may remark that it has happened to myself to receive newly arrived soldiers into the hospital, at the same time, with this seasoning malady, under all the varieties of its intermittent, remittent, and continued form: and notwithstanding each has been differently attacked, all of them have died, in the course of only a few days, with every symptom of the most malignant yellow fever.

Nature, in her fostering care, hath endowed the human frame with the power of accommodating itself to all the various climates upon the habitable regions of our globe; yet hath she more expressly adapted our organs to the particular climate in which she hath stationed us: so constituting the nice and delicate movements of the animal machine, that we cannot, without peril, expose ourselves to sudden or violent transitions.

To the inhabitants of different regions is given something of constitutional difference, which it would be difficult precisely to define: but it belongs to a certain original conformation, creating a difference of fibre or stamina, which more particularly befits the body for the specific region, in which it is designed to move: yet, while much is attributed to nature, it ought not to be forgotten that habit follows nature very closely, in her influence upon the human frame; and hence it is that by long residence, and similarity of pursuit, so near an approach to this specific and original structure may be acquired, as to promote healthy action, in a being removed to a foreign, and even to an ungenial climate: still, this is only the yielding of a body originally different; for the assimilation is never so complete as to be in all respects the same. The constitution of a negro from Africa, or the West Indies, never becomes entirely British, although he remain in England the greater number of his days: and however much an European, by long residence in the West Indies, be brought to resemble a creole, he can never acquire, precisely, the constitution of a native: some marks of original conformation will still exist, and something, even in his general appearance, to distinguish him.

Nor is this difference of organization confined to the human subject: other animal bodies, and also vegetables differ in their structure and external appearance, in different climates. The wool of sheep, removed from a northern region to the West Indies, becomes hair; and the almost tasteless potatoe of Europe assumes a strong saccharine flavour from tropical culture.

The influence of the atmosphere, not only in different climates, but under its various changes in the same climate, is, at all times, and in all countries, far greater than common opinion supposes: nor has the attention of medical men been sufficiently directed to this circumstance, although it is of great magnitude. Hypochondriacs, persons subject to rheumatism, or asthma, and those afflicted with painful thickenings of the cuticle (usually termed corns), become exquisitely sensible of the slightest variations in the state of the atmosphere; whence it may be concluded, that it cannot but operate, at all moments, with a powerful effect upon the tender fibres of our delicately organized vessels; and if, in our native region, the influence be so considerable, must it not be infinitely more important, upon the body being exposed to the stronger impressions of an unnatural climate,

“... where the sun, with downward torrid ray,

Kills with the barb’rous glories of the day?”

Without entering more minutely into the subject, suffice it to remark, that there appears to be a certain gradation in the tone, or firmness of the animal fibre, as we proceed from the hotter through the more temperate regions; not following in exact mathematical proportion, but sufficiently manifest to form some standard for general observation; and, perhaps, to sanction the assumption that the density or laxity of the human fibre bears an intimate alliance with the temperature of the climate, with respect to heat or cold; although it may be influenced, likewise, by other circumstances; such as the dryness or moisture of the atmosphere, the state of the soil, the manner of clothing, and the habits pursued. In the colder regions towards the poles, the fibre is firmer, the circulation of the fluids slower, and the secretions are more languid; while in the warmer regions, near the equator, the fibre is lax, respiration quicker, the circulation more rapid, and the secretions are more copious, and more speedily performed. In order, therefore, to fit the constitution of a polar inhabitant for a tropical climate, or to accommodate the system of a tropical inhabitant to a polar atmosphere, it is needful that the change should be gradual, that the necessary density or laxity be induced, with as little risk as possible of disorganization, and consequent dissolution[15]. Not only do the inhabitants of cold climates suffer, on being transferred to the tropical regions—the negroes can as ill support the change to a northern atmosphere. They are frequently the victims of being brought to Europe: amidst the cold of our winter, all their energies seem to be destroyed, and their faculties benumbed: they seldom live to old age, but, commonly, sink into marasmus, or are cut off by early consumption.

Fever, excessive heat, violent passion, or any other cause which greatly, and suddenly hurries the circulation of the fluids, diminishes the tone and energy of the living animal fibre, and deprives it of that degree of firmness which is necessary to health; but, by gradually habituating the body to the change, a high degree of increased circulation, or a considerable diminution of the original density of fibre may be supported, without any consequent derangement of structure: the increased action of the vessels, the augmented velocity of the fluids, and the subsequent laxity of fibre, induced by great heat, or high fever, may be borne, provided they are not so sudden, nor so long continued, as to cause disorganization.

We have many familiar examples which testify the effect of original conformation, and the powerful influence of habit upon the animal body, with respect to its state of health or disease. If a person accustomed to live in the gloom of London should expose his face, for only a short time, to the full rays of the sun, at Brighton, the skin would be separated as if by the application of a blister; but if a hardy shepherd of the downs were to lie upon the hills, with his face open to the broad sun, throughout the day, not the smallest part of the cuticle would be disturbed.

A negro, to whom the climate is congenial, can run over the hills in the West Indies, for many hours in succession without suffering the slightest inconvenience: but if an European of more unyielding fibre, and only lately arrived within the tropics, were to follow him in such a course, it would be more than probable—it would be almost certain, that, within a few succeeding hours, a fever would complete the disorganization, and send him to the grave.

So the fluids of a racer may be hurried violently through his vessels, without any injury to the natural organization: but if an unpractised horse, of a different original conformation, were to be taken from the cart and made to gallop, with all possible speed, over a course of four or six miles, it is probable that from the increased impulse, and the resistance of his unaccommodating fibre, fever, disorganization, and death would speedily ensue.

In cold or temperate climates, bulls are baited, and hares hunted, in order that the sound texture of their fibres may be broken down, and the muscles made tender, by their dying in the fever of increased and violent circulation. This is a fact so well known to sportsmen, that a hunted hare is always preferred to one that has been shot, or taken by other means.

Epicures let their meat hang after it is killed, until the atmosphere has effected the same purpose, by a different process, and it be made tender by a decomposition, or partial putrefaction. But in the West Indies, it is common to see the animal alive in the market, and to have its joints smoking upon table the same day at dinner: it is slaughtered, dressed, and eaten, without the flesh growing cold; yet there is no complaint of the meat being hard or tough.

These remarks will serve to lead your attention more particularly to the subject of climate, and to the effects of habit and original conformation. Without attempting to enter more particularly into the various changes, which the febrile action produces in destroying life, or the specific mode in which these changes are effected, I may state a few other general circumstances, which will show the application, of what has been already said, to the subject in question, viz. the continued, or yellow fever.

Creoles and negroes are not subject to the fever in its continued, or most malignant form: when it invades them, it appears under a remittent or intermittent type. In these classes the original conformation, aided by a constant exposure to the heat and atmosphere of these regions, has established a due state of fibre, and given to the body a certain congeniality which empowers it to continue its healthy action, amidst all the circumstances of climate and situation.

Europeans, who have resided during a period of several years in the West Indies, are seldom attacked with the fever in its continued form; when it seizes them, it commonly assumes the type of a remittent. In persons of this class, the body, from long exposure to the climate, has become creolised, approaching to the conformation of the natives, by having the original firmness of fibre reduced to the appropriate standard for continuing the healthy action, under exposure to preternatural heat.

The strongest men—those of the most dense or rigid fibre are most subject to the high degrees of the continued, or yellow fever; and are most frequently, and most rapidly destroyed by it. Women, children, convalescents from former malady, and those who have been reduced by the use of mercurial remedies are less frequently the objects of its attack: and when it seizes them, it is usually milder, and less rapid in its progress. In these classes, the state of the animal fibre, either from original conformation, or from eventual circumstances, more nearly approaches to that of the creoles and natives.

In North America, the inhabitants, who constantly reside in the most southern states, are seldom attacked with the fever in its more violent, or continued form; while those of the north-east states are destroyed by it in great numbers: but, even in these districts, it is remarked that the fever more readily seizes strangers from Europe, or peasants from the interior provinces, than the natives of the towns, in which the disease prevails. These facts are striking, and they seem to admit of ready explanation. The inhabitants of the southern states, from being subject to constant heat, are acclimated, and, in constitution, approach nearly to the creoles or natives of the West Indies: but those residing in the more northern states, although exposed to a very high degree of heat during the summer, can never become creolised, on account of the intervening winter, which annually renews the predisposition, and creates a susceptibility of the disease; still, from living, during part of the year, in excessive heat, and remaining, at all times, in the atmosphere of their towns, the inhabitants of the place, where the disease prevails, are, in some degree, less susceptible of the most malignant form of the fever, than strangers from Europe, or peasants from the inland districts, whose more dense and rigid fibre renders them in a peculiar manner predisposed.

From these remarks, it appears that the presence of contagion is in no degree necessary to the production of this fever. Indeed its invasion is governed by circumstances very opposite to the known laws of contagion: for, in proportion as the body approaches the creole structure, so is it able to support the change of temperature, and to resist the fatal effects of the seasoning malady. If the constitution, either from natural organization, or from long residence, be assimilated to the climate, i. e. if it be reduced to the common standard of the creoles, there is nothing to apprehend from the disease: but if it be not, the fever will, assuredly, make its attack, without waiting for any such cause as contagion.

Moreover, if it can be ascertained, that certain classes of people are most liable to be attacked, and if it can be proved that there is a regular gradation, according as they have been more or less exposed to the influence of climate, it must be equally unnecessary and unphilosophical to call in the aid of a power, the application of whose laws it were impossible to reconcile with the appearances observed. No disease of known contagion is affected by the events which are, daily, seen to govern the progress of the yellow fever; if, therefore, contagion be regarded as the parent of this disease, it must be a contagion of a very uncommon and peculiar nature; for it is a circumstance, both singular and unprecedented, that an active and wide-spreading contagion, prevailing in any particular country, should, expressly, avoid the inhabitants of that country, and only lie in wait for strangers; and, further, that should these not chance to arrive, for many years, it would remain dormant throughout the whole period, and, again, rush forth with undiminished vigour, the very moment when strangers should appear! I think I might say, with the greatest correctness, that if no person from a colder climate, should visit the West India colonies for the space of five, ten, or any given number of years, no instance of the yellow fever, distinct from the bilious remittent fever of the country, would be known, during that period; yet, if a body of men, unaccustomed to the climate, should arrive from Europe, in the month of July or August immediately succeeding, a considerable proportion of them would be seized, and probably destroyed by this disease, before they had commemorated the first return of a new year: but, can it be supposed that a most subtile and active contagion would thus remain latent, for any specified term, amidst whole hosts of natives, and suddenly resume all its destructive powers, as soon as a body of more robust foreigners should come within its reach?

In England, the harvest-men and strangers, who go into the fens of Kent, or Lincolnshire in the autumn, are more readily attacked with the endemial fever of those counties, than the inhabitants, who constantly dwell in the atmosphere which causes it; yet we do not learn that, during the prevalence of any contagious malady in these districts, the contagion cautiously avoids the men of Kent or Lincolnshire, to lie in wait for strangers; nor, perhaps, will any physician venture to assert that the Kentish fever is produced by infection.

It would seem more probable that the contagion, common to any particular country, should seize the natives of that country. The plica Polonica shuns not the people of Poland; nor the sibbens those of Scotland: neither do the yaws spare the creoles, or the Africans. But what appears most surprising is, that this very extraordinary contagion should not attack the languid blacks of the West Indies; yet when it arrives in America, that it should seize the more robust negroes of the United States.

This is a fact, which is totally irreconcileable upon the principle of the disease proceeding from contagion. The negro of the West Indies, from always living in a high degree of heat, has no susceptibility: but the negro of America acquires a predisposition from the recurrent cold of the winter. The fibre of the one is relaxed, and yielding—of the other dense and resisting. In the same way it is explained why the inhabitants of Louisiana, Georgia, and the Carolinas, are less subject to the disease, than those of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York. Did the fever spread itself by contagion, we know of no cause why it should extend its ravages to the north instead of the south; why it should seize whites in preference to blacks; why a vigorous European rather than a languid creole; nor, why it should avoid the sable race of the West Indies, yet affect the negroes of North America.

It is not a law of contagion to make its attack upon the strongest people: more commonly it assails those of tender fibre. Were any given number of healthy men, and an equal number of children to be exposed, at the same time, to the influence of the contagion of small-pox, measles, or scarlatina, common observation informs us that the children would be found to be most susceptible of the impression, and attacked in the greatest number: but the very reverse of this would be the case if they were to be exposed, in a similar manner, to the cause producing the yellow fever—the men would be found to be most susceptible, and a greater proportion of them would fall victims to the disease.

Not only does this fever invade Europeans, newly arrived in the West Indies, in preference to creoles, negroes, and those who, by a long-continued residence, have become acclimated; but even among these unhappy Europeans, who happen to be susceptible, the most healthy and robust, and, in general, those who are the earliest subjected to great exertions, and the high degrees of temperature, are sooner seized, and more rapidly destroyed, than those of laxer fibre, or those who have the opportunity of becoming more gradually enured to the climate.

But the “New-comers,” if exposed to the yaws, the cra-cra, or any other disease of decided contagion, are not found to be more susceptible than the creoles, or the negroes: although, with regard to the bites of musquitoes and other insects, the difference of effect upon the Europeans, and the people of the climate, is as peculiarly marked, as it is with respect to the yellow fever. The small puncture made in the skin of a robust European by a musquito, or a sand-fly, frequently becomes inflamed, tumefies, breaks into a sore, spreads into a malignant ulcer, and, ultimately, robs the hardy son of the North of his life; while the languid creole, or the negro, quietly lets the insect bite, without apprehending any of this sad train of consequences.

Seeing that the fever can, unquestionably, originate without contagion, some contend that, in its passage through the body, it generates a matter, which is capable of producing the disease, by being diffused in the atmosphere, and that it, thus, becomes infectious. But even in this widest sense of the term, I cannot consider it to be either a contagious or infectious malady; for it does not appear that, by any inherent process, the living human body has the power of generating the pabulum necessary for the production or support of this fever; or that the disease, in its progress through the human frame, begets a poison, sui generis, which may be conveyed from one person to produce the disorder in another.

The contagious or infectious fever which proceeds from distempered human exhalations, is a distinct malady. The yellow fever has a different origin—is different in its symptoms, and requires a different mode of treatment. They both have their degrees, and the mild typhus, and typhus gravior of England are not more alike than the continued and the remittent fever of the West Indies. Perhaps the mild, and the confluent small-pox are more unlike: yet no one denies that either is small-pox; or doubts that both are derived from the same cause—the same specific virus.

If the medical attendants, and the (white) orderlies, who have been employed in the hospitals, have suffered from the fever; still, they have only suffered in common with the officers and soldiers, who have not been quartered near the hospitals; and, as their proportion of duty and fatigue has been unusually great, it were not to be expected that they could escape better than their comrades.

The following fact seems to militate strongly against the doctrine of the yellow fever being, originally, a contagious, or becoming, in the course of its progress, an infectious malady, viz. that, of the multitudes of black men and women, whom I have had occasion to see employed constantly in the hospitals, and who have executed all the menial duties about the sick, the dying, and the dead, I never knew even a single instance of either male or female taking the disease. Perhaps no person will contend that this would have happened if the hospitals had been equally crowded with patients in small-pox, measles, scarlet fever, the jail fever, or any complaint decidedly infectious[16].

The yellow fever prevails most commonly, and most extensively, at the decline of the wet season of the year, when the rains and the sun irregularly alternate, and cause unsettled weather: this is also the period when the bilious remittent, and the ague appear among the creoles and negroes. In the midst, or at the very height of the wet season, and during the finer dry season, the fever, in all its forms, is less prevalent: likewise in the dry and elevated parts of the country, which are open to the breeze, it is out of all proportion less frequent than in low damp situations in the valleys, and about the openings of the rivers. In North America it is principally, and almost exclusively a disease of the low and crowded towns, seated upon the borders of the rivers, and the bays of the sea; and is scarcely known in the inland and more lofty parts of the country.

The great favoring circumstances, therefore, appear to be a high degree of temperature, and a moist state of the atmosphere; to which may be added, perhaps, the ill-chosen site of the towns: but, from the particular season in which it spreads its ravages, and from all the concomitances, it is probable that some miasma, or unwholesome exhalation, may be regarded as the true pabulum of the disease.

At the middle period of the wet season the ditches and canals are full, and the brooks and rivulets fluent, so that the noxious exhalations are neither readily formed, nor easily taken up into the atmosphere: in the dry season, these deadly vapours are either chased away by the breeze, or rendered inert by the intense rays of the sun: but, during the intermediate period, at the decline of the wet season, every circumstance tends to favor their production, and to promote their diffusion and suspension in the surrounding air.

The fever is most readily generated in new colonies, where the land is only partially cleared of its wood, badly cultivated, and the half-drained soil left to exhale its noxious vapours into the atmosphere. In the older colonies, where the forests have been long cut down, the territory submitted to the labours of the planter, and its surface more opened to the breeze, it is found to be less prevalent. Examples of this are seen in the old islands of Barbadoes and Antigua, contrasted with those of Grenada and Trinidad. The former are well cleared, and universally tilled, and from locality as well as culture, freely exposed to the influence of the trade-wind: in these, the disease but seldom appears. The latter are not yet brought under general cultivation, but are partially covered with wood, and the atmosphere is damper, and less purified by the breeze: here, the fever frequently and fatally rages.

In new settlements, where the land is neither well cleared, nor drained; and particularly in the vicinity of the towns or habitations, which are commonly placed at the lowest, and most insalubrious spots, for the convenience of commerce, the dirty streams from the higher lands, and often the filth of rivers, or of bays and inlets of the ocean, together with decayed leaves, plants, and roots, and, in short, the whole exuviæ of the vegetable world collect, remain, and grow putrid; in such situations also, the very weeds, and coarser plants, become rank and exuberant, and, growing up only to decay, add to the fermenting mass, which, by holding the impure waters stagnant, accumulates and creates a noxious swamp: thus, is generated the hideous Python, who, though often subdued by the sun’s rays, again lifts up his deadly front, and can only be completely vanquished by the steady and persevering industry of man.

When the effect of climate and situation shall be fully understood, and duly estimated, the yellow fever may be no longer the scourge of our merchants, our planters, and our armies: yet, after the long and fatal experience the world has had, it is equally lamentable and surprising that men should blindly continue in error, with respect to the spots chosen for their towns and dwellings. Contrary to their better knowledge, they prefer the convenience of commerce to the more important advantages of health; and fix their habitations, as it were expressly, upon the most unhealthy points of the globe. In every nation, and almost every colony, striking examples might be selected of the strange folly and neglect with which a circumstance of such serious magnitude is regarded. Armies, perishing with fever, or dysentery, have been snatched from threatened destruction, by change of station; and countries, almost meriting the reproachful term pestilential, have been rendered salubrious by attentions to the soil: still, on the score of health, much remains to be done, by mankind fixing their residence where the atmosphere is least exposed to noxious exhalations. But, alas! commerce, and her seductive attendants, riches, dissipation, and luxury, deaden the loud calls of Hygeia, with her more virtuous train, ease, tranquillity, and happiness; hence it is to be feared that while man remains ambitious, and wealth is made the public road to honors and distinctions in society, health will continue to be only a secondary object of his consideration. It is in the province of the physician to expose this fatal error—to philosophy it belongs to remove it.

The fever of these regions seems, in many respects, to be governed by the same circumstances as the endemic fever of Kent and Lincolnshire, in England. When it attacks the natives of the country, it even assumes the same type and symptoms: and I much suspect that if it could happen that the temperature of these counties should continue as high as from 80° to 90° during the summer, and heavy rains should fall in July, the yellow fever would prevail in the months of August and September: but, while the general heat of the summer shall continue below 70°, there can be no fear of yellow fever being generated in England; and still less of its being imported: for this is just as improbable as that the Kentish fever should be carried off in a Scots trading vessel, and spread among the inhabitants of Edinburgh, whose rocks, and streams, and healthy mountains preclude its visitation.

In order to exhibit, in a more striking point of view, the similarity, or I might say the identity of the intermittent, the remittent, and the yellow fever of the West Indies, and to show that they are only different degrees of the same disease, I may briefly enumerate the more prominent points in which the resemblance is observed.

1. They run indiscriminately into each other—a quotidian, or a remittent, sometimes becoming a malignant yellow fever; and a yellow fever sometimes degenerating into a remittent, or an intermittent.

2. They are all connected with a derangement of the biliary system; and a common sequel of each, is a chronic affection of the liver.

3. They all prevail, most extensively, at the same period of the year; viz. the decline of the wet season.

4. A bilious vomiting is common to them all.

5. They are all, occasionally, attended with a yellowness of the skin, and the eyes.

6. In their relapses, and frequently in their first attack, they all bear a close alliance with the lunar periods.

7. The intermittent, the remittent, or the continued type; or, in other words, the milder, the intermediate, or the more malignant form is assumed, according to the state of vigour, the period of residence in the climate, and other circumstances of the subject attacked.

8. They all, occasionally, affect the same person various times.

With respect to the alleged novelty,—the recent production or importation of the yellow fever, it appears to be an error, which may be explained away, by the fact mentioned above; viz. that during a period of peace and tranquillity it is less frequent, and passes under the milder name of seasoning fever; but from recurring in a time of war, it creates new alarm, and consequently issues forth with a new appellation. Its existence is, no doubt, coeval with the discovery of the colonies; for it is mentioned by some of the oldest writers upon the subject of the West Indies, and is pointedly noticed by Père Labat, an author who himself experienced an attack of it in the year 1694. Were it fit to offer a conjecture with regard to its duration, I might suggest that, in all probability, it will continue to prevail, so long as the hope of riches shall impel the inhabitants of cold climates to pay their devotions to Plutus, by a pilgrimage to tropical fields; unless these fields shall be so improved, by tillage, as to deprive the fever of the aliment necessary for its support.

LETTER LV.

St. Domingo, 1797.

I have to regret that in consequence of the greater part of the territory being occupied by the enemy, or, according to the more common term, the brigands, whose out-posts approach very near to the stations garrisoned by our troops, I have not the same opportunity of witnessing the scenery and state of culture of this island, as I had of Barbadoes, and Martinique: you will not, therefore, expect similar details.

From the horrible events which have passed within the few last years, the general face of the country, as well as the towns, must have necessarily undergone a melancholy change:—destructive anarchy—the consuming flames of war and rebellion,—and a barbarous system of devastation have combined to lay waste this once rich and beautiful colony[17].

In the great chain of West Indian islands, St. Domingo lies between Porto Rico and Cuba, thirty leagues east of Jamaica, in 19° north latitude, and 69° west longitude. It is nearly four hundred miles in length, and, at the broadest part, almost one hundred and forty in width. Its distance from England is about 3500 miles. It has the honor of having been chosen, by the great Columbus, as the territory upon which he first established a settlement, when he made his splendid discovery of the new world. From the natives of Cuba the inquiring navigator ascertained that the island was called Hayti; but on making the land, and touching at Cape St. Nicholas, Dec. 6th, 1492, he denominated it Espagnola, in honor of the kingdom, by which he was employed.

Proceeding from St. Nicholas Mole, along the coast, Columbus there fixed upon a spot for erecting a fort, which he termed Navidad; but, this being destroyed, by the naked inhabitants of the country, he, on making his second visit in November 1493, commenced a settlement, at a more promising site, and erected a town, which he named Isabella, in compliment to the Queen of Castile, his patroness.

The city of St. Domingo, from which the modern appellation of the island is derived, was founded in 1498, six years after the first landing, by Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado or Lieutenant-governor, who thought it expedient, during his brother’s absence in Europe, to remove the colony to a more commodious situation on the southern coast, where he caused a handsome city to be erected, naming it after the favorite saint of that time, St. Dominick.

The French possessions are in the western division, the territory to the east being occupied by the Spaniards. The part held by the French was originally settled by a small detachment of those celebrated adventurers from the little island of Tortuga, who, for more than half a century, in daring and successful enterprise, committed such extensive depredations upon Spanish property and commerce, under the avenging denomination of Buccaneers.

The bigoted and indolent Spaniards, persisting in the error committed by the early followers of Columbus, have expected to obtain riches, suddenly, from the bowels of the earth: but the French, with better policy, patiently, though actively, bestowed their labour upon its surface, which rewarded their industry, not only with greater certainty, but with a more generous return.

In an island, which, in point of size, almost vies with England, many varieties of soil and climate must, necessarily, be found; but the land, in general, is said to be fertile, and the French cultivators have known how to avail themselves of its fecundity.

Prior to the destructive revolution, this noble colony was the pride and boast of Frenchmen; and justly so, for never were the gorgeous vestments of nature and art combined with a more happy effect. While the great parent of the island presented her stupendous mountains; her picturesque valleys and acclivities; her lakes and rivers; her rude forests and wild savannas; and her fine landscapes adorned with luxuriant groves of perennial verdure—the hand of industry embellished the whole with unprecedented richness and variety: the plains were loaded with sugar, rows of limes and citrons forming the fences of the canes; the sides of the hills were clothed with coffee; canals, and other well-constructed aqueducts brought bounteous streams to the estates; excellent roads led to the towns and dwellings; plantations of provisions, of cotton, and of indigo; elegant houses, and substantial sugar-works; orange groves, and orchards of other delicious fruits; neatly enclosed gardens, ornamental hedges, and improved grounds appeared on every quarter to grace the magnificent scenery. Thus, gifted by nature and enriched by culture, St. Domingo, at the commencement of the French revolution, stood unrivalled among the islands of the Atlantic, and was considered as the garden of the western world.

At this high period of its prosperity every thing that could be required for the comfort or convenience of the inhabitants—every thing for use or health, for profit or pleasure, seemed to be here assembled: labour was rewarded with bounteous returns; the exports of produce were abundant; the elevated lands afforded a salubrious climate; handsome carriages, and elegantly furnished dwellings, with cooling verandas, and marble baths, were luxuries commanded by the planters; while their tables were supplied with choice viands, and the finest wines and fruits, and, surrounded with riches and tranquillity, they lived in the highest enjoyment of sumptuous gratification.

The accounts which we hear related by the people of the colony respecting the luxuriant crops, the delicious productions of the orchards and gardens, and the exquisite improvements which embellished the fine plains of Cape Français and the Cul de Sac, and the delightful borders of the river Artibonite, might lead to a belief that these spots were unrivalled on any part of the globe.

The superior state to which this interesting colony was advanced, proceeded, in a great measure, from the fertility of the soil, and the laudable industry bestowed upon its culture: but much was to be attributed, likewise, to the favorable circumstance of the planters and other inhabitants making it their settled residence—their chosen and only home. They did not, like the majority of the British colonists, devote their labour, exclusively with a view of obtaining a competency to enable them to return and live in an easy and independent condition among their friends in Europe; but they cultivated their estates, both for use and comfort, looking no less to the convenience and decoration of their place of abode, than to the profitable returns, which were to constitute the substantial reward of their toil.

The plain of the Cape is situated in the northern division, not distant from the city whence it derives its name. It is a level territory, nearly fifty miles in length, and twelve in width, possessing superior fertility of soil. Throughout its whole extent it was covered with rich plantations of sugar, divided by rows of fragrant limes and citrons—the fields and dwellings receiving all the advantages of ornamental and productive improvement consequent upon being in the vicinity of the largest town of the colony.

The plain of the Cul de Sac is in the western division, a little to the east of Port au Prince. It is nine miles wide, and extends between thirty and forty miles in length. This vast field was, likewise, spread with luxuriant crops of sugar, and adorned with the handsome dwellings, and other buildings of opulent planters; its bordering hills being richly clad with coffee, and its prolific estates having not only the benefit usually derived from being in the neighbourhood of a large and populous town; but also the peculiar advantage of being watered, in very dry weather, by means of aqueducts constructed, at great toil and expense, for that purpose. The produce obtained from these fertile and highly cultivated lands was immense, and the amount of profit, in proportion to the labour and expenditure bestowed, was unusually abundant.

The extensive trade, with the quantity of shipping, and number of sailors employed in it, rendered this colony of great importance to the parent-country;—and the attention given to its interests proved the government to be duly sensible of its value. Even the distribution of the streams was deemed a subject of sufficient magnitude to require the establishment of an express committee, which was appointed to regulate the concerns of the reservoirs and aqueducts formed in different parts of the territory for the purpose of supplying water to these generous and magnificent possessions.

The French part of the island was divided into three great districts—the northern, the western, and the southern. The western was the most populous, and contained the greatest number of sugar estates. Port au Prince is the principal town of this province. In time of peace it was the residence of the governor, and regarded as the capital of the colony. It contained nearly six hundred houses, and fifteen thousand inhabitants.

Cape François is in the northern division. This was the largest and handsomest town in the settlement; having more than eight hundred well-built houses, of brick or stone, and a population amounting to twenty thousand individuals, of whom about three-fifths were slaves—more than one-fifth free people of colour; and the rest whites. This place being situated more conveniently for an expeditious communication by sea, the governor was required to remove thither in time of war, when it consequently became the capital, not of the northern division only, but of the whole colony.

The southern division was not so populous as either of the others; nor did it equal them in its returns of produce. Les Cayes is the principal town of this district.

Cape St. Nicholas stands at the western point of the northern division. This town consists of about two hundred and fifty houses, built of wood, according to the common manner of the West Indies, and covered with shingles.

The total population of the three districts was calculated at more than half a million, of whom above thirty thousand were whites, nearly twenty-five thousand free people of colour, and the remainder slaves[18].

But, alas! after exhibiting so much of natural beauty, and improved scenery, and being brought into such an enviable state of culture—after rewarding the industry of its inhabitants with such a high degree of opulence and general convenience, and enriching the parent-country with its bounteous productions and extensive commerce—after giving birth to splendid cities, multiplying its population, and raising itself to the first rank among colonies, what a sudden and melancholy reverse has befallen this once magnificent, but now most wretched and disastrous settlement! All its distinguished advantages have been sacrificed to the hypothetical doctrines of the French school of modern philosophy; and, by one fatal error, this happy land has been exposed to the horrible ravages of a cruel and blood-stained revolution.

Not aware that, in order to be benefited by their wild theoretical improvements, mankind would require to be formed anew, the self-created lawgivers of France, despising all the advantages of experience, and disregarding the actual condition of the human race, overturned, at a word, the majestic fabric of society! Under the pretence of a high-sounding, but hollow humanity the indigent, the idle, and the vicious have been set loose to ravage and commit every species of injustice upon the opulent and industrious.

Unappalled by the mischievous effect which their frantic innovations had produced, among a civilized people at home, the disorganizing system has been extended to a barbarous population, accustomed only to savage life; and the result has been precisely such as every person possessing the least knowledge of the West Indies must have predicted. The fatal decree of May 15, 1791, produced one wide and dreadful scene of devastation. It was the signal for revolt and massacre. The whites, and the people of colour, were declared by the National Assembly to be equal, and, too soon, raging flames, and the destructive sword verified the levelling manifesto! Ruin instantly spread around, and all was anarchy and carnage. In a few dismal hours of the morning of August 23d, of the same year (1791), the rich plain of the Cape was drenched with the blood of its inhabitants, and all its fine buildings, and luxuriant plantations were reduced to ashes. Restraint being removed, jealousy, suspicion, revenge, and all the worst passions of uncivilized man were left to rage in lawless sway. The most horrible cruelties which savage nature could invent were practised upon the whites—men, women, and children—the aged, and the tender infant, all were slaughtered with one undistinguishing barbarity; and a scene of human woe was introduced such as no former age had witnessed. Even death became a boon, for, too frequently, lingering torture, mockery, and violation, were made to aggravate and prolong the departing moments! With the same inhuman spirit, likewise, were the most shocking enormities committed upon the dead bodies of those who fell.

The revolt began at one of the estates in the plain of Cape François, a few miles from the city; but it was soon discovered that the slaves of the other plantations were united in a concerted plot to massacre all the whites, and set fire to the buildings, and the standing crops of sugar.

The few persons who had the good fortune to save themselves fled to the Cape, and, by announcing what was passing in the plain, spread terror and consternation through the town. Great numbers of the inhabitants, particularly of the women and children, immediately thronged on board the vessels in the harbour for safety; while the major part of the citizens flew to arms, and joined the troops in defence of the place; which it was every moment expected would be attacked from without, or destroyed by the rising of the blacks within its walls. The city was thus saved for a time, but it has since, like the bounteous plain which graced its environs, fallen a victim to the flames of an all-devouring and merciless rebellion.

Your imagination will figure to you more correctly than it can be conveyed by the pen, the splendid but horrible spectacle, which must have presented itself to the inhabitants of the Cape, when the morning dawn opened to their view the extended plain, with its numerous mansions and sugar-works, and prolific fields of canes, all raging in a wide sea of conflagration.

War, pestilence, and the blazing torch spread their ravages to the other provinces, when the rich improvements, which bounteous industry had given to this favored colony were destroyed, and all was converted into one vast field of desolation and carnage.

The cruelties and atrocities which were committed cannot be stated in terms sufficiently strong to convey an adequate idea of their enormity; they form a picture of unexampled horror. It was calculated that within a few weeks, after the rising of the negroes in the plain of the Cape, two thousand white persons were massacred, more than one thousand plantations destroyed, and twelve hundred families reduced from opulence to absolute misery and want.

Civil war, waged with its utmost fury, and accompanied with the extremest violence of malignant factions, has since prevailed in the different parts of the settlement—the conflict being aggravated by the most rancorous feelings of hatred and revenge; and each party aiming at the total destruction of the other.

In addition to the multitudes of whites and of all the various shades of colour, who have been murdered or executed—who have fallen in battle, or been cut off by fatigue or the common disease of the country, a direful pestilence which broke out among the crowded bodies of negroes, who were assembled in revolt, carried off thousands and tens of thousands of their numbers.

By all these causes, together with an extensive emigration, the population is supposed to be diminished to less than half what it was before the revolution, while this princely settlement has been reduced to a wilderness, fit only to be inhabited by savages.

What benefit is likely to result from our invasion of a colony so circumstanced it is beyond my ability to conjecture. All the troops which England could spare, would not be sufficient to vanquish those who are in arms, and to subjugate the different hordes who have revolted. If it were possible to conquer the numerous bodies, against whom we have to contend, still the settlement would require to be new-peopled, before it could be again made subservient to the beneficial purposes of cultivation and commerce; for it is not to be expected that men, who have acquired a sufficient knowledge of their power to feel that they are the stronger party, and have lived, during several years, in the most licentious, and profligate freedom, can be brought to surrender their liberty, however acquired, patiently expose their backs to the lash, and again endure all the hardships and degradation of slavery.

It is probable that from the earliest period of the revolt, in the plain of Cape François, in the year 1791, proposals were made, by the emigrants, to the Lieutenant-governor at Jamaica, and, through him, to the ministers of the British government, to induce them to send forces to take possession of the colony in the name of the King of England. But the war with France had not then commenced, and their overtures could not be accepted, without violating the neutrality which it was desirable that England should maintain (if it should be possible) towards her turbulent and factious neighbour. After the horrible and exterminating massacre of the whites, at the Cape, in 1793, and the burning of that fine city, the circumstances were different: Louis XVI. having been dragged to the guillotine, and the French Republic having declared war against England.

The proceedings which were now adopted implied that ministers had been deluded into the persuasion that the French part of the island might be subjugated, and annexed as an useful possession to the British empire. Accordingly Monsieur de Charmilly, who possessed a property in the district of Grand Anse, was sent out from England, with instructions for Sir Adam Williamson to detach troops from Jamaica to take possession of such posts in St. Domingo, as the colonists might be willing to surrender to the English.

The first division, placed under the command of Lieut.-colonel Whitelocke, left Port-Royal in September 1793, and sailed for Jeremie, a small town on the south-western point of the island, which place surrendered upon terms previously arranged between the commissioners and Sir Adam Williamson.

Soon afterwards Cape St. Nicholas accepted the same conditions, and a small division of the troops from Jeremie was sent to that garrison; a second limited detachment proceeding thither likewise from Jamaica.

Before the expiration of the year 1793, Jean Rabel, Arcahaye, St. Marc, Leogane, and several other places yielded upon similar terms; and, in consequence of these posts being so willingly given up to British protection, an eager, but treacherous hope was imbibed that the whole colony would submit without opposition.

But the direful disease of the country had already commenced its ravages, and Sir Adam Williamson found himself in the distressful predicament of being compelled to reduce the garrison of Jamaica to a very small number, in order to detach a third division of troops for the purpose of aiding their sinking comrades, in holding possession of the places which had voluntarily submitted to be garrisoned by the English.

Discouraging circumstances soon began to cloud the prospect of a successful issue: an offensive operation was undertaken against Tiburon, a strong position near the S. W. point of the island, and failed in consequence of the colonists not being able to raise the force, which they had promised to bring in support of the attack. No troops had yet arrived from England—nor could any more be spared from Jamaica; and, the yellow fever, spreading with fearful malignity, was rapidly destroying those already in the colony.

The year 1793 had not closed before it became manifest that the British force was insufficient to give security even to the places which had surrendered; and, seeing the numbers so speedily diminish, the zeal and confidence of the inhabitants declined: those who had been neutral became hostile; and many who were friendly preserved only a lukewarm attachment.

The proceedings of 1794 were chequered with various marks of good and bad fortune. A powerful reinforcement was expected under General Whyte; and considerable bodies of colonial troops were forming under the active and zealous Baron Montalembert, which, from their knowledge of the country, and their power of resisting the destructive influence of the climate, it was hoped would be extensively useful. But, without waiting for these additional means, the season being favorable for military operations, the few troops which remained effective, were employed at the beginning of the year, in various enterprises; in all of which both the officers and men conducted themselves with their accustomed bravery. The post of Tiburon was again attacked, and taken; as was, likewise, the fortress of l’Acul, near Leogane; but against a post called Bompard, on the northern coast, the result was less fortunate. The soldiers acted with the most determined spirit and good conduct; but were obliged to retire from the attack, in consequence of being opposed by superior numbers.

Notwithstanding these energetic measures, a knowledge of the sickly state, and reduced numbers of the troops could not be concealed from the enemy, who was, accordingly, emboldened to assume an offensive attitude; and, in the month of April, Rigaud, the mulatto commander, proceeded from Les Cayes, with a body of two thousand brigands, to attack the post of Tiburon; but it was defended with the utmost gallantry, and the besiegers were repulsed with uncommon slaughter. Fort l’Acul was also defended with equal bravery, against a very determined and formidable attack; but a few more such victories would have led to entire defeat, since the weakened ranks of our little army must have been utterly exhausted. In addition to these offensive operations, on the part of the brigands, Jean Rabel, one of the posts, which, only a short time before, had voluntarily sought the protection of the British, was lost by the treachery of our supposed allies; who rose against their commanders, and gave up the place to the enemy.

Such was the unpromising state of our affairs in the settlement, after the lapse of only half a year from the first landing of the British troops at Jeremie; and the fatal experience, which has since been purchased at such a prodigious waste of treasure, and of the best blood of our country, proves that it would have been wise to have withdrawn the surviving troops at this period, and abandoned every attempt at conquest in this baneful and deep-stained colony. But the government was now pledged to the disastrous measure; many of the colonists were still sanguine; and it was, perhaps, consistent with the principle on which we had engaged in the contest, not to despair of ultimate success, without making a more powerful effort to obtain it; yet, it was manifest that whatever further advantage might be acquired, could only be gained by decided force of arms; for the confidence of the inhabitants in our power of giving them protection and defence was too much shaken ever to be restored.

In the month of May General Whyte arrived, with a considerable body of troops, to take the chief command: and the corps raised by the Baron de Montalembert being considerably augmented, as well as peculiarly effective, with regard to the climate, a brighter prospect seemed to open; whence, in the minds of those who were enthusiastic, the anticipations of success were, in some degree, confirmed.

After the least possible delay, in preparing for the attack, the army moved against Port au Prince. Every thing that valour and good discipline could effect was achieved; and the town surrendered on the 4th of June. This capture, highly honorable to the troops, was said to be abundantly profitable, likewise, to those who survived; in consequence of a crowd of shipping, deeply laden with colonial produce, being taken in the harbour.

But, alas! even this splendid conquest, rich and glorious as it was, bore, within it, fatal marks of discouragement. It was not gained without a severe struggle, consequently not without a heavy loss; and the enemy, although compelled to abandon the town, retired only to the hills, at a short distance from it, where he established a chain of posts, and, holding communication with Les Cayes the capital of the southern division, placed himself in a strong position; and caused the forces in Port au Prince to pursue a system of daily labour and nightly watching, which proved more destructive to them than the sword. The fever raged with such dreadful mortality, that, by the time the defensive lines were finished, which it was necessary to construct for the security of the garrison, scarcely a sufficient number of troops remained to mount the different guards: and it was sadly afflicting to find that the greater proportion of these brave men, instead of being led to fresh victories, shortly perished by disease.

General Whyte seeing no hope of effecting any new enterprise, or of making a further progress towards the general conquest of the colony, unless he could obtain the aid of great additional reinforcements, embarked for England, in September 1794, leaving the command to General Horneck, who was compelled to act upon the defensive, having the difficult task of maintaining with a feeble and inadequate force, the posts which had surrendered to the British.

The weakened state of the army now disclosed itself, in every quarter. Those of the colonists who were in declared opposition acquired confidence; those who were wavering and undecided became hostile; many, who had been friendly, grew timid and desponding—some proved treacherous and deceitful; and only a small number remained faithful to the cause of the English, whose assistance they had so earnestly invoked.

Such a situation was calculated to invite attacks from without, and to encourage plots and conspiracies among our doubtful friends, within the garrisons. Accordingly some of the places again fell into the possession of the enemy! Our allies at St. Marc revolted, and gave up the town to the republicans; and Rigaud the mulatto chief, advancing with augmented means, retook Tiburon and Leogane, and was even daring enough to conduct an enterprise against Fort Bizotton in the immediate vicinity of the capital.

The year 1795 commenced with very unfavorable auspices. Not only had the troops to struggle against the dreadful ravages of a malignant disease, and to resist superior numbers, improved in discipline, and encouraged to vigorous hostility; but their situation was rendered still more distressing and perilous, in consequence of a spirit of treachery and disaffection prevailing among those, with whom, and on whose behalf they were acting.

It was scarcely to be expected, indeed, that the motley and heterogeneous assemblage which had been brought together should long continue to concert their measures in harmony and faithful combination: co-operating with the British troops were bodies of French colonists, of mulattoes, and of negroes, besides volunteer inhabitants of the towns and parishes, and a corps of about three hundred reluctant Spaniards.

Opposed to these, in the north, was an army, commanded by Toussaint, amounting to 17,000, or 18,000; consisting of republican troops, French colonists, and revolted negroes: in the south was a division nearly as powerful, under the command of Rigaud, formed of mulattoes, white colonists and impressed slaves. These two bodies, although both contending against the British, were in decided and inveterate hostility, and only restrained by the presence of a common enemy from waging a war of extermination against each other.

A third, and still more numerous band of revolted and runaway slaves had retired to the woods, and the mountains, where, without engaging in the existing contest, they were lying in wait, equally disposed to involve either party in destruction.

Besides these there were various irregular hordes of brigands—ruffians and desperadoes of the worst description, wandering about as marauders, assassins, or mid-day murderers in different parts of the country; or employing themselves in piratical excursions, from several points of the sea-coast, in which they captured numerous small vessels, both English and American; when they usually massacred the men; and carried off the women, if any chanced to be on board, for purposes which might render enviable the fate, even of those who were killed.

In the early part of this year a dark conspiracy was discovered among the inhabitants of St. Marc’s, to confine the British commandant who had taken the town, and to give the place up, again, to the enemy; and, soon afterwards, a still deeper and more extensive plot was detected at Port au Prince, by which it was intended to seize the town and put all the English to death.

Viewing the actual state of the troops and garrisons at this period, it was evident that every fair prospect of ultimate success had vanished. There seemed, no longer, to be any object in carrying on hostilities in this ill-fated country—the only effect of which would be to produce the untimely death of multitudes of brave men, who must perish in a fruitless contest.

Sir Adam Williamson and the ministers had been deceived by the favorable and exaggerated accounts of interested individuals, respecting the dispositions of the French inhabitants remaining in the island. The greater number of the whites, who escaped at the time of the general massacre, had emigrated: of those who were still in the colony many were mere adventurers, some of whom had possessed themselves of the estates of their murdered, or emigrated countrymen: some were neutral, and were lying in wait to join the strongest party—and the few, who were of better principle, being over-zealous, deceived themselves and others. The majority had no view but that of regaining, or securing their own property and plantations.

Notwithstanding all these discouraging circumstances the government, probably from being further deceived, by the representations of sanguine or designing colonists, after the Success of General Whyte at Port au Prince, still sent out additional reinforcements, and even indicated an intention of retaining and consolidating the conquests which had been made, by appointing Sir Adam Williamson Governor-general of St. Domingo.

In this capacity His Excellency arrived at Port au Prince, and assumed the government in May 1795. In April a body of troops, about seventeen hundred in number, arrived from Ireland; and, in August, another reinforcement of nearly a thousand men came from Gibraltar; yet these were insufficient to make up the former losses. But, during this year, as if flattering expectations still prevailed, preparations were made at home for sending out two formidable expeditions, one to the Charibbee Islands, the other to St. Domingo; and, from the scale of these armaments being far more extensive, and the troops to be embarked, more numerous, than upon any former expedition to the West Indies, it was calculated, probably, that the force assembled might be competent to overpower all opposition, and to place not only St. Domingo but the whole of the French possessions to windward, under British dominion.

Possibly, if these unprecedented armaments could have been conducted, unbroken, to their destination, the French Charibbee Islands might have been subdued in the first campaign; and, from the known valour of the troops, many new stations might have been conquered in St. Domingo; but, from the wide destruction caused by the ravages of a malignant disease, it was plain that all the forces which England could have spared, would not have been sufficient to have maintained possession of the various towns and posts, in the French part of the island, even if the whole of them could, at this time, have been captured.

But the army, already in the colony, was not allowed to remain idle, in the anticipation of being joined by the powerful reinforcement preparing at home. Many brave enterprises were undertaken; the troops acted with a noble spirit; vigorous efforts were made to distress the enemy, and he was driven out of several strong posts, and a great extent of country; but the soldiers were not sufficient to garrison the places which were taken; and the white inhabitants, who were disaffected, plainly foresaw that the very efforts, which were made in the cause, must soon work its ruin: indeed, all that was effected served only to confirm the improbability of subduing the entire colony, or annexing it, in an useful condition, to the British possessions.

Toward the close of the year great preparations were made for attacking the blacks, under the command of Dudonait, who occupied the hills above Port au Prince, and had contrived to cut off the supply of water from the town; but, from the numerous difficulties which occurred, the assault was not made before the 28th of February 1796, when the brigands were speedily defeated and dispersed by a spirited little army, under the command of General Bowyer.

Owing to the repeated and fatal impediments occasioned by the tempestuous weather at the end of the year 1795, and beginning of 1796, the great body of troops, which had been assembled for service in the West Indies, did not reach the colonies as was expected.

In March 1796, Sir Adam Williamson embarked for England, leaving the chief command to General Forbes. In April, a reinforcement amounting to between three and four thousand men arrived from Gibraltar. In June, General Whyte, after returning from the expedition against the colonies of Guiana, landed at St. Domingo, with four regiments, of the Cork division of the great armament; and not long afterwards the fleet from Cove came into harbour, with a further addition of five or six thousand men: but instead of being in a state fit for active service in such a climate, numbers of them were already enfeebled by sickness, and in a short time the greater part became inmates of the hospitals, from whence it was their sad lot to be soon carried to the grave. Still the honor of the British flag was ably maintained: many vigorous efforts were made to establish their possession, and the troops on all occasions displayed the greatest bravery—but it was impossible to struggle against the fatal devastations of disease. The fever now raged in every quarter of the colony with accumulated and direful malignity. At Port au Prince, the Mole, St. Marc, Mirebalais, and all the principal stations the weekly returns exhibited frightful lists of casualties:—to very few remained the strength required for military duty. From two hundred to six, or even eight hundred men of each regiment were destroyed by this relentless malady; and, of one regiment (the 96th), not an individual escaped.

Notwithstanding the powerful reinforcements which arrived in the course of this year, it appeared that, by the month of September, scarcely three thousand effective men could be mustered, while the hospital register announced a mortality approaching to thrice that number.

It was now discovered that the extreme waste of blood, and all our fruitless efforts in this unhappy island, were attended, likewise, with an alarming waste of property; and it was supposed that General Simcoe, who was sent out with the appointment of chief governor, had received instructions to inquire minutely into the state of expenditure, as well as all other points concerning the British prospects and interests in the colony.

General Simcoe arrived in the month of March, of the present year (1797), and embarked again, for England, in July, when the command devolved on General Whyte, who, like his gallant predecessors, has the mortification of not being able to undertake any enterprise of magnitude against the enemy, in consequence of the defective number of troops. Viewing the many and great efforts which have been made, and the multitudes of brave men who have perished, it is grievous to contemplate the situation in which we now find ourselves—a situation not less singular, than it is vexatious and distressing: the army, by a dreadful mortality, is reduced to a skeleton, and we are left without the power of engaging in offensive operations, while the rebel negroes are seen at the very gates.

Adieu.

Note.—General Nesbit was appointed to succeed General Simcoe; but having died on the passage, and General Whyte having returned to England in April 1798, General Maitland was left in command.

The Government at length despairing of attaching the entire colony to the British crown, sent out instructions, after the return of General Simcoe, for drawing in the garrisons, and reducing the number of posts occupied by the English troops, thus putting a stop to the dreadful sacrifice of human life, and lessening the enormous expenditure, which had been incurred in this hopeless, and too long continued attempt.

By a well-devised arrangement with Toussaint, General Maitland withdrew the British forces on the 22d of April 1798, from Port au Prince and St. Marc, and their dependencies, and retired to the Mole; wishing, however, to possess the strong hold of the opposite point of the bay, as affording a more complete protection to our trade, and to the island of Jamaica, the General planned an expedition, and proceeded from the Mole, in the month of June following, with a view of retaking Tiburon; but, in consequence of adverse winds and raging elements, he was unable to land his troops, and compelled to abandon the enterprise.

Emboldened by this failure, and by the reduced state of our army, the enemy, soon afterwards, made an attack upon the Mole, but they were driven back, with very considerable loss. In a short time they returned with a more formidable force; and were again repulsed with great slaughter. Still, it was evident that the Mole was now insecure, and, as there was no longer any hope of conquest, the General prudently directed his thoughts to the preservation of the brave, but feeble remains of his army.

By a judicious negotiation with Toussaint it was agreed that the British should make an undisturbed evacuation of all the posts still in their possession; and, after a sad waste of blood and treasure, the island was wisely abandoned in October 1798; the troops being withdrawn, from Jeremie and the Mole, to Jamaica.

So ended this lamentable enterprise, undertaken upon the deceitful assurances of a few adventurers, who, by representing the colonists as ready and desirous to surrender the settlement to British possession, led the ministers and Sir Adam Williamson to engage in the conquest with means infinitely inadequate. After five years of bloody and afflicting warfare, and the sacrifice of perhaps twenty thousand brave Englishmen, not one thousand veterans remained to experience the humiliation of quitting the island.

APPENDIX.

The British parliament having enacted a law, to the immortal honor of this country, for the abolition of the importation of slaves into our settlements in the West Indies, it remains to be ascertained how this great work of humanity can be completed, by extending it to the emancipation of the slaves already in the colonies.

As a step towards the emancipation, the abolition is of the highest importance; but if the parliament, having passed a decree, shall content itself without proceeding to that great ultimate object—the emancipation, England will have only the unsatisfactory consolation of exhibiting to the world an honorable and ineffectual example; while she leaves other nations to make a profit of her humanity: for, so long as slavery shall be permitted to exist in our colonies, and the African trade be continued by other countries, it may be expected that slaves will not cease to be introduced into the English settlements. Nor can the importation be prevented by any prohibitory law or regulation of the British parliament, however wise in the enactment, or vigilant in the execution; since it will be the common interest of the colonists to encourage adventurers in this illicit traffic.

It is manifest, therefore, that unless England proceed further, the abolition will be nugatory, or even worse; for it will not only be inadequate to its purpose, but it will be the means of throwing the trade into the hands of the merchants of other nations; who, in conducting it, may not be governed by the same humane regulations, which the traders of this country were compelled to observe.

It cannot be supposed that any of the friends of the abolition will be adverse to the emancipation, although various opinions may be held, respecting the best mode of effecting it. Considering themselves as following the genuine dictates of humanity, some may contend for an immediate enlargement; while others, with sounder policy, will plead for a more cautious and gradual liberation.

An abrupt and unlimited enfranchisement might prove injurious to the slave, unjust to the master, and equally cruel to both. It would have the effect of depriving the one of his bread, without teaching the other to earn it. The dark ignorance which overclouds the minds of the slaves; the bitter remembrance of former toils and severities; their natural indolence; the debilitating languor produced by the climate; and the facility of obtaining provisions without labour, would all combine to prevent them from engaging in the settled habits of daily toil. Devoid of instruction, and without any knowledge of the benefits arising from commerce and the accumulation of property, they would not discreetly meet the change to freedom, and assume, at once, the tranquil character of sober and industrious peasantry. It is even doubtful, whether, if they were hastily liberated, they could ever be brought to employ themselves in a constant round of labour: to expect it, as the necessary result of merely granting them their freedom, would be idly romantic. In their present state of ignorance, both humanity and policy are opposed to a sudden emancipation; for, instead of their situation being thereby improved, it would be rendered lamentably worse.

Having been governed by the whip, and held subservient to the will of others, they do not contemplate any intermediate stage, between the master and the slave. Accustomed to the degrading habits of bondage only, their minds are unprepared for freedom, and incapable of comprehending its high advantages. If their bonds were hastily broken, they would be all kings, and no subjects—all planters, and no labourers! In the gloomy imbecility of their uncultivated faculties they would be jealous of the whites, and suspicious of future chains: hence, to give them unbridled liberty would be to let loose an irritated race of beings, with a two-edged sword in their hands, which, in consequence of the many vices and infirmities arising from a life of slavery, they would either turn upon themselves, or wield to the destruction of those about them. They would be thrown into inveterate confusion; the cultivation of the colonies would languish; commerce would die away; and the mother-country preserving no control, all would be violence, outrage, and subversion, and they would persecute or destroy those who had governed them, until every European were exterminated from the settlements. Or, if they should not be roused to energy, by revengeful feelings and a distrust of their former rulers, they would sink into the torpid state of the uncivilized Indians, or of their darker brethren of the African forests, and relapse into a state of rude and savage nature. Their wants being few, and their food easily procured, their exertions would be only commensurate to their cravings: disdaining labour, they would repose under the soft shade of the plantain, equally regardless of the riches of commerce and the honors of industry. The yam, the plantain, and the pepper-pot, the banjar, the merry dance, and their beloved Wowski, would gratify all their wishes, and crown their highest ambition.

However simple the question of emancipation may appear, to those who reason only from an abstract principle regarding humanity and the natural rights of man, it is a subject of no less intricacy than importance. Although urgent and imperative, still it needs much and serious consideration, and cannot be acted upon without the utmost caution. To judge of it properly, requires an extensive knowledge of the interests of the colonists, an intimate acquaintance with the character and disposition of the slaves, and much information with regard to the relative policy between this country and the settlements. By hasty or inconsiderate measures a serious wound might be given to the sacred principles of humanity and justice, and infinitely more mischief than advantage would be the result.

It is possible that, by proceeding with great care and discretion, the loud calls of humanity may be obeyed, and the emancipation effected to the great benefit of the slaves, and without serious injury to their masters: but to force upon the blacks and their descendants, at all hazards, a freedom, which they know not how to value or to use, would be cruel and fatal.

It should be held, always, in remembrance that, in a mental point of view, the slaves are but as children, having their untutored minds in a more abject state of imbecility, than the lowest of the poor in the meanest state of Europe. Much has been done, during many years past, to meliorate their condition; but, in order to make it consistent with the policy of the parent-country, the safety of the West India proprietors, or the benefit of the negro race themselves, to abolish slavery altogether, this beneficent and glorious achievement must be accomplished by a steady perseverance in the use of slow and gradual means.

A general system of education and moral improvement should be established among the slaves; a due sense of their religious duties should be inculcated; and they should be taught to estimate the high value of freedom, and social intercourse: private punishments should be prohibited; all invidious distinctions between the different colours done away; and every man, of whatever hue, should be made subject to the same laws, and the same rules of government.

The degrading ignorance, the sullen perverseness, and revengeful feelings of the slaves should be softened by liberal instruction; they should be gradually associated, and brought to a level with those who are better informed, and more conversant with the arts of industry; and they should be taught to understand the advantages which would arise from continuing the cultivation and commerce of the colonies. A general change in their minds and habits, must be either in progress, or effected, before it can be safe or useful to grant them so great a boon; or, rather, to restore to them so manifest a right.

Perhaps the best preparatory step would be, to bring a considerable proportion of the people of colour, between the whites and the negroes, to England to be educated, together with such of the blacks themselves, as might display any peculiar marks of intellect; allowing them to return as free subjects, possessing all the privileges of citizens; and, in addition to these, annually to enfranchise a certain number of the best-disposed slaves, until the whole should be free; taking care, always to preserve a due proportion between the number educated, and the number emancipated, and to make their liberation a reward to superior merit.

In this manner, the individuals of all shades, and all degrees, might be brought to mix together as people of the same state, subject to the same laws, following the same pursuits, and feeling the same interests and propensities. The coloured inhabitants would be made fellow-citizens with the whites, and they would aspire to be—Englishmen! Among them would be found merchants and planters, as well as tradesmen, mechanics, and labourers: all hurtful jealousies would be done away, and the Africans and their offspring having acquired a knowledge of the benefits to be derived from industry, and the accumulation of property, the cultivation of the colonies would be continued, and the commercial influence preserved to the mother-country.

To attempt to enumerate the manifold advantages which would result from such a system of enfranchisement, would be to enter too much into detail. Among the most important of them would be that of preventing the sad waste of human life, and of treasure, which is at present incurred, by the necessity of sending out unacclimated Europeans to garrison the colonies, and to execute the offices of managers, clerks, book-keepers, and the like. These would not, as at present, be indispensably required. The danger of revolt and insurrection would no longer exist; and the people of colour being capable of performing all the duties of the plantation and the counting-house, they would soon become possessed of stores and estates; and the garrisons might be safely intrusted to them, as the best defenders of their own property.

England having set a generous and splendid example, in being the first to forego the unhallowed profits of a cruel and impious traffic in human beings, might it not be an object worthy the magnanimity of the Prince Regent of this nation, to carry the august work of humanity to its consummation, by establishing an institution, for the emancipation of the slaves, and for their education and improvement after they became free?

If a school were endowed, somewhat upon the plan of Christ’s Hospital, or the Royal Military Asylum[20], and appropriated to the education of the creole children of colour, it would immortalize the name, and prove a lasting monument of the wisdom and benevolence of the Prince, who should have the happiness of being its founder. Such an institution might stamp the Regent’s government, which has been already distinguished by such auspicious events, with unparalleled glory. It would mark the period as an era of humanity, and His Royal Highness could not fail to experience the grateful reward of feeling, that his name would be uttered with prayers and blessings, not only by hundreds of thousands of fellow-beings now existing, but by millions yet unborn!

INDEX.

A.

Abbensets, Mynheer, hospitality of, i. 465, 531.

Abercromby, Sir Ralph, arrival of, at Barbadoes, i. 235.

- His departure, i. 346.

Abolition, important, with a view to emancipation, ii. 525.

- Nugatory, unless followed by emancipation, ii. 526.

Abstemiousness, author’s, on the voyage, i. 78.

Alligators, numerous at Berbische, i. 445.

- Used as food by the negroes, i. 447.

Amsterdam, old town of, i. 473, 493.

- New town of, i. 424.

- A bush negro, execution of, i. 377.

Animal flower, description of the, i. 184.

Ants, construction of the nests of, ii. 149.

- Used as food for chickens, ii. 150.

Ant-eater, description of the, ii. 146.

“Arcadia,” plantation, i. 349.

“Arends,” plantation, i. 482.

Army, allied, in St. Domingo, how constituted, ii. 514.

- Of Toussaint, ib.

- Of Rigaud, ib.

Assistant, medical, loss of, at Maiconny, ii. 94.

Atmosphere, its influence upon the human frame, i. 249, ii. 470.

Author, reflections of the, in Guiana, ii. 250.

- His farewell from Guiana, ii. 287.

- His case of yellow fever, ii. 96.

- And comrades, separation of, at Spithead, i. 46.

- Their detention at Barbadoes, i. 249.

- Their friendly contention respecting fever, i. 250.

- Their employment at Barbadoes, i. 251.

- Their detention at Martinique, ii. 353.

Azores, passing the, indications of, i. 73.

B.

Ball, birth-day, at Martinique, ii. 321.

Barbadoes, general aspect of, i. 80.

- Author’s landing at, i. 99.

- General observations regarding, i. 275.

- Its importance in the opinion of the natives, i. 277.

- The Montpelier of the West Indies, i. 280.

- The London of the West Indies, i. 346.

- Its seasons, i. 284.

- Its temperature, i. 209.

- Its soil, i. 282.

- Its plenteous supply of provisions, i. 258, 292.

- Bridge-Town, the capital of, i. 280.

- Its senate-house, i. 223.

- Civility of the inhabitants of, to strangers, i. 171.

- Clothing of the inhabitants of, i. 293.

- Their languid pronunciation, i. 294.

- Their mode of living, i. 287.

- Breakfast, i. 288.

- Dinner, i. 290.

- State of the slaves at, i. 295.

- Neglect of diseased and decrepit negroes at, ib.

- Endemic disease of, or Barbadoes leg, i. 303.

- Its origin, i. 306.

- Cottages of white inhabitants at, i. 309.

- Cottagers, resemble their European ancestors, i. 310.

- Author’s departure from, i. 320.

Barber and surgeon, Dutch association of, i. 475.

Bathing, use of, by the French, ii. 430.

Battle, effects of the preparation for, i. 331.

“Bay-house,” sumptuous entertainment at the, i. 181.

Berbische, capitulation of, to the British, i. 356.

- Government-house at, i. 439.

- Author’s voyage to, i. 395.

Bercheych, M. visit to, ii. 63, 146.

- Peculiarities of, ii. 74.

- Romantic dwelling of, ii. 67.

- Visit of, at Fort St. Andrew, ii. 151.

Bird-nests, peculiar construction of, ii. 148.

Birth-day, His Majesty’s, celebration of, at Berbische, i. 441.

Blackader, Mr. his case of fever, ii. 110.

Blair, Mr. visit to the plantation of, i. 453, ii. 30.

Boat excursion, hazardous, to Mole St. Nicholas, ii. 392.

Boats, passage, pleasant, at Martinique, ii. 301.

“Bob,” Doctor, remarks of, ii. 59.

Boode, M. the successful industry of, ii. 277.

Breakfast, at Port au Prince, ii. 432.

Breeze, land, at Barbadoes, i. 81.

Brigands, daring attacks of, at sea, ii. 408, 445, 515.

- Different bodies of, at St. Domingo, ii. 515.

- Defeat of, by General Bowyer, ii. 519.

Bush, the forest so termed, i. 433.

C.

Cabbage-tree, description of the, i. 154.

Calm, distress occasioned by, at sea, ii. 387.

Campaign, military, reflections on a, i. 237.

Cannon, firing of, on ship-board, i. 37.

- At Fort St. Andrew, i. 441.

Cap à Fou, view of, at sea, ii. 444.

Cape François, rich plain of, ii. 497.

- Destroyed, ii. 502.

- Town of, ii. 499.

—— St. Nicholas, town of, ib.

Carlisle bay, enchanting view of, at sea, i. 81.

- Its environs, i. ib.

- The general rendezvous, i. 64.

- The Thames of the West Indies, i. 244.

Cassada, the use of, i. 383.

- By the Indians, i. 504.

Cayes, les, town of, in St. Domingo, ii. 499.

Ceremony, complimentary, of cooling the person, i. 526.

Changuion, Princess, anecdotes concerning, ii. 245.

Charmilly, Monsieur de, mission of, to Jamaica, ii. 507.

Chasse-pilote, visit to the town of, ii. 312.

Chigoes, mode of extracting, i. 270.

Children, mode of carrying, in the West Indies, i. 215.

- Deformed, seldom seen in the colonies, i. 216.

Christian, Admiral, arrival of, at Barbadoes, i. 346.

Christmas, a festive period in the West Indies, ii. 140.

- The season of oranges, ii. 141.

- Temperature, ii. 140.

Cleghorn, Doctor, arrival of, at Portsmouth, i. 27.

Climate, effect of, on European soldiers, ii. 177.

- On a Dutch sailor, i. 267.

- Brunonian explanation of the, i. 266.

Clouds, evening appearance of, at sea, i. 96.

Cockswain, singular address of a, ii. 216.

Codrington, or Barbadoes college, i. 191.

Coffee, a plantation of, i. 338.

Colleton estate, hospitality at the, i. 189.

Colonists, conduct of the, at St. Domingo, ii. 513.

Colony-paths, at Demarara, how formed, ii. 263.

Colour, importance of, in West Indian slavery, ii. 331.

- People of, suggestion for educating the, ii. 531.

- Women of, at Martinique, ii. 430.

- At St. Domingo, ii. 406.

- West Indian mode of providing for the, ii. 136.

“Commerce de Marseilles,” striking appearance of the, i. 54.

Complaisance, West Indian, specimen of, i. 537.

Contagion, the usual progress of, ii. 481.

Convalescents, inspection of, on board the Lion, ii. 402.

Convoy, Cork, arrival of the, i. 264.

- From Spithead, delays of the, i. 232.

- Return of the, i. 231.

- Crowded, dangers of sailing in a, i. 63.

- To Port au Prince, driven back by a storm, ii. 408.

Corn, scarcity of, in England, i. 233.

Cornwallis, Admiral, his noble retreat, i. 16.

Costume, Spanish, prevalence of, in Jamaica, ii. 337.

Cotton, mode of ginning, i. 477.

Council of government, Demarara, ii. 267.

Coup de soleil, a case of, at Berbische, i. 443.

Court of policy, how constituted, ii. 268.

- Of justice, ib.

- Commissary, ib.

Creek, Kamonuy-Woratilla-Mabeira, ii. 182, 183.

Creoles, less efficient than Europeans, ii. 172.

- Why not subject to the yellow fever, ii. 475.

Croix des Bouquets, visit to the town of, ii. 437.

Cuba, view of, at sea, ii. 390.

Cul de Sac, description of the, ii. 498.

- Ruinous state of the, ii. 437.

Cupid, power of, in the wild woods, i. 502.

Custom, foreign, of purloining provisions, ii. 163.

D.

“Daargradt,” plantation, i. 528.

Dancing, fondness of the French for, ii. 323, 426.

- Excessive, of West Indian ladies, ii. 161.

- Of slaves, i. 126.

- At a wedding, ii. 325.

Dangers, slight regard of, by military men, ii. 144.

Davy, Lieutenant, hospitality and kindness of, i. 51.

Dead-lights, fixing the, at sea, i. 59.

Decree, French levelling, effects of the, ii. 437.

Delicacy, European female, injury of, i. 124, 344.

Demarara, capture of, from the Dutch, i. 328.

- Robust inhabitants of, i. 337.

- Coffee plantation, and orange grove at, i. 328.

- Negro sale at, i. 340.

- Hospitality at, i. 341.

- Situation of, i. 357.

- General observations relating to, ii. 258.

- Prejudice against the climate of, unfounded, ii. 259.

- Prolific soil of, ii. 260, 266.

- Importance of, to the British, ii. 276.

- Plantations of, how formed, ii. 262, 271.

- Roads of, how formed, and kept in repair, ii. 263, 269.

- Happy exemptions of, ii. 266.

- Its seasons, ii. 267.

- Its plan of government, ib.

- Wages of labour at, ii. 278.

- Price of provisions, ii. 280.

- Of colonial productions, ib.

- Of other articles of common use, ii. 281.

Destination, author’s probable change of, i. 8.

Diana frigate, author’s rescue on board the, i. 50.

Difficulties sometimes easily subdued, i. 459.

Dinner, at sea, description of a, i. 71.

- A farmer’s, at Barbadoes, i. 202.

- At Demarara, i. 381.

- At Port au Prince, i. 431.

Diseases, surgical, fatality of, in Guiana, ii. 91, 284.

Distance, Dutch mode of computing, ii. 180, 226.

- From Stabroek to “the falls,” ib.

Doctors, colonial, consulted on yellow fever, ii. 57.

Dolphins, brilliant appearance of, i. 92.

Domingo, St. author ordered to, ii. 233.

- Contemplations on the removal to, ii. 234.

- Author’s voyage to, ii. 384.

- His disappointments on arriving at, ii. 394.

- General remarks relative to, ii. 492.

- Discovery of, by Columbus, ii. 493.

- Distance of, from England, ib.

- French division of, ii. 494.

- The garden of the West Indies, ii. 496.

- Sacrificed to an erroneous philosophy, ii. 501.

- Effects of the revolt at, ii. 504.

- Late population of, ii. 500.

- Late exports from, ib.

- Importance of the waters of, ii. 498.

- Hopeless invasion of, by the British, ii. 505, 516.

- British ministers deceived regarding, ii. 516.

- Disastrous state of the British army in, ii. 521.

- Evacuation of, by General Maitland, ii. 522.

- City of, when founded, ii. 493.

Dornford, Mr. perilous state of, ii. 318.

- Decease of, ii. 349.

Dougan, Mr. rich plantation of, i. 350.

- Kindness of, to his slaves, i. 351.

- Captain, hospitality of, i. 383.

“Draxhall,” plantation, i. 195.

Drunkenness, Dutch military punishment for, ii. 22.

Dutch troops, brave conduct of, at Essequibo, ii. 116.

E.

Echo, pleasing, at Fort St. Andrew, i. 441.

- Perilous, in the woods near Johanna, i. 481.

Economy, army, defects and abuses of, ii. 126.

Edmonstone, Mr. solitary abode of, ii. 185.

Edouard, Père, his treatment of fever, ii. 319.

- His remarks on English practitioners, ii. 320.

Elcock, Mr. house and garden of, i. 203.

Eel, electrical, description of the, ii. 24.

- Attempt of two sailors to remove it, ii. 25.

Emancipation of slaves, remarks concerning the, ii. 464.

- Suggestion for effecting the, ii. 525.

- Advantages of the, ii. 532.

- An era of humanity, ii. 534.

- Proposed institution for the, ii. 530, 533.

- Probable reward of its founder, ii. 534.

Embarkation, author’s, at Port au Prince, ii. 440.

Empiricism, impolicy of encouraging, i. 214.

England, author’s delight on receiving letters from, ii. 126.

- Returning to, pleasing anticipations of, ii. 117.

Englishmen, gloomy disposition of, i. 9.

“Essendam,” plantation, i. 463.

Essequibo, attack of, by the Spaniards, ii. 165.

Excursion, marooning, at Barbadoes, i. 172.

- Up the river Berbische, i. 460.

- General remarks upon, i. 534.

- Overland, to “Arends,” i. 480.

- Grotesque, from “Arends” to “Johanna,” i. 522.

- Marooning, up the river Demarara, ii. 178.

- General remarks concerning the, ii. 224, 231.

- Memento of, left by the party, ii. 210.

- Into the woods for plants, ii. 187.

- Pedestrian, through the forest, ii. 192.

- From the post-holder’s to “the falls,” ii. 208.

Exercise, in the West Indies, remarks upon, i. 122.

Expedition, West Indian, preparations for the, ii. 517.

- Secret, from Barbadoes, i. 320.

- Military, from Port au Prince, ii. 434.

Expeditions, by sea, uncertainty of, i. 208.

- Suggestions for the arrangement of, i. 209.

F.

“Falls,” at Demarara, description of the, ii. 209.

Familiarity, French, remarks upon, ii. 406.

Females, French, contrasted with the English, ii. 522.

Festivities, birth-day, at Demarara, ii. 159

Fête, negro, at Berbische, i. 448.

- De Dieu, ceremony of, at Martinique, ii. 338.

Fever, intermittent, a striking example of, ii. 143.

- Mr. Beete’s case of, ii. 158.

- Coincidence of, with the spring-tides, ib.

- Of Kent and Lincolnshire, remarks upon the, ii. 480.

——, yellow, dreadful malignity of the, ii. 60.

- Prophylactic means against, ii. 62.

- Supposed connexion of, with the tides, ii. 60.

- Persons most frequently seized with, ii. 80, 477.

- Predisposing causes of, ii. 81.

- Example of the insidious attack of, ii. 82.

- Assumes various types, ii. 90, 468, 481.

- Striking modification of, by season, ii. 132.

- Attacks repeatedly the same person, ii. 170.

- Negro attendants of the sick, not subject to, ii. 484.

- Exemption of the West Indian negroes from, explained, ii. 475.

- Animals not exempt from, ii. 138.

- Doctor E.’s remarks concerning the, ii. 254.

- General observations regarding the, ii. 467.

- Diminished malignity of, at St. Domingo, ii. 414.

- Opinions respecting the, at Jamaica, ii. 383.

- At St. Domingo, ii. 416.

- Fatality of, in St. Domingo, ii. 508.

- Effect of, on a party of foreign artillery, ii. 417.

- Striking example of, in the crew of the Bangalore, ib.

- Sequels of the, ii. 416.

- Pleasing assemblage of convalescents from, ii. 85.

- Not produced by contagion, ii. 483, 478.

- In what season, and situation most prevalent, ii. 485.

- Blacks in the United States not exempt from, ii. 480.

- Supposed pabulum of, ii. 486.

- Different degrees of, ii. 490.

- Marks of identity of, ib.

- Origin, and probable duration of, ii. 491.

- Case of, in a soldier’s wife, ii. 447.

- In an American sailor, ii. 448.

- Non-existence of, in England, ii. 498.

Fibre, animal, influence of climate upon the, ii. 471.

Fight, savage, between a negro, and a mulatto woman, ii. 125.

Fireflies in Guiana, i. 355.

Fiscal, duties of the, in Dutch Guiana, ii. 269.

- Le vieux, at Berbische, anecdotes of, i. 472.

Fleet, Leeward Island, sailing of the, i. 36.

- Splendid appearance of, at sea, i. 57.

- State of, in a storm, i. 58.

- Dispersion of, by a gale, i. 40, 61.

- Return of, to harbour, i. 40.

- Almost incredible delay of, i. 313.

- Cork, vexatious return of the, i. 251.

- Arrival of the, at Barbadoes, i. 264.

- Sickly state of the, i. 252.

- Merchant, arrival of a, at Barbadoes, i. 257.

Flying-fish, account of the, i. 92.

- Small race of, an indication of the shore, i. 94.

Forbes, General, commander in chief in St. Domingo, ii. 519.

Forces, in Guiana, interesting situation of the, ii. 115.

Forest in Guiana, peculiar stillness of the, ii. 185.

Fort Royal, at Martinique, description of, ii. 300.

Fracas, between a mulatto woman and her daughter, ii. 356.

Frame, human, accommodation of the, to different climates, ii. 469.

Frenchmen, contrasted with Englishmen, i. 10.

- Facility of, in yielding to events, ib.

- Passion of, for novelty and intrigue, ib.

- For gaming, ii. 424.

- For dress and dancing, ii. 426.

- Rude custom of, at the public table, ii. 431.

Friends, hope of rejoining, a support in danger, i. 66.

Frivolity, French, examples of, ii. 347.

Frogs, exposure of, for sale at Martinique, ii. 359.

Fruit, plenteous supply of, in Guiana, i. 339.

- Plentiful and delicious, at Jamaica, ii. 380.

Funeral, military, suspension of the ceremony of, ii. 156.

- Of a child of colour, at Martinique, ii. 312.

- Of a white Catholic, ii. 313.

G.

Gammell, Colonel, able command of, i. 427.

- Remarks of the soldiers respecting, ib.

- Lamented death of, ii. 119.

“Garden-Eden,” plantation, ii. 218.

General Cuyler, transport, imminent peril of the, i. 240.

- Arrival of the, at Barbadoes, i. 238.

- Tedious passage of the, i. 242.

George and Bridget, transport, arrival of, at Barbadoes, i. 259.

- The loss of the, ii. 263.

“Golden Tent,” plantation, ii. 181.

Government, wise, prevalence of virtue, the best proof of a, i. 226.

Grapes, sea, at Barbadoes, i. 142.

Grenada, island of, dangerous state of the, i. 234.

- Transport, author’s embarkation in the, i. 320.

- Method of preventing sickness in the, i. 328.

Grove, cocoa-nut, view of, by moonlight, i. 211.

Guadaloupe, the Circassia of the West Indies, ii. 311, 316.

Guiana, coast of, expedition to the, i. 326.

- Climate of, i. 337.

- Remarks relating to the natural history of, ii. 274.

- Domestic fowls, and animals of, ib.

- Annoyances common to, ii. 275.

Guinea-man, American, description of an, i. 101.

- Liverpool, description of a, i. 107.

- The Venus, success of, against a privateer, i. 245.

H.

Habit, influence of, ii. 469.

Hackleton’s-cliff, marooning party to, i. 172.

- Fine view from, i. 188.

Hammocks, great convenience of, i. 495.

Harpoons, use of, at sea, i. 90.

Harrison’s cave, description of, i. 173.

Hayes, Sir John, active service of, at Southampton, i. 4.

Health, opposite effects of industry and indolence upon, ii. 260.

“Helvetia,” plantation, i. 526.

Heritage, Captain, illness and decease of, ii. 56.

“Hermitage,” plantation, ii. 182.

“Het Pleytanker,” plantation, i. 463.

Heynemann, M. visit to, i. 484.

- Household of, ib.

- Indian collection of, i. 487.

- Adventures of, ib.

- Generous hospitality of, i. 510.

- Excellent qualities of, i. 513.

Hilloughby, Mount, view from, i. 156.

Hinde, Dr. visit to the plantation of, i. 135.

Hollander, grotesque appearance of one, on horseback, i. 523.

Horneck, General, distressing command of, at St. Domingo, ii. 513.

Horse, author’s, loss of the, ii. 232.

Horses and mules, use of, at Port au Prince, ii. 423.

Hospital, Haslar, establishment of, i. 18.

- Importance of, to the nation, i. 20.

- Military, at Barbadoes, i. 210, 252, 314.

- At Demarara, i. 367.

- At Berbische, i. 425.

- At Martinique, ii. 303.

- Temporary, arrival of, at Barbadoes, i. 209.

Hospitals, military, unlimited accommodation of, ii. 450.

Hospital return, Guiana, for one year, ii. 284.

- Department, St. Domingo, alterations in the, ii. 415.

- Objections against, ib.

Hospital stores, arrival of, at Demarara, ii. 248.

House, Government, at Port au Prince, description of, ii. 429.

Hugues, Victor, noble conduct of the secretary of, i. 225.

Hurricane, violent, at Portsmouth, i. 24.

I.

Indians, South American, description of, i. 514.

- Termed Bucks and Buckeen, i. 487.

- Different tribes of, i. 513.

- Their mode of procuring subsistence, i. 503.

- Dwellings of, how situated, ii. 227.

- How constructed, i. 505.

- Parties of, seen by the author, i. 434, 435, 437, ii. 27, 151.

- Despotic towards their females, i. 520.

- Polygamy practised by, i. 435, 520.

- Indolence and apathy of, i. 519, 271, 273, ii. 152.

- Slight curiosity of, i. 434, 493, 499, ii. 128.

- Implements of, i. 535.

- Their mode of sleeping, i. 492.

- Superstition of, i. 505.

- Apparel of, i. 516.

- Parental affection of, i. 502.

- Account of the poison used by, i. 489.

- Their common bow and arrow, i. 487.

- The poisoned arrow, i. 488.

- Precaution of, during intoxication, i. 520.

- Contrasted with Africans, i. 516.

- Employed to cut wood, i. 436.

- A hut of, visited in the night, i. 492.

- Visit to a town of, i. 498, 524.

- A family of, disturbed by the author, ii. 190.

- Sagacity and expertness of, i. 374.

Indian women, visit to a dwelling of, i. 474.

Industry, example of the effect of, at St. Domingo, ii. 399.

Influenza, prevalence of, at St. Domingo, ii. 421.

Insects, in what situations most abundant, ii. 229.

Islands of the river Demarara, ii. 182.

J.

Jackson, Dr. directs the medical department in St. Domingo, ii. 396.

- Friendly attention of, to the author, ii. 411.

- His dwelling, and mode of life, ii. 412.

- Opinion of, relative to yellow fever, ii. 414.

Jamaica, view of, at sea, ii. 366.

- Author’s voyage to, ii. 363.

- Arrival at, ii. 367.

- Tavern accommodations at, ii. 382.

Jean Rabel, revolt at, ii. 510.

Jeremie, and other towns, surrender of, to the British, ii. 507.

“Joe’s River” estate, i. 179.

“Johanna,” plantation, i. 476.

- Prolific garden at, ib.

John Bull, singular liberality of, ii. 444.

K.

“Kendall” estate, peculiarities of the manager of, i. 195.

Kingston, passage to, from Port-Royal, ii. 368.

- Description of, ib.

- People of colour of, ii. 370.

- Common, English aspect of, ii. 378.

- Ample supply of the market of, ii. 381.

Kittarines, unfrequent use of, at St. Domingo, ii. 423.

Kiwihi, an animal of Guiana, ii. 509.

Kway, an article of Indian apparel, ii. 517.

L.

Laba, the, a favorite food in South America, i. 499, ii. 213.

Labat, Père, his publication in 1701, ii. 134.

La Bourgade, quarters of the medical staff at, i. 368.

- Description of the building, i. 380.

- Author’s return to, ii. 89.

- Temperature at, i. 385.

Lady, English, ludicrous mistake of one, ii. 123.

Land, grants of, in Dutch Guiana, ii. 270.

- Upon the coast, recent cultivation of, ii. 271.

- Consequences of the neglect of, ii. 274.

- First view of, from the Lord Sheffield, i. 79.

- Appearance of, at sea, ib.

- Muddy water, an indication of, i. 326.

Landsmen, conduct of, during a storm, i. 68.

Lassitude, morning, exemption from, in hot climates, ii. 176.

Life, military, uncertainties of, i. 45.

- Civilized, estimation of, i. 66.

Lights, phenomenon of, around ships at sea, i. 94.

Lind, Dr., friendly attention of, at Spanish Town, ii. 375.

List, sick, happy reduction of the, at Demarara, ii. 164.

Lively, sloop, expedition of the, against the brigands, ii. 445.

Lodgings, extravagant hire of, at Jamaica, ii. 382.

“Loo” plantation, contrasted with the “Sand-hill,” ii. 196.

- Laborious journey to the, ii. 213.

- Reduced temperature at the, ii. 214.

Lord Sheffield, transport, i. 52.

- Separation of, from the convoy, i. 63.

- The steward of the, his sang-froid, i. 71.

- Process of cleaning the, at sea, i. 84.

- Arrival of the, in Carlisle bay, i. 75.

- Desertion of the crew of the, i. 167.

Lucie, St. coasting view of, ii. 291.

- Barren soil of, ii. 293.

“Lusignan,” plantation, prolific garden at, ii. 255.

M.

Mac ——, hospital-mate, anecdotes of, i. 259.

Mac-Rae, Captain, kindness of, to the author, ii. 108.

Maggots, breeding of, in a wounded Negro’s brain, ii. 135.

Mahaica, author’s removal to, ii. 37.

- His severe duties at, ii. 38.

- Situation of, ii. 41.

Manchineel tree, i. 142.

Marc, St., conspiracy at, ii. 515.

March, a healthy season, in Guiana, ii. 248.

Martinique, author’s voyage to, ii. 289.

- Coasting view of, ii. 294.

- Description of, ii. 308.

- Fine scenery of, ii. 309.

- Temperature of, ii. 317.

Master, Dr., embarkation of, for America, ii. 395.

- His farewell meeting with the author, ib.

Meat, living, purchased, at market, i. 120, ii. 475.

Mechanics, extravagant hire of, in Guiana, ii. 175.

Medicine, practitioners in, at Barbadoes, i. 212.

- Mode of remunerating at Demarara, ii. 279.

- At Martinique, ii. 361.

Mermaids, existence of, asserted, ii. 3.

Mills, cotton, description of, i. 214.

Mole, St. Nicholas, view of, at sea, ii. 391.

- Account of, ii. 397.

- Voyage to, from Port au Prince, ii. 439.

- Sterile appearance of its environs, ii. 451.

- Insecurity of, ii. 452.

Moon, appearance of the, at sea, i. 96.

Motherbank, author’s perilous voyage to the, i. 48.

Mulatto, cruel treatment of a, at Essequibo, ii. 142.

- Description of one, singularly deformed, ii. 218.

Mulattoes, their proud ideas of distinction, ii. 29.

Mules, mode of feeding, at Martinique, ii. 357.

- Utility and sagacity of, in the Alps, i. 186.

Musquitoes, i. 355, 369, 384, 532.

- Absence of, in the deep forests, ii. 187, 189.

- Less annoying in Martinique, than in Guiana, ii. 336.

- Effect of the bitings of, ii. 337.

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Negroes, treatment of, on the passage from Africa, ii. 455.

- Expertness of, at sea, i. 169. ii. 455.

- Their food, ib.

- Their sleeping-birth, ib.

- Preparation of, for sale, ii. 456.

- Sale of, i. 358, 429. ii. 236, 314.

- Interesting family of, at a sale, ii. 238.

- Affecting conduct of one, at a sale, i. 431.

- Affection of, towards each other, i. 361, 431. ii. 238.

- Their music, i. 127.

- Their mode of dancing, i. 128, 448.

- Their ceremony of interment, i. 130.

- Their fondness for heat, i. 193, 299.

- For smoking, i. 299.

- For the water, i. 317.

- Severe labour supported by, i. 468. ii. 216.

- A French corps of, at Barbadoes, i. 208.

- A corps of, entitled South American Rangers, i. 357. ii. 427.

- Drilling of the “awkward squad,” ii. 128.

- Doubtful policy of training, to arms, ii. 130.

- How affected by change of climate, ii. 473.

- Account of one denominated a white negro, ii. 241.

- Account of one, a piebald negress, ii. 242.

- Descent from, an indelible stain, ii. 330.

——, “Bush,” or runaway slaves, i. 370.

- Expedition against the, i. 372.

- Encampments of the, i. 374.

- Ringleaders of the, punished, i. 376, 387.

Newland, Mr. decease and funeral of, ii. 154.

News, anxious desire for, i. 97, 129, 207. ii. 157.

- On arriving in Carlisle bay, i. 98.

Newspapers, high value of, to Englishmen, i. 230.

Nichol, Mr. arrival of, at Barbadoes, i. 239.

“Notes,” author’s promise to continue the, ii. 287.

Noyeau, Martinique, ii. 359.

O.

Oars, use of, as sails, i. 169.

Obesity, the causes of, i. 522.

Officers, Bacchanalian conduct of, at Berbische, i. 448.

- Assumed illness of one, at M. Heynemann’s, i. 491.

- Medical, arrival of, at Demarara, ii. 116.

- Fatality from fever, among the, ii. 37, 118, 305.

- New regulations for, ii. 249.

- Multiplied titles of the, ii. 250.

Ongre, Mynheer, plantation of, i. 440.

“Ooest Vriesland,” the residence of the Post-holder, ii. 203.

Operations, military, uncertainty of, i. 329.

Orchard, Colonel Williams’s, i. 159.

Out-posts, view of, near Port au Prince, ii. 409.

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Packet, arrival of the, at Barbadoes, i. 228.

Passengers, on board the Lion, ii. 402, 441.

- On board the Roebuck, ludicrous conduct of, ii. 365.

Patriot, conduct of a soi-disant, ii. 235.

Peace, supposed indications of, ii. 318.

Pear, avagata, described, ii. 433.

Pelican, sloop, action of the, with a privateer, ii. 449.

“Pens” and villas, at Jamaica, ii. 377.

Petit-maitre, example of a, in the forest, ii. 197.

Petroleum, mode of procuring, at Barbadoes, i. 153.

Pezano, an eccentric character, ii. 202.

- Arrival of, at the Post-holder’s, ii. 204.

Pierre, St. beautiful approach to, from the sea, ii. 295.

- Description of, ii. 296.

- Inhabitants of, ib.

- Accommodations at, ii. 297.

- Price of provisions at, ii. 298.

Pine, culture of the, at Barbadoes, i. 163.

- In England, i. 164.

Piworree, a liquor used by the Indians, i. 504.

Plants, medicinal, natural growth of, i. 441.

Plantains, an important article of food, ii. 142.

Plantations, between the rivers Demarara and Berbische, ii. 272.

- Average produce of, ii. 273.

- Their requisite proportion of stock, ib.

Pleasures, alloyed by climate, i. 339.

Plunder, shameful, on board English ships, ii. 441.

Poison, and pabulum of animal life, ii. 229.

Porcupine, Peter, the writings of, ii. 404.

Porpoises, method of taking, i. 90.

- Singular habit of, i. 91.

Port au Prince, author’s voyage to, ii. 401.

- Observations on arriving at, ii. 409.

- Morning scene at, ii. 411.

- Situation and construction of, ii. 428.

- Contrasted with St. Pierre, ii. 430.

- Supply of provisions at, ii. 431.

- The capital of the western division, ii. 499.

- Capture of, by General Whyte, ii. 511.

- Conspiracy at, ii. 515.

Port-Royal, extreme heat of, ii. 367.

- Appearance of, in a storm, ii. 385.

Portsmouth, i. 13.

- Contrasted in war and peace, i. 12.

- Its dock-yard, i. 13.

- Its ramparts, i. 21.

- Its fortifications, ib.

- Embarkation scene at, i. 30.

Post-holder, duties of, in Guiana, i. 511.

- Accommodations at the dwelling of the, ii. 206.

- Re-visit to the, ii. 211.

Potatoe, altered by climate, ii. 470.

Press-gangs, in Carlisle bay, i. 220.

Prickly heat, i. 78.

- Dr. Cleghorn’s impatience respecting, ib.

- Attacks the author, i. 368, 428.

Priest, author officiates as, ii. 55.

Prize-money, author’s prospect of receiving, i. 344.

Processions, funeral, depressing effect of, ii. 9.

Provisions, fresh, hurtful to the sick, ii. 157.

- Scarcity of, i. 357, 382.

- Purchase of, from the Spaniards, i. 357.

- Supply of, at Berbische, i. 452.

Punishment, Dutch, aquatic mode of, i. 241.

Pyeis, Indian priests, i, 505.

R.

Race-course, Jamaica, ii. 376.

Rations, government, importance of, ii. 283.

Regiment, 93d, gentlemanly mess of the, i. 426.

Religion, neglect of, in the Dutch colonies, i. 337.

Roboloski, M. character and hospitality of, ii. 7.

Roebuck, packet, chased by a privateer, ii. 364.

“Runaway” estate, at Barbadoes, i. 158.

S.

Sailors, British, a race of heroes, i. 18.

- Indifference of, in danger, i. 68.

- Their degrees of comparison, i. 70.

- Dangerous situation of a party of, i. 45.

- Coarse witticisms of, i. 43.

“Sand-hill” estate, its situation—temperature—inhospitality, ii. 193, 194.

“Sans Souci,” plantation, i. 464.

St. Andrew, Fort, situation of, i. 422.

St. Vincent, island of, endangered by Charibs, i. 234.

“Savonette,” plantation, i. 492.

Scenery, change of, up the Demarara river, ii. 200.

Schacomynghy, or lion-monkey, ii. 27.

Scholten, M. chirurgien-major, at Berbische, i. 493.

Schneider, M. journey of, up the river Berbische, i. 467.

Scotland, a district in Barbadoes, i. 149.

Scotsman, eccentric life of a, at Demarara, ii. 190.

Scott, Dr. assistant inspector, at St. Domingo, ii. 396.

Season, the dry, salubrity of, ii. 111.

- Pleasant approach of, ii. 175.

- Happy effect of, at Mahaica, ii. 119.

- Occasional showers of, i. 209.

- The wet, description of, ii. 138.

- Indications of, ii. 295.

- At Demarara, remarks upon, ii. 253.

- At Martinique, ii. 336.

Sensibility, European female, destroyed, i. 343.

Sharks, stupidity of, i. 91.

- Mode of catching, ib.

Ship, security of a, at open sea, i. 67.

- Every sailor’s, the “best in the world,” i. 85.

- Leaky, horrors of a, at sea, i. 241.

- In distress, awful appearance of a, i. 61.

Simcoe, General, chief governor, at St. Domingo, ii. 521.

Slaves, first specimen of, seen by the author, i. 296.

- Example of the labour of, at Barbadoes, i. 122.

- In Guiana, i. 533. ii. 199, 214, 216, 283, 347.

- At Jamaica, ii. 371.

- Their hard lot, i. 216, 274, 342, 363, 388. ii. 45, 52.

- Punishment of, i. 348, 389, 470. ii. 46, 174, 333.

- A gang of, commanded by a female driver, ii. 121.

- Character of, i. 119, 302. ii. 111, 210, 315, 354, 461, 529.

- And slavery, general observations upon, ii. 454, 465.

- Treatment of, by opulent planters, i. 298. ii. 459.

- By poorer owners, ib.

- By the French, ii. 329.

- French mode of punishing, ib.

- Their huts, i. 143

- —food, i. 298

- —clothing, i. 299.

- Their mode of spending the Sabbath, i. 126. ii. 131.

- Their ideas relative to freedom, ii. 167, 463.

- To crimes and punishments, ii. 169.

- Female, their views respecting liberty, ii. 168.

- Solicitation of one, to be purchased, i. 342.

- Their habit of thieving, i. 302.

- Employed as running footmen, i. 139, 162, 482.

- European feelings concerning, i. 139, 163.

- Happy gang of, at Mr. Dougan’s, i. 352.

- At Mr. Waith’s, i. 197.

- Cottages, and gardens of, i. 353.

- A shocking instance of barbarity towards, ii. 45.

- Cruel punishment of one, by a Dutchman, ii. 333.

- Funeral of one who was murdered, ii. 47.

- Protracted sufferings of, from flogging, ii. 52.

- Conduct of a captured party of, ii. 315.

- Gratitude of one, named Prince, ii. 173.

- Surprise of a party of, at “the Falls,” ii. 210.

- Purchased to let on hire, ii. 278.

- The price of, ii. 457.

- Number of, in Demarara and Essequibo, ii. 277.

- The sad effects of governing, ii. 462.

- Remarks concerning the emancipation of, ii. 464, 525.

- Probable importation of, notwithstanding the abolition, ii. 526.

Slave-trade, remarks concerning the, ii. 465.

Slavery, contrasted with military duty, ii. 130.

- Its effect, in debasing the mind, i. 469, ii. 461.

- On what ground condemned, ii. 460.

Slave-vendue, a fête at Berbische, i. 429.

Smoking, acquired habit of, i. 532.

Snake, an enormous one, at Berbische, ii. 2.

“Social rock,” at Colonel Williams’s, i. 160.

Soldiers, intrepid character of, i. 8.

Southampton, the camp at, i. 6.

Spanish town, author’s visit to, ii. 373.

- Description of, ii. 376.

- Its environs, ib.

- Remarks on the road, scenery, and traffic, ii. 374.

Specimens of Indian implements, &c. shipped for London, ii. 282.

“Spendlove” estate, i. 196.

Spithead, a severe gale at, i. 40.

Spring, boiling, description of a, i. 151.

Spy, a French one, at Barbadoes, i. 234.

Stabroek, town of, i. 332.

- Hospitality of an inhabitant of, i. 334.

Stadtholder, his birth-day festivities, ii. 235.

Stanley, transport, supposed loss of the, i. 41.

- Arrival of the, at Barbadoes, i. 99.

Stewart, Mr. his plantation of ginger, i. 188.

Stone, a rock of, novelty of viewing, ii. 208.

Sugar, mode of claying, i. 194.

Sun and moon, view of the, from the ocean, i. 95.

Supper, a Dutch lady’s, ii. 162.

- —scene, at Martinique, ii. 323.

Surgeons, regimental, new regulations for, ii. 249.

T.

Tamarind tree, description of the, i. 246.

- Its fruit disregarded, i. 247.

Temperature, at Barbadoes, i. 209, 256.

- At Demarara, i. 385. ii. 120, 190, 212, 214, 224.

- At Jamaica, ii. 380.

- In different colonies, remarks upon, ii. 419.

- Extreme, at mid-day, in a calm, ii. 388.

Tiburon, unsuccessful attack of, by the British, ii. 508.

- Successful, ii. 509.

- Unsuccessful attack of, by Rigaud, ii. 510.

- Successful, ii. 513.

Tides, supposed influence of, in fever, ii. 60, 109, 125.

Tigre, ship of war, state of, after a battle, i. 16.

Tonquin bean, enormous tree of the, i. 507.

Towns, site of, usually ill-chosen, ii. 422, 488.

Trade-wind, cordial welcome of the, i. 76.

Transmigration, belief of negroes in, i. 133.

Transports, for troops, observations on, i. 253.

- Contrasted with slave-ships, i. 254.

Travelling, West Indian mode of, i. 481.

Trees, enormous growth of, in South America, ii. 211.

Tropic, ceremony at crossing the, i, 86.

Turtle, abundant in St. Domingo, ii. 381.

- Given to the sick, ii. 450.

- —shells, use of, in Jamaica, ib.

U.

Ulysses, author’s embarkation on board the, i. 29.

- Inconvenient accommodations of the, i. 33.

- Her altered destination, i. 45.

United States, author’s intended visit to the, ii. 453.

V.

Van Battenburg, Governor, author’s introduction to, i. 439.

- His accurate knowledge of the English language, i. 449.

- Hospitality of, i. 439, 452.

- Madame, i. 251.

Vandyke, deputy post-holder, i. 494.

Vegetables, rapid growth of, in St. Domingo, ii. 400.

“Vigilantie,” plantation, i. 469.

Voltigeur, sloop, execrable accommodations of the, i. 396.

- Author’s sufferings on board the, i. 397.

- Her repeated disasters and delays, i. 403.

W.

Waith, Mr. humane character of, i. 200.

War, vicissitudes of, i. 28.

Washing process, in Barbadoes, i. 146.

Water, Thames, depuration of, at sea, i. 39.

- Scarcity of, in Guiana, ii. 176.

- How obtained, in the dry season, ii. 266.

- How supplied, at Port au Prince, ii. 422.

- Lucid appearance of, in the river Berbische, i. 535.

- Drinking, prejudice against, in the West Indies, i. 250.

West Indies, picture of the, correctly anticipated, i. 80.

- Example of danger, from the climate of the, ii. 115.

- The grave of Europeans, i. 7.

West Indian, tavern, description of a, i. 110.

- Hostess, i. 114.

- Dinner, i. 112.

- Attendants, i. 114.

- Harbours, the drawing-rooms of merchantmen, i. 84.

Whyte, General, arrival of, at St. Domingo, ii. 511.

- Captures Port au Prince, ib.

- His return to England, ii. 513.

- To St. Domingo, ii. 519.

- Humanity of, to the sick, i. 366.

- Author joins, at Port au Prince, ii. 410.

Wife, a colonist’s, inhumanity of, i. 369.

- A soldier’s, remarks of, at a negro dance, i. 129.

Williams, Colonel, visit to, at Barbadoes, i. 147.

Williamson, Sir Adam, deceived by colonists of St. Domingo, ii. 516.

- Appointed governor-general of St. Domingo, ii. 517.

Wine, method of cooling, in the West Indies, i. 113.

Wool, influence of climate upon, ii. 470.

Y.

Yaw-house, description of a, i. 457.

Young, Mr. his account of fever in the ship Bangalore, ii. 417.

Yowahoos, evil spirits, of the Indians, i. 505.

Z.

“Zuidwyk,” plantation, ii. 5.

THE END.

S. Gosnell, Printer, Little Queen Street, London.

1. Dr. Monro.

2. Some medical men contend that fevers which are communicated by contagion, cannot attack the same person twice. If there be any foundation for the opinion, it may stand as an additional proof that the yellow fever is not a contagious disease.

3. Many of these worse than useless distinctions have lately been done away, and some general regulations established; but still the system is incomplete; and much yet remains to be done, before the medical department can take on that uniformity of character, or proceed with that uniformity of movement, which is requisite in so important a branch of the military body.——1805.

4. This regulation, which certainly had its advantages, has been found a source of cavil and vexation, and it has since been made an order of government that the fiscal should have his specific reward, and the whole of the fines be devoted to the ways and means of the colony. But it is to be feared, that this arrangement may make him less zealous in executing the duty, and that the roads and bridges may not, henceforth, be found in such excellent repair.

5. The Dutch weights and measures exceed by about ¹⁄₁₂th part those of England.

6. Since these notes were written the number of estates has much increased, and several that were only planted with cotton, now produce the most luxuriant crops of sugar.

7. A large species of wasp.

8. Already increased to upwards of 80,000.——1805.

9. Unhappily, with a view to make the sea voyage as short as possible, Dr. Master took his passage on board a vessel bound to South Carolina, where the climate was not less insalubrious than at St. Domingo, and where, soon after his arrival, he relapsed, and fell a victim to disease.

10. The pen and the politics of this author have since made him generally known to the British public.

11. In the “Select and posthumous Works” of the celebrated Monsieur de la Harpe, it is related, that at a French table in 1788, where the company was numerous and fashionable, “Chamfort had been reading some of his impious and libertine tales, and the fine ladies had heard them without once making use of their fans.”

12. Small carriages drawn by single horses.

13. Many excellent laws have been enacted in various colonies, for the protection of the negroes; but as the testimony of a slave is not admitted in evidence, these laws are of little avail.

14. These remarks were written in the year 1797; since which, the African slave-trade has been abolished, by an act of Parliament.

15. It is probable that our troops might be rendered nearly as effective for service in the West Indies, as in Europe, if it were possible, in all cases, to prepare them for the climate by slow and gradual approaches; as, for instance, by first letting them serve, for a time, at Gibraltar, and afterwards employing them, for a year or two, in the more windward islands, such as Barbadoes or Antigua, before they were sent upon duty to the other colonies.

16. In the year 1793, a body of emigrants from St. Domingo, amounting to upwards of 300 in number, who had made their escape from that colony, under all the circumstances of the most afflicting depression, arrived at Philadelphia, at the time when the yellow fever raged with its utmost malignity; yet, not one of them was attacked with the malady, which was then desolating the town. As if expressly to make this fact the more striking, it happened likewise that the emigrants who arrived at the same distressing period, from Ireland, the States of Germany, and other parts of Europe were attacked by the fever, even in greater proportion than the Americans themselves. It is not the property of any contagion to exhibit such marked partialities. The autumnal temperature of Philadelphia was congenial to the emigrants from St. Domingo: they were acclimated, and therefore not susceptible of the disease; while those from Europe, being the inhabitants of colder regions, were in a peculiar degree predisposed.

17. This letter has been altered since it was originally written, and the author has availed himself of the facts stated by Mr. Bryan Edwards, in his “History of the British Colonies in the West Indies.”

18. The following summary is given, by Mr. Bryan Edwards, of the state of agriculture, and of the average exports, in the French division of St. Domingo, at the beginning of the year 1790.

ESTATES.
431 | Plantations of clayed sugar.
362 | ——————— moscovado.

793 |
3,117 | Plantations of coffee.
789 | ——————— cotton.
3,160 | ——————— indigo.
54 | ——————— cocoa.
623 | Smaller settlements of grain, yams, and other vegetables.

8,536 | Establishments of all kinds throughout the colony.

EXPORTS. | lbs. | Value in Livres.
Clayed sugar | 58,642,214 | 41,049,549
Moscovado sugar | 86,549,829 | 34,619,931
Coffee | 71,663,187 | 71,663,187
Cotton | 6,698,858 | 12,397,716
Indigo, hhds. | 951,607 | 8,564,463
Melasses, hhds. | 23,061 | 2,767,320
An inferior sort of rum called taffia, hhds. | 2,600 | 312,000
Raw hides, No. | 6,500 | 52,000
Tanned ditto, No. | 7,900 | 118,500

Total value at the ports of shipping, in livres of St. Domingo[19] | | 171,544,666

19. Being equal to £4,956,780 sterling.

20. The principal establishment might be fixed in or near London, and this might be connected with collateral schools, as branches of the same institution, in the several colonies; the whole being subject to the management of a board or committee, appointed expressly for conducting the affairs of the emancipation; and so regulated as to receive the approbation and assistance of the West India proprietors. In doing justice to the slaves, due care should be taken to provide a full compensation for their owners; otherwise, no plan of enfranchisement can be equitable, or administered with a fair prospect of proving beneficial to the colonies. In the measure now suggested, this might form a constituent part of the arrangement: a moderate tax might be raised, both in this country and the settlements, for the combined purpose of aiding the emancipation, and supplying the compensation.

As the system would be progressive in its operation, a very large sum would not be immediately required: perhaps an adequate fund might be derived from the following sources:

1. An appropriation of the “King’s Tax,” now levied in some of the colonies, and an extension of it, to all the British settlements in the West Indies.

2. A Sunday toll, to be collected at every toll-gate throughout the United Kingdom.

3. Voluntary contributions, and collections after charity sermons, to be preached half-yearly on the subject of the emancipation, in every church, chapel, and licensed place of worship in Great Britain and Ireland.

If these means should appear to be insufficient, it may be presumed that, at this happy period of diminishing the national burthens, few Englishmen could refuse themselves the gratification of promoting such a benevolent cause, by contributing ten or fifteen shillings per cent. according to the rate of the tax on property.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

- Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.

- Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter.

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Table of Contents

- NOTES ON THE WEST INDIES, INCLUDING OBSERVATIONS RELATIVE TO THE CREOLES AND SLAVES OF THE Western Colonies, AND THE INDIANS OF SOUTH AMERICA; INTERSPERSED WITH REMARKS UPON THE SEASONING OR YELLOW FEVER OF HOT CLIMATES.

- CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

- LETTER I.

- LETTER II.

- LETTER III.

- LETTER IV.

- LETTER V.

- LETTER VI.

- LETTER VII.

- LETTER VIII.

- LETTER IX.

- LETTER X.

- LETTER XI.

- LETTER XII.

- LETTER XIII.

- LETTER XIV.

- LETTER XV.

- LETTER XVI.

- LETTER XVII.

- LETTER XVIII.

- LETTER XIX.

- LETTER XX.

- LETTER XXI.

- LETTER XXII.

- LETTER XXIII.

- LETTER XXIV.

- LETTER XXV.

- LETTER XXVI.

- LETTER XXVII.

- LETTER XXVIII.

- LETTER XXIX.

- LETTER XXX.

- LETTER XXXI.

- LETTER XXXII.

- LETTER XXXIII.

- LETTER XXXIV.

- LETTER XXXV.

- LETTER XXXVI.

- LETTER XXXVII.

- LETTER XXXVIII.

- LETTER XXXIX.

- LETTER XL.

- LETTER XLI.

- LETTER XLII.

- LETTER XLIII.

- LETTER XLIV.

- LETTER XLV.

- LETTER XLVI.

- LETTER XLVII.

- LETTER XLVIII.

- LETTER XLIX.

- LETTER L.

- LETTER LI.

- LETTER LII.

- LETTER LIII.

- LETTER LIV.

- LETTER LV.

- APPENDIX.

- INDEX.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE